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Educational Researcher
  http://edr.sagepub.com/content/21/1/14
The online version of this article can be found at:
DOI: 10.3102/0013189X021001014
 1992 21: 14 EDUCATIONAL RESEARCHER
Understanding Graphs and Tables
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Understanding Graphs and Tables 
HOWARD  WAINER 
Quantitative  phenomena can be displayed ef-
fectively  in a variety  of ways,  but  to do so re-
quires  an  understanding  of both  the  struc-
ture of the phenomena and  the limitations of 
candidate display formats.  This article (a)  re-
counts  three  historic  instances  of  the  vital 
role data displays  played  in  important  dis-
coveries, (b) provides three levels  ofinfonna-
tion that form  the basis of a theory of display 
to help us better measure both display quality 
and  human  graphicacy,  and  (c) describes 
three steps  to improve  the quality  of tabular 
presentation. 
Educational Researcher,  Vol.  21, No. 1,  pp.  14-23. 
A
lthough  there  have  been  many 
contributors  to the  development 
of  graphical  met hods  for  the 
depiction  of  data,  WilJiam_Jyjajr 
(1759-1823)  was  the  most  influential  of 
innovators.  He  was  a  popularizer  and 
propagandist  whose  inventions  found 
immediate  acceptance  because  they 
worked  so  well.  In  his  own,  somewhat 
immodest,  words, 
I found  the first rough draft  gave me 
a better  comprehension  of  the  sub-
ject,  than  all that  I had  learnt  from 
occasional  reading,  for  half  my 
lifetime.  (Advertisement  on prelims, 
An  Inquiry,  1805) 
The unrelenting  forcefulness  inherent  in 
the  character  of  a good  graphic  presen-
tation  is  its  greatest  virtue.  We  can  be 
forced  to  discover  things  from  a  graph 
wi t hout  knowi ng  in  advance  what  we 
were  looking  for. 
How  Graphics  Have  Given  Rise 
to  Discoveries 
There  are  many  examples  of  important 
discoveries  in  which  graphics  have 
played  a  vital  role.  From  these  I  have 
selected  three  to present  here. I chose  a 
strategy  that  may  appear  to  be  overkill 
in  order  to  counteract  the  common 
mi sunderst andi ng  of the  role  of  graphs 
in theory  development.  Tilling (1975),  in 
a  history  of  experimental  graphs,  re-
states  this  misconception: 
Clearly  an  ability  to  pj>Lan  experi-
mental  graph  necessarily  precedes 
an  ability  to  analyze  it.  However, 
although  any  mag  may  be  consid-
ered  as  a  graph,  and  carefully  con-
structed  maps had been  in use  long 
before  the  eighteenth  century,  we 
do  not  expect  the  shape  of  a  coast-
line  to  follow  a  mathematical  law. 
Further,  although  there  are  a  great 
many  physical phenomena  that  we 
do  expect  to  follow  mathematical 
laws, they  are in general so complex 
in  nature  that  direct  plotting  will 
reveal little about the nature of  those 
l aws . . . . (p.  193) 
Example  1 
Attitudes  like  these  have  hi ndered  ap-
propriately  serious  regard  for  such 
theories  as that  of  continental _d ift  (see 
Figure  1),  whose  initial  evidence  (no-
ticed  by  every  school  child)  is  solely 
graphical. 
FIGURE  1.  A  familiar  map  projection 
that  fairly  screams  "continental  drift." 
The  Source  of a  Cholera  Epidemic 
Dr.  John  Snow  plotted  the  locations  of 
deaths  from  cholera  in  central  London 
in  e tmbrFl854  (see  Fi gur e2) . 
Deaths  were  marked  by  dot7  andj i n 
addition,  the  area' s  11  water  pumps 
were located by  crosses. Snow  observed 
that  nearly all of the cholera  deaths  were 
among  those  who  lived  near  the  Broad 
Street  pump.  But  before  he  could  be 
sure  that  he  had  discovered  a  possible 
causal  connection,  he  had  to  under-
stand  the  deaths  that  had  occurred 
nearer  some other  pump.  He  visited  the 
families  of  10  of  the  deceased.  Five  of 
these,  because  they  preferred  its  taste, 
regularly  sent  for  water  from  the  Broad 
Street  pump.  Three  others  were  chil-
dren  who  attended  a  school  near  the 
Broad  Street  pump.  On  September  7, 
Snow  described  his findings  before  the 
vestry  of  St.  James  Parish.  The  graphic 
evidence was  sufficiently  convincing  for 
t hem  to  allow him  to have  the handle  of 
t he  cont ami nat ed  pump  removed. 
Wi t hi n  days  t he  ne i ghbor hood 
epidemic  that  had  taken  more  t han  500 
lives  ended.
1 
At  the  time  Snow  did  his  investiga-
tion,  very  little  was  known  about  the 
vectors of contagion  of  disease.  Theories 
of
  r
>ul  vapor s"  and  "di vi ne  retribu-
t i on"  were  still  considered  viable.  The 
map  that  resulted  from  Snow' s  me-
thodical  work  did  not  uncover  the 
bacterium  Vibrio cholerae,  which  current 
theories  consider  cholera' s  cause,  but  it 
drew  the causal connection  between  the 
transmission  of  cholera  and  drinking 
HOWARD  WAINER  is  Principal  Research 
Scientist,  Educational  Testing  Service 
(21-T),  Princeton,  N  08541.  His  areas  of 
specialization  include statistical graphics and 
psychometrics. 
14  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCHER 
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FIGURE2.  The map of a section of  London that was drawn by John Snow in  1854 
showing  cholera  deaths  and  water  pumps.  It  is  often  used  as  a  landmark  in 
epidemiology. 
Note.  From  The Visual Display  of  Quantitative  Information  (p. 24), by  Edward 
R. Tufte,  1983, Copyright  1983  by  Edward  R. Tufte.  Reprinted  by  permission. 
from  the  Broad  Street  pump.  His  work 
is  often  cited  as  an  early  example  of 
wha t  has  gr own  i nt o  mode r n 
epidemiology. 
Armoring  Airplanes 
Abraham  Wald,  in  some  work  he  did 
during  World  War  II  that  has  only 
recently  become  available  (Mangel  & 
Samaniego,  1984; Wald,  1980), was  try-
ing to  determine,  on the basis of the  pat-
tern  of  bullet  holes in returning  aircraft, 
where  todd  extra  armor  to planes.  His 
conclusion  was  to  carefully  determine 
where  returning  planes  had  been  shot 
and  to  put  extra  armor  even/placejlse! 
Wald  made  his  discovery  by  drawi ng 
an  outline  of  a pl ane  (crudely  shown  in 
Figure  3) and  t hen  put t i ng  a  mark  on  it 
where  a  ret urni ng  aircraft  had  been 
shot.  Soon  the  entire  plane  had  been 
covered  with  marks  except for  a few  key 
areas.  He  concluded  that  sincejplanes 
had  probably  been  hit  more  or  less 
uniformly,  those  aircraft  hit  in  the  un-
marked  places  had  been  unable  to 
return,  and  so those were  the  areas  that 
required  more  armor. 
Taking  Graphics  for  Granted 
Graphs  are  so basic  to  our  underst and-
ing  that  we  cannot  easily  imagine  the 
world  without  t hem.  This  was  brought 
home  to  me  some  years  ago  (Wainer, 
1980a)  when  I  was  reading  a  technical 
report  that  examined  the  London  Bills of 
Mortality
2
  and  their  analysis  by  three 
early  statisticians  (Arbuthnot,  1710; 
Brakenridge,  1755,  Graunt,  1662).  The 
aim  of  the  paper,  according  to  Zabell 
(1976),  was 
to see how  much  these writers  were 
able to extract from  the B7s that  we 
might  reasonably  expect  them  to 
for example, how sensitive they were 
to questions of data quality, data con-
sistency  and  data  aggregationwe 
deliberately avoid the use of  modern 
statistical met hods. .  .and  limit  our-
selves to what  is, in effect,  a  simple 
form  of  data  analysis,  (p.  2) 
The  result  of  these  simple  analyses 
was  the  discovery  of  a variety  of  errors 
that  should  have  been  seen  by  these 
early  investigators  but  were  not.  Zabell 
concluded: 
Although  we  have  deliberately 
avoided  all but  the  simplest  of  sta-
tistical tools, a remarkable amount of 
information  can  be  extracted  from 
the  Bills  of  Mortality,  much  of  it 
unappreciated  at  the  time  of  their 
publication,  (p.  27) 
The  " s i mpl e' '  met hods  of  dat a 
analysis  he  used  were  graphical.  Such 
data  characteristics  as  clerical  errors  in 
the  Bills  literally  stuck  out  like  sore 
t humbs.  Yet,  Zabell' s  carefully  re-
searched  work  was  flawed.  The  graphi-
cal method,  on  which  his  analysis  leans 
so  heavily,  was  developed  after  the 
scholars  he  discussed  did  their  work. 
Thus  despite  his  desire  to  play  18th-
century  scholar  and  to  use  only  tech-
niques  of  analysis  available  at the  time, 
Zabell fell into  an  anachronism.  This  in-
correct  assumption  is but  one  indication 
of  how  ubiquitous  the  notion  of  graphi-
cal  depiction  has  become;  it  is  hard  to 
imagine  the  world  without  it. 
Measuring  Graphicacy 
Graphs  work  well because  humans  are 
very  good  at seeing  things.
3
 A  child  can 
tell that  one-third  of  a pie  is larger  t han 
a fourth  long before  being  able  to  judge 
that  the  fraction  1/3  is  greater  t han  1/4. 
I  used  to  think  that  this  was  evidence 
supporting  the  power  of  pie  charts.  I 
was  wrong.  It  is  because  the  ability  to 
underst and  spatial  information  is  so 
powerful  that  humans  can  do  it  well 
even  with  flawed  graphs. 
Thus  you  can  underst and  my  dismay 
when  a  recent  headline  blared,  "Only 
50% of  American  17-year-olds can iden-
tify  information  in  a  graph  of  energy 
sources." If the  ability to read  graphs  is 
pretty  much  hard-wired  in,  how  do  we 
explain  this  headline? 
Before  After 
FIGURE3.  Abraham Wald drew his in-
credible  conclusion  about  armoring 
airplanes only after  he drew  "maps" of 
bullet  holes  on  returning  aircraft. 
Note.  From Wainer  1989. Copyright 
1989 by the American  Educational Re-
search  Association  and  the  American 
Statistical  Association.  Reprinted  by 
permission. 
JANUARY-FEBRUARY  1992  15 
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The  graphical  item  referred  to  is 
shown  in Figure  4. The  graphical  item 
and  the  results  associated  with  it were 
reported  at  the beginning  of June 1990 
in From School to Work and were taken in 
toto from one form of the National Assess-
ment of Educational Progress (NAEP) that, 
in  turn,  had  taken  the  graph  from  the 
Annual Energy Review. It is a flawed item 
in  a variety  of  ways.  If the"graph  were 
redrawn  (see  Figure  5\_ the  answer  to 
the  question  asked  would  be  obvious, 
Characterizing  an  examinee's  ability 
to understand  graphical displays on the 
basis of a question paired with a flawed 
display  is akin to characterizing  some-
one's ability to read by asking questions 
about  a  passage  full  of  spelling  and 
grammatical errors. What are we really 
testing? 
One might say that we are examining 
whether  or  not  someone  can  under-
stand what is de facto "out there." I have 
some  sympathy  with  this  view,  but 
what  is  the  relationship  between  the 
ability  to  understand  illiterate  versus 
proper prose? If we measure the  former, 
do  we  know  anything  more  about  the 
latter? Yet how  often  do  we  encounter 
well-drawn  graphs  in  the  everyday 
world? Should we be testing what is? Or 
what  should  be? 
A more  practical  problem  is that  if a 
graph  is  properly  drawn,  most  com-
monly  asked  questions  are  easily 
answered. That is the nature of graphics 
and  human  information-processing 
ability.  A  well-drawn  graph  invites 
deeper questions. Figure 5, for example, 
suggests questions about the accuracy of 
the  obviously  pre-Chernobyl  predic-
tions  of  the  growth  of  nuclear  power. 
How can we measure someone's pro-
ficiency  in  understanding  quantitative 
phenomena  that  are  presented  in  a 
graphical  way  (an  individual' s 
graphicacy)?  There  are test  items  writ-
ten  that  purport  to  do  exactly  this;  the 
item in Figure 4 is an  all too typical ex-
ample.  We  can  do  better  with  the 
guidance  of  a formal  theory  of  graphic 
communication.  What follows is an ex-
pansion of a theory proposed more than 
a  decade  ago  (Wainer,  1980b). 
Rudiments of a Theory of Graphicacy 
Fundamental  to  the  measurement  of 
graphicacy is the broader  issue of  what 
kinds  of  questions  graphs  can be  used 
to  answer.  These  are  my  revisions  of 
Bertin's (1973) three levels of questions: 
  Elementary level questions involve 
data extraction, for example, "What was 
petroleum  use  in  1980?" 
  Intermediate  level  questions  in-
volve  trends  seen  in parts  of  the  data, 
for  example,  "Between  1970 and  1985 
how  has  the  use  of  petroleum 
changed?" 
  Overall  level questions  involve  an 
understanding  of the deep structure of 
the  data being presented  in their  total-
ity,  usually  comparing  trends  and  see-
ing  groupings,  for  example,  "Which 
fuel  is  predicted  to  show  the  most 
dramatic  increase  in  use?"  or  "Which 
fuels  show  the  same  pattern  of 
growth?" 
The three levels are often  used  in com-
bination; for example, Zabell referred  to 
their  use  in  the  detection  of  outliers-
unusual data points. To accomplish this 
objective,  we  need  a  sense  of  what  is 
usual (e.g., a trend  = level 2), and  then 
we look for  points that  do not  conform 
to  this  trend  (level 1). 
Note  that  although  these  levels  of 
questions involve an increasingly broad 
understanding  of the data,  they do not 
necessarily imply an increase in the em-
pirical  difficulty  of  the  questions.
4 
The epistemological basis  of this  for-
mulation was clearly stated by the Har-
vard  mathematician  and  philosopher 
Charles  Sanders  Peirce  (1891).  He  felt 
that  all  things  could  be  ordered  into 
monads,  dyads,  and  triads,  which  he 
often  characterized  as firstness,  second-
ness,  and  thirdness. 
Firstness  considers  a  thing  all  by 
itselffor  example,  redness.  Second-
ness  considers  one  thing  in  relation  to 
anotherfor  example,  a  red  apple. 
Thirdness concerns two things  "medi-
ated" by a thirdfor  example, an apple 
falling from  a tree. The tree and the ap-
ple  are  linked  by  the  relation  "falling 
from."  Peirce applied firstness,  second-
ness,  and  thirdness  to every  branch of 
philosophy.  There  is  no  need,  he 
argued,  to go on  to fourthness  or  fifth-
ness, and so on, because in almost every 
case  these  higher  relations  can  be  re-
duced  to  combinations  of  firstness, 
FIGURE 4.  A graphical  item  as  it appeared  as part of  the  National  Assessment 
of  Educational  Progress. 
16  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCHER 
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Profound  increases are predicted  in the use of Petroleum and Nuclear energy 
Only modest increases in the use of other energy  sources 
FIGURE 5.  Redrawing  Figure 4  makes 
the correct answer to the item obvious. 
secondness,  and  thirdness.  On  the 
other  hand,  genuine  thirdness  can  no 
more be reduced to secondness than can 
genuine  secondness  to  firstness.
5 
Peirce traces the origins of this archi-
tecture  of  theory  to  Kant's  Critique  of 
Pure  Reason, but  enough  is  uniquely 
Peirce's  to credit him  as its  progenitor. 
One  can  think  about  it linguistically  as 
firstness being like a noun,  secondness 
like  adjective-noun  combinations,  and 
thirdness  as  including  a  verb.  Once 
again we can see that each level cannot 
be  constructed  from  a  lower  one  and 
that  we  have  no  need  for  a concept of 
fourthness  or more. How  does this ap-
ply to the measurement  of  graphicacy? 
Reading  a graph  at the  intermediate 
level is clearly different  from  doing so at 
the elementary level; a concept of trend 
requires  the  notion  of  connectivity.  If 
the horizontal axis in Figure 5 were  not 
four  years  but  instead  four  countries 
ordered alphabetically, the idea of an in-
creasing  trend  would  be  meaningless. 
Comparing trends among different  fuels 
likewise requires an additional notion of 
connectivity,  but  this  time  across  the 
dependent  variable  (BTUs).  This  con-
nectedness  is  characterized  by  a  com-
mon  vertical  axis. 
This theory makes explicit the limita-
tions of double j/-axis^raphs.  Consider 
the plot shown in Figure 6 from the May 
14,  1990,  issue  of  Forbes  magazine.  It 
purports  to  show  that  while  per  pupil 
expenditures  for  education  have  gone 
up  precipitously  over  the  last  decade, 
student  performance  (as  measured  by 
mean  SAT scores)  has  not  responded. 
The  conclusion,  of  course,  is  that  we 
ought  not  waste  our  money  on  educa-
tion. The author is asking us to make an 
observation  of  the  third  kind  (a  com-
parison  of  trends)  when  the  lack  of  a 
common y-scale does not support it. By 
manipulating the two y-axes separately, 
we  can  make  the  graph  tell exactly  the 
opposite  story  (Figure 7). 
I hope that this brief introduction con-
veys  a  sense  of  how  this  formal  struc-
ture can make it easier to construct tests 
of graphicacy and to understand  better 
which  characteristic  of  graphicacy  we 
are measuring.  Of  course,  to ask ques-
tions  at  higher  levels  requires  data  of 
FIGURE 6.  A "double y-axis" graph drawn by the artists at Forbes magazine is but 
one  example  of  why  this  misleading  forma_should  be expunged  from  use. 
Note.  Reprinted  by permission of  FORBES magazine, May  14,1990.   Forbes 
Inc.,  1990. (Vol. 145,  No.  10, p.  82.) 
  JANUARY-FEBRUARY  992  17  - at SAGE Publications on May 18, 2011 http://er.aera.net Downloaded from 
SAT scores soar despite sluggish 
funding of education 
20 
15 
1 
a. 
a 
6 . 
<u 
Su, 
o 
-O  Per Pupil Expenditures 
-9  SAT Score 
900 
860 
840 
-820 
I 
1978  1982  1984 
Year 
800 
1988  1990 
FIGURE 7. Redrawing Figure 6 shows exactly the opposite effect. Neither inference 
can  be properly  drawn  from these data. 
sufficient  richness  to support  them,  as 
well  as  graphs  clear  enough  for  the 
quantitative  phenomena  to  show 
through.
6
  1 suspect  that  it  would  be 
much  more  difficult  to answer  second-
or  third-level  questions  from  Figure  4 
than  from  Figure  5. 
My  experience  is  that  test  items 
asociated with graphics tend to be ques-
tions  of  the  first  kind,  although  often 
they are compounded  through  the  use 
of nongraphical complexity. This is not 
an  isolated  practice  confined  to  the 
measurement  of  graphicacy.  In  the 
testing of verbal reasoning, it is common 
practice  to  make  a  reasoning  question 
more difficult  simply by using more ar-
cane  vocabulary.  This  practice  stems 
from the unalterable fact that it is almost 
impossible  to  write  questions  that  are 
more  difficult  than  the  questioner  is 
able.  When  we  try  to  test  the  upper 
reaches  of  reasoning  ability,  we  must 
find  item  writers  who  are  more  clever 
still. 
Of  course,  when  we record  a certain 
level of performance by an examinee on 
a graph-based item, we can only infer a 
lower bound on someone's  graphicacy,
7 
a better graph of the same data ought to 
make the item easier.  Similarly,  a more 
graphicate audience makes a graph ap-
pear  more  efficacious. 
It  is beyond  my  immediate  purpose 
here to describe any specific ways of im-
proving graphic presentation,  although 
my suggestions for improving tables in 
the next section do generalize. Those in-
terested  in  good  graphical  display  are 
referred  to  Bertin  (1973),  Cleveland 
(1985), Tufte  (1983), Tukey  (1990),  and 
some of my more recent works (Wainer, 
1984,  1990a,  1990b,  1991a,  1991b; 
Wainer  &  Thissen,  1981,  1988).  The 
careful  reading  of  these  works  will  be 
rewarded with increased ability to draw 
graphics  properly,  for  even  though 
there is ample  evidence that the  ability 
to  understand  graphically  presented 
material is hard-wired  in,  there is even 
more  evidence  that  the  ability  to  draw 
graphs  well  is  not.  It  requires  instruc-
tion;  remember  Margerison's  observa-
tion  in  the  Prologue! 
Tabular  Presentation 
Getting information  from  a table is 
like  extracting  sunlight  from  a 
cucumber.  (Farquhar  & Farquhar, 
1891) 
The  disdain  shown  by  the  two  19th-
century  economists  quoted  above 
reflected  a minority opinion at that time. 
Since  then  the  use  of  graphs  for  data 
analysis  and  communication  has  in-
creased, but since Playfair's  death,  their 
quality  has,  in  general,  deteriorated. 
Tables,  spoken  of  so  disparagingly  by 
the Farquhars, remain, to a large extent, 
worthy  of  contempt. 
Test items involving tables are almost 
exclusively concerned with questions of 
the first kind. A typical usage
8
 contains 
a poorly  constructed  table with  four  or 
five questions about specific entries. In-
creased  difficulty  is  often  obtained  by 
first requiring multiple values to be ex-
tracted  and  then  asking  for  algebraic 
manipulations of those values; thus, dif-
ficulty  is  not  obtained  by  moving  to  a 
deeper  level of  inference  but  rather  by 
requiring  multiple  steps  at  the  same 
level.  The  same  theoretical  structure 
described  in  the  section  Measuring 
Graphicacy generalizes quite  directly  to 
the  measurement  of  numeracy  with 
tabular  presentations; we extract single 
bits of  information  (firstness);  we  look 
for trends and groupings  (secondness); 
and  we  make  comparisons  among 
groups (thirdness). My primary focus in 
this  section  is  the  improvement  of 
tabular presentation. Toward this end I 
will discuss  and  illustrate  three  simple 
rules for the preparation of useful tables. 
Driving these rules is the  orientating 
attitude  that  a table  is for  communica-
tion,  not  data  storage.  Modern  data 
storage  is  accomplished  well  on  mag-
netic  disks  or  tapes,  optical  disks,  or 
some  other  mechanical  device.  Paper 
and print are meant for human eyes and 
human  minds. 
We begin with Table 1, whihsTable 
5/19 in the Bureau  of  h~Census' well-
known  book  Social Indicators  III  (1980). 
Any  redesign  task  must  first  try  to 
develop an understanding  of  purpose. 
The  presentation  of  this  data  set  must 
have been  intended  to help  the  reader 
answer  such  questions  as: 
1.  What  is  the  general  level  (per 
100,000 population) of accidental  death 
in  the  countries  chosen? 
2.  How  do  the  countries  differ  with 
respect  to  their  respective  rates  of  ac-
cidental  death? 
18  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCHER  at SAGE Publications on May 18, 2011 http://er.aera.net Downloaded from 
3.  What are the principal causes of ac-
cidental death? Which are the most  fre-
quent?  The least  frequent? 
4.  Are there any unusual  interactions 
between country  and cause of  acciden-
tal  death? 
These are obviously parallel to the ques-
tions that are ordinarily addressed in the 
analysis  of  any  multifactorial  t abl e-
overall level, row, column,  and interac-
tion  effects. 
Before  going  further,  I invite  you  to 
read  Table  1 carefully  and  see  to  what 
extent you can answer these four  ques-
tions.  But  don' t  peek  ahead! 
The  first  rule  of  table  construction  is 
to:  ~^ 
1.  Order h rows and columns in a way 
that makes sense.  We are almost never in-
terested  in "Austria  First." Two  useful 
ways  to order  the  data  are: 
a.  Size placesPut the largest  first. 
Often  we look most carefully  at what 
is  on  top  and  less  carefully  further 
down.  Put  the  biggest  thing  first! 
Also, ordering by  some  aspect of  the 
data  often  reflects  ordering  by  some 
hidden  variable  that  can be  inferred. 
b.  NaturallyTime is ordered  from 
the  past  to the  future.  Showing  data 
in that order melds well with what the 
viewer might expect. This is always a 
good  idea. 
Tale_2is a redone version of Table 1. 
A few typos have been corrected,  some 
uninformative  columns  removed,  and 
the rows ordered by the total death rate. 
The columns were already ordered  in a 
reasonable  way  and  so  were  left  un-
altered.  Now  we  can  begin  to  answer 
Questions  1 and  2 above.  We  see  that 
France  is  the  most  dangerous  place, 
having an accidental death rate of about 
78 per  100,000; that  is more than  twice 
that  of  Japan  (about  30  per  100,000), 
which, at least by this measure,  appears 
to be  the  safest  country.  Now  that  the 
rows are ordered,  the overall death rate 
(taken as an unweighted median) can be 
Table 1, 
easily  calculatedcount  down  eight 
countriesand is around 50 per 100,000. 
Note that when I referred to the actual 
rates, I rounded. This is very important. 
The second rule of table construction is 
to: 
2.  Rounda lot! This  is  so  for  three 
reasons: 
a.  Humans  cannot  understand 
more  than  two  digits very  easily. 
b.  We  can  almost  never  justify 
more  than  two  digits  of  accuracy 
statistically. 
c.  We  almost  never  care  about  ac-
curacy  of  more  than  two  digits. 
Let  us  take  each  of  these  reasons 
separately. 
Understanding.  Consider  the  state-
ment that  "This year's school budget is 
$27,329,681." Who can comprehend or 
remember  that?  If  we  remember  any-
thing, it is almost surely the translation, 
"This year's school budget is about $27 
million." 
Deaths Due  to  Unexpected Events,  by  Type of Event, 
Selected Countries: Mid-1970's 
(Rate per  100,000  population) 
Year
1 
Deaths 
due  to 
all 
causes 
Deaths  due  to  unexpected  events 
Country  Year
1 
Deaths 
due  to 
all 
causes 
Total 
Transport 
accidents 
Natural 
factors
2 
Accidents 
occurri ng 
mainly  in 
industry
3 
Homi ci des 
and 
injuries 
caused 
i ntenti onal l y
4 
Other 
causes
5 
Austria 
Belgium 
1975 
1975 
1974 
1976 
1974 
1974 
1975 
1975 
1974 
1976 
1975 
1976 
1975 
1976 
1976 
1975 
1,277.2 
1,218.5 
742.0 
1,059.5 
952.5 
1,049.5 
1,211.8 
1,060.7 
957.8 
625.6 
832.2 
998.9 
1,076.6 
904.1 
1,217.9 
888.5 
75.2 
62.6 
62.1 
41.1 
62.3 
77.8 
66.4 
48.6 
47.2 
30.5 
40.3 
48.4 
55.8 
48.4 
34.8 
60.6 
34.8 
25.0 
30.9 
18.3 
23.7 
23.8 
24.8 
19.8 
22.8 
13.2 
17.8 
17.3 
17.2 
20.6 
13.0 
23.4 
29.7 
25.8 
18.0 
15.6 
26.0 
31.0 
31.6 
20.1 
19.2 
9.7 
18.2 
25.1 
27.9 
20.4 
13.9 
15.8 
4.3 
1.5 
3.9 
1.0 
2.9 
1.0 
1.8 
1.9 
1.9 
2.1 
1.0 
1.9 
1.3 
2.1 
1.3 
2.6 
1.6 
9 
2.5 
7 
2.6 
9 
1.2 
1.0 
1.1 
1.3 
7 
7 
1.1 
9 
1.1 
10.0 
4.8 
9.4 
6.8 
5.5 
7.1 
21.1 
7.0 
5.8 
2.2 
4.2 
2.6 
3.4 
8.3 
4.4 
5.5 
8.8 
Canada 
Denmark 
Finland 
France 
Germany  (Fed.  Rep.) 
Ireland 
Italy 
Japan 
Netherlands 
Norway 
Sweden 
Switzerland 
Uni ted  Ki ngdom  . . . 
Uni ted  States 
1975 
1975 
1974 
1976 
1974 
1974 
1975 
1975 
1974 
1976 
1975 
1976 
1975 
1976 
1976 
1975 
1,277.2 
1,218.5 
742.0 
1,059.5 
952.5 
1,049.5 
1,211.8 
1,060.7 
957.8 
625.6 
832.2 
998.9 
1,076.6 
904.1 
1,217.9 
888.5 
75.2 
62.6 
62.1 
41.1 
62.3 
77.8 
66.4 
48.6 
47.2 
30.5 
40.3 
48.4 
55.8 
48.4 
34.8 
60.6 
34.8 
25.0 
30.9 
18.3 
23.7 
23.8 
24.8 
19.8 
22.8 
13.2 
17.8 
17.3 
17.2 
20.6 
13.0 
23.4 
29.7 
25.8 
18.0 
15.6 
26.0 
31.0 
31.6 
20.1 
19.2 
9.7 
18.2 
25.1 
27.9 
20.4 
13.9 
15.8 
4.3 
1.5 
3.9 
1.0 
2.9 
1.0 
1.8 
1.9 
1.9 
2.1 
1.0 
1.9 
1.3 
2.1 
1.3 
2.6 
1.6 
9 
2.5 
7 
2.6 
9 
1.2 
1.0 
1.1 
1.3 
7 
7 
1.1 
9 
1.1 
10.0 
4.8 
9.4 
6.8 
5.5 
7.1 
21.1 
7.0 
5.8 
2.2 
4.2 
2.6 
3.4 
8.3 
4.4 
5.5 
8.8 
'Most  current  year  data available. 
includes  fatal  accidents  due to  poisoning, falls, fire, and drowning. 
3
For  some  countries  data  relate to  accidents  caused  by  machines  only. 
4
By another  person, including  police. 
includes  accidents  caused  by firearms, war  injuries,  injuries of  undetermined  causes, and all other  accidental causes. 
Source:  United  Nations, World  Health  Organization,  World Health  Statistics Annual, 1978, vol. I,  Vital  Statistics and  Cause of 
Death.  Copyright;  used by  permission. 
 foe.  From the U.S. Bureau  of the  Census publication Social Indicators III,  December 1980, p. 252. 
JANUARY-FEBRUARY 1992  19  at SAGE Publications on May 18, 2011 http://er.aera.net Downloaded from 
Table 2 
Table 1 With  Rows  Ordered  by Overall  Death Rate, 
Typographical Errors  Corrected, 
and  Uninformative  Columns  Removed 
(Rate per  100,000  population) 
Total  unexpected  Transport  Natural  Industrial  Other 
Country  deaths  accidents  factors  accidents  Homicides  causes 
France  77.8  23.8  31.0  1.0  0.9  21.1 
Austria  75.2  34.8  29.7  4.3  1.6  4.8 
Germany  66.4  24.8  31.6  1.8  1.2  7.0 
Belgium  62.6  25.0  25.8  1.5  0.9  9.4 
Finland  62.3  23.7  26.0  2.9  2.6  7.1 
Canada  62.1  30.9  18.0  3.9  2.5  6.8 
Uni ted  States  60.6  23.4  15.8  2.6  10.0  8.8 
Sweden  55.8  17.2  27.9  1.3  1.1  8.3 
Ireland  48.6  19.8  20.1  1.9  1.0  5.8 
Norway  48.4  17.3  25.1  1.9  0.7  3.4 
Switzerland  48.4  20.6  20.4  2.1  0.9  4.4 
Italy  47.2  22.8  19.2  1.9  1.1  2.2 
Denmark  41.1  18.3  15.6  1.0  0.7  5.5 
Netherlands  40.3  17.8  18.2  1.0  0.7  2.6 
Uni ted  Ki ngdom  34.8  13.0  13.9  1.3  1.1  5.5 
Japan  30.5  13.2  9.7  2.1  1.3  4.2 
Statistical justification. The standard er-
ror of any~stt  t  is proportional to one 
over the square root of the sample size. 
God  did  this,  and  there  is nothing  we 
can do to change it. Thus,  suppose  we 
would like to report a correlation as .25._ 
If  we  don't  want  to  report  something 
that is inaccurate, we must be sure that 
the  second  digit  is reasonably  likely  to 
be 5and not 6 or 4. To accomplish this, 
we  need  the  standard  error  to  be  less 
than  .005. But since  the  standard  error 
is  proportional  to  \\\f,  the  obvious 
algebra {V\f  ~  .005 =     ~  1/.005 = 
200)  yields  the  inexorable  conclusion 
that  ajsampjejsize_of  the  order  of 200
2
, 
or_jW,jOOO^  is  required  to  justify  the 
presentation  of  more  than  a  two-digit 
correlation.  A similar  argument  can be 
made  for  all other  statistics. 
Who cares?  I  recently  saw  a  table  of 
average Tife  expectancies.
9
  It  proudly 
reported  that  the  mean  life  expectancy 
of a male at birth in Australia was 67.14 
years. What does the 4 mean? Each unit 
in  the  hundredth' s  digit  of  this  over-
zealous  reportage  represents  4  days. 
What  purpose  is  served  in  knowing  a 
life  expectancy  to  this  accuracy?  For 
most communicative (not archival) pur-
poses  67 would  have  been  enough. 
Table 3 contains a revision of Table 2 
in'which  each  entry  is rounded  to  the 
nearest integer. Because the original en-
tries had  only one extra digit,  the clari-
fying  effect  of  rounding  is  modest.  In 
this  version  of  the  table,  the  unusual 
homicide  rate  of  the  United  States 
jumps out at us. At a glance, we can see 
that  it is an order  of magnitude  greater 
than the rate found  in any civilized  na-
tion.  We also  see  an  unusual  entry  for 
France  under  "other  causes,"  which 
raises  questions  about  definitions. 
The effect  of too many decimal places 
is  sufficiently  pernicious  that  I  would 
like  to  emphasize  the  importance  of 
rounding  with  another  short  example. 
Equation  1  is  taken  from  State Couri 
OsdStatistics:  1976: 
Ln(DIAC)  =  -.1072913J 
+  1.00716993    L(Fl CC  (1) 
where  DIAC  is  the  annual  number  of 
case dispostions, and FIAC is the annual 
number of case filings. This is obviously 
the result  of  a regression  analysis  with 
an overgenerous  output  format.  Using 
the  standard  error  justification  for 
rounding, ^we that to justify the eighty 
digits shown we would need a standard 
error  that  is of the  order  of  .000000005, 
or a sample_sjze of the order of4_x  lO
16
^. 
This  is a  very  large  number  of cases 
the  population  of  China  doesn't  put  a 
dent in it. The actual n is the number of 
states,  which  allows  one  digit  of  ac-
curacy at most. If we round to one 3git 
and transform  out of the log metric, we 
arrive at the more statistically  defensible 
equation 
DIAC  =  .9 FIAC.  (2) 
This  can  be  translated  into  English  as 
"There  are  about  90%  as  many 
dispositions  as  filings/' 
Obviously, the equation that is more de-
fensible  statistically is also much  easier 
to understand. A colleague, who knows 
more about courts than I do,  suggested 
that  I needed  to  round  further,  to  the 
nearest integer (DIAC  =  FIAC), and  so 
a  more  correct  statement  would  be 
"There are about as many disposi-
tions as filings." 
Table  3 
Table 2  With  Entries  Rounded to Integers 
(Rate per  100,000  population) 
Country 
Total  unexpected  Transport 
deaths  accidents 
Natural 
factors 
Industrial 
accidents  Homicides 
Other 
causes 
France  78  24  31  1  1  21 
Austria  75  35  30  4  2  5 
Germany 
Belgium 
Finland 
66 
63 
62 
25 
25 
24 
32 
26 
26 
2 
2 
3 
1 
1 
3 
7 
9 
7 
Canada  62  31  18  4  3  7 
Uni ted  States  61  23  16  3  10  9 
Sweden  56  17  28  1  1  8 
Ireland  49  20  20  2  1  6 
Norway 
Switzerland 
48 
48 
17 
21 
25 
20 
2 
2 
1 
1 
3 
4 
Italy 
Denmark 
47 
41 
23 
18 
19 
16 
2 
1 
1 
1 
2 
6 
Netherlands  40  18  18  1  1  3 
Uni ted  Ki ngdom  35  13  14  1  1  6 
Japan  31  13  10  2  1  4 
20  EDUCATIONAL  RESEARCHER 
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A  minute's  thought  about  the  court 
process reminds one that it is a pipeline 
with filings at one end and  dispositions 
at  the  other.  They  must  equal  one 
another,  and  any  variation  in  annual 
statistics reflects only the vagaries of the 
calendar.  The  sort  of  numerical 
sophistry  demonstrated  in  Equation  1 
can  give  statisticians  a bad  name.
10 
The final rule of table construction is: 
3.  ALL is different and imporiant.  Sum-
mars^frows  and columns are impor-
tant as a standard for  comparisonthey 
provide  a measure  of  usualness.  What 
summary  we  use  to  characterize  ALL 
depends  on the purpose.  Sometimes a 
sum  is  suitable,  more  often  a  median. 
But  whatever  is  chosen,  it  should  be 
visually  different  from  the  individual 
entries  and  set  apart  spatially. 
Table 4 makes it clearer how  unusual 
the United States' homicide rate is. The 
column  medians  allow  us  to  compare 
the  relative  danger  of  the  various  fac-
tors. We note that although  "transport 
accidents" are the worst threat, they are 
closely  followed  by  "natural  factors." 
Looking  at  the  entries  for  the  United 
States, we can see that "natural factors" 
are under somewhat better control than 
in  most  other  countries. 
Can we go further?  Sure. To see how 
requires  that  we  consider  what  dis-
tinguishes a table from a graph. A graph 
uses  space  to  convey  information.  A 
Table 5 
Table  4  With  Rows Spaced by  Total Death  Rate 
and  Unusual Values Highlighted 
(Rate per  100,000  population) 
Country 
Total unexpected 
deaths 
Transport 
accidents 
Natural 
factors 
Industrial 
accidents  Homicides 
Other 
causes 
France  78 
75 
66 
63 
62 
62 
61 
56 
49 
48 
48 
47 
41 
40 
35 
31 
24  31 
30 
32 
26 
26 
1 
4 
2 
2 
3 
4 
3 
1 
2 
2 
2 
2 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
2 
1 
1 
3 
3 
1  21  | 
Austria 
78 
75 
66 
63 
62 
62 
61 
56 
49 
48 
48 
47 
41 
40 
35 
31 
35 
31 
30 
32 
26 
26 
1 
4 
2 
2 
3 
4 
3 
1 
2 
2 
2 
2 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
2 
1 
1 
3 
3 
5 
Germany 
Belgium 
Finland 
78 
75 
66 
63 
62 
62 
61 
56 
49 
48 
48 
47 
41 
40 
35 
31 
25 
25 
24 
31 
30 
32 
26 
26 
1 
4 
2 
2 
3 
4 
3 
1 
2 
2 
2 
2 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
2 
1 
1 
3 
3 
7 
9 
7 
Canada 
78 
75 
66 
63 
62 
62 
61 
56 
49 
48 
48 
47 
41 
40 
35 
31 
31  18 
16 
1 
4 
2 
2 
3 
4 
3 
1 
2 
2 
2 
2 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
2 
1 
1 
3 
3  7 
Uni ted  States 
78 
75 
66 
63 
62 
62 
61 
56 
49 
48 
48 
47 
41 
40 
35 
31 
23 
17 
20 
17 
21 
23 
18 
18 
13 
13 
18 
16 
1 
4 
2 
2 
3 
4 
3 
1 
2 
2 
2 
2 
1 
1 
1 
2 
10  9 
Sweden 
Ireland 
Norway 
Switzerland 
Italy 
Denmark 
Netherlands 
Uni ted  Ki ngdom 
Japan 
78 
75 
66 
63 
62 
62 
61 
56 
49 
48 
48 
47 
41 
40 
35 
31 
23 
17 
20 
17 
21 
23 
18 
18 
13 
13 
28 
20 
25 
20 
19 
16 
18 
14 
10 
1 
4 
2 
2 
3 
4 
3 
1 
2 
2 
2 
2 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
8 
6 
3 
4 
2 
6 
3 
6 
4 
Median  53  22  20  2  1  6 
=  an  unusual  data value 
Table  4 
Table 3  With  Column Medians Calculated 
and  Total Highlighted 
(Rate per  100,000  population) 
Total unexpected  Transport  Natural  Industrial  Other 
Country  deaths  accidents  factors  accidents  Homicides  causes 
France  78  24  31  1  1  21 
Austria  75  35  30  4  2  5 
Germany  66  25  32  2  1  7 
Belgium  63  25  26  2  1  9 
Finland  62  24  26  3  3  7 
Canada  62  31  18  4  3  7 
Uni ted  States  61  23  16  3  10  9 
Sweden  56  17  28  1  1  8 
Ireland  49  20  20  2  1  6 
Norway  48  17  25  2  1  3 
Switzerland  48  21  20  2  1  4 
Italy  47  23  19  2  1  2 
Denmark  41  18  16  1  1  6 
Netherlands  40  18  18  1  1  3 
Uni ted  Ki ngdom  35  13  14  1  1  6 
Japan  31  13  10  2  1  4 
Median  53  22  20  2  1  6 
table  uses  a  specific  iconic  representa-
tion. We have made tables more under-
standable  by  using  spacemaking  a 
table more like a graph. We can improve 
tables  further  by  making  them  more 
graphical still. A semigraphical  display 
like the stem-and-leaf  diagram  (Tukey, 
1977) is merely a table in which  the  en-
tries  are  not  only  ordered  but  are  also 
spaced  according  to  their  size.  To  put 
this  notion  into  practice,  consider  the 
last version of Table 1 shown as Table 5. 
The rows have been spaced according 
to  what  appear  to  be  significant  gaps 
(Wainer  &  Schacht,  1978)  in  the  total 
death  rate,  thus  dividing  the  countries 
into five  groups.  Further  investigation 
is  required  to  understand  why  they 
seem  to  group  that  way,  but  the  table 
has  provided  the  impetus. 
The  highlighting  of  single  entries 
points  out  the  unusually  high  rate  of 
transport  accidents  in  Canada  and 
Austria,  as  well  as  the  unusually  low 
rates  of  death  due  to natural  factors  in 
the  United  States  and  Canada.  The 
determination  that  these values  are in-
ANUARY-FEBRUARY1992  21 
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deed  unusual  was  done  by  additional 
calculations  in  support  of  the  display 
(subtract  out  row  and  column  effects 
and  look  at  what  sticks  out).  But  the 
viewer can appreciate the result without 
being aware of the calculations. Spacing 
tables commensurate with the values of 
their  entries  and  highlighting  unusual 
values  are  often  useful  techniques  but 
are not  as universally  important  as  the 
three  rules  mentioned  previously. 
The version of Table 1 shown as Table 
5 is about as far as  e can go. It may be 
that for special purposes other  modifica-
tions might help, but Table 5 does allow 
us to answer readily the four  questions 
about these data phrased earlier.  Some 
aspects are memorable. Who can forget 
the  discovery  of  the  gigantic  disparity 
between the homicide rate in the United 
States  and  that  of  the  other  15 nations 
reported.
11 
Conclusions 
In this account I have tried to further  the 
effective  display  of  quantitative 
phenomena  by  accomplishing  three 
things. 
  To illustrate  how  effective  display 
can help us, indeed sometimes force us, 
to discover what we were not expecting. 
I chose  only  three  examples;  there  are 
many  more. 
  To  aid  the  understanding  of  dis-
plays by adapting Peirce's  "architecture 
of  theory"  to  this  context.  The  for-
malism  of  this  theory  helps  to  show 
why some sorts of common displays are 
unacceptable for the most plausible pur-
poses.  This  same  theory  provides  a 
framework  for  the  development  of 
measures of human  graphicacy (the ex-
tent to which people understand  a par-
ticular  figuration)  and  thus  helps  us  to 
avoid the erroneous conclusion  fostered 
by such tests as that represented by the 
NAEP  item  shown  in  Figure  4. 
  To explicitly  show  how  the  much-
maligned table can be used to  effectively 
display  even  rather  complex  phe-
nomena. The display rules that I report 
owe  much  to  Andrew  Ehrenberg's 
(1977) advice,  although  he  should  cer-
tainly not be held responsible for where 
I have taken them. Note that these rules 
differ  from what are often held to be the 
standards  in  scientific  publications. 
APA  standards,  for  example,  frown 
up  tHiproute  use of extra spaces. 
I hope that those sorts of standards
12
 can 
be modified  to reflect  the changing role 
of  a  tablemodern  electronic  storage 
provides  a far better  way  for  archiving 
dataas well as to reflect what we have 
learned  about  effective  display. 
Of good data displays,  it may be said 
what  Mark Van Doren  observed  about 
brilliant  conversationalists:  "In  their 
presence others speak well." I hope that 
the theory and  practice illustrated  here 
can improve the quality of our  displays 
and  thus  allow our  data  to speak  more 
clearly. 
Notes 
This article is drawn  from  an invited  address 
titled  "Graphical  Visions"  at  the  Annual 
Meeting of the  American  Educational  Research 
Association  given on April 4, gg^in_Chica%o, 
Illinois. Its preparation  was  partially  supported 
by funds  provided  to me by the Trustees of  the 
Educational  Testing  Service  in  the  1990-1992 
"Senior  Scientist  Award. "  I am  pleased  to  be 
able  to acknowledge  their  generosity.  In  addi-
tion, this presentation has benefited  enormously 
from  the advice and criticism of a number of  my 
colleagues.  First  is  my  friend,  colleague, 
sometime  coauthor  and,  best  of  all,  my_wjfe, 
Linda  S.  Steinberg.  In  addition  my  thanks  to 
David  Berlinr7~Michal  Friendly,  Drew 
Gitomer,  Samuel Livingston,  Keith  Reid-Green, 
David  Thissen,  Neal  Thomas,  Edward  Tufe, 
and  John  Tukey. 
The  Broad  Street  pump_is  now  gone.  In  its 
place is the John  Snow  Pub.  See  Gilbert  (1958) 
and  Jaret  (1991)  for  more atals. 
2
In London  of the 1530s parish  clerks were re-
quested to submit weekly reports on the number 
of  plague  deaths.  These  bills of  mortality  were 
meant  to tell authorities when  measures  should 
be taken  against  the epidemic. In  1604 publica-
tion of the London  Bills of Mortality by the  Com-
pany  of  Parish  Clerks  began. 
3
This statement  may  seem vacuous,  but Yogi 
Berra is famed  for observations  indistinguishable 
from  this  one.  This  idea  was  put  forward  in  a 
more  scholarly way by cartographers  Arthur  H. 
Robinson  and  Barbara  Bartz  Petchenik  (1976), 
who  said,  "There  is  fairly  widespread 
philosophical  agreement,  which  certainly  ac-
cords  with  common  sense,  that  the  spatial 
aspects of all existence are fundamental.  Before 
an  awareness  of time,  there  is an  awareness of 
relations  in  space."  They  conclude  their  book 
with the observation that "the concept of spatial 
relatedness... is a quality without  which it is dif-
ficult  or impossible  for  the  human  mind  to  ap-
prehend  anything." 
'Nevertheless,  one  small  empirical  study 
among  3rd-,  4th-,  and  5th-grade  children 
(Wainer,  1980b) showed  that,  on average,  item 
difficulty  increased with level and  graphicacy in-
creased  with  age. 
Thi s  paragraph  is  a  rather  close  paraphras-
ing of a description by Martin Gardner  (1978, p. 
23). 
6
Purgamentum  init,  exit  purgamentum, 
  is like trying  to  decide  on  Mozart's  worth 
as a composer  on the basis of a performance  of 
his  works  by  Spike  Jones  on  the  washboard. 
8
See,  for  example,  page  132 (items  22-25) of 
Form  GR85-3 of  the  Graduate  Record  Exam  in 
Practicing to  take the  GREGeneral  Test-No.  3, 
Princeton,  NJ:  Educational  Testing  Service, 
1985. 
9
UN  Demographic  Yearbook,  1962. 
10
I  sometimes  hear  from  colleagues  that  my 
ideas about rounding^ are too radical,  that  such 
extreme  rounding  would  be  "OK  if  we  knew 
that  a particular  result  was  final.  But  our  final 
results  may  be  used  by  someone  else  as  in-
termediate, in  further  calculations.  Too  early 
rounding would result in unnecessary  propaga-
tion  of  error."  Keep  in mind  that  tables are  for 
communication,  not  .archiving.  Round  the 
numbers and, if you must, insert a footnote  pro-
claiming that the unrounded  details are available 
from  the  author.  Then  sit back and  wait for  the 
deluge  of  requests. 
"These  data  are  more  than  15 years  old,  but 
their message certainly stayed  wtKTrugh 
so that when a newspaper  article in the New York 
Times on August  13,1989, reported  that  Detroit 
and Washington,  DC had annual homicide rates 
of  about  60 per  100,000,  I knew  enough  to  be 
horrified.  Tables  with  memorable  content  can 
be  memorable. 
12
These date back at least to 1914 and the  stan-
dards  published  by  the  American  Society  of 
Mechanical  Engineers.  A  recent  updat e 
(American  National  Standards  Institute,  1979) 
replaces the  1914 recommendations  for  pen-nib 
size with a specification  for number  of pixels, but 
otherwise  remains  remarkably  the  same. 
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Award To Be Given For Outstanding 
Doctoral Dissertation Research On 
Second/Foreign Language Testing 
i 
The Test of English as a Foreign Language (TOEFL) program 
of Educational Testing Service (ETS) announces an annual 
award  of  $2,500  for  doctoral  dissertation  research  that 
makes a significant  and original  contribution to the field of 
seconforeign  language testing. 
The  research  must  have  been  completed  as  part  of  the 
requirements for a doctoral degree or its equivalent, and the 
dissertation  must  have  been  accepted  by  the  candidate's 
institution after December 1,1990. Although the dissertation 
must be submitted in English, it may involve research related 
to the second/foreign  language testing of any language. 
Three  non-ETS  reviewers with expertise  in  second/foreign 
language testing will judge the submissions on the basis of 
scholarly or professional significance, originality and creativ-
ity, technical quality, and quality of presentation. 
For  information  on  submission  procedures  and deadlines, 
contact: 
Director 
TOEFL  Research  Program 
P.O. Box 6155 
Princeton, NJ 08541,  USA 
Phone: 609-921-9000 
  Copyright    1991 Educational  Testing Service. 
JANUARY-FEBRUARY  1992  23 
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