“Is Globalization Good for Women?” by Alison M.
Jaggar
Preface: Terms and Questions
Jaggar begins by posing three clarifying questions: What do we mean by “globalization”? What
do we mean by “good”? And which women are under discussion? These questions are essential
because conclusions about whether globalization benefits or harms women depend heavily on
how these terms are defined.
• Globalization, in Jaggar’s usage, refers to the rapidly accelerating integration of
local and national economies into a single global (neoliberal) market, along with their political
and cultural correlates.
• “Good” is interpreted in a normative sense: What counts as good for women in
terms of well-being, rights, equality, opportunity, etc.? Jaggar examines the promises often
made by proponents of globalization—peace, justice, democracy, environmental protection,
reduction of racism and ethnocentrism, better status for women—and weighs them against the
actual outcomes.
• Which women: Jaggar emphasizes that “women” is not a monolith. Differences
of class, ethnicity, region (Global North vs South), age, race, marital status etc. matter. She is
especially concerned with the less privileged women globally—poor, marginalized, those with
fewer resources.
Her core claim: as globalization is currently structured (neoliberal globalization), it is not good
for most women. But she also insists that this is not necessarily globalization per se; it’s the
particular mode—market-driven, deregulated, unequal—that causes much of the harm.
What Globalization Promises (or Claims to Promise) in Relation to Women
Jaggar reviews the standard claims that advocates of globalization make (either implicitly or
explicitly) about benefits for women, including:
1. Peace — the idea that economic interdependence will reduce conflict.
2. Prosperity and Social Justice — that global free trade and market expansion will
generate wealth, and that wealth will be distributed fairly or at least benefit many, including
women.
3. Democracy — the promise that globalization brings openness, communication,
freedom of movement, greater political participation.
4. Environmental Protection — that competition and global norms will improve
efficiency, reduce waste, and encourage environmental responsibility.
5. The End of Racism and Ethnocentrism — that increased contact among peoples,
mixing of cultures, cross-border flows will reduce prejudices.
6. Better Status for Women — that globalization will undermine patriarchal norms,
give women economic and political participation, autonomous decision-making.
Jaggar examines these promises to see whether they are fulfilled, especially for less privileged
women.
Neoliberal Globalization vs. Alternative Modes
A major theme in Jaggar’s essay is the distinction between globalization as such (a broad
process of integration) and neoliberal globalization, the specific form we have in recent
decades. She argues that it is this neoliberal form—with its deregulation, privatization,
emphasis on free markets, reduced welfare, global competition—that is the major driver of
harmful effects on women.
Empirical and Normative Impacts on Women
Jaggar discusses several ways in which neoliberal globalization has negatively affected many
women, especially marginalized women in both the Global North and South. Here are some of
the key impacts, with examples:
• Labor market losses / precarious work: In high-wage industrial countries (Global
North), many well-paid manufacturing jobs have been outsourced to lower cost regions.
Women, particularly women of color, are disproportionately in the jobs that remain—often low-
pay, part-time, “McJobs,” without benefits.
• Effects in formerly socialist countries: After the collapse of communist or socialist
regimes (East Europe, former Soviet Union), social services (health, education, childcare) were
cut back. Women suffered disproportionately: loss of public jobs, fewer supports, decline in life
expectancy in some cases.
• Global South / export processing zones: Many women in developing countries
are employed in export industries (factory assembly, etc.). On the one hand, there are new job
opportunities; but conditions are often harsh: low wages, long hours, unsafe work, sexual
harassment. Often employers exploit stereotypes (e.g. Asian women being “tractable, hard-
working, dexterous—and sexy”) to justify hiring them under worse conditions.
• Informal economy and displacement: Women who lose land or livelihood due to
agricultural changes or export agricultural expansion are forced into informal, precarious work.
Seasonal, casual labor or street vending; often with gendered disadvantage in pay and security.
• Cuts in social services: Neoliberal policy often requires reducing public spending
on health, education, childcare, welfare. Since women do higher share of unpaid care and family
responsibilities, these cuts impose heavier burdens on them. For example, maternal mortality
rising in some regions; earlier discharge from hospitals in richer countries such that home care
(unpaid) by women increases. School fees and reduced access to education for girls also
feature.
• Militarism and conflict: Jaggar notes that neoliberal globalization does not
necessarily lead to peace. In fact, local conflicts, civil wars, resource struggles, etc., often
worsen. Women are disproportionately vulnerable during war—both as victims of violence and
because war diverts resources away from health, welfare.
• Political power and formal participation: While globalization sometimes brings
rhetoric about democracy and inclusion, in many cases women are losing formal political power
(e.g. drop in women’s representation in national legislatures in Eastern Europe post-socialism).
Also, decision-making in large global institutions (WTO, IMF, etc.) remains overwhelmingly male
and elite, and women’s voices are marginal.
Contradictions and Mixed Outcomes
Jaggar does not argue that all effects of globalization are negative; some women benefit. For
example:
• Women in export zones may gain income where none existed before.
• Some development programs aim to bring more women into the cash economy,
or improve women’s access to trade, credit, or networks.
• Transnational feminist activism has been enabled by globalization: networks of
women’s NGOs, international conferences (e.g. UN meeting in Beijing in 1995) allow for sharing
of ideas, norms, strategies.
Still, she argues that even when women benefit, the benefits are often partial, fragile, unequally
distributed, and come with costs that are often greater for poorer women. Many positives are
mediated through existing gendered and class-ed or raced inequalities.
Normative Implications: What Would a Better Globalization Look Like?
Jaggar ends by arguing for an alternative vision: globalization does not have to be the neoliberal
model. She raises political-philosophical questions about how globalization could be
restructured to promote justice and equality, not only for women but for all. Main features of
that alternative:
• Global institutions and policies that pay attention to gender equity; ensure social
protection (health, education, childcare) as public goods.
• Environmental sustainability and democratic participation.
• Recognition of differences among women; an approach rooted in justice, caring,
not just market logic.
• Global democracy: more inclusive decision-making in international bodies; more
voice for poor women, marginalized communities.
• Globalization from below: social movements, feminist networks that articulate
rights, practice accountability.
Conclusion: Jaggar’s Verdict
Jaggar’s conclusion is that, given current arrangements of neoliberal globalization, it is largely
not good for most women—especially less privileged women in both North and South. But
globalization itself is not inherently bad; there is potential for more just, equitable globalization
if its structure, institutions, and values are rethought.
She urges political philosophy and policy to take seriously the gendered consequences of
globalization; to ask not only whether globalization creates wealth, but who gets it, who is
excluded, who bears costs; to think of universal ideals (peace, democracy, rights) in gendered
terms.
READ PRT IV FROM THE BINDER-
‘Women’s Rights are Human Rights’
