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Sufism The Formative Period

This book analyzes the early history of Sufism through a synthetic and analytical lens. In chapter one, the author discusses the rise of Sufism in Baghdad during the Abbasid dynasty. Key figures like Fudayl ibn 'Iyad and Bishr ibn al-Harith al-Hafi helped popularize renunciation as a form of piety and turning inward toward God. The book also examines important Sufi scholars in Baghdad such as Abu Sa'id al-Kharraz and Abu'l-Qasim al-Junayd ibn Muhammad who helped establish core Sufi concepts and practices. Chapter two discusses mystical leaders and practices outside of

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
347 views11 pages

Sufism The Formative Period

This book analyzes the early history of Sufism through a synthetic and analytical lens. In chapter one, the author discusses the rise of Sufism in Baghdad during the Abbasid dynasty. Key figures like Fudayl ibn 'Iyad and Bishr ibn al-Harith al-Hafi helped popularize renunciation as a form of piety and turning inward toward God. The book also examines important Sufi scholars in Baghdad such as Abu Sa'id al-Kharraz and Abu'l-Qasim al-Junayd ibn Muhammad who helped establish core Sufi concepts and practices. Chapter two discusses mystical leaders and practices outside of

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Joshua Park
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Joshua Park
Professor Jackson
Intro to Islam
25 November 2013
Book Report

Sufism: The Formative Period

Sufism: The Formative Period, written by Ahmet T. Karamustafa, is an academic book
written to describe and explain the early history of Sufism. The question that the author seeks to
answer throughout the book is: how are the views of the history of Sufism synthetic and
analytical? The history of Sufism is synthetic because of its integration of many different works,
comprised of individuals; this, in part, ultimately leads to the development of Sufism history. As
well as it being synthetic, the history of Sufism held a very analytical form. The author presents
an analytical view by creating a new blueprint that depicts the historical path of Sufism.
Throughout early Islamic history, the conduit of Sufism allowed for changes within the tradition;
the author pursues to establish, within readers, an understanding of the complex development of
the Sufism history.
In chapter one, the Sufis of Baghdad, the author shows studies of the rise of the Baghdad
Sufism and the social and intellectual summary of this time period. Karamustafa, in chapter one,
explains how renunciation garnered importance in the religion of Islam during the beginning of
the rise of the Abbasid dynasty. Fudayl ibn Iyad and Bishr ibn al-Harith al-Hafi were scholars
who turned into renunciants and gave up scholarship (Karamustafa 2). Scholars would engage
in the movement and become renunciants. Influential figures would impact Muslim communities
and help develop renunciation as a prevalent form of piety. Renunciation also eventually led
itself to the inner life for many Muslim communities. This inward turn manifested itself
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especially in new discourses on spiritual states, stages of spiritual development, close to God,
and love (Karamustafa 2). The integration of many different parts of the inner life examined
aspects of repentance and turning to God and having complete trust in God. Renunciants
believed that repentance could only be received through the analysis of the inner self. The author
accurately interprets the evidence because the inner life called forth different approaches in
spirituality. It could also be possible that major figures did not influence members of society to
follow the path of renunciation. In the lives of many Muslims, renunciation held a large role in
spirituality.
The understanding of many important figures of the Sufis of Baghdad will help establish
a basic foundation of Sufism. One of the more prominent members, Abu Said al-Kharraz was a
critical part to the Sufi communities in Baghdad. He introduces his topic with a fourfold
classification of humankind according to their response to Gods call (Karamustafa 9). This
theory furthered intimacy with God for the Sufis. Part one states that people who select this
world over the upcoming will exit life in a poor matter. Part two states that people who are too
focused on receiving promised gifts will be masked from God. Part three includes that people
who truly want to know God but are distracted will not be given the truth. Part four states the
only group of people that achieve closeness to God. The author effectively analyzes the
evidence, as he shows important theories created by al-Kharraz. The evidence can be interpreted
in different ways; one could believe that al-Kharraz did not hold importance within the Sufis of
Baghdad. Abul-Qasim al-Junayd ibn Muhammad al-Khazzaz was a critical architect for the
Sufis. Junayd thought that when the human individual approached God with his customary
sense of being a self-contained, separate entity, it proved impossible for him to affirm Gods
unity since his own self-consciousness imprisoned him in himself (Karamustafa 16). The Sufis
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of Baghdad recognized Junayds beliefs. Junayd recognized that a solution was necessary; he
coined a term known as fana, or the passing away of self-consciousness. After one passes away
his own individuality, a passage way to the truth of God becomes evident and possible. This is
credible by Karamustafa, because his analysis of the evidence explains a concept that was well
known during the time period of the Sufis of Baghdad. Along with many other terms and
definitions, Junayd ultimately contributed to the establishment of Sufism.
The development of the major characteristics and qualities of the Sufis of Baghdad led to
the advancement of Sufism history. Many of the Sufis, in the early times, placed a great
emphasis on gaining comprehension of Gods unity based on experiences (Karamustafa 19). In
practice, this meant training and domestication of the lower self through appropriate measures
that included continuous cultivation of the heart and, for many but not all Sufis, asceticism as
well as seclusion and poverty (Karamustafa 19). By undergoing different situations that humble
the Sufis, they possessed the ability to understand Gods unity in a clearer way. Through
hardships and trials, the Sufis acknowledged and recognized their own weaknesses; they
positioned God as the sole creator of the world, and that they need to rely and be faithful towards
God. The authors interpretation on the evidence can be seen as agreeable; he displayed practices
of early Sufis, as well as their characteristics. The evidence can also be analyzed in a different
perspective; early Sufis may have gone through experienced to train their souls and spirits for
upcoming hardships and hindrances. The Sufis who shared mutual experiences created a more
intimate and growing relationship. They began to assemble in certain places of congregation
and to travel in groups, they developed distinctive prayer rituals in the form of the invocation and
the audition to poetry and music that frequently led to rapture or ecstasy (Karamustafa 20).
Many of the Sufis created partnerships because of a common goal and approach to drawing
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closer to God. The ability to create friendship bonds through shared religious aspirations
appeared to be a characteristic of Sufism. The evidence that was presented can back up the claim
proposed by Karamustafa. As shown in the quote above, the Sufis that believed in experiential
knowledge pursued to assemble as a congregation. The evidence cannot really be interpreted in
any differentiating manner. The progression of Sufism history was integrated through the
specific characteristics of the Sufis of Baghdad.
In chapter two, Mystics outside Baghdad, the author discusses different crucial mystical
leaders and patterns and expresses mystical thinking and practicing in various locations. One of
the most prominent leaders of religion of early Islam, Abu Muhammad Sahl ibn Abd Allah lived
an intense life of training and fasting to garner a more intimate relationships with God. God was
in Sahls presence continually; his uncle educated him with a unique prayer:
One day my maternal uncle said to me, do you not remember God who created
you? I replied, how shall I remember Him? He told me, when you change into
your bedclothes, say three times in your heart without moving your tongue: God
is with me, God watches over me, God is my witness ... For years I did not cease
to practise this, and I experienced a sweetness in my innermost being because of it
(Karamustafa 38).
Sahl placed a large spiritual emphasis in his life, and he longed to create a close relationship with
God. Along with his everlasting and continual praying habits, Sahl was very passionate in
finding guidance in his spiritual life. He favored much of his time to visit regional areas, where
he pursued to seek for knowledge. This analysis from the author is interpreted in a way that is
comprehendible; Sahl himself quoted the conversation on prayer that he learned as a child. His
direct quotes help the readers to come to a realization that his search for Gods truth was evident
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in his life, specifically through his careful praying life and arduous travels. Sahl was in direct
pursuit for a closeness and oneness with God.
The Malamatiyya, also known as the Path of Blame, established in a small area called
Nishapur in Khurasan. The Path of Blame was a mystical custom of religiousness that came into
existence under the control of Hamdun al-Qassar and Abu Hafs al-Haddad. The Malamatis
thought that unless it was controlled, the lower self would inevitable waylay the pious believer
through self-conceit, pretence, and hypocracy, and would thus prevent the believer from reaching
his true goal, which was the achievement of sincere, selfless devotion to God (Karamustafa 48).
This belief ultimately led to a minimal number of solutions. The only ways to control the
desirous self were to limit the lower self by removing all sorts of public reaction of religiousness
and removal or praiseworthy actions and also to blame the lower self. The authors interpretation
is reasonable because the lower self is usually the problem to complete faithfulness in piety.
There can be alternate interpretations; for example, there is a possibility that there are more than
these two ways to control the lower self. The Path of Blame helped integrate different parts into
the Sufi history.
In chapter three, the spread of Baghdad Sufism, the expansion of Baghdad Sufism to
other regions actuated a fusion of mystical patterns and the introduction of metropolitan
Baghdad Sufism. Around the same time as many of the prominent figures such as Junayd,
Kharraz, and Nuri, the Baghdad Sufis played the role as teachers, causing the dispersion of
Baghdad Sufism in Western Iran and Arabia. Although they were interconnected and at times
even united on certain issues, Baghdad Sufis were far from being in agreement with one another
on all issues or homogenous in their approaches to Sufi thought and practice (Karamustafa 58).
The Baghdad Sufis showed many differences within the two new regions of Iran and Arabia.
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There were enormous alterations of character, lifestyles, and different teaching methods. The
authors claim are ultimately backed up and supported by the evidence presented above. Because
of the different locations and values, the approaches to Sufism were seen differently in different
regions of the world. There are no evident possibilities that the evidence provided could be
modified. Through the displays of differentiating actions and values, the growth of Baghdad
Sufism in Western Iran and Arabia influenced the widespread of Baghdad Sufism, ultimately
being a piece to the history of Sufism.
The Baghdad Sufism also spread to different areas, such as Khurasan and Transoxania.
The survey of onomastic practices in local Khurasanian historiography suggests a sharp rise in
the popularity of the term Sufi: previously unattested in the region, the term first appeared in
Khurasan at the beginning of the fourth/tenth century (Karamustafa 60). The expansion of
Sufism in this area was significantly large and quick. Abu Bakr al-Wasiti, a prominent figure in
Sufism, was the very first Baghdad Sufi to relocate and settle in Khurasan; he used his role as an
elite to influence the other citizens to Sufism. Also, Abu Ishaq Shami created a community of
Sufis. Many different leaders migrated to differentiated locations in different regions to be apart
of the enormous spread of Baghdad Sufism. Karamustafas statements are undeniable and
supported by his evidence. The evidence is interpreted correctly as the spread of Sufism was
apparent, especially through the influence of many prominent leaders. There are no possible
ways to interpret the evidence in a different way. The spread of Baghdad Sufism ultimately helps
the fulfillment of Sufi history.
As well as the other regions that were garnered with the spread of Baghdad Sufism, the
mystical patterns in al-Andalus are shown in existence during the third/ninth century and the
fourth/tenth century. Muhammad ibn Abd Allah ibn Masarra al-Jabali was known as the
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prominent figure that led the advancement of Baghdad Sufism in al-Andalus. As evidence,
however tentative, of the former, once can point to the appearance in al-Andalus of terminology
normally associated with Sufism in the east (Karamustafa 72). The term Sufi was used
multiple times in books of different authors in the region. Although neither of the authors was
known as one who believed in mystical aspects, they still incorporated and expressed the values
of Sufism in their pieces of work. The authors claim on proof of Sufism in al-Andalus is not
very persuasive. Karamustafas perspective on this topic does seem to fit in, but without enough
evidence, it is difficult to be in accordance with the author fully on his claim.
In chapter four, Specialized Sufi literature, the author expresses his thoughts on the
creation of a self-aware Sufi customs and values in the form of Sufi literature. During the second
half of the fourth/tenth and the fifth/eleventh century, literary artists of Sufism were struggling to
truly create the boundaries of normative Sufism. Abu Talib al-Makki dealt with the problem and
trial of finding the boundaries and fences of normative Sufism. It is evidently present in his
works that the struggle was reoccurring and continual. In the Sustenance, Makki presented the
central thesis that the only true knowledge was knowledge of hearts. By knowledge of hearts,
Makki did not mean knowledge of spiritual states and stationsbut divinely inspired knowledge
that is possessed by the hearts of the pious devotees of God (Karamustafa 88). Makki
described the life of one with knowledge of hearts, which includes daily prayer, fasting, and
pilgrimage. Makki consistently writes literature that expressed the norms that should be present
within the Baghdad Sufism. The claims that are presented by the author are supported and
reinforced by the evidence; many authors of literature dealt with the problem of writing and
discussing normative values of Sufism. The interpretations cannot be made differently than
offered by Karamustafa.
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In Chapter 5, Formation of communities, the author discusses the topic of custom-
creation from the eyes of social history and the creation of Sufi communities. Communities were
established and shaped by individuals and the shaykhs. Such local communities existed, of
course, from the very first phase of Sufi history, and are exemplified by what appear to have
been tightly-knit groups around Junayd in Baghdad and Tustari in Basra (Karamustafa 114).
Because communities were formed at the very beginning of Sufi time, they play a large role in
explaining the history of Sufism. After the era of communities, the spiritual lineage came into
play. The spiritual lineage would categorize individuals under their respective studies, having a
common spiritual heritage, allowing people to connect with one another. Authentication of
piecemeal Sufi statements and practices gave way to veritable spiritual genealogies, expressing
the idea that ones whole Sufi outlook is authenticated by a pedigree (Karamustafa 116). The
followers of in each spiritual lineage believed that everyone who shared the same pedigree
created a familial communion. Silsila, also known as chain, can be recorded back to Khuldi (d.
348/959). The claims presented are credible because of the evidence that is provided by the
author. Communities and spiritual lineages have been well known throughout time and history;
deeper understandings of both are readily available. The interpretation of the evidence cannot be
translated and presented in any other way. Communities and spiritual lineages hold a large part
in the complex history of Sufism.
During the third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries, the cults of saints clawed its way into
the history of Sufism. The saint cults were created as an ideological group based on the idea and
theory on Baraka, also known as spiritual power and ziyara, also known as the ritualistic
performance. Baraka was the spiritual power that was called to separate them from everyone
else. Ziyara was a system of rituals that compose of prayer, offerings, and fragrances. Through
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ziyara, devotees became beneficiaries of the saints Baraka; and in this sacred transaction, the
saints were perceived as patrons who could intercede in the divine court on behalf of their
devotees (Karamustafa 130). The cults of saints garnered energy and participation through
ziyara and Baraka. The author does not depict the clearest claims in chapter 5. There are no
alternate interpretations for this section. The cult of saints impacted the history of Baghdad
Sufism.
In chapter 6, Sainthood triumphant, the author discusses the rise of Sufism and the
different reasons of social and cultural problems. Widespread saints are produced from powerful
training masters perpetuated in shrine communities. The rise of shrine communities started
during the sixth/twelfth century in small towns. Abu Nasr Ahmad ibn Abil-Hasan Namaqi was
the leader of a shrine community that was more durable than most of the other shrine
communities. The author presents his claim on the rise of communities by providing general
evidence. The authors interpretation cannot be differentiated by any different translations and
meanings. The shrine communities garnered a great part in the history of Baghdad Sufism.
During the third/ninth century, the Sufis were antinomians and nonconformists and they
securely embedded those tendencies on themselves. Their nonconformist ways comprised of
celibacy, vegetarianism, withdrawal, and seclusion, along with ridiculous behavior. Sufism has
established a severe self-critical strain. Sarraj and Hujwiri stand out as forthright and honest
surveyors of the whole canvas of Sufism who documented and discussed critically the
contentious aspects of their tradition without making any undue compromises from what they
considered to be its core ((Karamustafa 156). Many different critically engaged individuals
were establishing tendencies on the people of Sufism. The author critically supports his claim
using evidence that individuals of Sufism were antinomians and nonconformists. They appealed
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to their own emotions and made correct choices without making any compromises. There would
be no other effective way to establish the analysis and interpretation. Sufis, who did not conform
to the earth, gathering a large part of Sufi history, determined the Sufis tendencies and qualities.
The author offers a reasoned view by constructing an innovative proposal that portrays
the historical path of Sufism. Throughout early Islamic history, the conduit of Sufism permitted
for changes within the custom; the author pursues to create, within readers, an understanding of
the intricate evolution of the Sufism history. The author shows the rise of the Baghdad Sufism,
while presenting them with the social and intellectual aspects. He also depicts the many crucial
mystical figures and patterns within Sufism. He later discusses the expansion and growth of the
Baghdad Sufism. The author later expresses his thoughts on Sufi customs and literature. He then
creates discourse on the history and creation of communities. Finally, he discusses the rise of the
Baghdad Sufism and the social and cultural problems. Rather than agreeing with the authors
argument, I respect his knowledge and insight on the history of Sufism. He produces adept
precision, while making it entertaining for his readers. I would definitely recommend this book
for anyone who has any interest in Islamic Sufism.


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Works Cited
Karamustafa, Ahmet T.. Sufism the formative period. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press,
2007. Print.

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