Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Russian palatalization: the true(r) story
Pavel Iosad
pavel.iosad@uit.no
Bruce Morn-Duollj
bruce.moren@uit.no
Universitetet i Troms/CASTL
Old World Conference in Phonology ,
Universitat de Nissa
:, de genir :oo
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Plan for talk
Surface inventory
:
Redux on traditions within the generative approach
Evidence against following assumptions:
Six contrastive vowels
Palatalized velars are noncontrastive
Morpheme-edge palatalization derives from the quality of surface
vowels
Present our approach
Palatalization normally does not spread VC (with one
exception)
Morpheme-edge palatalization is autosegmental
PSM and standard OT provide an adequate account
,
Evidence for substance-free phonology
e
Evidence against multiple-level derivations
,
Some implications
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Plan for talk
Surface inventory
:
Redux on traditions within the generative approach
Evidence against following assumptions:
Six contrastive vowels
Palatalized velars are noncontrastive
Morpheme-edge palatalization derives from the quality of surface
vowels
Present our approach
Palatalization normally does not spread VC (with one
exception)
Morpheme-edge palatalization is autosegmental
PSM and standard OT provide an adequate account
,
Evidence for substance-free phonology
e
Evidence against multiple-level derivations
,
Some implications
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Plan for talk
Surface inventory
:
Redux on traditions within the generative approach
Evidence against following assumptions:
Six contrastive vowels
Palatalized velars are noncontrastive
Morpheme-edge palatalization derives from the quality of surface
vowels
Present our approach
Palatalization normally does not spread VC (with one
exception)
Morpheme-edge palatalization is autosegmental
PSM and standard OT provide an adequate account
,
Evidence for substance-free phonology
e
Evidence against multiple-level derivations
,
Some implications
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Plan for talk
Surface inventory
:
Redux on traditions within the generative approach
Evidence against following assumptions:
Six contrastive vowels
Palatalized velars are noncontrastive
Morpheme-edge palatalization derives from the quality of surface
vowels
Present our approach
Palatalization normally does not spread VC (with one
exception)
Morpheme-edge palatalization is autosegmental
PSM and standard OT provide an adequate account
,
Evidence for substance-free phonology
e
Evidence against multiple-level derivations
,
Some implications
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Plan for talk
Surface inventory
:
Redux on traditions within the generative approach
Evidence against following assumptions:
Six contrastive vowels
Palatalized velars are noncontrastive
Morpheme-edge palatalization derives from the quality of surface
vowels
Present our approach
Palatalization normally does not spread VC (with one
exception)
Morpheme-edge palatalization is autosegmental
PSM and standard OT provide an adequate account
,
Evidence for substance-free phonology
e
Evidence against multiple-level derivations
,
Some implications
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Plan for talk
Surface inventory
:
Redux on traditions within the generative approach
Evidence against following assumptions:
Six contrastive vowels
Palatalized velars are noncontrastive
Morpheme-edge palatalization derives from the quality of surface
vowels
Present our approach
Palatalization normally does not spread VC (with one
exception)
Morpheme-edge palatalization is autosegmental
PSM and standard OT provide an adequate account
,
Evidence for substance-free phonology
e
Evidence against multiple-level derivations
,
Some implications
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Plan for talk
Surface inventory
:
Redux on traditions within the generative approach
Evidence against following assumptions:
Six contrastive vowels
Palatalized velars are noncontrastive
Morpheme-edge palatalization derives from the quality of surface
vowels
Present our approach
Palatalization normally does not spread VC (with one
exception)
Morpheme-edge palatalization is autosegmental
PSM and standard OT provide an adequate account
,
Evidence for substance-free phonology
e
Evidence against multiple-level derivations
,
Some implications
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Plan for talk
Surface inventory
:
Redux on traditions within the generative approach
Evidence against following assumptions:
Six contrastive vowels
Palatalized velars are noncontrastive
Morpheme-edge palatalization derives from the quality of surface
vowels
Present our approach
Palatalization normally does not spread VC (with one
exception)
Morpheme-edge palatalization is autosegmental
PSM and standard OT provide an adequate account
,
Evidence for substance-free phonology
e
Evidence against multiple-level derivations
,
Some implications
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Plan for talk
Surface inventory
:
Redux on traditions within the generative approach
Evidence against following assumptions:
Six contrastive vowels
Palatalized velars are noncontrastive
Morpheme-edge palatalization derives from the quality of surface
vowels
Present our approach
Palatalization normally does not spread VC (with one
exception)
Morpheme-edge palatalization is autosegmental
PSM and standard OT provide an adequate account
,
Evidence for substance-free phonology
e
Evidence against multiple-level derivations
,
Some implications
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Plan for talk
Surface inventory
:
Redux on traditions within the generative approach
Evidence against following assumptions:
Six contrastive vowels
Palatalized velars are noncontrastive
Morpheme-edge palatalization derives from the quality of surface
vowels
Present our approach
Palatalization normally does not spread VC (with one
exception)
Morpheme-edge palatalization is autosegmental
PSM and standard OT provide an adequate account
,
Evidence for substance-free phonology
e
Evidence against multiple-level derivations
,
Some implications
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Plan for talk
Surface inventory
:
Redux on traditions within the generative approach
Evidence against following assumptions:
Six contrastive vowels
Palatalized velars are noncontrastive
Morpheme-edge palatalization derives from the quality of surface
vowels
Present our approach
Palatalization normally does not spread VC (with one
exception)
Morpheme-edge palatalization is autosegmental
PSM and standard OT provide an adequate account
,
Evidence for substance-free phonology
e
Evidence against multiple-level derivations
,
Some implications
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Plan for talk
Surface inventory
:
Redux on traditions within the generative approach
Evidence against following assumptions:
Six contrastive vowels
Palatalized velars are noncontrastive
Morpheme-edge palatalization derives from the quality of surface
vowels
Present our approach
Palatalization normally does not spread VC (with one
exception)
Morpheme-edge palatalization is autosegmental
PSM and standard OT provide an adequate account
,
Evidence for substance-free phonology
e
Evidence against multiple-level derivations
,
Some implications
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Plan for talk
Surface inventory
:
Redux on traditions within the generative approach
Evidence against following assumptions:
Six contrastive vowels
Palatalized velars are noncontrastive
Morpheme-edge palatalization derives from the quality of surface
vowels
Present our approach
Palatalization normally does not spread VC (with one
exception)
Morpheme-edge palatalization is autosegmental
PSM and standard OT provide an adequate account
,
Evidence for substance-free phonology
e
Evidence against multiple-level derivations
,
Some implications
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Inventories
Distributions
Palatalization and depalatalization
Outline
Data
Inventories
Distributions
Palatalization and depalatalization
:
Approaches and problems
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
The proposal
Assumptions
Analysis
Further issues
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Inventories
Distributions
Palatalization and depalatalization
Consonant inventory
Manner Labial Dental Postalveolar Palatal Dorsal
Plain stop p b t d k g
Palatalized stop p
j
b
j
t
j
d
j
k
j
g
j
Plain fricative f [v] s z
w
w
[J] x
Palatalized fricative f
j
[v
j
] s
j
z
j
S
j
: (Z
j
:) x
j
Plain anricate
>
ts
Palatalized anricate
>
tS
j
Plain nasal m n
Palatalized nasal m
j
n
j
Plain lateral
Palatalized lateral l
j
Plain trill/ap r/R
Palatalized trill/ap r
j
/R
j
Approximant [V
] [j]
Palatalized approximant [V
j
]
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Inventories
Distributions
Palatalization and depalatalization
Consonant inventory
Manner Labial Dental Postalveolar Palatal Dorsal
Plain stop p b t d k g
Palatalized stop p
j
b
j
t
j
d
j
k
j
g
j
Plain fricative f [v] s z
w
w
[J] x
Palatalized fricative f
j
[v
j
] s
j
z
j
S
j
: (Z
j
:) x
j
Plain anricate
>
ts
Palatalized anricate
>
tS
j
Plain nasal m n
Palatalized nasal m
j
n
j
Plain lateral
Palatalized lateral l
j
Plain trill/ap r/R
Palatalized trill/ap r
j
/R
j
Approximant [V
] [j]
Palatalized approximant [V
j
]
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Inventories
Distributions
Palatalization and depalatalization
Vowel inventory: stressed syllables
,oo ,,o ,ooo ,:,o ,,oo ,,,o :,ooo:,:,o :,,oo
oo
eoo
soo
,ooo
F:
F
i
1
e
a
o
u
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story ,
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Inventories
Distributions
Palatalization and depalatalization
Vowel inventory: stressed syllables
Five or six vowels
Strong coarticulation enects with palatalized consonants
[i] and [1] in complementary distribution:
[i] following palatalized consonants and syllable-initially
[1] following non-palatalized consonants (and some extremely
marginal syllable-initial examples)
Otherwise syllable-initial vowels are realized as if preceded by a
non-palatalized consonant
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story e
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Inventories
Distributions
Palatalization and depalatalization
Distribution of palatalization: non-dorsals
Labials and coronals contrast for palatalization across all
positions
Before non-front vowels:
() a. ["ma] small
b. ["m
j
a] crumbled, kneaded (pa. t.)
(:) a. ["tok] ow (n.)
b. ["t
j
ok] owed (pa. t.)
Before front vowels
() Before [i]/[1]: what is the underlying contrast?
a. ["p1] eagerness
b. ["p
j
i] (he) drank
() Before /e/: [CE] are borrowings, albeit well-nativized
a. ["tEst5] test (gen. sg.)
b. ["t
j
est5] dough
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story ,
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Inventories
Distributions
Palatalization and depalatalization
Distribution of palatalization: non-dorsals
Word-nnally there is a contrast for both labials and coronals:
(,) a. ["m
j
e] chalk
b. ["m
j
el
j
] shoal
(e) a. [praf] right
b. [praf
j
] rule!
So far it all seems unremarkable. . .
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story s
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Inventories
Distributions
Palatalization and depalatalization
Distribution of palatalization: dorsals
Not with dorsals, though
No contrast word-nnally:
(,) a. ["mak] poppy
b. *[mak
j
] ???
Palatalized velars before non-front vowels: almost exclusively
borrowings
(s) a. ["g
j
ujs] naval jack
b. [p@n
j
I"k
j
or] panic-monger
Plus (in Standard Russian) one verb with a morphologically
conditioned [k][k
j
] alternation (Flier, ,s:):
(,) a. [tkat
j
] to weave
b. [tk
j
ot] (s)he weaves
More in dialects
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story ,
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Inventories
Distributions
Palatalization and depalatalization
Distribution of palatalization: dorsals
Velars before front vowels
If the vowel is /e/, velars are not palatalized only in a very few
borrowings
For [i]/[1]:
Normally, velars are palatalized
(o) a. ["k
j
inUt
j
] throw
b. *[k1nut
j
] ???
Only extremely few borrowings (mostly from Turkic) with [k1 g1
x1], normally have variants with [k
j
i g
j
i x
j
i]
() a. [k1r"g1s] Kyrgyz
b. [k
j
ir"g
j
is] id., more frequent
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story o
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Inventories
Distributions
Palatalization and depalatalization
Distribution of palatalization: dorsals
Complication for [i]/[1]: [k1 g1 x1] are allowed across word
boundaries, cf.
(:) a. ["k
j
ir
j
I] to Kira
b. ["ir5] Ira
c. ["k1r
j
I] to Ira
Overall, these facts are normally used to support the claim that
palatalization on dorsals is always derived
How does this square with the unremarkable status of
palatalization on non-dorsals?
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Inventories
Distributions
Palatalization and depalatalization
Palatalizaton types
At morpheme edges, we encounter various palatalization-related
phenomena
We concentrate on four types:
Surface palatalization
Retraction
Velar palatalization
Transitive palatalization
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Inventories
Distributions
Palatalization and depalatalization
Surface palatalization
Non-dorsals turn into their palatalized correspondents, normally
before sumxes starting with [i] and [e]
() a. ["xvost] tail
b. ["xvos
j
t
j
Ik] small tail
() a. [m5s"kva] Moscow
b. [v m5s"kv
j
e] in Moscow
We come back to dorsals later
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Inventories
Distributions
Palatalization and depalatalization
Retraction
Across prenxstem and prepositionword boundaries (at least),
stem- resp. word-initial [i] is realized as [1] and does not
palatalize a preceding non-palatalized consonant
(,) a. [I"grat
j
] play (imperfective)
b. [s1"grat
j
] play (perfective)
(e) a. [I"gra] game
b. [v 1"gr
j
e] in the game
Uncanny similarity to the [k1 g1 x1] context
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Inventories
Distributions
Palatalization and depalatalization
Velar palatalization
/k g x/ /
>
tS
j
w
/
Mostly before sumxes starting with /i/ or /1/ and /e/ or /o/
Long story on the /e/ /o/ shift omitted here
(,) a. ["mox] moss
b. ["m
w
1st1j] mossy
(s) a. [s5"bak5] dog
b. [s@b5"
>
tS
j
onk5] small dog
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story ,
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Inventories
Distributions
Palatalization and depalatalization
Transitive palatalization
/t d s z/ /
>
tS
j
w
/
Many disparate changes; extremely opaque process (Rubach,
:ooo)
Caused by all sorts of miscellaneous sumxes (which historically
contain a lost *j)
(,) a. [g@r5"da] cities
b. [g@r5"
w
an
j
In] city-dweller
Rubach (:ooo): best treated as instances of allomorphy, and cf.
Rubach & Booij (:oo) for Polish
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story e
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
Outline
Data
Inventories
Distributions
Palatalization and depalatalization
:
Approaches and problems
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
The proposal
Assumptions
Analysis
Further issues
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story ,
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
The historical legacy
Halle (,,,) is of course the original generative treatment of
Russian
Just like Chomsky & Halle (,es) (or is it the other way around?),
relies rather heavily on restating history through rules
Russian generative phonology a sprouting industry: Lightner
(,,:) is just one example
Should we expect newer literature to ditch those assumptions and
turn to the surface?
Hasnt happened. In fact, what we may call the IowaWarsaw
school (Rubach, :ooo, :oo,; Plapp, ,,,; Moczanow, :oo,)
argues rather forcefully that Russian is a prime example against
parallel OT
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story s
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
The big question
How do we treat lexical and morphological palatalization?
Is it just front vowels spreading [back] to consonants?
Especially available in a theory which has all sorts of absolute
neutralization (Halle, ,,,; Lightner, ,,:)
Vowel power versus consonant power (Hamilton, ,,e)
This has essentially boiled down to the [i]/[1] question
Plapp (,,,): the two-vowel account is superior to the one-vowel
account conceptually. Empirically both work equally well (?), but
two vowels is more economic, because it does not need
stipulative specincation and reduces the number of
contrasts/segments
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story ,
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
The two-vowel account
Two underlying vowels: /i/ and /1/, one is [back], the other
[back] or [+back]
Rule /gotov-it
j
/ /gotov-1j/
Surface palatalization /gotov
j
-it
j
/
Output [g5"tov
j
it
j
] [g5"tov1j]
prepare ready
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :o
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
The two-vowel account
In the case of velars, there is a counterfeeding order between
velar palatalization and /1/-fronting
Rule /nos-1/ /los
j
-1/ /muk-1/ /muk-it
j
/
Velar pal. /mu
>
tS
j
it
j
/
Fronting /los
j
-i/
/1/-fronting /muk-i/
Surface pal. /muk
j
-i/
Output [n5"s1] ["los
j
I] ["muk
j
I] ["mu
>
tS
j
it
j
]
noses moose (pl.) torments to torment
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
The two-vowel account
The two-vowel account needs three types of consonant-vowel
interaction:
[back] spreads R L: surface palatalization
[back] spreads L R: complementary distribution of [i] and [1]
[+back] spreads L R: retraction
Of course this will only work with a complicated computation:
rule ordering (Halle & Matushansky, :oo:), Lexical Phonology
(Plapp, ,,,), multi-level OT of one type (Rubach, :ooo) or
another (Blumenfeld, :oo)
But how warranted is this complicated system?
I take issue with three assumptions here:
That it is meaningful to talk of the segment [1]
That [k
j
g
j
x
j
] can only be derived before /1/
That [i]/[1] is a unique pair in Modern Russian
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story ::
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
The phonetics of [1]
It has been known to Russian phoneticians since at least Tomson
(,o,) that there is no [1], which is in fact a diphthong, something
like [W
i
]
Since at least Padgett (:oo) this has (should have) been known to
Western scholars too
Phonetic data provide evidence that the distinction between [1]
and [i] is phonetic and purely contingent on the (lack of)
palatalization of the preceding consonant (via enhancement?)
Though this is not the interpretation provided by Padgett (:oo)
So if [1] is not a phonetic segment, what is it phonologically?
Leaving the velars aside momentarily, it just seems that there is
a dinerence between [i] which causes surface palatalization
and [i] which does not
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
Palatalization of velars
It is claimed that palatalized velars before non-front vowels are
marginal to Russian phonology and in general palatalization in
velars is non-distinctive
Borrowings like gujs naval jack and Koln Cologne are well
nativized
Contrast with the absence of [k1 g1 x1] which is a genuine gap:
the two or three words that do exist usually have [k
j
i g
j
i x
j
i]
variants as with kyrgyz/kirgiz
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
Palatalization of velars
Integration of surface palatalization of velars into the
morphology
There is the weave verb: only one in MSR, as a result of dialect
mixing; Southern Russian dialects have a lot more verbs of this
sort
Then there is a diminutive sumx which causes velar
palatalization in the native lexicon but can cause surface
palatalization in novel words:
(:o) a. ["volk] wolf
b. [v5l"
>
tS
j
on@k] wolf cub
(:) a. [m5"kak5] macaque
b. [m@k5"k
j
on@k] small macaque
([m@k5"
>
tS
j
on@k] possible but rare)
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :,
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
Palatalization of velars
Then there is the gerundive sumx /-a/ which causes velar
palatalization in the standard but surface palatalization
colloquially
(::) a. [
w
gu] I burn (tr.)
b. [
w
a] burning (standard)
c. [
w
g
j
a] burning (colloquial)
Is there a reasonable way to do this if [k
j
g
j
x
j
] can only appear
before /1/?
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :e
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
Palatalization of velars
More general point: can morphophonology recycle a
representation that is not phonological?
Made separately by Flier (,s:) and Kasatkin (,,,)
Kasatkin (,,,): verbal paradigms of the ["tk
j
ot] type appear
(though not exclusively) in those dialects where /k
j
g
j
x
j
/ arise
independently due to progressive palatalization assimilation
(:) a. [d
j
en
j
"g
j
am] money (dat. pl.)
b. [marsk
j
oj] naval, from *mors
j
koj
Also: gerunds of the [
w
g
j
a] type are a characteristic feature of
North-West Old Russian (Zaliznyak, :oo), where /k
j
g
j
x
j
/
were always present
Mophophonology makes free use of palatalized velars, so
maybe we can get them from sources other than /1/
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :,
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
Palatalization of velars
An overlooked aspect of the palatalization of velars concerns
unstressed /-e/ sumxes which are realized as [-I] but do not
cause velar palatalization
(:) a. [ru"k
j
e] hand (dat. sg.)
b. ["muk
j
I] torment (dat. sg.)
Similar facts for imperative /-i/
One solution is Lexical Phonology via exclusion of velar
palatalization from the word level (Plapp, ,,e; Blumenfeld, :oo)
At best, even if palatalized velars are always derived, their
distribution is not a compelling argument for /1/
Palatalized velars are contrastive segments on a par with other
palatalized consonants
Same conclusion by Padgett (:oo) though from dinerent
premises
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :s
Data
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The proposal
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
Front vowels galore
The /i 1/ theory predicts the following categories:
/ki ti/ /
>
tS
j
i t
j
i/
/k1 t1/ /k
j
i t1/
Additional assumptions: /ki ti/ /k
j
i t
j
i/
Heres an example:
(:,) a. [k5"rov5] cow
b. [k@r5"v
j
onk5] small cow
(:e) a. [s5"bak5] dog
b. [s@b5"
>
tS
j
onk5] small dog
In terms of palatalization, this looks quite like /i/
Is there an // in Russian?
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :,
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
Front vowels galore
Now consider these examples:
(:,) a. [dub5] oak (gen. sg.)
b. [du"bok] small oak
(:s) a. [kr
j
U"ka] hook (gen. sg.)
b. [kr
j
U"
>
tS
j
ok] small hook
Quite apart from the fact that /o/ triggers velar palatalization. . .
. . . the system is set up in such a way that if a segment triggers
velar palatalization, this implies that it triggers surface
palatalization of non-velars
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story o
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
Front vowels galore
Velars and [
>
ts]
Other consonants None Surface Velar
None
Surface
Transitive
= existence of a sumx which imposes the relevant alternations
Shaded cells indicate possible types of sumxes under a charitable
interpretation of the theory where palatalization is due to
[back] spreading from the vowel itself
The theory undergenerates
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
Front vowels galore
Sumx-initial vowel
Palatalization enect /i/ /e/ /a/ /o/ /u/
None
VP only
Surface velars only
Surface all consonants ()
Surface non-velars & VP
VP & TP
Some generalizations can be made on the relation of vowel
quality and palatalization
But certainly not the neat one
Highlighted row: all vowels can be /i/!
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
Conclusion (kind of)
A theory where the palatalization enects of vowels derive from
their featural content is inadequate for two reasons:
In its simplest form, it fails to derive all the facts even for the front
vowels and needs a lot of computation-related tweaking (e. g.
multiple levels), and it is not obvious it can be done even then
Even so, the ability of [+back] vowels to trigger palatalization is
quite unexpected
Do we have a front/back pairing for all vowels in Russian, plus
the extra computation?
This has actually been tried! See DeArmond (,,,); Kharytonava
(:oo,)
But is there a better way?
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Assumptions
Analysis
Further issues
Outline
Data
Inventories
Distributions
Palatalization and depalatalization
:
Approaches and problems
Generative approaches
Challenging the assumptions
The proposal
Assumptions
Analysis
Further issues
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Assumptions
Analysis
Further issues
Argument
Squarely a consonant power (Hamilton, ,,e) approach
Palatalization on consonants is independent of the quality of the
following vowel
Front vowels (or indeed any vowels) do not spread their features
onto consonants (with one exception)
Morpheme-edge palatalization is due to a oating feature
Cf. Bidwell (,e:) for Russian and Gussmann (,,:) for Polish
Surface palatalization is the addition of a V-place[coronal] feature
Velar/transitive palatalization is displacement of underlying place
with the V-place[coronal] feature
The choice of palatalization is regulated by the ranking
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story ,
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Assumptions
Analysis
Further issues
Place specincations
Using the Parallel Structures Model of feature geometry (Morn,
:oo)
Partial specincation, ignoring manner and laryngeal features
C-place V-place
Consonants [lab] [cor] [dor] [cor]
/p/
/p
j
/
/t/
/t
j
/
/k/
/k
j
/
/
>
tS
j
/
/
>
ts/
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story e
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Assumptions
Analysis
Further issues
Constraints
M~x[F]: keep tokens of features present in the underlying
representations
DiiLixx[F]: do not attach features to segments to which they
are not attached underlyingly
*[F]: do not have feature [F] on the surface
*DiiLixx[F
]&*[F
:
]: do not attach [F
] to a segment containing
[F
:
]
(Alternatively, use a more elaborate schema for DiiLixx la
Morn, :oo, i. e. DiiLixx[F
:
]([F
]))
Siii~i: whatever constraint favours the spreading of underlying
V-place[coronal], e. g. domain binarity
Morphological indexation: if a constraint is indexed for a set of
morphemes, it is vacuously satisned by morphemes with a
dinerent index (Pater, :oo,)
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story ,
Data
Approaches and problems
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Assumptions
Analysis
Further issues
Easy case: no oating features
Note: we are using /i/ as the vowel for expositionary purposes.
we assume that it consists just of the feature V-place[coronal]
ti DiiliNx(Vpl|cor])&*Cpl|cor] M~x(Vpl|cor]) Siii~i
a. t1 *
b. t
j
i *!
t
j
i DiiliNx(Vpl|cor])&*Cpl|cor] M~x(Vpl|cor]) Siii~i
a. t1 *! *
b. t
j
i *
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story s
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Assumptions
Analysis
Further issues
No [k1 g1 x1]
We propose that the lack of word-internal [k1 g1 x1] is
phonological and arises from Siii~i dominating
DiiLixx(V-pl[cor])&*C-pl[dor]
ki Siii~i DiiliNx(Vpl|cor])&*Cpl|dor]
a. k
j
i *
b. k1 *!
But spreading is blocked by the left boundary of the stem/word
This gives retraction for free: it is just lack of spreading, with
the non-palatalized consonants being velarized and giving the
[1] impression
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story ,
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Assumptions
Analysis
Further issues
Surface palatalization
Surface palatalization is the addition of oating V-pl[cor]
To save space, DiiLixx is forthwith understood as conjoined
with the relevant markedness constraint
t
j
i M~x(Vpl|cor]) M~x(Cpl|cor]) DiiliNx(Vpl|cor])
a. t1 *!
b. t
j
i *
c.
>
tS
j
i *!
This works identically for dorsals and non-dorsals
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story o
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Assumptions
Analysis
Further issues
Velar palatalization
For velar palatalization, DiiLixx is ranked higher than
M~x(C-place) but M~x(V-pl[cor]) is still unviolated, so the
C-place feature is deleted to ensure satisfaction of the conjoined
constraint
Normally this would be a ranking conict, but thats why we
need morphological indexation
t
j
i
M~x(Vpl|cor]) DiiliNx(Vpl|cor])&*Cpl|cor]
M~x(Cpl|cor])
a. t1
*!
b. t
j
i
*!
c.
>
tS
j
i
*
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Assumptions
Analysis
Further issues
Labial epenthesis
Labials are not deleted in transitive palatalization contexts, but
instead a [l
j
] is epenthesized
This means tha M~x(C-pl[lab]), M~x(V-pl[cor]) and DiiLixx are
all unviolated, but Dii (do not epenthesize) is
Morn (:ooe) proposes for Serbian that [L] is epenthesized to
comply with sonority sequencing
p
j
i M~x(Cpl|lab]) M~x(Vpl|cor]) DiiliNx SoNSi Dii
a. p
j
i *!
b. p
>
tS
j
i *! *
c. pl
j
i *
SoxSi is a cover constraint here
TETU: best possible epenthetic segment given the conditions
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story :
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Assumptions
Analysis
Further issues
Overgeneration is good!
Quite obviously, this system is very powerful:
A sumx starting with any vowel can cause any palatalization for
any consonant
A single sumx can cause dinerent palatalization enects for
dinerent consonants
But this is good
Because thats how modern Russian works
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Assumptions
Analysis
Further issues
Implications
Various palatalization phenomena in Russian are amenable to a
fully parallel account
Caveat:
The blocking of V-place[cor] spreading across left edges might be
a cyclic enect
The morphological generalizations of Blumenfeld (:oo) (VP
only at stem level) can be restated in terms of indices
No stance on whether serialist OT is necessary in general, e. g. for
architectural reasons
But Russian does not provide compelling evidence for it
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Assumptions
Analysis
Further issues
More implications
Note that [
w
] and [
w
], which are not palatalized on the surface,
bear a V-place[coronal] feature
For authors such as Rubach (:ooo); Moczanow (:oo,) this is a
further argument for serialism
But this is because for them the distinction between [i] and [1] is
phonological
In fact, we have seen this is phonetics
The relevant segments also behave like they are palatalized in
vowel reduction
So there is no stipulative serialism, just the modular
phonology-phonetics interface
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story ,
Data
Approaches and problems
The proposal
Assumptions
Analysis
Further issues
Conclusions and outlook
Palatalized velars are normal segments
There is very little consonant-vowel interaction in the normal
sense
Palatalizations are caused by a oating feature and parallel
computation
More powerful theory of palatalization, but also empirically
better
Further outlook
Solve residual issues (especially the [
>
ts]velars parallelism)
Work up full feature specincation
Dovetail with account of reduction (ask) and assimilation
Pavel Iosad, Bruce Morn-Duollj Russian palatalization: the true(r) story e
