Is National Citizenship Withering Away?

:
Social Affiliations and Labor Market Integration
of Turkish Origin Immigrants in Germany
and France
A. Kayaoglu and A. Kaya
Discussion Paper 2011-33

1

Is National Citizenship Withering Away? : Social Affiliations and Labor Market
Integration of Turkish Origin Immigrants in Germany and France
*



Aysegul Kayaoglu (Universit Catholique de Louvain, IRES)
Ayhan Kaya (Istanbul Bilgi University)


July 2011




Abstract: There are around 3 million Turkish origin migrants in Germany and 400 thousand in France who have
already raised their third generations. Nowadays they are even being named with their hyphenated identities,
such as German-Turks and French-Turks. In the meantime, they encounter various obstacles in everyday life due
to the stigmatization and securitization of migration and Islam. This is why their integration into the receiving
societies is of great importance, as better social cohesion helps nurture the economic, political and social
contribution of migrants to their countries of settlement. Using the data derived from a recent micro-level survey
on Turkish-origin immigrants residing in Germany and France, the determinants of their social affiliations and
employment probability as well as the impact of citizenship acquisition on their socio-economic integration will
be analyzed in this article.







JEL codes: F22, O15, Z13.
Keywords: Turkish migrants, Citizenship, Affiliation, Economic Integration.


*
The first author acknowledge financial support from the ARC convention on "Geographical Mobility of Factors" (convention 09/14-019).
Correspondence: Aysegul Kayaoglu (a.kayaoglu@lse.ac.uk)


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Introduction
The contemporary world is being shaped by tremendous flows of both capital and labor more
than ever before. These flows brought the need for efficient restructuring in the institutional
frameworks of both destination and home countries, and still call for further changes in the
structure of existing institutions. International migration of laborers after World War II had an
important impact, especially on the institution of citizenship, which was and still is one of the
highly debated issues. It is common to start discussing the institution of citizenship before and
after the Second World War, which had an enormous impact on its transformation. (Marshall,
1950). In the aftermath of World War II, the right to citizenship was extended to women and
children after men (Marshall, 1950). T. H. Marshall sociologically defined the institution of
citizenship as an ideological tool employed by the modern capitalist state in order to contain
social groups claims in the civil, political and social domains. In other words, the Marshallian
conception of citizenship could also be perceived as a form of governmentality in the
Foucauldian sense.
1
The focus was on the ingredients of the skeleton of a nation, and
therefore citizenship was granted to those who share common ethnic, religious, linguistic and
cultural identities. Citizenship as a prescribed contract signed between a rights-holder and a
certain nation-state was actually an exclusionary one, in the sense that migrants from other
nations did not have any chance of having it. This discourse was dominant in the nation-states
until the beginning of the 20
th
century, and especially started to lose its importance after the
enormous migration flows emerging in the aftermath of WWII (Marshall, 1950; Brubaker,
1992; Turner, 1990; Bottomore, 1992; Heater, 1999).

Changing forms of Affiliation: inclusive policies make sense!
Citizenship is not only about the enjoyment of rights as a full member of a political
community (Marshall, 1950) and the performance of duties; it also confers an identity and a
feeling of solidarity with other citizens. Thus, it can be argued that being a citizen is far from
the aspiration of having more rights in today's post-modern world. It has also become a tool in
the quest for recognition of ones differences, be they religious, ethnic, linguistic or other
(In, 2008). Citizenship defines who belongs to the political community and who is excluded,
who is welcome as a fellow citizen, and who remains an outsider. Besides, new social
movements have also brought about the development of different layers of rights apart from

3

civil, political and social rights, such as cultural and ecological rights (Turner, 1990 and
1993).
Soysal (1994) argues that national citizenship has lost its importance in the post-
modern era since some of the basic rights, namely social and civil rights linked to the
institution of citizenship, are now given automatically by post-modern membership to those
who are not even the citizens of a specific nation-state. This is what Hammar (1990) calls
denizenship, which is granting migrants civil, social and cultural rights, but not political
ones. Apart from political rights, all other rights are secured by international institutions and,
therefore, it is argued that the nation-state has recently lost its power-stick of loyalty for its
members. Moreover, Soysal (1994) points out the fact that increasing restrictiveness is a
common feature of European immigration laws, especially for non-EU migrants. However,
the complicated process of citizenship acquisition is still questionable under these conditions.
We believe that an empirical analysis which investigates the impact of citizenship on
the socio-economic integration and affiliation of migrants is promising and timely. Besides, it
is plausible to deal with migrants with the same country of origin in terms of overcoming the
measurement problems raised by comparison of different migrant groups, although general
conclusions cannot be drawn without caution from this study with regard to the situation of
other migrant groups.
In the light of the literature review, this paper will argue that the institution of national
citizenship did not actually lose its importance but has even required further substance for the
emergence of a more cohesive and egalitarian society. By providing a link between the two
streams of the literature, this paper aims to analyze the impact of citizenship on employment
probabilities and different affiliations of Turkish-origin immigrant populations settled in
Germany and France together with revealing the link between employment and citizenship
status from an empirical perspective. Although it is argued that post-national membership
already provides many social, civil, cultural and ecological rights to migrant populations,
which causes devaluation in the importance of holding national citizenship for those migrants,
we claim that the institute of citizenship still has power over the social, political and economic
integration and assimilation of migrants if the subjective evaluations of migrants towards their
own affiliations are taken into consideration. Therefore, citizenship continues to be an
important instrument for governments to provide incentives for the migrant population to
make them more attached to their countries of residence and more active in the economic
setting of the host country. Hence, empirical analysis which investigates the impact of
citizenship on socio-economic integration is essential. Besides, it is also conceivable to deal

4

with immigrants with the same country of origin, but with two different countries of residence
(Germany and France), in terms of overcoming the measurement problems raised by the
comparison of different migrant groups in such analyses, although general conclusions cannot
be drawn from it for the situations of other migrant groups.
Since the paper focuses on the impact of citizenship on both social and economic
integration of migrants of Turkish origin residing in Germany and France, the following
sections will review the relevant literature and the historical developments in the institution of
citizenship in both countries. Subsequently, we will describe the data and econometric
methodology used in our analysis. Consequently, the results of our analysis will be presented
in the last section.
Increasing flows of international migration from the third-world countries to some
European countries in the aftermath of WWII gave rise to the formation of a new type of
membership in the European nation-states. These flows caused local people to face new
ethno-cultural and religious identities in a way that brought about a need for immigrants to be
respected through their differences by the receiving majority societies. The increasing
intervention of international institutions in securing the social and civil rights of immigrants
brings up various doubts about the importance of the national citizenship institution for
immigrants themselves. Soysal (1994: 119) claims that "the scope and the inventory of non-
citizens' rights do not differ significantly from those of citizens, and the rights of non-citizens
are increasingly standardized across host policies." Thus, according to this analysis, it seems
that migrant origin workers do not need national citizenship in their destination countries in
order to have membership rights and privileges. However, we argue that it should be the aim
of destination countries to establish optimal migration policies, which should include easing
citizenship acquisition to those immigrants who already have rights and privileges of
citizenship via their mode of residence, since this will provide them with greater incentive to
be more closely connected to the native society.
Hypothesis 1: More inclusionary policies lead migrants and their descendants to be more
affiliated with receiving countries.

Segregationist and Integrationist Models at Work: Germany and France
A question often heard when any revision of citizenship is suggested is: "What about our
national identity?" In fact, citizenship and nation are two imbricate institutions. National
identity, like all other identities, is dynamic, fluid and syncretic, and should not be

5

prescribed. Our identity, be it national, individual, political, communal or ethnic, is
shaped by the acts of recognition, unrecognition or misrecognition of "others" (Taylor
1994: 25). The human mind develops in a dialogical way, but not in a monological way.
We can construct our identities only if we are able to experience others' reactions to our
attitudes and behavior. Thus, it is impossible to build an identity without a dialogue with
the "other." If a nation prescribes a holistic notion of culture
2
, then it would be
remarkably difficult for newcomer groups to incorporate themselves into the existing
social and political system without major resistance from the majority society.
Prescribing, thus essentializing, the nation may inevitably lead its members not to
recognize newcomers whom they consider to be ethno-culturally and religiously
different. Unrecognition of newcomers may result in the construction of radical and
centrifugal identities, and thus in conflict. In other words, as Kymlicka and Norman have
remarked, "immigrant groups that feel alienated from the larger national identity are
likely to be alienated from the political arena as well" (2000: 39). Traditional citizenship
rhetoric is inclined to advance the interests of the dominant national group at the
expense of immigrant origin populations as well as native ethno-cultural and religious
minorities.
The idea of the nation-state, originating from the holistic notion of culture, is
essentially rooted in a "name," a common ancestry, a set of common historical memories and
myths, a national anthem, a common territory for which the "forefathers" have died, a national
economy, and a set of common legal rights and duties (Smith, 1995). Accordingly, foreigners
such as guest workers, asylum seekers or refugees, who migrated to the West in large
numbers during the post-war era, have been somehow excluded from civil, social, political
and cultural rights. It should be kept in mind that traditional citizenship rhetoric is inclined to
advance the interests of the dominant national group at the expense of immigrant origin
populations as well as native ethno-cultural and religious minorities. The model of national
citizenship, which is linked to territorialized notions of cultural belonging and primordial
loyalty, has been dominant during the period of massive migration since the turn of the
twentieth century. However, the recent experience of transnational migrant workers reflects "a
time when national citizenship is losing ground to a more universal model of membership,
anchored in deterritorialized notions of persons' rights" (Soysal 1994: 3).
Although permanent residents, denizens, have certain privileges of having civil, social,
ecological and cultural rights, which may lead one to argue that granting them citizenship will

6

not improve their rights and, therefore, there is no need to privilege them with citizenship, our
empirical analysis shows that acquiring citizenship has a positive impact on the social
assimilation of immigrants towards their country of settlement.
In Germany, non-EU immigrants and even their offspring were not easily able to
obtain citizenship until the year 2000, and this exclusionary discourse of citizenship caused
Turkish origin immigrants to strengthen their ethnic capital both in Germany and across the
national borders (Kaya, 2009; Joppke, 2005). The new law has partially changed the principle
of descent (jus sanguinis) that has so far been the country's traditional basis for granting
citizenship. Now, it is also possible to acquire German citizenship as a result of being born in
Germany (jus soli). According to the new law, children who are born in Germany to foreign
nationals will receive German citizenship when one of the respective child's parents has
resided lawfully in Germany for at least eight years and holds entitlement to residence, or has
an unlimited residence permit for at least three years. Under the new law, such children
acquire German citizenship at birth. The new law also created a transitional arrangement for
children up to the age of 10 who were born in Germany before the `Act to Amend the
Nationality Law' was enacted, according to which those children were entitled to automatic
naturalization. In most cases, they also acquire their parents' citizenship under the principle of
descent. Such children now have to decide within five years of turning 18 - before their 23
rd

birthday - whether they want to retain their German citizenship or not. They must opt for one
of their two nationalities.
3

It is apparent that the number of foreigners applying for naturalization in Germany
has greatly increased since the introduction of the new citizenship laws. For instance, while
the number of Turkish origin immigrants who were naturalized before 2000 was around 300
thousand, now this number has almost tripled and become more than 900 thousand in ten
years. The new citizenship laws permit the descendants of Turkish migrants to acquire dual
citizenship for at least a certain period of time. The present legal reforms enable German-born
foreigners to go beyond their previously defined denizen status (Joppke, 2005). They can
thus enjoy political as well as civic, social, cultural and environmental rights. Hence, the
present German citizenship laws have created a possibility for the introduction of a kind of
limited "hyphenated" citizenship for non-European foreigners as well as for those of Turkish
origin. The partial introduction of the principle of jus soli clearly indicates that the definition
of Germanness is no longer limited to ethnic descent. It also suggests that ethnically non-
German and non-European members of the Federal Republic can be incorporated into the
political sphere through civic channels.

7

One could argue that citizenship reforms in Germany have become more restrictive
since 2000 due to concerns about terrorism, Muslim origin immigrants and adherence to
Western values. The introduction of the attitude test (Gesinnungstest ) by the state of Baden-
Wrttemberg in 2006 was the first step towards a more restrictive regime of citizenship
towards Muslim-origin migrants and their descendants, who are asked for their views on
issues like domestic violence, arranged marriages, religious freedom and terrorism.
4
The
citizenship test became a national exercise in August 2007 as the amended Nationality Act
came into effect. It was stated by the Federal Ministry of the Interior that knowledge of
German civic values will now be required for naturalization. The definition of civic values
includes having basic knowledge of the legal and social order and the way of life in Germany
as well as competency in the national language (Federal Ministry of the Interior, 2007). The
2007 amendments mark a setback from the 2000 Citizenship Law in the sense that this new
civic-based citizenship has now turned the pre-2000 blood-based restriction on citizenship
into a restriction based on values. The so-called civic integration seems to be discriminatory
to Muslims, who are negatively targeted as an ethnic group in Europe under the guise of
liberalism (Joppke, 2007). Stigmatization of migrants of Turkish origin still remains the same.
In his critique of Thilo Sarrazins highly polemical book Germany Does Away With Itself
(Deutschland schafft sich ab, 2010), Habermas (2010) states that German Leitkultur (leading
culture) is recently being defined not by German culture but by religion: With an arrogant
appropriation of Judaism and an incredible disregard for the fate the Jews suffered in
Germany the apologists of the Leitkultur now appeal to the Judeo-Christian tradition,
which distinguishes us from foreigners. Referring to genetic arguments, Sarrazin claims in
his book that the future of Germany is threatened by the wrong kind of immigrants, especially
from Muslim countries. Although his arguments are based on conventional racist rhetoric, he
was highly credited by German society for securitizing citizenship (Habermas, 2010). His
racist arguments were later followed by German Chancellor Angela Merkels discourse on the
end of multiculturalism in contemporary Germany, and Bavarian Prime Minister Horst
Seehofers hate speech against migrants coming from Turkey and Arab countries (Habermas,
2010).
Unlike Germany, France has historically defined citizenship in political rather than
ethno-cultural terms since the French Revolution, and invited all foreigners, "Friends of
Liberty", to join the French State. The decree of 26 August 1792 granted French citizenship to
foreigners who by their writings or acts had defended liberty and the principles of the
revolution. Alongside the principle of jus sanguinis attributing automatically citizenship to

8

those born in France to French parents, the revolutionaries attributed to the principle of jus
soli specific conditions which guaranteed attachment and loyalty to France. The dominance of
the principle of jus soli has remained the same since the revolution. While the 1851
citizenship law gave French citizenship to third-generation immigrants, the 1889 citizenship
legislation automatically attributed French citizenship to second-generation immigrants
(Brubaker, 1992: 85-86). The 1889 law, with small modifications, still exists today. French
citizenship law contains two provisions embodying the principle of jus soli: Article 23,
attributing citizenship at birth to third-generation immigrants, and Article 44, attributing
citizenship at age 18 to second-generation immigrants born in France and resident there since
aged 13, provided they have not opted out of French citizenship during the preceding year and
they have not been convicted of certain crimes. French citizenship law also permits double
citizenship.
Despite its embracing integrationist policies vis--vis migrants and their descendants,
French citizenship law has lately been criticized by nationalists for turning foreigners into
French citizens on paper without making sure that they were "French at heart" (Franais de
Coeur). Nationalist critiques of the jus soli principle have become even stronger since the
early 1990s, when so-called Islamic fundamentalism has been escalating in the West (Kaya,
2009).
For a century, France has defined second generation immigrants as citizens. This
practice was uncontested until recently. In the mid-1980s, however, jus soli came under sharp
attack from the far right. "Etre Franais, cela se mrite" (To be French, you have to deserve
it), proclaimed Jean-Marie Le Pen's National Front. Under pressure from the National Front,
the center-right parties took up the theme during the 1986 legislative campaign, proposing in
their joint platform to denounce automatic acquisitions of French citizenship. Second
generation immigrants would no longer become French jus soli, they would have to express a
demand for French nationality, which would have to be accepted by the state. In the late
1980s, the government of Jacques Chirac proposed to limit the jus soli principle as far as
immigrants were concerned. Yet the proposal provoked strong opposition and was eventually
withdrawn from the legislative agenda. A commission of enquiry was set up, which put
forward the idea of extending rather than further restricting access to French citizenship
(Brubaker, 1992: 138). The Commission's report formed the basis for Law No 93.933, in
force since July 22nd, 1993. The most important reform introduced the notion of consent by
stating that "persons born in France of foreign parents can acquire French citizenship between
the ages of 16 and 21 by declaration if the five years residence requirement and the non-

9

convictions required are satisfied." Persons who have expressly declined French citizenship
during the year preceding their majority and persons who have been convicted of certain
crimes are excluded from this provision.
In France, naturalization is secondary to the acquisition of citizenship. In contrast to
the declaration, the naturalization procedure is discretionary, i.e., subject to the control and
approval of the administration. The naturalization procedure in France requires five years of
permanent residence, majority, linguistic competence, assimilation into the French
community, and good morals and customs, meaning no prison sentences of more than six
months or offences or crimes against State security. Unlike many other countries, France does
not require candidates for naturalization to renounce their original citizenship. The
requirements for naturalization are founded on a presumption of assimilation, attachment and
loyalty of foreigners settled in France. Thus, the administration usually rejects demands of
naturalization by foreigners whose family members live abroad.

Hypothesis 2: Long-lasting exclusionary migration and integration policies of Germany and
inclusionary policies of France make migrants and their descendants make French-Turks
more affiliated with France and German-Turks less affiliated with Germany.

Economic Integration: Employment and Citizenship
The literature in political science mainly focused on the importance of the citizenship
institution and the concept of citizenship itself for a long time (cf., inter alia, Marshall,
1950; Turner, 1990; Brubaker, 1992; Taylor, 1994; and Soysal, 1994). On the other
hand, the literature on the economics of citizenship has recently emerged, and mainly
explores the impact of political and social integration of immigrants on their economic
outcomes without necessarily questioning the determinants of social and political integration
(interalia, Bratsberg et al., 2002; Scott, 2006; Zimmermann, 2007). The literature on the
economics of citizenship can be divided into two main parts. On the one hand, there is a
literature which focuses on the earnings catch-up of immigrants that we could describe as
economic assimilation research. On the other hand, there is another stream of literature
which focuses on the economic impact of citizenship on earnings and employment.
Chiswick (1978) analyzes the economic integration of immigrants in the sense that he
looks at the convergence between earnings of native and immigrant workers, and finds out
that the positive impact of naturalization on earnings fades away when it is controlled by the
years of residence. Besides, Bratsberg et al. (2002) have revealed a positive impact of
citizenship acquisition on the earnings of the immigrant male population. All these

10

implications lead to policy suggestions towards easing the citizenship acquisition of migrants.
DeVoretz and Pivenko (2006) also analyze the impact of naturalization on wages in the
Canadian case and find a positive relation between citizenship and wages of immigrants.
However, they do not control the endogeneity problem. Furthermore, Steinhardt (2008) finds
that naturalization plays a crucial role by increasing the labor market opportunities of
immigrants in Germany, and he employs both cross-sectional and panel-data settings.
Bratsberg et al. (2002) and Scott (2006) also find a positive effect of naturalization on
earnings of immigrants in the USA and Sweden, respectively.
Although there is a considerable amount of knowledge about the economic
assimilation of migrants and the impact of naturalization on the economic integration of
immigrants, there is a lack of information on this issue with regard to the immigrants in
European countries. Steinhardt (2008) looks at this impact for Germany and concludes that
citizenship matters. In our study, we focus on Turkish immigrants both in Germany and
France. Our results for Germany confirm the results of Steinhardt (2008). Last but not least,
Euwals, Dagevos, Gijsberts and Roodenburg (2010) try to investigate the impact of
citizenship on the labor markets using survey data on Turkish immigrants in Germany and the
Netherlands. However, they do not deal with the reverse causality problem in their empirical
analysis. To our knowledge, there are no other empirical studies focusing on the impact of
naturalization in France. Moreover, as Dustmann (1996) also points out, there is little
information about the socio-cultural assimilation of immigrants, although it breaks down the
barriers to full economic participation. By exploring the migrants subjective feelings of
integration, he provides an empirical analysis of the determinants of their integration using
data on Germany. DeVoretz (2008) focuses on the developments of the research in the
economics of immigrants citizenship acquisition and on the importance of interdisciplinary
research on this topic. He also analyzes whether naturalized German citizens earn higher
incomes and concludes that there are significant economic gains from citizenship ascension.
Since the related literature underlines the importance of the social integration of immigrants,
it is necessary to analyze the determinants of affiliations of migrants, which will have a direct
or indirect effect on their economic integration together with the achievement of a more
cohesive society in the destination countries.
Although there are different aspects of a comprehensive answer to the question, "Why
does integration of immigrants matter?" it can be argued that the main reason is to have a
more cohesive society, which brings out some positive outcomes like economic and fiscal
contributions of migrant origin individuals. Knowledge about the determinants of different

11

affiliations of immigrants is also important to explain and foresee migrants return behavior,
to shape political, social and migration policy debates. Moreover, the pervasive belief of
migrants being problematic for many European countries can only be confirmed with the
research on the subject.
Zimmermann (2007), for example, analyzes the economic impact of integration, and
concludes that integrated migrants have more global opportunities and better employment and
income potentials. Moreover, participation in the labor market can be seen as an indicator of
economic success in the destination countries, which also has many positive spillover effects
in terms of the integration of migrants to the society, such as improving welfare, becoming
familiar with the culture of the receiving society, and so on. Furthermore, Baubck (2005)
argues that political integration of immigrants was the main motivation factor in non-citizen
franchise for Scandinavia and the Netherlands. Besides, Walters, Phythian and Anisef (2007)
try to identify the link between ethnic identity, economic success and other determinants of
ethnic identity using cross-sectional data. They found out that citizenship status has high
relevance in adopting the identity of their host country.

Hypothesis 3: Since citizenship ownership sends a signal to employers about the lower
probability of return behavior of migrants and their descendants together with the
satisfaction of the other eligibility criteria, especially for the first generation immigrants, it
increases the probability of being employed.

Data and Methodology
Data used in the empirical analysis is obtained from the results of structured interviews
5

conducted with 1,065 interlocutors in Germany (2004) and 600 in France (2004). However,
the total number of observations is a reduced size of this whole dataset, because we had to
exclude from the data people who had already applied but were still waiting for citizenship, so
as not to cause any bias in our results. Pooled data is used in the empirical analysis in order to
increase the number of observations for the analysis. It is also crucial to note that the
questionnaires and the data collection method were the same in both countries, which enables
the comparability of the survey data between France and Germany. A detailed description of
the data and the manner in which it was collected is provided in the Appendix. Table 1
provides the descriptive statistics about the main variables that are used in the analysis.
The aim of the empirical section is to explore the link between citizenship acquisition
and socio-economic integration of immigrants in their destination countries after controlling

12

for a range of individual characteristics and country fixed-effects. In the first subsection of the
empirical part, we would like to analyze the impact of having citizenship of the destination
countries on the engagement of different affiliation
6
types of the immigrant population after
controlling other potential determinants of a migrant's affiliation. Therefore, our dependent
variables will be the four affiliation types which are actually derived from subjective answers
to the question, Do you feel yourself affiliated closer with the destination country or with
Turkey? If the interlocutor who is interviewed answered that s/he feels closer to Turkey, then
her/his affiliation is classified as segregated. If the answer favors the receiving country
instead of the home country, then s/he classified as assimilated. If the interviewee says that
s/he feels equally close to both destination country and Turkey then s/he classified as
integrated. Lastly, s/he is classified as marginalized if s/he feels equally distant from both
countries. As we mentioned earlier, this classification is in accordance with the acculturation
model of Berry (1997). Although we know that socio-cultural integration is a more complex
phenomenon than what this model suggests, we used it in order to be in line with the
literature.
[Table 1 about here]
In the second part of the empirical analysis, we estimate the impact of citizenship on
the employment probabilities of immigrants in their destination countries. Employment
variable is a dummy variable which is equal to 1 if the respondent reported to be working.
Students, housewives and retired people are excluded from this sample even if they may have
part-time employment. As it can be realized already, there is a potential problem of
endogeneity in estimating both cases. For the impact of citizenship on affiliation types, one
can argue that, although a person's status of membership affects her/his attitude towards the
society s/he lives in, the opposite may also be true. For example, people who are assimilated
in the destination country could be eager to obtain citizenship of the country of residence.
Moreover, one can argue that employed people would like to apply for citizenship since it
would be easier for them to be naturalized. Due to this potential reverse causality problem, we
decided to use second-stage procedure for our multinomial-probit and probit models, which
led us to choose a reliable and valid instrument for the citizenship variable. In other words,
instruments should have a high correlation with the potentially endogenous variable but
should not have a correlation with the error term.
We used a dummy for immigrants who immigrated due to family reunification as an
instrument for citizenship variable in both analyses. For both of the countries concerned,
family reunification is a facilitating source of naturalization. However, it is not easy to talk

13

about a direct impact of it, either on affiliation types or employment probability. One may
argue that immigrants who came to the host country by means of family reunification would
have a better environment in which to be integrated or assimilated, because the people who
had immigrated before them can be a good example in showing how to socialize and integrate
in the receiving country. However, this mechanism could work in other ways as well, and one
may argue that early immigrants could result in segregation of the later-comers if they were
not successful in their integration process. We also used other instruments for the robustness
analysis, such as the year of eligibility for citizenship considering the minimum years of
residence for naturalization in both countries. A similar instrument is also used by Bevelander
and Pendakur (2009) in their analysis of the impact of citizenship on the employment
probabilities of the migrant population in Sweden. We also used instruments such as dummy
variables for the return decisions of migrants and some indicators for the economic well-being
of migrants. However, the instrument that we chose to use provides the best statistics in terms
of first-stage results and, moreover, it has the advantage in comparison to the other
instruments in terms of its economic validity, since the above mentioned instruments have a
direct link with the social and economic integration of immigrants. All in all, we can say that
lack of availability of a more relevant and valid instrument makes it difficult to talk about a
causal link, but rather we can interpret more on the correlation outcomes.
Since we have four separate affiliation groups, the multinomial probit model is
employed in analyzing the impact of citizenship on these affiliation types. However, in the
analysis of the effect of citizenship on employment probability, we employ the probit model
since our dependent variable is a binomial one. Moreover, Mallar (1977)'s procedure is
employed in both estimations to find efficient and consistent results from the regression
analysis, because the endogenous dummy variable (citizenship status) is a discrete variable.
Following Mallar's procedure we first run first-stage probit regressions using the instruments
and all the other explanatory variables;
(CITIZENSHIP|, ) = P(CITIZENSHIP = 1|x, x, . . , x
k
, ) = {constant + FE
c
+ +}
where x represents the vector of exogenous explanatory variables, z is the vector of the
instruments, and FE
c
stands for the country fixed effects. is the standard normal cumulative
distribution function (cdf), which is strictly between zero and one for all values of the
parameters. An index of linear prediction of the endogenous variable is constructed from the
first-stage results. It is important to note that index is a linear function of all exogenous
explanatory variables but not the predicted probability of a 1-outcome of the first-stage
dependent variable. In other words, the index is the estimation of CITIZENSHIP

from the

14

first-stage probit but not the estimate of CITIZENSHIP = 1[CITIZENSHIP

> 0]. After obtaining

the linear index from the first-stage, we substitute this index for the endogenous variable in
the second-stage estimation, and then maximize the marginal likelihood function with respect
to the structural parameters.
(y|, CITIZENSHIP

) = P(y = 1|x, x, . . , x
k
, CITIZENSHIP

)
= {constant + FE
c
+ +CITIZENSHIP

}
This method provides consistent estimates with large samples. However, we need to
take care with the reliability of standard errors and t-statistics since performing the second-
stage procedure manually is likely to give unreliable standard errors. Re-sampling the whole
procedure takes place by means of bootstrap. Thus, valid standard errors are obtained by
estimating the same equation using different samples drawn from the original data, which is
assumed to be a population; bootstrap standard errors are the sample standard deviations of
the parameter obtained from the repeated re-sampling and estimation as the number of
bootstrap replications (Wooldridge, 2009). In estimations, we employed 300 bootstrap
replications. The number of replications is arbitrarily chosen, however the idea is that the
higher the number of replications, the better would be the estimate of standard errors.
Results
In this section, we will present the results of the empirical analysis. Firstly, the impact of
citizenship on different affiliations will be summarized. Subsequently, the link between
employment probability of migrants and their citizenship status will be revealed.
I mpact of Citizenship on Different Affiliations
In our multinomial probit models, we aim to find the determinants of response probabilities,
or in other words, if a person defines himself/herself as segregated, assimilated, integrated or
marginalized:

y
i
, CITIZENSHIP

=
0
+
c
+
1
CITIZENSHIP

+
2
network +
3
gender +
4
age +

5
agesq +
6
foreignlang
rw
+
7
foreignlang
us
+
i
educationlevel
10
i=8
+
11
socialactivity , i =
a, i, s and m ,

where a, i, s and m stand for four different affiliation types, respectively for assimilation,
integration, segregation and marginalization. x is the full set of explanatory variables.

and

are constant and country fixed effects, respectively. As in the previous section,

15

is the linear prediction of citizenship variable from the first-stage regression.

The variable indicates whether immigrants had a member of the family or friend
before migrating to the host country. is a dummy variable, which is equal to 1 if the
migrant is male. is a continuous variable for the age of the respondent and is the
squared transformation of the variable age, which is added to include the concavity of the age
value into estimation. Moreover,

and

are, respectively, the

dummy variable for the reading and writing ability of the respondent in the language of
destination country, and a dummy variable for the understanding and speaking ability of the
language used in the receiving country. Furthermore,

=
_ stands for the
dummy variables stating the latest education diploma for the immigrant (lower secondary,
upper secondary and tertiary education). The excluded category for the education level is
primary level and, therefore, estimation results for the different categories should be
compared to the excluded category. Lastly, the variable indicates whether or
not the respondent is participating in social activities in the host country.
Assuming that response probability will be nonlinear in the set of explanatory
variables, and further assuming that this non-linear function will have standard normal
cumulative distribution function, we decided to use the multinomial probit model. It is also
important to note that our interest in the regressions is not coefficients from the regressions
above. Rather, we presented average partial effects for each explanatory. Moreover, it could
also be argued that there is a probability for movements among these different classifications
of affiliations over time. However, this intermingling will not be considered due to the cross-
sectional structure of our data. Being aware of this obstacle, we believe that cross-sectional
analysis will provide hints for further research on the same topic. Tables 2a and 2b present the
marginal effects from each regression equation.
In Table 2a, we present marginal effects from multinomial probit estimations and in
Table 2b, we give marginal effects from two-stage multinomial probit results where we
control the endogeneity problem. As can be seen from Table 2a, for those who have
citizenship of the country they live in, marginal effect on their segregation is -.129. Thus,
citizenship has negative and significant causal impact on segregation of immigrants and their
descendants from the destination country. The impact of citizenship on the probability of
being assimilated is also found to be significantly positive. The same impact is positive but
not statistically significant for the integration of migrants. Lastly, according to IV-
multinomial probit results, it is revealed that citizenship possession has a negative impact on
the probability of being marginalized after controlling the reverse causality. Thus, it can be

16

said that citizenship status has undeniable impact on the different affiliation categories of
migrants and their descendants, thus our Hypothesis 1 is satisfied.
[Table 2a about here]
Moreover, for those migrants who already have a family member preceding their
migration, it is discovered that there is a negative average marginal effect on migrants
segregation, although it is not statistically significant. The same effect is found to be positive
and statistically significant for the marginalization probability of migrants when we control
the endogeneity in Table 2b. This is an important finding, since it can lead to an argument that
ethnic capital may be harmful for the integration process of migrants and, therefore,
destination countries could try to find some ways to cope with this issue. In this regard, the
exclusionary ghettoization politics of many destination countries is open to revision.
When we look at the impact of gender in multinomial probit regression, it is
discovered that men on average have .074 percentage points more probability of being
segregated and .066 percentage points less probability of being less integrated into the society
in comparison to women. This could be due to the fact that they are more incorporated into
ethnic labor markets in destination countries instead of working in mainstream jobs, and thus
have less interaction with the receiving society as a whole. Furthermore, the impact of higher
level of education (both upper secondary and tertiary levels) in comparison to the primary
school educated migrants is positively correlated with segregation, and is found to be
negatively correlated with the assimilation of migrants according to the IV-multinomial
estimation results.
[Table 2b about here]
Moreover, language proficiency in speaking and understanding is found to have a
positive effect on the assimilation probability of migrants. On the other hand, reading and
writing abilities have significantly positive impact on the integration probability of migrants.
And lastly, all kinds of language abilities were found to be negatively and significantly
important for the segregation probability of migrants, which is understandable since it enables
immigrants to communicate better with their surroundings. Furthermore, country dummy
reveals that, everything else controlled, immigrants in France have less probability of being
segregated in comparison to their counterparts in Germany according to the IV-multinomial
probit model. Interestingly, it is also revealed that immigrants in France have a higher
probability of being integrated in comparison to migrants in Germany. These findings are also
in line with our hypothesis 1.

17

I mpact of Citizenship on Employment Probability
In this part, we implement again Mallar (1977)'s procedure of two-stage using probit
regressions in the second-stage of the estimation. Dependent variable and regressors are as in
the equation below, and their definitions are the same as in the previous section:
Employment = 1, CITIZENSHIP

= {
0
+
c
+
1
CITIZENSHIP

+
2
network +
3
gender +
4
age +
5
agesq
+
6
foreignlang
rw
+
7
foreignlang
us
+
i
10
i=8
education_level
+
11
socialactivity}
In Table 3, we present the marginal effects from the three estimation models. In column 1,
probit estimation results are presented, and in column 2, IV-probit results are given. Lastly, in
column 3 we repeated the IV-probit estimation by excluding the education dummies as
control variables, because there could be strong incentive to acquire human capital if they are
planning to apply for citizenship. It can be observed from the comparison of column 2 and
column 3 that there is no significant impact of excluding education categories from the
regression.

[Table 3 about here]

As can be seen from Table 3, citizenship ownership has a positive and significant
impact on the probability of employment for immigrants in IV specifications. For the age
structure, it is seen that increase in the average age (see Table 1) has a positive impact on the
probability of being employed up to a threshold level, and then affects negatively due to a
significant and negative coefficient of age squared. Moreover, men are found to have greater
likelihood to be employed. This could be due to the educational difference between men and
women, or because of the patriarchal family structure of the Turkish origin immigrants, which
is more likely to imprison women at home to deal with housework. Furthermore, education
level is found to have a positive impact on the employment probability in probit estimations.
For the IV estimations, we could not find significant results for the employment probabilities
of migrants. In addition, country dummy indicates that it is easier for migrants to be employed
in France than in Germany. This could be due to inclusionary policies of France towards
immigrants. To sum up, naturalization has a positive impact on the labor market position of
immigrants after controlling for other personal characteristics, and this confirms our
Hypothesis 3 above.

18


Conclusion
As we have discussed earlier, citizenship defines who belongs to the political community and
who is excluded, who is welcome as a fellow citizen and who remains an outsider. Therefore,
the institution of national citizenship could provide migrants with an incentive to be both
socially and politically more attached to the country of residence. As it is well-documented by
the migration studies literature, social integration of migrants in terms of having better
knowledge of the language of the country they live in, and being more acquainted with the
social norms in the society can have positive impacts on their integration to the labor markets
in their destination countries. In that sense, it would be interesting to see if citizenship has a
positive spillover impact on economic integration by strengthening social integration and/or
assimilation. However, this does not necessarily mean that linguistic and cultural integration
automatically results in economic integration of immigrant origin populations. One should
remember that the unemployment rate in France in the late 1990s among university graduates
of French ethnic origin is 5%, and 27% among the North African origin university graduates
(Noiriel, 1998; Kaya, 2009).
7
This ratio is much higher than it is in Germany (4% and 12%),
Belgium (5% and 15%), and the Netherlands (3% and 12%).
8

In the empirical analysis, we have found a statistically significant impact of citizenship
on both affiliations and economic integration of immigrant origin populations. These findings
render citizenship policies crucial for the incorporation policies of Germany and France vis-a-
vis immigrants and their descendants. Citizenship procedures should be eased in both
countries, at least for those immigrants and their descendants who have strong affiliation with
their country of residence. It was also revealed that loyalty and attachment to the country of
residence by means of citizenship attainment is likely to have a great impact on the social and
economic integration of migrants and their descendants.










19

Appendix


TABLE 1: DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS*
Full Sample Germany Germany
(citizens only)
France France
(citizens only)
# Observations 1544 991 279 553 215
Age** 36.15 36.52 32.48 35.51 30.19
Gender (=1 if male) 54.08 54.79 47.31 52.80 50.70
Language Proficiency
Reading and writing (good) 53.89 55.60 78.06 50.59 78.31
Speaking and understanding (good) 57.06 57.98 79.57 55.37 82.63
Network (=1 if exists) 79.73 82.44 93.55 74.86 81.86
Education Level***
Primary 23.19 20.68 7.53 27.67 10.70
Lower Secondary 26.68 32.90 37.63 15.55 12.56
Upper Secondary 35.43 33.70 44.80 38.52 55.35
Tertiary 9.84 8.48 8.60 12.30 20
Social Activities (=1 if participated) 35.30 38.55 40.86 29.48 29.77
Citizenship
Nationality of the host country 31.99 28.15 100 38.88 100
Employment (=1 if employed) 44.55 38.83 46.95 54.79 55.81
Affiliation Types
Segregated 45.14 50.35 29.03 35.80 21.86
Assimilated 22.47 21.19 36.20 24.77 29.30
Integrated 29.47 25.63 30.82 48.14 46.98
Marginalized 2.91 2.82 3.94 3.07 1.86
First Generation 66.39 64.89 44.44 69.08 39.53
Second Generation 33.61 35.11 55.56 30.92 60.46
*Values represent percentages out of total population in each sample.
** Mean age for each group.
***Educational level categories are exclusionary but the total may not give 100 percent since there could be some missing
in the data or people without a diploma.


TABLE 2a: AVERAGE MARGINAL EFFECTS FROM MULTINOMIAL PROBIT REGRESSIONS
SEGREGATION ASSIMILATION INTEGRATION MARGINALIZATION
Age -.003 .005 -.002 -.000
Age squared .000 -.000 .000 -.000
Gender (=1 if male) .074** -.007 -.066** -.0003
Language Proficiency
Reading and writing (good) -.059** .0001 .057** .001
Speaking and understanding (good) -.069** .051** .021 -.002
Network (=1 if exists) -.027 .042 -.025 .010
Education Level
Lower Secondary -.013 -.010 .013 .010
Upper Secondary .050 -.086** .026 .009
Tertiary .106** -.133** .039 -.012
Social Activities (=1 if participated) -.023 -.011 .032 .001
Citizenship
Nationality of the host country -.129*** .103*** .026 -.001
Country Dummy (=1 if France) -.140 .030 .107*** .002
# Observations 1485 1485 1485 1485











20

TABLE 2b: AVERAGE MARGINAL EFFECTS FROM IV-MULTINOMIAL PROBIT REGRESSIONS
SEGREGATION ASSIMILATION INTEGRATION MARGINALIZATION
Age -.009 .012** -.002 -.001
Age squared .0001* -.0002** .000 .000
Gender (=1 if male) .041 .040 -.066** -.016
Language Proficiency
Reading and writing (good) -.068** .008 .058** .001
Speaking and understanding (good) -.074** .051** .024 -.001
Network (=1 if exists) .033 -.039 -.028 .034*
Education Level
Lower Secondary .104 -.160** .004 .052*
Upper Secondary .202** -.285*** .015 .068*
Tertiary .273** -.346*** .024 .047
Social Activities (=1 if participated) -.011 -.027 .032 .005
Citizenship
Nationality of the host country -.180** .228** .014 -.061*
Country Dummy (=1 if France) -.086* -.048 .106** .027*
# Observations 1485 1485 1485 1485
Bootstrap Replications 300 300 300 255



TABLE 3: MARGINAL EFFECTS FOR EMPLOYMENT PROBABILITY
PROBIT IV-PROBIT1 IV-PROBIT2
Age .054*** .051*** .051***
Age squared -.001*** -.001*** -.001***
Gender (=1 if male) .283*** .372*** .340***
Language Proficiency
Reading and writing (good) -.016 -.098* -.069**
Speaking and understanding (good) .069** -.008 .023
Network (=1 if exists) .001 -.089 .046
Education Level
Lower Secondary .072* -.042 --
Upper Secondary .084** -.086 --
Tertiary .034 -.111 --
Social Activities (=1 if participated) .021 .009 .060
Citizenship
Nationality of the host country .037 .347* .211**
Country Dummy (=1 if France) .149*** .001 .062*
# Observations 1483 1483 1483
Bootstrap Replications - 300 300


Data Collection
Survey data were collected for a research project of Kaya and Kentel (2005). Questions of the
structured surveys were prepared by Ayhan Kaya and Ferhat Kentel, and later discussed with
some colleagues, representatives of the Open Society Institute, Heinrich Bll and also with
some related academics during the qualitative research period in Germany and France. The
research team, with the assistance of the Veri Aratrma Data Processing Company, set up a
quota sampling in both countries, paying particular attention to the density of population of
Turkish origin in the urban space and rural space. The quota sampling covered the variables
of age, gender, occupation and region in order to gather a representative picture of the Euro-
Turks. Interviews resulted in the collection of 1,065 questionnaires in Germany and 600 in
France by teams of local research companies, Gelszus GmbH (Hamburg) and Socioscan
(Paris), in collaboration with Veri Aratrma. The selection of the interviewers and the
methods of interview were supervised by Veri Aratrma in order to ensure that bilingual

21

Turkish interviewers were employed, and interviews were properly conducted. Veri Aratrma
also organized orientation programs in both countries for the interviewers in order to equip
them with some essential interviewing techniques and information. The interview consisted of
90 questions. It was been reported that the average duration of the interviews was around 30
minutes. Interviewers were also given a German/French translation of the questions to be used
in the event of any participant preferring to communicate in either language. With respect to
gender and age, it was attempted to obtain a representative selection of Euro-Turks.




























22

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1
Governmentality refers to the practices which characterise the form of supervision a state exercises over its
subjects, their wealth, misfortunes, customs, bodies, souls and habits. It is the art of governing (Foucault, 1979).
2
Anthropologically speaking, there are two principal notions of culture. The first one is the holistic notion of
culture, and the second is the syncretic notion of culture. The former considers culture a highly integrated and
grasped static `whole'. This is the dominant paradigm of the classical modernity, of which territoriality and
totality were the main characteristics. The latter notion is the one which is most obviously affected by increasing
interconnectedness in space. This syncretic notion of culture has been proposed by contemporary scholars to
demonstrate the fact that cultures emerge in mixing beyond the political and geographical territories. For further
information on this discussion, see Kaya (2001).
3
For a detailed account of the contemporary German Nationality Law, see the German Interior Ministry,
http://www.bmi.bund.de/Internet/Content/Common/Anlagen/Gesetze/Staatsangehoerigkeitsgesetz__englisch,tem
plateId=raw,property=publicationFile.pdf/Staatsangehoerigkeitsgesetz_englisch.pdf, accessed on April 2, 2011.
4
See http://www.integration-in-deutschland.de/ accessed on May 3, 2011.
5
Structured interviews enable reliable comparative research since they ensure that each respondent is faced with
the same questions in the same order.
6
The term affiliation is used here to mean psychological contiguity, attachment or sympathy towards a country
in comparison to the other. In that respect it reflects the feeling of identity of migrants with the receiving country

25


relative to their origin countries. Affiliation categories that are described and used in this paper (separation,
assimilation, integration and marginalization) are referred to acculturation states or the acculturation process that
are commonly used in cross-cultural psychology literature. See Berry (1997) for details.
7
In order to cope with institutional racism in the labor market as well as in other spheres of life, migrant origin
people tend to give traditional French first names to newborn children. Grard Noiriel indicates that this practice
is rather an old practice among migrants: in a Polish community in northern France, 44% in 1935, 73% in 1945,
82% in 1955, and 98% in 1960 (Noiriel, 1998: 233).
8
Insight into the process of migrant youth integration can be gleaned from a study comparing second-generation
migrant populations in Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands and Sweden (Crul and Vermeulen,
2003). The study, for instance, found that Muslim-background youth in Germany suffered far less
unemployment than Muslim-background youth in France, Belgium and, to a lesser extent, the Netherlands. This
is because of the apprentice system linked to vocational school education in Germany. In Belgium, France and
the Netherlands, a significant number of Muslim-background youth held professional or white-collar jobs, but
many highly qualified and unqualified second-generation Turkish members of the labor force were unemployed
owing to the difficult transition from school to employment.
ISSN 1379-244X D/2011/3082/033