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00

ICO
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THE

OLDEST CIVILIZATION
OF GREECE

TO THE COURT OK
(KeftlJt] BRINGING GIFTS
THOTHMES in.; circa B.C. 1550. \VALL-PAINTING IN
THE TO.MH OF KEKHMARA AT TIIEHES

A MYC KN.V.AX

THE

OLDEST CIVILIZATION
OF GREECE
STUDIES OF

THE MYCENAEAN AGE

BY

H. K.

HALL,

M.A.

ASSISTANT IN THE DEPARTMENT OF EGYPTIAN AND ASSYRIAN

ANTIQUITIES, BRITISH MUSEUM

LONDON: DAVID NUTT

PHILADELPHIA

J. B.

1901

LIPPINCOTT CO.

III rights

rcscmed

TQl IIATPI

MOV

AIIAPXAI

PREFACE
"

" Studies of the

THE

series of

into

a connected form.

Mycenaean Age
which are comprised in this volume contain the notes
made during the course of some years' study of
the "Mycenaean Question," expanded and thrown

The

chief

problems of

"Mycenaean" archaeology are dealt with separately,

but at the same time are also, as far as possible,
connected in order to form a homogeneous study of
Here
the Mycenaean Question as it stands to-day.
and there it has been found impossible, when discussing some one problem, to steer clear of trenching
upon the domain of another repetition of argument
;

been as far as possible avoided, and it

hoped that these chapters will be of use both to

has, however,
is

archaeological student and to the

interests himself in the most fascinating

the scientific

layman who

search which ever yet allured the seeker after forgotten history the search for the origins of Greek
civilization.

It
still

must ever be borne in mind that this search is

being pursued amid the clouds. We are not on

firm earth

when we

and have
remembered that
naean,

are dealing with things MyceIt must be

to walk warily.
"
"
statements as to the
history

still

all

PREFACE

Greek civilization before the eighth century B.C.,

must needs be more or less hypothetical we seek to

of

monuments

Greece by
more or less probable hypotheses and theories.
Our explanation of the development of pras-classical
Greek culture is, therefore, merely a collection of
theories and hypotheses. And although the majority
explain the prehistoric

of students of the

of

Mycenaean Question are agreed

with regard to the greater part of these explanatory

hypotheses, yet in

many more

or

less

important

respects they differ from one another, with the

result that at present the statements of any one

author on "Mycenaean'' subjects must usually be

taken as representing primarily his own view, for
which he alone is responsible he is not telling to the
;

world a well-known story anew, but

particular explanation of certain

is

giving his

own

phenomena which

others might very conceivably explain otherwise.

With regard

to the plan of the book> I

that I have not considered

may remark

necessary to give any

long descriptions of Mycenaean palaces and tombs or
to enter into any lengthy disquisitions on the characteristics

that

and

peculiarities of

it

Mycenaean art I assume

more or less familiar
PERKOT and CHIPIEZ'S
:

readers are already

with the sixth volume of MM.

my

Hist o ire

<h /'Art, with

SCHUCHHARDT's Epitome of

Schliemann's works, or with the Mycenccan Ay<: of

Messrs. TSOUNTAS and MAXATT, in which the fullest
description of the details of Mycenaean culture may

be found.

The term

"

;3

Mycenaean

have used in

its

widest

PREFACE

xi

"
"
sense, as covering the typical
deposits
Cycladic
of Thera, Phylakope, Kamarais, and the older

settlement at Knossos, as well as the period of the

palace of Knossos, the Mycenae-graves, lalysos, and
"
Vaphio, the "Mycenaean period in its narrower sense.

The term

"

"

I have used only with

reference to the primitive epoch of the cist-graves;
"
the succeeding period of transition, the " Cycladic
" Protoperiod of Mr. Myres, I have preferred to call
"
"
Mycenaean." To apply the term
Prae-Mycenaean

Prae-Mycenaean

to this transitional period seems to me to give the

impression that the culture of the Third City of
Phylakope differed far more from that of the Fourth

than

is really the case.

I have endeavoured to discuss the question of the
relations of the Mycenaeans with the East and with

Egypt

possible within the compass of

question of Mycenaean relations with

as fully as

is

The
and the West, I have merely referred
to as shortly as possible.
The discoveries of Signer
OKSI and his fellow-workers in the Western field are
this book.

Sicily, Italy,

so recent that their results can

hardly yet be fully

discussed.

The chronological scheme which will be found at

the end of the book is intended merely as a
rough
guide.

The dates given

and many
period

of

in it are all approximate,

The
Aryan invasion must naturally be

are, of course, purely hypothetical.

the

understood

to cover several centuries

perhaps
perhaps later than the date given.
The illustrations are, in general, intended to be
;

earlier,

rather

helps

to

the

better

understanding of the

PREFACE

xii

to
subject-matter by the layman than contributions
the knowledge of the subject already possessed by
the archaeologist the latter will, however, I hope,
"
find the illustrations to chapter vi., on
My cense
"
List of Illusand Egypt," useful to him. In the
;

trations

"

will

be found explanatory notes appended

to the titles of the figures,

In conclusion, I wish to thank many friends,

especially Dr. E. A. WALLIS BUDGE and Mr. L. W.
KING, of the Egyptian and Assyrian Department, and
Mr. H. B. WALTERS, of the Greek and Roman

Department of the British Museum, for many hints

and suggestions, and also Dr. A. S. MURRAY, Keeper
of the Greek and Eoman Department, for his kind
permission to publish the silver cup from Enkomi,
Fig. 24, and the pictographic inscription, Fig. 64.

H.
February 1901.

II.

HALL.

CONTENTS
THE NEW CHAPTER OF GREEK HISTORYARCH^OLOGIST AND HISTORIAN
civilization
One of the dominant objects of modern Hellenic study Owing to the
results of archaeological research
Archaeological discoveries of the Nineteenth Century Egypt and Assyria

Enquiry into origins of Greek

New

thrown on Homeric poems, &c. Schliemann's

Mycenae Discussion as to chronological
position of Mycenaean culture Relics of the Heroic Age
Troy The age before Mycense Back to Neolithic
imes Objections to this scheme Question as to the
light

discoveries

trustworthiness of archaeological "science"

Instances of

uncertainty Absolute certainty only possible when a

continuous literary tradition exists Comparative trustworthiness of Egyptian, Greek, and European or American
archaeological theories

method
not an
possible

in

Greece

isolated

Limitations of the archaeological

One thing

certain

development

Greek

working

civilization

hypothesis
Pp. 1-2 1

II

THE HYPOTHESIS
Doubtful and provisional character of the "Mycenaean
Hypothesis" Usually not sufficiently emphasized The
beginnings of

Greek

civilization

Hissarlik

" Chalco-

xiv

CONTENTS

lithic

"

First appearance of

period

Bronze

Pottery and

The Island-Graves

Copper and stone weapons

Building
Ivory Cyprus Hagia Paraskeve and Kalopsida On
the Greek Mainland In Italy In Asia Minor ProtoKamarais
Thera, Melos, &c.
Mycenaean Period
A local
Kahun The "Mycenaean Period" proper
development peculiar to Greece High development of
Still in the Bronze Age
Export to Egypt,
The Achaians Oriental
Central Europe, and Italy
Western traits
Theories as to origin
influence
Certainly not Phoenician
Certainly Greek Date The
Geometrical Period Art of the Dipylon In Attica and
the arts

Probability that Mycenaean culture continued to exist in Asia Relation between "Mycenaean"
and "Geometrical" art Introduction of Iron The

the Islands

Homeric Age The Return of the Herakleids The

Dorian Invasion The Iron-using people of the Geometrical period were the Dorians
Asiatic My cenaean return "
"
influence on Geometrical art
and
Sub-Mycenaean

Mixed styles
cian influence

Kameiros PhoeniGreek art of

the classical period begins with the Corinthian and
Chalkidic styles of vase-painting Plausible and conOrientalizing

"

styles
"

Proto- Corinthian

sistent character of the

Hypothesis

vases

Pp. 22-47

III

THE QUESTION OF DATE

dating Evidence of superimposed strata
Latest possible date in Greece Egyptian

Rough

Athens

synchronisms

XVIIIth Dynasty objects at Mycenae and lalysos The

Maket-Tomb " Tell el-Amarna Tomb of Rekhmara
"The Great Men of Keftiu " Mr. Torrs
(1550 iu'.)
"

objections
Later evidence
Egyptian Chronology
Tomb of Rameses III. (1200 B.C.) Tell el-Yahudiyeh
Yase of Tchet-Khensu-auf-ankh
No later

(1000 B.C.)
^Egina" (800 .c.)
Mycenaean survival in Asia and Cyprus (700 B.C.) Date of
evidence from

Egypt" Treasure of

CONTENTS

xv

Prse-Mycensean period Prse-Mycenaean culture primitive

Doubtful character of
Proto-Mycenaean dating
Evidence
Fouque's geological evidence from Thera
from Egypt Supposed synchronisms with Xllth and
XHIth Dynasties Their date c. 2500-2000 B.C. Proto-

Mycensean

Vase-fragments

character of this evidence

from

And

Kahun

Doubtful

of that of the Cretan

Better evidence of Cyprian prae-Mycenaean

vases from Khata'anah and of the Hagios Onouphrios
find in Crete
Prae-Mycenaean culture probably contemseal-stones

porary with Xlllth Dynasty Supposed earlier evidence

from Kythera and Egypt weak Earliest attainable date
c. 2500 B.C.
Scheme of the evidence
Pp. 48-76
.

IV

THE QUESTION OF RACE

The Mycenaeans were primarily " Achaian Greeks "
of

this

Summarized

Pelasgian Theory

argument

Objections thereto

Meaning

Prof.

Ridge way's
Some Mycenaeans

Pelasgians Many Mycenaean Origines Pelasgic Who

were the " Prae-Mycenaeans ? " Pelasgians Non-Aryan
tribes
Eteokretans Connected with Lykia Lykians,
Luka, L-ukki First mentioned c. 1400 B.C. Native name
Trmmli (Tep/juXai)
The NonLanguage not Aryan
Aryan indigenous race of Asia Minor No Semites east
of the Taurus Lydians (Maeonians) not Semites The
Aryan invasion from Thrace Phrygian and Mysian tribes
and Maeonian kings, Aryan Late date of this invasion

Prae-Mycenaean Trojans not Aryan Phrygians Primitive

Minor belonged to the non-Aryan indigenous race Primitive Cyprians probably of same stock
Which also possibly preceded the Semites in Palestine
Leleges The Prae-Mycenasan Islanders Connected
with the Pisidians In Peloponnese The Pelasgi of
Greece proper Both Leleges and Pelasgi belonged to the
same race as the indigenous tribes of Asia Minor, theEteokretans, &c. Possible westward extension of this race into
culture of Asia

CONTENTS

xvi

Italy

The Etruscan Question undecided The Pelasgic

The originators of

Race of the Eastern Mediterranean

the primitive prae-Mycenaean culture And in Greece the

developers of the Mycenaean culture which was
energized and extended by the Aryan conquerors, the
first

Achaians, whose power centred in Argolis

Pp. 77-106

MYCENAE AND THE EAST

Greece as a whole faces the East So early connection
between Greece and the East probable Connection
already established with Egypt in primitive times No
doubt by way of Cyprus Extent of connection query
with Mesopotamia V The nude female figures Supposed conquest of Cyprus by Sargon of Agade and
Possible overland connection
Naram-Sin a myth
through Asia Minor Supposed Babylonian influence at
:

No Mesopotamia!! influence traceable

Nothing known of HitPrae-Mycenaean culture
tites, Amorites, Philistines, or even Phoanicians at this
Connection with Mesopotamia!! civilizaearly period
tion established in Mycenaean times
Due to westward
advance of the latter Its origin and history Legendary
connection of Mycense with Asia The Pelopids The
Lion-Gate probably inspired by Babylonian heraldic
groups, but the Lion-Tombs of Phrygia by the Lion-Gate
Pterion uncertain
in

Knowledge of bronze- and of gem-engraving probably

came from Babylonia through Asia Minor Claim of the
"

1 '

to be considered as intermediaries at this time

Theories of Keinach and de Cara connecting
Hittites with Mycenaeans No Mycenaean influence in
Inner Asia Minor Connection by way of

Hittites

doubtful

Cyprus

lonians and Phoenicians

lonians settled on Asiatic coast

of ^Egean from the beginning lonians
(1W<///) the first
post-Pelasgic Greeks to come into contact with the Semites

The

first

Mycenaeans

Greeks

in Cyprus
Probably the first Cyprian
Peculiar characteristics of the Mycenaean
Age

CONTENTS

xvii

Cyprus Phoenicians in Cyprus A barrier to further

Greek progress eastwards Probable Pelasgic origin of
in

the Philistines

Mycenaean

Phoenician activity at this period No

in Phoenicia or Syria
Cuneiform

traces

Clay tablets used,

writing never introduced into Greece
however, in Crets The Mycenaeans already possessed
pictographic scripts, probably of independent origin No
connection with Hittite script proveable Influence of
Mesopotamia!! on Mycenaean culture small compared with
that of

Egypt

Pp. 107-142

VI

MYCENAE AND EGYPT

Relations between Greece and Egypt began in Prae-Mycenasan
times Primitive trade carried on by way of Cyprus and
Palestine Supposed connection by way of Crete
Geographical improbability Development of Mr. Evans's
theory Evidence of the seal-stones Connection existed
between Crete and Egypt, but not directly, temp. Dynasty
XII. The Hau-nebu Relations between Greece and
Egypt under the XVIIIth Dynasty Who were the
people of Keftiu? Not Phoenicians Extended from
Crete to Cyprus The "Hymn of Amen" Egyptian
relations with the Northerners teinjj. Thothmes III.
Egyptian influence in Greece at this time V The Phoeni^
cians middlemen between Greece and Egypt
Mycenaeans
in Egypt
Gurob Were they the middlemen ? The
Northern Tribes and their attacks on Egypt Probable
The Thuirxha probably not " Tyrsenoi "
identifications
Danauna, Tchakarai, and Uashasha probably Cretans
Geographical certainties with regard to these tribes
Their name-terminations "Pelasgian" They cannot
have been the middlemen Direct communication beween
Crete and Egypt still improbable Palestinian route used
by the invaders Importance of Crete at this time
Reciprocal influence of Egyptian and Mycenaean art on
each other Egyptian influence very marked, but never
I

CONTENTS

xviii

affected the essentially

art

European character of Mycenaean

Pp. H3-I90

VII

MYCENAE'S PLACE IN HISTORY

Mycenaean civilization European, not Oriental The Greek
phase of European Bronze Age culture A peculiarly
advanced development Cause of this Proximity to
Oriental culture

How much

did Europe

owe

to the

Current exaggerations Not the first knowledge

of Gold, Silver, Copper, CY.C. But probably of Bronze
Not, however, of Iron First impulse to development of
European civilization given in the Greek islands, especiThis development probably began before the
ally Crete

East?

Aryans reached Greece" Greek" spirit the spirit of the

"
mixed Aryo-Pelasgic race Prae-Hellenic and " Hellenic
elements most easily distinguished in Crete Pelasgic
and Aryan divinities The lepos yd^os General theory of
origin, development, and general position of prehistoric
Greek civilization Impossibility of dogmatism on the
subject Prominent position of Crete in early history of
Greek civilization The Minoan thalassocracy "Proto"

Mycensean V The Cretan Pictographs Cretan Ktftiu ?

Synchronism with the XVII Ith Dynasty Crete under
the Mycenaean thalassocracy Achaian princes Dorian
Conquest End of Cretan pre-eminence Predominance
of Argolis in the later Mycenaean age Orchomenos and
lolkos

The Minyans

Lemnos

Route

to the

Helles-

Tribes of the ^Egean

Mycenaean culture in the

West Imported into Italy and Sicily Legends No
Greek settlers in Mycenaean Age
Pp. 191-220
pont

VIII

DECADENCE AND RENASCENCE CONCLUSION

Mycenaean culture overthrown by the Dorian Invasion

Long

duration

of

the

period

of

disturbance

The

CONTENTS

xix

Homeric Period

Conscious archaizing of the Homeric

poets in political matters Homeric description of Heroic
Greece Omnipresence of the Phoenicians in Greek waters

Traces of them on the Greek coasts and islands

Date

of their thalassocracy "Phoenician" objects at Mycenae

Phoenician settlements in Rhodes and Crete post-

Mycenaean

Theban

-settlement unhistorical

Phoenician

thalassocracy began about 1000 n.c. Phoenicians in the

West General conclusion as to period of Phoenician
activity

in

Greece

Their

legacies

to

Greece

The

Alphabet Other barbarian peoples in the vEgean during

the post-Mycenaean period
Phrygians in Lesbos
Thracians Dionysiac worship Karians Theories as to
their thalassocracy Non-mention of the Cyclades in

Homer Possible Cretan origin of Apollo-worship

Leleges not mentioned in the islands in Homer
Pelasgians The Brauron-story In Crete No Sardinians or Tyrrhenians in the ^Egean Expulsion of the
Barbarians
The Beginnings of Classical Greece
Survival of Mycenaean tradition in Ionia
Artistic
Renascence in the Asiatic islands The "Mixed Styles"
of art Development of civilization Commerce and
Colonization Traditional dating of earliest colonies too
Competing Trade-Routes - - The Commercial
Expansion of Greek culture Towards the
West
Homeric Ignorance of the West
Probable
cessation of communication during period of decadence
Corinthians and Chalkidians in the West Influence on
Italian culture
Towards the South-East Cyprus during
high

Leagues

the period of decadence Survival of Mycenaean art

Growth of Semitic influence The Assyrian conquest
Greek Cypriote kings of the seventh century
Phoenician influence in art Extinction of Mycenaean art
in the seventh century
Geometric vase-ornamentation
The Cypriote script developed out of a pictographic

system analogous to that of Crete, and of prae-Aryan

Peculiar characteristics of the Cypriotes Direct
route from Crete to Egypt opened up by Cretan rovers
Cessation of communication between Greece and Egypt
during the period of decadence Egypt in the Homeric

origin

CONTENTS

xx

The

Commercial inactivity of the Cretans

poems

Milesians in Egypt Date of their arrival Followed by

the Rhodians and ^Eginetans Relations of Greece and
Egypt under the XXVIth Dynasty Greece and Inner

Legends The Aryan Invasion Midas

The Lydian kingdom and its relations with Greece
Invention of Money Lydia and Assyria Comparison of
Asia Minor

Mycenaean and Classical Civilizations of Greece Outward points of difference Spirit the same Continuity
of Greek Art Nothing essentially oriental in Mycenaean
culture Unity of Greek culture Mycenaean survivals
in Classical Greece
State-survivals Athens V Argos
and ^Egina The Kingdom of Diomed and Pheidon
The Dorians at Argos Early seafaring activity of
^Egina The ^Eginetan and Euboic standards Corinth
due to Phoenician
L

....

initiative V

The End

KCU

MuKT/i/mW

ATTEMPT AT AX APPROXIMATE CHK

SCHEME OF THE MYCEX.EAN PKIMOD,
I.

Xote on Mycenaean Religion

Group of Lion and Bull

from Tell el-Amarna

Ai'i-EXDix II.

face P. 292

.P.

INDEX

303

Supposed Mycenaean Bronze Figures

APPENDIX IV.

ADDENDA

P. 293

fighting.

of Warrior -Gods

Cylinders

221292

<&r.

......
.....
........
........

Ai'i-EXDix III.

rise

Tipwdiwv

Pp.

To

APPENDIX

Her

Insignificance of heroic Corinth

the parvemie

Mycenaean Influence

in

'

Hittite

P.

~>o7

"

P- 311

.P.

313

.P.

325

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PACK

FIG.

A Mycenaean (Kcfthi) bringing tri-

FRONTISPIECE.

bute to the Court of Thothmes III.

Wall-Painting in the tomb of
1550.
at Thebes.
(After CiiAMPOt-Liox, Monuments

circa u.c.

Rekhmara

rEt/iji>te et

tie

Xubie, pi. cxc.;

1

Mycenaean Vase (KV\I} from lalysos

de

...

(TsouNTAS-MANATT, The Mijcenmin Aye, Fig. 124.) ('/'.

FURTWANGLER-LOSCHCKE, X<). 30, Xii. FL'RTWANGLKR's
"Third Stylo" (FirnissmalerKi, cf. note to Fii'. 9) belon,<>-iiii;
to thu

most highly developed period of Myceuseau

va.se-

paintiny. The design is a conventionalized representation

of purple-fish (cf. note to Fig. 54;.
2.

Pree-Mycensean Vase (7rpo%ovs) with triple body.

(Cyprus.)

(I'ERROT-CiiiPiEZ,
Transl. Phoenicia, &c.
3.

Prae-Mycenaean
hand-made. (Troy
Jlios,

r.lrf,

tic

iii.

7/IO.S',

Fig". 214.)

(Trpo^oCi?)
:

Second

of

City.)

black
.

ware
.

.11

Xo. 362; SCHUCHHARDT'S Schlic-

Xo. 834

SCHUCIIHARDT,

Prae-Mycenaean black ware Vase.

City.)

(SCIILIEMAMN,

//JOS,

Fiy. 490; En-l.

Mycenaean Gold Pin, from the Second City, Troy

(SCHLIEMANN,

5.

ii.

Vase

(SCIILIEMANX,
mann, Fig. 73.)
4.

Jf/tit.

Xo. 988

'.

Second

...

(Troy

Fig'. 57.)

SCIIUCIIIIARIVr, Fig. 67.)

23

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

xxii

1>A<JE

IMC.

6.

Siphnian Stone box in form of a model dwelling

prse-Mycenaean period. (Melos.)
(TsouxTAS-MANATT,
decoration of Maori

7.

Now

Fi'. 133.)

at

Munich,

24

t'f.

lints.

Greenish Marble box in form of a model dwelling

(TSOUNTAS-MANATT,

25

(Amorgos.)
Cf. DUMMLER,
134.)

prse-Mycenaean period.
Fig".

Atll.

Mittlt. xi.

8.

Red ware Vase with

......

incised design,

prae-Mycenaean period

Pro to-Mycenaean Vase, from Thera

(,'/'.

ing-

PERROT-CniPIEZ,

seaweed,

is

vi. pi.

Arc.

E. T. Phwnicia,

Fig. 485.
(PERROT-CiiiPiEZ,
Fig. 209.) From Al:nbr:i.
iii.

9.

from Cyprus

The

xx.

painted in matt colour

27

26

ii.

design, represent-

directly on tlie

(i.e.

The well-known Greek

clay without a varnisli-Tound).
varnish- or yl:i/e-paintin<i' (Firninsmalerei") seems to have
)>eeu

invented in the early Mycenaj:vn period (/;/'. FLRTIIocARTii-WELCii, "Primitive

//./V. xxi. (1901), p. 80.), and soon

M'AN(3LKR-Lo.scnCKE,p. vii
I'ainted Pottery in Crete/V.

became universally adopted

l>ainted vase disai^H'ared.

"
the " proto-Mycenseau mitt-

The new

techui(ine

abandoned by the Greek vase-pain tei's

k>
:

was never

die Oi'iiauientik

der inykenischen \'asen ist unteri: }iii*'(;n, ihre Tet-lutik

aber hat sich fortu'epHanzt und hild-et die Urvndhiye fiui

die

//ersti'llttnt/ filler Itclleniscltcn

see

jo.

Vaaengattimgen" <FLRTM'.-

On ^lyceniean
TSOINTAS-MAXATT, i>. 240

LOHCHCKE,

foc.cit.).

vase-paintiiiii'

generally

ffi.

Mycenaean Golden Cup, from Mycenae. (The

head is Egyptian in style.)
(SCIILIKMANX,

MlU'i'-IICX,

]>.

477

lion's

29

SCHL'CIIIIARDT.

Fiii'.

266.)

ii.

Griffin, from Mycena).

purely Egyptian origin.)

Golden

(After SCIILIKMAXN,
Fijf.

86.)

Thin yold

^^!/<^ nes,

f.

(The design
.

272:

is

of

..30

Scui CHIIARDT,
While

for attachment to dress.

the winded s]>liinx does not appear in Egypt till a comparatively late period, the winded yrittin is an Egyptian conception,

and appears under the XJIth Dynasty,

if

not earlier.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

xxiii

PAGE

IK;.

12.

spiral design, from Mycenae.

Metal- work of Central and Northern Euro-

Golden Plaque, with

(Cf.

......

pean Bronze Age.)

(SCHUCHIIARDT,
13.

Mycenaean

Au

intag-lio

Mycenaean
14.

Gem

31

Fig'. 189.)

combat of warriors

from

Myceiire,

.32

showing Hellenic

spirit in

art.

Design in relief from a Golden Cup found at

Vaphio in Lakonia. (Athens Museum a repro;

duction

is

Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.)

in the

33

I'ERROT-CHIPIEZ, Hint, de I" Art, vi.pl. xv. (PERROTCHIPIEZ, vl. Fig-. 369; E. T. Primitive Greece, Fig-. 362.)
Cf.

15.

Design in relief from a Golden Cup found at

Yaphio in Lakonia. (Athens Museum a repro;

duction
Cf.

6.

Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.)

in the

I'ERROT-CHIPIEZ,

CHIPIEZ,
1

is

vi.

Hint, de f Art, vi. pi. xv.

Fig. 370; E. T. Primitive

The pin is
p. 362.
giveji in the figure.
8.

H. 1895,

19. Asiatic

missing

vii.

Fig-.

....

48.)

Annali,

1872,

Sub-Mycenaean Vase, from Mylasa

A'.

Fig-.

230; E. T.

WINTER, Vaaen aim Kdrien,

Li/t/ia,

in

(TERROT-CHIPIEZ,
Fig-.

242.)
is

38

40

Tav.

Karia

fcc.,

Fig. 518; E. T. riwniciu, &c. ii.

The object in the
Cyprus, p. 55.

iii.

CESNOLA,

43

Fig.

p. 230.

Vase with Orientalizing Designs, from Cyprus

centre

I. i.

(I'ERROT-CiiiPiKZ,
230.)

37

Juhrb. Arch. hint. 1888,

both sides of the guard are

Design on a Geometrical Vase

d'ag-glnnta

p. 275.

vii. Fig-. 118.)

(I'ERROT-Cmi'iEZ,

20.

c.

Bronze Fibula of the Geometrical Period

(PERROT-diiPiEZ,

Ji.

34

recce, Fig'. 363.)

(.1

Geometrical Vase, from the Dipylon at Athens

Ez, vii. Fig-. 44.)

17.

PERROT

a conventionalization of the Assyrian sacred

with traits borrowed from Egyptian

art.

tree,

45

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

xxiv
FIG.

21.

the tribute of the

Mycensean Bull's Head, from
Keftiu

...

52

in a
Mycensean Metal Cup, from a wall-painting
Thebantomb; c. ISOOB.C

53

....

(Tomb
22.

(After

of Eekhinara.)

PRISSE D'AvENNES,

Vases des Tribtttafre* de

23.

'

Hint, de

VArt; Art InduxtrM;

K<if(t, 9.)

in a

Mycenaean Metal Cup, from a wall-painting

Thebantomb;

c.

54

150011.0
'

(After PRISJSE D' AVENXES, HM.

J'asex de* Triljittaire* de Kfifa, 2.

tic

/'Art;

Art Jndnstrie/

24.

in
Mycenaean Silver Cup, from a tomb at Enkomi
Roman
and
Gk.
Mus.
Dept.
Cyprus. (Brit.

rf.

MURRAY,

E,i'C(i.r(iti(tx in Ct/jtru*, p. 17,

Prob.ible date the

25.

Fig. 33.)

Bronze Sword-blade from Mycenae, with

Egyptian design of cats hunting wildfowl
(

55

YHItli century.

TSOL-.NTA.S-3I ANATT, Fitf. 115.')

< 'f.

inlaid
-

I'ERROT-C'IIIPIE/,

58

\i.

pi. xvii.

26.

Mycenaean BiigelkauHfn (False-necked Vases), from

a wall-painting in the
r.

27.

tomb

1200-1150 n.c
(After C'HAMPOLMON, Monument*,

A Mycensean

of

Rameses

III.

59
pi. cc-lviii.)

Yase and other objects, from a wall-

painting in the

tomb of Rameses

III.

c.

1200-

60

II501U
(After CHAMPOMJON,

Monument*,

pi. eclix.)

above the
arc elephant-tusk*
k-t't
Egyptian nfclt(it-v\v amulet of lapislaxuli
the vase below the Jiitt/e/ktmne is of variegated
If so, it is of
i'lass, and is probably also a Jlii</e/knne.
Egyptian make no ylass /iiif/elkuttiien lisive been found in
Tin- olijccts on

tin-

an

is

J}ii</e!/c(iitni<
;

Greece.

28.

(Cf. v. liissiNt:, Atli. Mittlt. xxiii. p. 262.)

Mycenaean

The vase
'

Third

from a XXIst Dynasty tomb;

Mus. Egyptian Dept. No. 2282 1.)

Ili'ujrlL-innu',

r.iooois.c.

(Brit.
of

style."

Tclict-Klicnsn-::nf-ankli.

FL HTWANGLER'S

61

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

xxv
PAGE

1'IC.

"

29.

Vases of tk punctuated .black ware, from Khata'anah and elsewhere in Egypt c. 2000 B.C. (Brit.
Mus. Egyptian Dept. Nos. 30444, 27472, 4809,
;

68

21976.)
30.

31.

Hawk

Vase of black

punctuated
Mus. Egyptian Dept. No. 17046.)

Vase

ware.

...
(Brit.

69

of the same black ware, not punctuated.

(Brit.
32.

"

"

Mus. Egyptian Dept. No. 32048.)

Vase of

"

70

"

ware with black painted

slip
decoration, from Cyprus
white

(PEKROT-CHIPIEZ,

iii.

Fig-.

486

.71

E. T. Phwniciu, &c.

ii.

Fig. 210.)
Cf. MYHES-UICIITER, Cyprus Museum Catalogue,}). 39 ff.
Specimens of this Cyprian ware have been found exported
far from Cyprus e.g., a howl found at Sakkarah in Egypt
(WALTERS, ./. H. S. XVii. p. 74).
;

"

33.

Double Vase of Cyprian black " base-ring ware,

found in Egypt. Date about 1400-1 100 B.C.
.

Eoug-h line sketch of the type.

Cyprus Museum Catalogue,

Cf.

p.

46

ft .

"
Vase of Cyprian black
ware
base-ring
in Egypt.
Date about 1400-1 100 B.C.

"

34.

71

MYRES-HICIITER,

found
.

72

liough line sketch of the type.

35.

Tomb

Lykian

of the fourth century B.C. The

apparently resembles that of the

........

architecture

Mycenseans

(PERKOT-CHIPIEZ,
Cf.

36.

v. Fig.

TSOUNTAS-MAXATT,

261

E. T. Lydia,

Arc.

89

Fig. 261.)

Fig. 49.

Karian Inscription of the sixth century B.C.

from Egypt. (Non-Aryan language of Asia
Minor written with modified Greek characters.
The Lykian alphabet is still further modi;

.99

'

fied.)

(PERROT CinriE/,
Fig'. 212;
Zakazik.

E. T.
Fig. 212;
SAYCE, T. S. B. A. ix. (1887) pt.
-

v.

Li/flia,
i.)

<Xrc.

From

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

xxvi

PAGE
FIG.

37.

"Mother Kybile
Phrygian Inscription
Greek
language of Asia Minor, using

(Aryan

105

script.)

(PERROT-CHIPIEZ,

RAMSAY,
38.

./.

/.'.

v.

Fig. 3

A. X. xv.

E. T. Lydia, Ac. Fig. 3

i.)

Primitive Marble Female Figure from Amorgos.

IIQ

(Prse-Mycenaean period.)
(TSOUNTAS-MANATT, Fig. 132.)
39.

Heraldic Lion- group from a Phrygian tomb

.120

no;
(PEKKOT-CHIFIEB, v. Fig. no E. T. Lytliu, Ac. Fig.
RAMSAY, ./. U. X. 1884, p. 285.) Cf. the Lion-gate at MyAt Arslan-Kaya.
cense.
;

40.

u Hittite " Relief in

Assyrianizing style
bis.

(Brit,

Mus.)

(PEHROT-CiiiPiE/,
41.

iv.

.124

Fig. 277; E. T. Jil<f<i. Ac. Fig. 277.)

Xllth century

Philistine of the

tures of Barneses III., Thebes.)

From Medluet-Halm.
42.

tlie

(Sculp133

head-dress

/.

p.

180. n. 2.

....

Cyprus in

Brit.

centre

IMg. 84.

< '/.

si iniliir

13?

ivories

from

4500

]'..('.

Brit. 31 us.

43. Prehistoric
or earlier

Egyptian ''Boat-Vase":

r.

50

Mus. Eg. Dept. Xo. 26635.)

above are human figures.

Tll(

'

ll(>;lt

is

'"

tlu

'

Fragment of an archaic Egyptian Slate Relief, of

same date as Fig. 45, showing the style of art
with which it has been proposed to connect that
of Mycenae
(Brit.

45.

On

B.C.

Ivory Mirror-handle, from Mycenae, of Cyprian

Late-Mycenaean type
(TsofNTAS-MANATT,

44.

from Jera-

Fragment of an archaic Egyptian Slate Relief

c. 4000 r>.c.
the Louvre
:

On
pares

this relief
it

Mus. Eg. Dept. Xo. 20791.)

<;/'.

HEI/.EY.

/i. ('. II.

with Mycense.ui scenes of

xvi. (18921

TavpoKaflcii^ia.

in

who com-

153

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
46.

Mycenaean
(

47.

Brit.

Itiuji'lL-oiim'n

.from

Egypt

xxvii

.161

Mus. Xos. 29396, 4859, 29365.)

Mycenaean Gold and Silver Yase from a wallpainting in the tomb of Rekhmara, c. 1550 u.c.
(After PRIME D'AvENNES, Hist. <1e VArt; Art lmln*trM
;

164

Taseit <les Tribntaires de Ktifa, 4.)

"
48. Ceiling of the

.....

Treasury of Minyas," at Orcho-

menos (Egyptian design)

(.TSOUNTAS-MAJJATT, Fig.

48.)

PERHOT-CHIPIKZ,

Cf.

167

vi.

Fig. 221.

49.

50.

......
.....

Mycencean Amphora, found

Eg. Dept. No. 4858.)
of

SardUna

(Sardians)
(Thebes.)
.

Egypt.

the

in

Mus.

(Brit.

Xllth

cent.

68

r..c.

172

Cf. the
(Sculptures of Rameses III., Medlnet-Habu.)
helmet with the Myccnseaii representation of a helmet illustrated by SCHUCHHARDT, Fig. 198. MAsr^RO's identitica-

tion of the Sardina with the Sardiins of Asia Elinor

MULLER'S
(Am'en

u.

licnic.

]).

EurofHi, p. 372

In note

herents.

109) is undoubtedly the best W. M.

revival of the old idea that they were Sardinians

1880,

Critique,

on

f.) is

p.

notable, but will gain few adit is remarked that these

173

Sardina wei'e prohably the first of the wandering Mediterranean tribes to take to mercenary soldiering, and that they
served in Egypt as royal guards. As Egyptian mercenaries
a body of them fought, with some Tkuirxha (p. 173), against
the other Northerners in the time of liameses II F.,

when

wenoverthrown by the Egyptians on the Palestinian coast (p.

the Philistines and their Cretan allies

175

(r. p.

ftY)

182).

51.

T'akami

........
of

(Cretans?)

(Thebes

the

Xllth

cent.

n.c.
1

76

(Sculptures of IJameses III., Meilinct-Habu.)

52.

Blue
c.

glazed ware JJuyelkaHHe,

XHIth

No. 30451.)
Cf.

century
.

made

in

....

B.C.

(Brit.

Egypt.

Mus. Eg. Dept.

.185

decoration with that on Riif/elkannenfrow. the tomb of

Kameses

III., Figs. 26, 27.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

xxviii

PAGE

FIG.

53.

Blue glazed ware Vase, made in Egypt in imitation

c. XIITth century B.C.
of a Mycenaean form
.186
(Brit. Mus. Eg. Dept. No. 22731.)
;

companion vase (Xo. 22730), of purely Egyptian shape,

has spiral decoration. A similar vase to Xo. 22731

by one of tlie Keftiu in the tomb of Eckhmara.

54.

is

carried

Mycenaean Vase of the type partly imitated by

.187
(From lalysos.)
Fig. 53.
.

(PERROT-CHIPIEZ,

Fig. 473

E. T. Primitive. (Ircew,

FURTWANGLER-LOSCHCKE, No.

464:

Fig-.

vi.

The

71.)

cuttle-

an instance of the love of the

The
for marine subjects (see p. 202)-

fish-design of this vase is

Mycenaean

form

artists

of the cuttlefish

accommodated

to the shape of the 3Iyceiuean KV\I

Vase Kooni, Vase A. 271

itself especially

well

Mus. First

Brit.

(>.<-/.,

PERROT-CHIPIEZ, vi. Fig. 492.

Among other marine subjects
employed by the Mycewvau artists may be noted Seaweed
Fn;.

Cf.

(rf.

of This book).

FIG. 91 the Flying-fish (Ann. Brit. Sclt. Afli. 1897-8,

the Argonaut (e.tj., tlie "Marseilles Vase," PERROT;

pi. iii.)

CHIIMKZ, vi. Fig. 486, and Brit. Mus. First Vase Room,
Vase A. 349. WALTERS, /. //. >'. xvii. p. 75) Aryonanta
the I'lirple-Fish (I'tir(irt/o. the ".\.Mitil us" of Aristotle;
and imaginary sea-yrittins like
jHinn. us on the Vii.se FIG. i
:

FIG. 57.
55.

Carved Avooden object of Mycenaean

in Egypt.
(Berlin Museum.)

style,

(I'ERROT-CiiiPiE/.

vi.

Top

from Meuidi,

of an Egyptian alabaster vase,

Mycenaean Bugelkanne.
Dept. Xo. 4656.)

is

in imita-

Mus. Eg.
190

Egyptim form,
top,

though

Sea-demon, from an early matt-

painted vase from Mycenoa

cf.

figured by

made

part, not figured, is of ordinary

Mycenaean

.188

(Brit.

and certainly did not originally belong to the

found with it.

57.

p.v-ie.

tion of a

The lower

found

Fig. 409; E. T. Priinitire (ircecc,

similar object,
Fiy. ^02.)
I'KRROT-Ciiii'ii:/ on tlie s.uiie

56.

PEKHOT-CHIPIK/,

vi. pi.

xx.

3.

.201

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PACK

FIG.

58.

Mycengean Hunting-demon

Artemis)

(?

from an
204

intaglio
C'f.

SCHUCHHAHDTj

Fig-.

An

289.

"

Island-stone," found

in Crete.

59.

A Phoenician Ship of the Vllth century B.C.

an Assyrian

bas-relief.)

(From

(TERROT CmpiEZ, iii. Fig-. 9 E. T. Phoenicia, &c.,

C'f. LA YARD, Monuments of Nineveh, i. pi. 71.
9.)
:

60.

.225

i.

Fig-.

.....

Phoenician Ship of the VII th century B.C. (From

an Assyrian
(

bas-relief.)

PERROT-CHIPIEZ,

iii.

Fig-.

E. T. Phoenicia,

Arc., i.

226

Fig.

Cf. LAVARD, Jfonuments of Xineceh, i. pi. 71.

Fig-s. 59,
60 are taken from the Kuyunjik reliefs, now in the British
Museum, depicting the Avar of Sennacherib against the
The ships in question, which he used against the
Elaniites.
Elamite fugitives in the Xar Marraium or Persian Gulf, were
specially built in the Phoenician style, and manned by- Pha-8.)

nici:iu sailors.

61.

Decoration of a Geometrical Vase

(PERROT-CniPlEZ,

vii.

Arch. Zcity.

66;

Fig-.

248-249

1885,

pi.

viii.)

62.

Scene on a Late-Mycenaean Vase from Cyprus

263

(PERROT-CHIPIEZ, iii. Fig-. 526 E. T. Phoenicia, &c., ii.

The. male costume, with its flowing- chiton, is
Fig-. 250.)
noticeable.
The second figure from the left is Kepa. a-yAabs,
like Paris and the Keftiu.
;

63.

Cyprian Vase with design of concentric

(PERROT-CHIPIEZ,

iii.

Fig-.

497

circles

E. T. I'luenicia, &c.,

264

ii.

Fig-. 221.)

64. Cypriote Pictographic Inscription,

(After

65.

MURRAY, Excavations

from Enkomi

.......

Leaden statuette from Kampos, showing Mycenaean

male costume
(PERROT-CHIPIEZ,
Fig. 351.)

Cf.

vi.

Fig-.

265

in Cyprus, Fig-. 58.)

355

TSOUNTAS-MANATT,

E. T. Primitive
pi. xvii.

(,'reece,

277

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

xxx

PAGE
of the early part of the
66' Obverse of a Lydian Coin
of MyceVlth century B.C. (Compare designs
\

292

naean gems.)
Z ,v.Fig.i 9 2; E. T.

(PERROT-CHiPiE
HILL, Handbook of

Cf.

67.

Emblem

used to ornament clothing

Mvcensean Water-demon
tagho

Xtfrf/a,

and Jloman

1>1. 1.

Coins,

of Zeus of the Double-Axe (Mycenae)

Thin gold

68

({reek

Ac. Fig.192.)

(?

294

(?).

Artemis), from an in-

20;

9-

vi. Fig. 431, 6.

Cf. rr.imo-r-CiiiPiEZ,

69.

Artemis (Diktynna) irvrvia BW&V. (From a Mycenaean intaglio, found at Vaphio.)

TSOUNTAS-MAXATT,

Cf.

70.
7

1 .

72.

Mycensean

(?)

Fig. 154.

Group from Tell el-Amarna

I'KKKOT-CiniME/.

at Tiryns

vi.

Fig.

Fig. 349; 'E^M-' >A PX' 1891.

73.

Bronze Figure found

llrit. -Mus.

74.

ii.

34

305

37

353: E. T.

i>l.

point of view

The same Group from another

Bronze Figure found

296

I'riniitirc

Greece,

T.)

at Bf'rut

309

No. 25096.

Aidin in Lydia.
Impression of a Cylinder from

...

(Louvre.)
(

I'r.KKOT-CniiMKy..

382.

&.{.-.

311

Fig. 382; E. T. Judicu,

Fig.

75. Imin-ession

(Louvre.)
(

iv.

of

I'EHHOT-CHIPIE/,

MKXAXT.

/<-.s

I'icrr

from

Cylinder

Asia

iv.

Minor.
.

Fig. 378

<irnn

cx

>li-

l<i

E. T. Jttdd'd,

Haute Axic,

Arc.
ii.

Fig. 378
Fig.

in.)

312

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
of d^t Kyi. Nord. Oldskrift <sV/.s7.-., Aarb//ger af det
Konglig Xordiske Oldskrif t Selskab, Copenhagen.

A(irl><}<i<'r

AWi-andl

Abhandlungen der koniglichen

Akademie der Wissenschaf ten, Berlin.
Zeitschrift fiir Agyptische Sprache imd Altertums.

j>r<'/tx. Al'fi.<1.,

/,///.

preussischen

A. Z.,
kunde, Berlin.
Ant.

Jmu-ii.

American

Arrli.,

Journal

of

Archaeology,

Princeton, U.S.A.

Ann. Brit. *SW/. Atli., Annual of the British School at Athens.

Aumtli : Annali dell' Instituto di Correspondenza Archeologica,

Rome.

Antiqv.Tid&kr.fdr

Xrrn'ifjc

Antiqvarisk Tidskrif t fur Sverige,

Stockholm.
Arcli. AHZ., Archiiologische

Arch

Anzeiger (published with

Jalirlj.

Inxt., </.'.)

Arch. Zc'ity., Archfiologische Zeitung, Berlin.

Ath. 3fiA., Mittheilungen des Kaiaerlich Deutschen Archiiologischen Institute, Athenische Abteilung, Athens.

B. C. H., Bulletin cle Correspondance Helh'nique, Paris.

Bull, di Paletnoloyia itaTtuiKi : Bulletino di Paletnologia
italiana,

BUSOLT,

Parma.

(it: d!<>xcli.,

BUSOLT, Griechische Geschichte, Gotha,

1893.

BRUGSCI-I, Worterbwih : H. BRUGSCII, Hieroglyphisch-Demotisches Worterbuch.

C. /.

G'.,

Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum.

<1rx

Mimuiiii'Htx

Inscriptions de

Catalogue

des

Monuments

FKgypte Antique, Vienna,

1894.

et

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

xxxii

CHAMPOLLION, Monuments: CHAMPOLLION, Monuments de

1'Egypte et de la Nubie, Paris, 1835.
Chr. Or.

REINACH).
Review.

(v.

Class. Rev., Classical

DE MORGAN,

JRecherches

DE MORGAN,

Recherches sur

les

Origines de FEgypte, Paris, 1896-7.

Hixtor.

DUMICIIEN,

Jtmchr.j

DUMICHEN, Historische

In-

schriften, Leipzig, 1867.

E. T., English Translation.

EVANS, Pictogmphs

A. J. EVANS, Cretan Pictographs and

Prae-Phoenician Script, London, 1895.

77,

\\px-

Athens.

FKAZER, P</?/.s., FRAZER, Pausanias's Description of Greece,

London, 1898.
and LOSC..CKK,
FuR-nv.-LosCHCKR
/FUBTWASCLKK
:

FuETWANGLKR-LiHCKE:|
GARDNER,

Xeti-

Chapters:

Mykemsche

A asen,

Berlin,

l886.

Prof.

PERCY GARDNER, Xew

Chapters in Greek History, London, 1892.

J. 11. N.,

Journal of Hellenic Studies, London.

Jahrbuch des Kaiserlich Deutschen Archa-

J<(Jirb. Arch.ItiKt.,

ologischen Instituts, Berlin.

Jmmi. Anthrop. ////., Journal of the Anthropological

tute, London.

Insti-

AL-(1. HandUngar: Handlingax af Konglig

Historic och Vitterhets Akademien, Stockholm.

K(jl. Vitterhets

Hist. Anc. Or., MASRKRO, Histoire Ancienne des

Peuples de FOrient, Paris, 1 886.

MASPKRO,
Mir. Or.

(r.

REINACII).

Anthroj). (l?x. in Wic.n: Mittheilungen der

pologischen Gesellschaft in Wien, Vienna.

Mlttlt.

Anthro-

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
IhlhL-.

.-AY,

dr. Arcli., Dr. A. S.

xxxiif

MURRAY, Handbook

of Greek Archseology, London, 1892.

MYKKS-RICHTER, Cifprm Cutaloyur J. L MYRES and M.

OHNEFALSCH - EICHTEB, Catalogue of the Cyprus
Museum, Oxford, 1899.
:

Jhbucher.
Altertums.

Xi-iK'

Kleins. /I//.,

Neue Jahrbiicher des

klassischen

P. S. B. A., Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology,

London.

PAPE-BENSELER, Wbc/i. Gr. Elf/rim., W. PAPE and G.

BEN8ELEB, Worterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen,
Braunschweig, 1884.
G. PERROT and C. CJIIIMEZ, Histoire de
1'Art dans TAntiquite, Paris (in progress).

PBBROT-CHIPIEZ

Proc. Soc. Antfq., Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries,

London.
: Recueil de Travaux
relatifs a la Philologie et a
1'Archeologie Kgyptiennes et Assyriennes, Paris.

Recwil
R.

I. 7/.,

E.

DE ROUUE, Inscriptions

Hieroglyphiques, Paris,

1877-

BAWLINSON,IFeferw Asiatic Inscriptions RAWLINSON, Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, London, 1861-91.
REINACH, Mir. Or., SALOMON REINACH, La Mirage Oriental
:

Chr. Or.

ii.

if.

p. 509

REIXACH, Chr.

Or.,

SALOMON REINACH, Chroniques de

FOrient, Paris, 1891-6.

Rev. Arch., Revue Archeologique, Paris.

Rliein. Mus., Rheiriisches Museum, Bonn.
Rom. Mittli., Mittheilungen des Kaiserlich Deutschen ArchiioIqgischen Instituts, Rumische Abtheilung,

tiifzbt')'.

der

lichen

Rome.

Akad., Sitzungsberichte der konigbayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,

IcrjJ.

Munich.
SCIIUCIIHARDT

bai/r.

/:

SciruciiHARDT,

Schliemann's

Excavations, London, 1891.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

xxxiv

T. S. B. A., Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archae-

ology, London.
Trans. R. Soc. Lit., Transactions of the Royal Society of

Literature, London.
Prof.

TSOUXTAS-MAXATT
Dr. J. IRVIXCJ

Dr. CIIRESTOS TSOUXTAS and

MAXATT, The Mycenaean Age, London,

1897.
IT.

A.

/.,

RAWLIXSOX, Western Asiatic Inscriptions, q.r.

W. MAX MULLER, Asien und Europa,

W. M. MULLEK

Leipzig, 1893.
WbcJi. dr. Eifjeun. (r.

PAPE-BEXSELER).

:
Ymer, Tidskrif t utgif ven af Svenska Sallskapet
Antropologi och Geografi, Stockholm.

Y/itcr

f or

NOTE
1

lt</

re

sjH'cially re-translated all the

passages from
With regard

inscriptions, cOc., which air quoted in this+ book.

to

transliteration of

tli<'

be noted that s

irhile

kh,

is

Egyptian and Assyrian trords, it may

= tch, dj, zh, or some such sound,
ts, t'

stronahf aspirated

German
(f'trfn

in

(Aqaiwaasa)

/>//

peoples

sh, s

ch.

Tlie

= hh

(as

///

the

Arabic kohl), and

fonnx of Kni/ptian

I>rc1t<j 1x bt/ the side

nfi'iaex

offoreign

of the nottcil fornis, e.g.

of Akaiuasha, are stricter and more

In speaking of

the xide

accurate transliteration^ of the hieroglyphs.

the

Ameulietep ./I'., / hare preferred to ne

form of his later name, Khuenaten, rather
less-known Akhenaten.
The name Keftiu /.s properly

Egyptian

L'in</

the better-lcnotcn

than the

that of the country, not the people;

hut

hare

usually pre-

speak of the people as s/nijtli/ Keftiu, rather tlian use

"
such a cumbrous expression as a Keftiu-peo/rfe
or the hybrid

ferred
"

to

I may

Keftians"

top of the corer

is

further note tlmt the spiral design at the

published originally in
irhile

that at

the

tcilsen from the gravestone

SCIILIEMAXN'S Mycrnes, Fia. 140,

afycencnan* being

bottom

is

l^tjyptian, beiiaj

ornamentation of some, of the pillars

Tell

el-Amama,

Amarna, pL

x..

in

orioinalln published

taken

from

tlie

Khuenaten' s palace at
in

PETRIK'S Tell

2.

H. H.

el-

THE OLDEST CIVILIZATION OF

GREECE
:

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

THE NEW CHAPTER OF GREEK HISTORY

ARCH.EOLOGIST AND HISTORIAN
FOR some

years past one of the dominant objects of

been the

historical study in the Hellenic field has

search for the origins of Greek civilization, the

attempt to elucidate the early history of the Hellenic
culture and of the Hellenic race.
Twenty years ago

our knowledge of Greek history could hardly be

said to have extended much further back than the

beginning of the seventh century B.C. before that

time all seemed vague and untrustworthy, a realm of
legend and of fairy-tale. The historian of Greece
;

could go no further than the limit to which Thucydides and Herodotos could take him; the only
glimpse which he possessed of the earlier ages was

him by the beacon-light of Homer, which,

however, served but to make the surrounding darkness more visible. The Homeric period seemed to be
afforded

entirely isolated ; an impassable gap separated the

Greece of Homer from the Greece of Herodotos ; the

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

period of time which had elapsed between the two

could not be estimated with any approach to certainty, nor could the process of the development of
the civilization of the classical out of that of the

Homeric period be traced with any attempt at

Behind Homer lay impenetrable darkaccuracy.
ness.
To-day, however, the veil which hid the
origins of Greek civilization from us has, at least
partially, been lifted, and although much is as yet
uncertain, the historian of Greece can at least say

with truth that his knowledge of Greek story no

longer ends in the seventh century; he is now not
only able to connect the Homeric period with the
classical age, but his range of vision extends beyond

Homer and brings him

of Greek

civilization.

this increased

almost to the very beginnings

He does not, however, owe

range of vision to himself alone

it is

to the spade of the archaeologist, not to the pen of

the historian, that the discovery of the origins of
Hellas is due.
Formerly the archaeologist was but

the servant of the historian

to illustrate

it

was

his

duty merely
which

his discoveries the materials

by
the historian drew from

his

ancient

authorities.

to the archaeologist that the

historian looks to give him increased
knowledge, to

Now, however,

it

is

supply him with facts with which he may reconstruct the lost history of pras-classical Greece.

The present energy of the archaeologist in Greece

and the modern interest in early Greek
archaeology
date from and are a consequence of the
epoch-making
discoveries of the beginning of the XlXth
century
domain of Egyptian and Oriental
archaeology.

in the

NEW CHAPTER OF GREEK HISTORY

A

new world was opened

to us

by these discoveries

the horizon of our knowledge of the ancient civilizations of the earth was widened indefinitely by them
;

after

was not long before classical students began,

much doubt and incredulity, to ask themselves

how

far this

and

it

new knowledge might bear upon the

of the Greeks.
But not all many

history
classical scholars were
early

themselves to the

new

utterly

unable to conform

order of ideas.

intellect of Sir G. C. Lewis, for instance,

The keen
was unable

he
to grasp the meaning of the new discoveries
continued to the end of his days refusing to believe
;

anybody could read a single hieroglyph or interpret a single group of wedges. But these were exceptions others
among them Mr. Gladstone turned
to
the
new
light for information, and when
eagerly
that

was found

although Herodotos's oriental

history might be to a great extent confirmed by the
Inscription of Behistun and other early trophies of
it

that,

cuneiform study, yet his history of Egypt was so

legendary and unreliable as to be of little use to

anybody but the folklorist, the results of Egyptological study were utilized by them for the purpose of further elucidating the Homeric question.
Although the Homeric poems were still regarded in
England as the work of a single hand, yet they were
1

now
vvv

"

studied not merely in order to " properly base

or to trace the pedigree of the digamma, but

to glean

"

Homer"

knowledge of that heroic age of which

sang, and to seek out through him the

secret of the origins of Hellas.

1

E.g.

GLADSTONE, Juventus Mundi,

p.

144

and elsewhere.

STUDIES OF THE MYCEN^AN AGE

in the early sixties that

lated the inscriptions of Merenptah

was

It

De Kouge

trans-

and Kameses III.

record the two great in(B.C. 1250-1150), which
vasions of Egypt by the piratical hordes of the
Mediterranean and their successive defeats at
and
Piarisheps and off the coast of Palestine,
announced to the world that Achaians, Danaans,
formed
Pelasgians, Teukrians, and Dardanians had

The question of the

part of the invading hosts.
correctness of his identifications will be discussed
later;

at

the

time

many were

incredulous,

many

announcement with sanguine interest and

anticipation. It was evident that the Homeric period
was a time of storm and stress, of wars and wanderings and the picture of the Homeric Greeks warring
with Asia Minor and adventuring far voyages to
Egypt and to the West, as if already disturbed and
displaced by the pressure of the Dorians from the

hailed his

North, certainly tallied well with the indications

given by the Egyptian records of occasional visits

from the

wandering clansmen
Green"
Sea, coming sometimes as
"Very

of the

piratical ships of the

single spies, sometimes in battalions, sometimes to

and marshes of the Delta, more

settle in the islands

often to burn, to slay, and to enslave.

And did not
the legends of Hellas tell of Egyptian and Oriental
settlers in Greece itself: of Inachos and Danaos in
Argolis, of

man from

Kekrops in Athens, of Kadmos, "the

the East," in Boeotian Thebes ? Whence

last name come to Greece if not from

Thothmes III. made Cyprus tributarywhy not also more westerly islands and coasts ?

did

this

Egypt

NEW CHAPTER OF GREEK HISTORY

Such considerations as these prompted Mr. Gladrelying on such interpretations of Thothmes III.'s famous "Hymn to Amen" at Karnak
to conjure up for
as that given by Lenormant
us a Homeric Greece which had been conquered
long before the days of Agamemnon by Thothmes III., and had thereafter been ruled by Egyptian
vicegerents of the Theban Pharaohs, who, as depositaries of the wisdom of the Egyptians, dispensed
the civilization of the Black Land to their eager
subjects, and became the founders of most of the
2
Few found themselves
princely houses of Greece.
all that
able to follow Lenormant and Gladstone
could be admitted was that, since at a time not
"
"
long anterior to the Homeric period Egyptian conquest had reached Cyprus and the southern coast of
Asia Minor, and wandering seafarers quite possibly
and very probably Greeks had reached Egypt, an
actual connection between Greece and Egypt might
stone

quite possibly have existed at that time, but that

tangible proof of any Egyptian influence upon early
Greek civilization at that epoch did not exist.

So stood the matter when Schliemann, great in faitn

and in works, excavated Troy, Mycenas, and Tiryns,
thus applying a method of investigation already successful in Egypt and Assyria to Greece. His startling
discoveries compelled classical scholars once again to
abandon preconceived notions and to revise their

ideas

anew.

Had we

at

last

Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de

GLADSTONE, Homer

GREEN),

p. 49.

I'

(Literature

reached the age of

Orient,

i.

pp. 386, 387.

Primers,

ed.

by

J.

R.

STUDIES OF THE MYCEN^AN AGE

Homer? Schliemann believed that he had disinterred the actual heroes of the Trojan War ; in the
bones which he dug out of the graves in the
remains of
akropolis of Mycenae he saw the actual
of
Aigisthos, in
Agamemnon, of Klytaimnestra, and
masks the actual presentments of those
whose deeds and woes Homer and Sophokles had
But criticism soon dismissed this idea from
sung.
The fact
all minds except that of the discoverer.
that the Homeric Greeks burned the bodies of their
dead to ashes upon a pyre, and did not mummify
them as Schliemann's Mycenaeans did, was sufficient
to show some difference between them and the
Mycenaeans; and the conviction that the culture
of which Schliemann had discovered the remains
was not that of the Homeric time, though it
was evidently connected with it, gradually gained
their golden

ground.

was

this

Was

it,

difficult

discovered which

then, earlier or
to decide
so
;

was foreign

later? At first
much had been

to the archaeologist

who had been trained in the school of classical

2
Hellas, so much was entirely new and strange, that
task of deciding the relation of the newlydiscovered culture to the civilizations of the Homeric
the

and

was one of great difficulty. To

the Mycenaean remains anywhere within the

classical periods

place

period was impossible; it was, however,

suggested that they might possibly date from the

classical

Though in reality not so great a difference as it has often

been held to show.
So new and strange that one archaeologist considered the
remains to be those of warriors of the Avars and Heruli, buried
with their own property and the spoil of Greek cities.

/c^_

,,,_ ^

NEW CHAPTER OF GREEK HISTORY

Byzantine age, a suggestion made only to be conThus only two possible supclusively refuted.
positions remained the antiquities of Mycenae must
have dated either to the period of transition between
:

the age of

Homer and

the classical time, or must

have been prior to the Homeric period altogether.

The simple fact that iron was almost totally absent

FIG.

i.

Mycenaean Vase (vAi) from

lalysos.

from the Mycenasan tombs was enough to show the

the second
impossibility of the first supposition
;

alone remained, and was accepted by the majority.

Various pieces of evidence seemed to render this view

probable e.g., some Egyptian objects which bore

the names of Egyptian monarchs of the XVIIIth

Dynasty seemed to date the Mycenasan remains to

the fifteenth century B.C.
The importance of this
evidence was naturally insisted upon more emphatically

when

similar objects were discovered in

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

the tombs of lalysos in Rhodes, which were obviand town of

ously contemporary with the tombs
of the
Mycenae. Then men bethought themselves
ancient kingdom of the "fortium ante Agamemnona," of the domination of the Perseids arid

Pelopids over Mycenae and

many

which to
was not long

isles,

Homer was already legendary. It

before the supposition that the Mycenaean culture
which, as soon became apparent, extended over the
greater part of the Hellenic world was that of the
and that the civilization of the Homeric
a degenerate descendant of this,
was
but
period
became generally accepted and although a certain
number of dissident critics protest against it from
old Achaians,

various points of view, yet this theory undoubtedly

still holds the field, because it best
explains the
facts.

to

A working

explain

successors,

hypothesis having thus been found

the discoveries of Schliemann and his

the

question

arose

origins of this highly developed

ture be traced back

How

far

can the

"Mycenaean"

Attention was

now

cul-

directed

many products of a rude and undeveloped art,

found on many sites in Greece, which existed in the
to

various

museums

these seemed in

many

to foreshadow the artistic

triumphs of the

respects

Mycenaean

That these objects were not

period.
only primitive
in form, but also primitive in
date, was shown by
the discoveries of Bent and Dummler in the
Cyclades and in Cyprus, where were excavated a
analogous to the numberless
primitive tombs of other parts of Europe, in which
lay the skeletons of their owners surrounded
series of early graves

NEW CHAPTER OF GREEK HISTORY

primitive weapons of copper and of
and the rough pottery vessels of the type
already known, and considered to be of praeMycenaean date. These discoveries connected themselves at once, on

by

their

stone,

the one hand, with

"
the early " cities of

Troy which Schlie-

mannhad excavated,
and, on the other,
the
with
scanty
human
of
traces

which
had been found by

habitation

Fouque underneath
the volcanic tufa of
the island of Thera.'2

Schliemann, believing his Mycenaean

be
to

discoveries

the remains of the

FIG.

civilization of golden

Mycenae
in

as

2..

Prae-Mycentean Vase (np

with triple body.

(Cyprus.)

was

it

Agamemnon, and

the days of

his

burnt city

of Troy to have been the very citadel of Priam,

considered the Mycenaean and early Trojan stages of

have been contemporaneous. This confor some time tacitly accepted.

But,

culture

to

clusion

was

as Professor

Mahaffy has well pointed

from the

really
1

:!

v.

first

it

was

evident that this could not be.

-

post, p. 25.

MAHAFFY,

out,

v. 2Jost, p. 25.

/Survey of Greek Civilisation, p. 26.

io

MYCEN^AN AGE

STUDIES OF THE

The weapons and pottery of the second city of Troy

were in no sense on the same level of development as
those of Mycenae: not only were they absolutely
different from these, but they were far more primi-

appearance and in fabric. The copper

weapons and rude black pots from the Burnt City
could in no way be compared with the splendid
tive

in

inlaid bronze swords

seemed
was much

It

and

delicate vases

from Mycenae.

at least probable that the Trojan culture

But could
earlier than that of Mycenae.

not the Trojan culture, though so much ruder and

developed than that of Mycenae, still have been

less

contemporaneous with it ? If the Burnt City was

Homer's Troy, and the akropolis-graves of Mycenae

were those of Homer's heroes, the remains from both

Troy and Mycenae should have been the same in
character

in the

Homeric poems there

is

no

dis-

tinction apparent between the civilization of Troy

and that of Mycenae they are identical. Also, since
;

the Mycenaean culture was spread over the whole of

the ^Egean basin, it would
naturally have been
expected that, if the second Trojan city and the

Mycenaean graves were

contemporary, Mycenaean
among the relics of

objects would have been found

Troy, and Trojan objects at Mycenae.

of contemporaneousness was not

This evidence

The
forthcoming.
was
not
Homer's
City
Troy, but a settlement of far earlier date than this,
conclusion that the Burnt

was
itself

inevitable.

had

And

since the

been shown to be

Mycenaean culture
to

all
appearance
pre-Homeric, this date was evidently very early
indeed.
Absolute confirmation of this conclusion

NEW CHAPTER OF GREEK HISTORY n

was

supplied in 1892-3 by Professor Dorpf eld's

discovery that Schliemann's Sixth City was the true

Mycenaean

ment

settle-

of

Troy,

which was thus

evidently much
later in date than

the

And

Burnt

City.

this

again

was confirmed by
the

evidence of

the superimposed

settlements

on

the akropolis of

where
Athens,
the stratum corresponding to the

Second

Trojan

City lay entirely

beneath the Mycenasan stratum.

The true position of the early

settle-

Trojan

ments was now

evident

were

they

"

prse-My-

FIG.

cenaean," and, as
the character of

of

3.

Prae-Mycenasan Vase
hand-made.

black ware

Second

(npo\ov<>)

(Troy

City.)

their remains shows,

were roughly contemporaneous

with the similar relics discovered in the Cyclades and
in

Cyprus; while the Therasan remains seemed to

12

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

from the primitive

represent a period of transition
the
in
^Egean basin to the fully
stage of culture
developed Mycenaean stage.
It now did not seem impossible to trace back the

Greek culture to its

pras-Mycensean stage of early
Some clue to these was given by the
beginnings.
First City of Troy, the earliest settlement on the
Athenian akropolis, and other extremely primitive
settlements, the inhabitants of which were apparently
into that of Metal.
just emerging from the Stone Age
Traces of human habitation at a still earlier period
are not wanting in Greece, but their date remained

and

still

remains uncertain, and

if

the semi-barbaric

culture of the prge-Mycenasan period was developed

out of this Neolithic barbarism, and was not imelsewhere, the steps by which the
transition was carried out were not and are not yet
So that we can with justice
fully apparent to us.

ported

from

regard the earliest settlements of Troy and Athens

representing the beginnings of civilization in

as

Greece.

Such, then, were the rough results of Schliemann's

application to Greece of the method of archaeological
investigation which had proved so successful in Egypt
and in Assyria. The working hypothesis which was

devised to explain these results, although it may not

fulfil all the conditions of the
problem and satisfy
has
everybody,
yet explained much which would

otherwise be inexplicable and has satisfied the great

majority of those who have interested themselves in

The various parts of the hypothesis,

become more apparent later, certainly fit

the subject.
as will

NEW CHAPTER OF GREEK HISTORY

in

very well with

each

and

other

with

13

Greek

tradition.

Many

objections to

it

have been made, and much

cause has been given for objection by some of the

more ardent protagonists of this theory, who have

damaged

their cause

by trying to prove too much.

When the average student of Greek history is suddenly

informed that the prae-Mycenasan culture is closely
connected with if not actually derived from the barbaric culture of the pre-dynastic Egyptians, and that
it therefore dates back to somewhere about 5000 B.C.,

he

is

ment

apt to refuse adherence not only to the announcein question but also to many other archaeological

propositions and theories bearing on the early history

of Greece and the early relations between Greece and
the East, which are in reality worthy of his most
serious attention.

But objections more important than these may be

and have been made against the usual hypothesis on
grounds which may be said to seriously affect the
claim of the archaeologist to be a trustworthy reconstructor

of forgotten

"
history.

parlano le tombe." But

results of excavation be trusted ?

muta,

Dove

how

la

far

storia

can the

It is far too often

assumed that anything found at a low level is necessarily early, and that anything primitive is necessarily

argument from analogy is often

anything which in any way
resembles something else, whether in shape or in
pattern or what not, is immediately set down as
prehistoric, while the

pressed too

hard

being an imitation of or a derivative of that something

else.

Sometimes

very

slight

error

may

MYCEN^AN AGE

STUDIES OF THE

drawn
absolutely vitiate an archaeological argument
from the results of some excavation. Often the
evidence

may be

complete, clear, and convincing

yet, again, at other times it

conflict

may

with

itself

and with all the other known evidence. Especially

must the Oriental evidence bearing on the Mycenaean
great care must
question be carefully examined
with
in
exercised
be
objects found in
dealing
always
in excavations in Egyptian town
and
tombs
Egyptian
:

ruins.

In Egypt, as tomb-room grew scarce, bodies

were in later days often buried in early tombs.

Some-

times the original occupant was summarily ejected,

only a few scraps of his funeral furniture being left ;
other times he remained with his belongings,
mixed up with the mummies and relics of the later
When the objects found in an Egyptian
intruders.
tomb of the Xllth Dynasty are all Egyptian, it is
at

possible to distinguish to a great

criterion of style between the Xllth

and

those, if there are any,

extent by the

Dynasty objects
which are of later date
;

but when non-Egyptian objects which, for example,

"
"
perhaps belong apparently to the prae-Mycenaean

Greek

art

of the Islands, are found in a Xllth

or house-ruin, we have little to assure

Dynasty tomb

us that they were placed there at the time of the

Xllth Dynasty. Yet the occurrence of pras-Myce-

naean objects with Xllth Dynasty remains at Kahun,

in Egypt, is unhesitatingly considered to
prove the
Xllth Dynasty date of these objects. 1 Absolute
1

In such a case the cumulative evidence must be taken into

In this particular case, though the particular evidence
from Kahun is bad, the cumulative evidence shows that the
praeaccount.

ARCHAEOLOGIST AND HISTORIAN

15

tomb has never been disturbed since

first occupant was laid to rest in it is very difficult
obtain, and, even when the greatest certainty is

certainty that a
its

to

maintained by the most systematic explorers as to

the undisturbed state of a tomb, doubts may occasionally arise as to Whether certain objects found in
can really date to the period which is claimed for

it

them.

Again, in excavations small objects can con-

It is
stantly slip down from higher levels to lower.
certain that the majority of objects which are found
at

the

lowest level of an excavation date to the

earliest period at

which the

site

was inhabited, but

are necessarily of such an early date.

in an Early Iron Age grave at Hallstatt Sir

not

all

And
John

Evans found an Austrian coin of the year 1826 1

An interesting example of conflicting evidence from
Egypt may be given here. When Professor Petrie
"
"
discovered his New Eace at Ballas and Tukh the
evidence for the date which he assigned to it
midway between the Vllth and Xlth Dynasties
about 3000 B.C.) seemed clear enough. Very
(i.e.,
2
showed that the
soon, however, M. de Morgan
remains of this race must be in reality pras-dynastic,
I

dating certainly many centuries before 4000 B.C.

This conclusion has since been confirmed by the
further

discoveries

made

by

other

investigators.

Mycenaean culture was contemporary with the Egyptian Middle

Kingdom, and so probably with the Xllth Dynasty.
1
Ancient Bronze Implements of Great Britain, p. 25.
2
Les Origines de VEgypte (Paris, 1896-7).
3
QUIBELL, El Kab, p. ii AMfLlNEAU, Les Fouilles d'Abydos
PETEIE, Royal Tombs of the First Dynasty
(Paris, 1895-6), &c.
;

(London, 1900).

The discovery

of the archaic antiquities of

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

Now, this instance is enough to give us pause :

other similar misconceptions, founded upon evidence
to all appearance absolutely convincing, are not
Cyprus is a small country, and had in
a large population tombs were theretimes
ancient
fore constantly re-used, and the result is that the
impossible.

from Cyprus is conflicting

objects of different ages are often found together
in the same tomb.
Nor, turning to Greece, is the
evidence of Greek excavation always as simple and
archaeological evidence

convincing as it looks. It has been usual to regard

the contents of the akropolis-graves at Mycenae as

all

dating more or less to the same period. But some of

the objects from certain of these graves can be
shown, if we are not to throw aside all that we have
learnt of the development of early Greek art, to be
of far later date than others
some objects of
:

character from Mycenas

obviously
belong to the eighth and seventh centuries B.C., while
others as obviously do not belong to this time, but
orientalizing

are far earlier.

Again, the so-called "Treasure of

Priam," found at Troy, was supposed by Schliemann
to have belonged to the second or
praa-Mycenaean
city, which he believed to be the Ilios of the Iliad.

But the character of the workmanship of some of

the magnificent golden pins and bracelets from, the
Second City shows us that it is improbable that
they
the First Dynasty has put the
their proper chronological

"Dynastic Egyptians" who

"New Race"

antiquities into
before the coming of the
amalgamated with the previous

plnce,

inhabitants and founded the

Egyptian kingdom. With this
settlement of the question Professor Petrie now
agrees.

ARCHAEOLOGIST AND HISTORIAN

17

can date back to the semi-barbarous age of the

Second City they have all the appearance of belonging to the later period of Mycenaean art, and need
date no further back than about looo B.C.
Here,
then, is an evident error of
:

the excavator: these pins and

bracelets, and probably the
"

Treasure of Priam," must

in reality have belonged to
the Sixth, not to the Second
City.
Again, in the course
of

his

explorations in the

Cyclades, Dummler found

the neighbourhood of
"
a primitive " cist-grave
of
the prae - Mycenaean epoch
in

a bronze fibula.

To sup-

pose that this fibula

is

of

Mycenaean date, as
Diimmler apparently did, is
prse

simply to contradict

all

that

we know of the development of the Age of Metal

in Europe.
The conclusion

FIG.

Gold
Mycenaean
from the Second City,

4.

Pin,

Troy.

obvious the supposed level or position at which

an object has been found is not always a safe clue
to its date
and not even in Greece, where in all
is

probability tombs were not often re-used, can it be

said with certainty that all the objects found together
in a tomb are of the same date or were all put there

together at the same period.

1

v.

Subject, however, to

post, p. 25.

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

i8

these reservations, the general evidence of excavation can be accepted, especially when the excavators
are such past-masters of their art as Professor DorpTo say that all the results
feld or Professor Petrie.
of excavation are valueless because a few of them

have been inconclusive or self-contradictory, because

some mistakes have been made with regard to them,

or because impossible theories have been built upon
them, would be absurd.
It has

been necessary to thus discuss the vices as

well as the virtues of archaeological evidence, because

of late there has grown up an increasing tendency

regard the hypotheses of the archaeologist as

necessarily inspired, to regard him as the exponent
to

of

an exact

may

science,

which he

be carried on in a

ology

is

not a science.

is

scientific

not.

Excavations

manner, but archae"

Archaeological

merely a branch of knowledge

ciently advanced to be able to

science

"
is

which is now suffiframe more or less

probable hypotheses with regard to the remains of

the handiwork of ancient peoples which its expert
excavators and explorers have discovered. Absolute
certainty in these matters is only possible where a
continuous literary tradition has always existed
the modern study of European and American
:

prehistoric archaeology, for instance,

literary tradition by its side, must

largely guesswork.
of ancient Egypt

which has no
always remain

The main scheme

is

of the history
a certainty, not a mere
very doubtful if it would

now

hypothesis; but it is
ever have become a
certainty if its construction
had depended entirely on the
The
archaeologists.

ARCHAEOLOGIST AND HISTORIAN

19

complete skeleton of the scheme was provided by

the continuous literary tradition preserved by the
Egyptian priest Manetho this has been clothed
;

with flesh by the archaeologists, and in the course

of this process it has become clear that in the

main Manetho had articulated his skeleton correctly.

But in the case of European and American prehistoric
archaeology there exist no skeletons to be clothed,
and in the case of early Greek archaeology the
though it exists, is but an unsatisfactory
specimen, from which many of the most important
bones are missing, while others are evidently misskeleton,

placed, so that the task of clothing it with flesh is a

very difficult and a very uncertain one.

The

limitations of the archaeological

method

as

applied to early Greece must always be kept in view ;

in Greece we can never hope to derive from archaeo-

same certain historical knowwhich

we
from it in the case of
have
derived
ledge
and
in
Assyria
Egypt
dealing with the remains of
Greece
we
no contemporary inscribed
have
prehistoric
no
chronicles
or
But
letters to guide us.
monuments,
on the other hand we know the ground better we
logical discovery the

can separate with greater certainty the probable

from the improbable ; and, by combining the indications of

Hellenic tradition with the results of

excavation,

we may

fairly

hope to eventually gain a

From

Crete we now have a number of clay hieroglyphed

well as "pictographed" sealstones, discovered by
Mr. A. J. Evans, but we cannot yet read them, nor is there
any prospect at present that we shall ever be able to read
1

tablets, as

them
is

KLUGE'S attempt (Die

a failure.

Schrift der Mykenier, Cothen, 1897)

20

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

Greece.
general knowledge of the history of primitive
One fact at least, and that one of capital importance,

we have

learnt from the discoveries of the archaeand

that is that it is impossible to regard
ologists,
Greek civilization as a thing sui generis, an isolated

phenomenon which sprang from the brain of the

Hellene complete in itself, like Athene from the
brain of Zeus; we have learnt that Hellenic civilization did not develop itself entirely by itself and
through itself, but was from the beginning connected
not only with the older civilizations of the Nile
Valley and Mesopotamia, but also with the kindred
culture of Italy and with the early Bronze Age
culture of Central Europe
that even in its begin-

nings

it

both influenced them and was influenced by

them

in various ways.
Greece is of all countries
the most unsuited to the isolated development of an

the ^Egean was

absolutely self-contained culture
the natural meeting-place of the civilizations of
:

Europe and of Asia.

The archreologist, then, can never provide

the

historian with an absolutely certain

history of the
early days of Greek civilization he can only provide
;

him with a more

or less satisfactory

working hypo-

towards the framing of which the historian

must himself lend his aid, in order to correct certain

thesis,

imperfections which might otherwise be noticeable in

Much of the evidence which will go towards the

it.

framing of this hypothesis is of such a character

it would not hold
good in any court of law;

that

many small pieces of evidence which to a lawyer

would seem worthless have in the
eyes of the archse-

ARCHAEOLOGIST AND HISTORIAN

ologist

21

and the historian great value when brought

into connection with other similar pieces of evidence ;

the value of cumulative evidence in archaeological

study can never be ignored though the individual

may be weak, the chain itself may be strong.
;

links

Also that perception of the probable which often

enables the historian to judge aright when legal
evidence is wanting, must sometimes be brought into
play in order to bridge over gaps in the evidence.
This necessity must, however, never be allowed to
serve as an excuse for an indulgence in

mere vain

imaginings.
can now proceed to sketch the main outlines of
the hypothesis which is more or less generally
accepted at the present day, modified according to

We

the evidence of the latest discoveries,

Cyprus and Crete.

e.g.

those in

II

THE HYPOTHESIS

WHEN

all

the conditions of a problem are more or

can be
only a doubtful hypothesis

less doubtful,

devised to solve

it.

The doubtful and provisional

character of the

generally accepted ''Mycenaean"

few years ago
hypothesis must not be forgotten.
the most distinguished of modern Greek archaeolo-

Professor Tsountas, published his conception

of the prehistoric civilization of Greece under the title
gists,

MvKiivai KOL MuKrjveuoe IIoAm<7jUoc.

Last year an

edition of this book, much enlarged, and to a great

extent recast, was published in an English dress by
an American scholar, Mr. Manatt. The Mycenaean
Age of Messrs. Tsountas and Manatt is as it stands
without doubt the most complete account of
"
"
but it is
Mycenaean
antiquities which exists
somewhat marred by the fact that the hypothetical
;

nature of
extent

much

of its subject-matter is to a large

generally speaking, the current

Mycenaean hypothesis is stated as an account of
historical facts.
Even the improbable theory of

ignored;

Professor Tsountas, according to which the early

inhabitants of Greece were divided into a hut-

dwelling race and a lake-dwelling race, which were

the Achaians and the Danaans, and which gave

TROY
the Perseid and Pelopid royal houses to Mycenae, 1
is hardly stated with
sufficient caution.
Before

proceeding to sketch the generally accepted ex"

"
planation of
Mycenaean antiquities, it is desirable that its hypothetical nature should be fully

emphasized.

The

earliest

"civilized"

of

trace

human

at

least

settlement

as

comparatively
discovered

yet

within the territory of the

Hellenic civilization

later

been

has

found

lowest strata of the

of

Hissarlik,

the

mound
site

The Trojans

Troy.

the

in

of

of the

Hissarlik were
on
the
border
between
just
the Age of Stone and the
first city at

Age

of Metal, in the

same

state of civilization as the

who were buried

people

in the graves of Remedello

in Italy, 2 and the "hall"

Northern

5.
Proe-Mycenaean black
ware Vase.
(Troy: Second

FIG.

City.)

Europe/
They still used
of
the
but
use
of copper was
stone,
implements
to
Their
known
them.
already
pottery was of the
most primitive description. Deposits of this early
graves

of

period have also been found at Athens, and others

of similar age appear to have been found else1

TSOUNTAS-MANATT, The Mycencean Age,

NAUE, Bronzezeit in Oberbayern, p. 69, n.
MONTELIUS, Orienten och Europa (Antiqv.

xiii.), p.

209.

pp. 250

if.

343

ff.

Tidskr. for Sverige,

STUDIES OF THE

24

where in Greece.
cities of

Hissarlik,

MYCEN^AN AGE

Later, in the second and third

find that the knowledge of

we

arrowcopper-working had progressed spearheads,

the
but
were
of
and
used,
copper
heads, celts,
daggers
two former were tanged in the primitive manner, not
;

socketed

here also bronze makes

its first

appearance

The pottery has progressed

in the ^Egean
animal and human forms are
imitate
vague attempts to
countries.

FIG.

6.

Siphnian Stone Box in form of a model dwelling

pr?e-Mycensean period. (Melos. )

found among the vases. The rnins of the town walls

and gates and of the chief's house exhibit a knowledge
of building which seems almost in advance of the
general character of this primitive culture, as it is
revealed to us by its pottery, weapons, and graves. In

many

of the

^Egean Islands we find numerous traces

which was practically the same

of a stage of culture
1

full list of

these most primitive settlements is given by

in the Eastern Mediterranean" (Science

MYRES, "Early Man

Progress, v. (1896), p. 343).

THE ISLAND-GRAVES
though perhaps in some respects more primitive

as,

The graves
than, that of the early "cities" of Troy.
"
of these islanders are plain " cist-graves constructed
of marble slabs, excavated but a few feet deep in the
surface soil ; their occupants were buried, not burnt,

and their skeletons are often found in that cramped

and huddled position which seems characteristic of
many primitive races. The weapons which were
buried with them are mostly of copper, and are confined to daggers and
as yet unknown. 1

tanged spearheads, swords being

Stone knives were

in

still

use,

the

of

the

obsidian

islands being well

adapted for manuof knives

facture

and
arrowheads.
Other metal objects
besides weapons are
rare

the

bronze

fibula mentioned

Dummler 2

by

obvi-

ously cannot, as
to this period.

FIG.

7.

Greenish marble Box in form of a

model dwelling
(Amorgos.

pree-Mycenaean period.

we have

previously remarked, date

Characteristic of this age are the

female images of barbaric

style, sculptured chiefly

swordblade from Thera, figured on p. 235 of
TSOUNTAS-MANATT, The Mycenaean Age, obviously belongs to
" Swords "
the fully developed period of Mycenaean civilization.
from Amorgos are mentioned by TSOUNTAS-MANATT, ib. p. 265,
but apparently only the typical Amorgan daggers are meant.
1

On

The

the island graves generally see

BENT, /. H. S. v. p. 4 7-

1886
2

inlaid

DUMMLER,

Ath. Mitth.

xi.,

LOG. ciL p.

For

silver objects cf.

BENT,

loc. cit. p. 53.

MYCEN^AN AGE

STUDIES OF THE

26

marble (Fig. 38), and the two models

which
of dwellings, one being of Siphnian stone,
and
were found in Melos and Amorgos respectively,
were
above
6,
Objects of ivory
in Parian

are figured

(Figs.

7).

not unknown, a fact which presupposes connection

the
with the East. The primitive designs of some of
the
of
the
of
ornamentation
pottery
vases resemble the
in
Central
Bronze
Age
early

Europe, while the forms of

others foreshadow the graceful shapes of the

Mycensean

number of tombs,
containing the same class

vases.

of
liar

pecu-

antiquities (with

variations)

and

also

belonging to the Copper

Age, have been found also
in

FIG.

8.

Red ware Vase with

incised design,

from Cyprus

prae-Mycenasan period.

The

Cyprus.

earliest

development of this primitive culture appears to be

that of the

^Egean

islands,

the latest that of Cyprus.

on
and
the Greek mainland at Athens, Eleusis, Delphi,
2
Sparta, and at Tiryns and elsewhere there were
Isolated remains of this age
O have also been found

certainly prae-Mycensean settlements a similar culture existed in Italy, 3 and the same kind of primitive
;

E.g. at Hagia Paraskeve and Kalopsida.

dt. p. 210

(DUMMLER,

loc.

MYRES, /. //. S. xvii. p. 134 ft)

2
TSOUNTAS-MANATT, DUMMLER, loc. dt.
The near relation of this Island culture to the early Italian
civilization, of which remains have been found at Monte Albano,
Sesto Calende, and elsewhere in Italy, is clear, especially in the
''

ff

THERA

27
1

This is then
pottery is also found in Asia Minor.
"
the primitive "Copper Age culture of the Eastern

Mediterranean basin, which developed immediately

out of the culture of the Neolithic period. 2
Apparently overlapping the later stages of this
primitive culture in the ^Egean
comes the first appearance of the
"

"

Mycenaean period of the development of Greek civilization, in the

island of Thera.

Here, instead of
roughly-incised or Overlaid
patterns of the earlier time, we find
the

9 ._p ro to-Mycenaean Vase, from

p IG

floral and other designs in matt

note
to
(see
Fig. 9 in the List of Illustrations)
which foreshadow the designs of the later Mycenaean

on the vases painted

colour

fresco-painting is known, and from the other

it is evident that a level of. civilization much
"
than
that of the " cist-grave people has been
higher
"
This " proto-Mycengean stage of culture
reached.

period

remains

not confined to the Theraean town which was overthrown by the great eruption which blew the isle
is

domain of pottery, the forms of which greatly resemble those of

the early vases from the ^Egean and Cyprus. A clay model of a
hut from Monte Albano, now in the British Museum, may be
compared with the stone models of huts from Melos and
Amorgos, mentioned above. (Cf. MUKRAY, Handbook to Greek
Archceology. pp. n, 13.)
1
Cf. CROWFOOT, /. H. S. xix. p. 48 ff.
2
For a full description and discussion of the prae-Mycenaean
antiquities of Greece v. BLINKENBERG, Proemykeniske Oldsager :
Jlidrag

til

studiet

af Gfrcekenlands

Kgl. Nord. Oldskrift Selsk., 1896).

celdste kultur (AarbjeCger af

det

He appends a complete list of

prse-Mycenaean sites in the ^Egean basin.

3
On the connection of the Theraean culture with that of

Mycenae c/.FuRTWANGLER-LosCHCKE, Mykenische Vasen.p. 18

ff.

STUDIES OF THE

28

MYCEN^AN AGE

" Kalliste " into the arid

fragments which are now
known as Santorin and Therasia ; traces of it have

been found in Melos and other islands of the

3
2
1
Cyclades, at Kamarais and Knossos in Crete, and
also

apparently also at Kahun in Egypt, perhaps asso4

ciated with Egyptian remains of Xllth Dynasty date.

During the "Mycenaean" age proper we seem

to find everywhere in the Greek world widespread
traces of a highly developed Bronze Age culture

which appears to radiate from Crete, Argolis, and

over the ^Egean and Ionian Seas as far
This culeast as Cyprus and as far west as Sicily.
Phthiotis

ture

is

not, as

was the primitive

civilization,

which

Greek lands we call pras-Mycensean, spread

the
over
whole of the Eastern Mediterranean area.
in the

It is a local

The

development peculiar to Greece.

this period was strongly developed,

the directions of gold- and bronzeworking (the primitive Age of Copper has been left
behind), of gem -cutting, vase-painting with varnish

arh of

especially in

or glaze (Firnissmalerei : cf. notes to Figs. I and 9

in the List of Illustrations), and
fresco-painting;
sculpture still remained in a more primitive con1

Mr.

J. L.

MYRES

mentions several islands as

which he calls " Cycladic."
Melos has been discovered a continuous series
(/. p.

201 n.

i)

seats of the proto- Mycenaean culture,

At Phylakope

in

of pree-Mycensean, proto- Mjcensean,

and full} -developed Mycenaean settlements ; and in the Third or

Proto-Mycenasan town
was found a remarkable fresco, representing
flying-fish as well as
any Egyptian fresco-painter of the time could have represented
them. (Ann. Brit. tick. Ath.
1897-8.)
2
3
4

MYRES, J?roc. >S'oc. Antiq. xv. p. 351 ff.

HOGARTH, Ann. Brit. Sch. Ath. 1899-1900, p. 70 ff.
PETRIE, Illahun, Kahun, and G-urob, p. 9 ff, pi. i.

MYCENAEAN ART
dition.

The

art of building

29

had been carried

to a

high pitch of development, as is shown by the

mighty ruins of the Mycensean palace-fortresses and

FIG. 10.

Mycenaean Golden Cup, from Mycenae.

head is Egyptian in style.

(The lion's

the wonderful

tJioloi,

or " bee-hive tombs."

Hardly

any trace of iron has been found among remains of

this date, and it seems that the Mycenseans lived in

what might be

called the

Middle Bronze Age

none

STUDIES OF THE

30

MYCEN^AN AGE

of the elaborate pins, fibulas, and weapons which are

so characteristic of the later Bronze Age in the North

have been discovered in their graves or houses the

of very simple form
only Mycenaean fibulas known are
and were found with remains of the later Mycenaean
;

Iron apparently came to the Mycenaeans at

an earlier period than it did to the Northerners, and
cut short the career of the Bronze Age in Greece
1

period.

before

it

FiG.

had had time to reach the stage of elabora-

ii.

Golden

Griffin,

from Mycenae.

(The design

is

of

purely Egyptian origin.)

tion

which

is

revealed to us in Bavaria and Scandi-

Objects of Myceuasan art were exported to

Egypt, and apparently also found a ready market in
From this it would
Central Europe and in Italy.

navia.

appear that commerce was already fully developed

in the Eastern Mediterranean countries at this period.

comparison of early Hellenic legends would seem

to point to the Achaian Greeks, whose chief rulers
"
lived in
golden Mycenas," as the possessors and
extenders of this stage of early Hellenic culture, but,

we

been energetically
and
needs
modification.
combated,
certainly
as

shall see, this conclusion has

A cursory inspection of

the antiquities discovered

will suffice to show us

by Schliemann at Mycenae

TSOUNTAS suggests (loc. cit. p. 359) that the fibula was

invented in Mycenaean Greece. This seems quite possible.
1

first

ASIATIC

AND EUROPEAN CONNECTIONS

31

that during the Mycenaean age Oriental influence

had already begun to work in Greece in the shaft;

graves of the akropolis have been found gold and

ivory ornaments which vividly recall the East, or, to

be more precise, Cyprus and Phoenicia, and even

FIG. 12.

Golden Plaque, with

metal-work
Bronze Age. )

(Cf.

of

spiral design,

Central

from Mycenae.

and Northern

European

But there are also other objects

(Fig. n).
from these same graves which remind us more of
the North and West than of the East: the gold
Egypt

plaques with designs which recall the

designs of the Central European Bronze
1

TSOUNTAS-MANATT,

favourite

Age may

Figs. 38-40, 72, 82, etc.

STUDIES OF THE

32

be instanced

(Fig.

MYCEN^AN AGE
It is thus obvious that

12).

the Mycenaeans owed much to the East and strongly

influenced the Bronze Age culture of Central and

Northern Europe, the beginnings of which were,

according to some archaeologists, contemporary with
the Mycenaean period. 2
have tried to derive the whole of the Myceit Lydian, Karian,
"
Phoenician.
even
Others, struck by the
Hittite,"

Many

caean culture from the East, making

above-mentioned European connection, and lured by

"

the "

mirage, would deny the influence of the

East altogether, and proclaim the Mycenaean civiliza-

Aryan

tion to have been purely Aryan and West-European

in its origin and connections. 3
But besides the

Eastern and Western elements in the Mycenaean

culture there is also an

element which dominates

the whole, and which gives
the whole its peculiar character.

It is impossible to
refuse to this element the

COm -

designation "Greek": the

spirit of the
Mycenaean

artists appeals to

our sympathies
instantly as somewhich
we
know and understand it is Greek
thing
;

SCHUCHHARDT,

ticJdiemann' s

Excavations, Figs

170

180

232, etc.
Cf. MONTELIUS, Om Tidsbestamning inom Bronsdldern
(Kgl.
Vitterhets Akad. Handlingar,
3ode Delen).
This theory, which is
characteristically held chiefly by
modern Greeks, as TSOUNTAS and
APOSTOLIDES, of whom the
latter has developed it
very strangely (L' Hellemsme figyptien], is
also held by M. SALOMON REINACH
:!

(Le Mirage Oriental}.

NOT PHCENICIAN, BUT GREEK

35

the general fades of the Mycenaean culture is Greek.

It is, therefore, impossible to assign the Mycenaean

non-Greek race the Phoenicians for

We have no proof that Phoenician art was
instance.
ever anything more than a tasteless combination and
2
imitation of the arts of Egypt and Mesopotamia.
civilization to a
1

Professor Helbig is probably alone in his belief that

because the Phoenicians imported Mycenaean vases
into Egypt, these vases were the handiwork of

Phoenician potters. 3 All our previous knowledge

and it
of Phoenician art-methods is against him
to trace any Phoenician influence
is impossible
;

upon Mycenaean art until the period of Mycenaean

To assume that the Mycenaean culdecadence.
ture was wholly Phoenician
stock, lock, and barrel
existence of a hypothetical
is to assume the
Phoenician

art

of

which not the

slightest

has ever been discovered in Phoenicia itself

trace
!

In

thus insisting on the essentially Hellenic aspect of

the early civilization of Greece it is unnecessary, as
before stated, to go so far as M. Tsountas and his
followers, who see in Mycenaean Greece the focus of

the early civilization of the Mediterranean world

influencing the older nations of the Orient even more
,

than

it

was influenced by them.

Mycenaean

civili-

On the freedom, spontaneity, and wholly un-Oriental spirit

Mycenaean art, cf. MURRAY, Excavation* in Cyprus, p. 29.
Cf. TIELE, Geschiedenis van den Godsdienst in de Oudheid, p.
" In kunst en
kunstnijverheid waren en bleven zij achterlijk.
245
De overblijfselen van hun bouw- en beeldhouwkunst verraden
een volslagen gebrek aan oorspronkeliikheid, en zijn niet veel
meer dan onhandige navolgingen van uitheemsche modellen."
Cf. HELBIG, tiitzber. derlcyl. bayr. Akad. 1896, Heft iii.
1

of

:i

36

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

was Greek

in its origin and in its general

character; there is no need to invoke Oriental or
It
other deos ex machind to account for its origin.

zation

gave much to the West and accepted much from the

it can never have really influenced the
East to any appreciable extent.
The much-disputed question of the date of the
East, but

Mycenaean period need not concern us till a later

chapter; recent discoveries have made it probable that,
however early the Mycenaean period may have begun
in Greece proper, and the current theory assumes

was already flourishing as early

as the sixteenth century B.C., in Cyprus at least it
continued almost to the classical period. But long
before this it had passed away in its original home.
with justice that

it

Contemporaneously with the decadence of Mycenaean

there appears on the continent of
vase-painting
1

Greece a new

style, distinguished by a rude geomescheme of ornament, which Helbig considers

to have been directly derived from patterns used in
Somewhat later the forms of birds, beasts,
weaving.
trical

and men begin to appear in the designs, bat are

drawn in the rudest possible manner. Similar crude
designs adorn the bronze-work of this period, espe1
That the latest Mycenaean were contemporary with the
"
earliest " Dipylors
antiquities is proved by various pieces of
evidence e.g., the unbroken series of middle Mycenaean, late

Mycenaean, Geometric, and early Attic vase fragments found in

the dromoi of the tomb at Menidi testifies to an unbroken
continuity of religious worship at these tombs, and shows
that the worshippers passed immediately from the Mycenaean
to the "Dipylon" period, and in so doing passed through
an intermediate period in which both styles were in use
t

ogether.

GEOMETRICAL ART
cially the fibulas,

37

which now appear more commonly

than in Mycenasan

and

times,

more

in

forms.

developed

Besides the Dipylon

of Athens, where
the greater number
of these vases have

been

and

found,

where they are most

highly

developed,

Melos,

Thera,

and

were

also

Rhodes

of this geometrical style of art.

seats

There
little

seems

ground

forward

put

idea,

but

for the

by Dumont, Kroker,
and Helbig, that
the art of the Di-

pylon originated in
the

or

in

Asia Minor, 1 or

for

de

islands

DUMONT, Cdramiques
Grece Propre (he

la

calls

the

geometrical

"Type des
KROKER, Jahrb.

style

Inst. i.

BIG,

Homerische

p.

58.

lies").

886) p. 33 ff

Kroker's

of a connection

Arch.
.

HELEpos,
ideas

FIG. 16.

Geometrical Vase, from the

Dipylon at Athens.

between

the Dipylon pottery and Egypt are due to a complete miscon-

STUDIES OF THE

38

MYCEN^AN AGE
1

bring it from Crete.

Its most primitive types and the most primitive
are found
graves of the first post-Mycenaean period
coast
on
the
Neither
Greece.
of
mainland
the
on
proposal

Furtwangler's

Asia

of

Minor nor

to

in

of

in
parts
represented
the Mycenaean culture apparently
;

this

is

Cyprus

these

culture

the Greek world

still

continued to

Bronze Fibula of the Geometrical Period.

FIG. 17.

though in a somewhat debased form, and from

Asia exerted a considerable influence on the later

exist,

not to say ignorance, of Egyptian art.

Generally
against an Eastern origin of the geometrical style speaks the
fact that in Cyprus, where on this theory one would expect to
ception,

one or two real geometrical

and those obviously imported, have hitherto been found
(DUMONT, loc. cit. Fig. 45, p. 203 A. H. SMITH, Excavations in

find this style well represented, only

vases,

Cyprus; Amathus,
Hint, de 1'Art,
1

t.

p. 103, fig. 50).

vii.

cf.

PERROT-CmPlEZ.

(La Grece de r Epopee}.

Arch. Zeitg. 1885, p.

metrical pottery

Of. generally

139

ff.

On

WIDE, Jhb. Arch.

the distribution of Geolust. 1899.

INTRODUCTION OF IRON

39

development of Geometrical art. This can, however,

in no way have been developed from Mycenaean art 1
between it and the latter the break is absolute; it
marks a general lowering of artistic standard which
j

implies a general set-back in civilization.

"
be no question here of " neo-barbarism
'

There can
:

the same

people did not at the same time manufacture objects

of both Mycenaean and Geometrical style.
It is significant that it is just to this period of

decadence and temporary retrogression that we must

assign the extinction of the Bronze Age in Greece

by the introduction of the use of iron weapons and

The graves of the Dipylon yield to us iron
tools.
weapons and tools only bronze appears only in the
form of fibulae, &c. they are, then, graves of the
"Iron Age." The transition from the Bronze Age
;

to the Iron Age took place, then, in Greece exactly

at the close of the Mycenaean and commencement of

the "Geometrical" period.

It is to this period of transition that the
civilization

must be dated.

The

heroes

Homeric
of

the

weapons and
already known to them it is,

Iliad generally use bronze

still

for

equipment, but iron is

Still, the
however, a comparatively precious object.
record of its use fixes the place of the Homeric cul;

ture in the history of early Greek civilization, a place

which is exactly paralleled in the history of the

development of the

civilization of Central

Europe by

The method of vase-painting was, however, of course, learnt

by the people of the Dipylon from the Mycenteans the patterns
used (and indeed the whole spirit of geometrical design) are
1

quite foreign to Mycenaean art.

STUDIES OF THE

40

MYCEN^AN AGE

that of the culture of Hallstatt.

It would, then,

Hallstatt; NAUE, tipoque \de

v. SACKEN, Die Grdber von
HuUstatt en Earner e (Rec. Arch, xxvii. p. 40 ff).
J

THE DORIAN INVASION

appear that the date of the Homeric

more accurately the

civilization, or

civilization of the Iliad,

may

be

at least approximately placed at the period when the

cultures of Mycenge and of the Dipylon overlapped.

This conclusion would

appear to agree

internal evidence of the

poems themselves.

Can we

find in the legends of the

with the

Greeks any trace

of an event roughly contemporaneous with the time

of which the Homeric poets treat which can be con-

nected with this replacement of the civilization of

the Achaians by a less highly developed culture?
The legend of the Return of the Herakleids, of the

Dorian Invasion, which, in spite of the doubts of

one historian, 1

is

a historical fact,

generally accepted as representing

would appear to

with our desideratum.

Surely

tally in all respects

it

is

not going too

we

see in the conquering Dorians the rude

iron-using people of the Geometrical period, who,
far if

armed with superior weapons, overwhelm the more

highly civilized Achaians, and so, while bestowing on
Greece the knowledge of iron, at the same time
cause a temporary set-back in the development of
her civilization ? 2 This conclusion has seemed the
1

BELOCH, Bhein, Mus. 1890, p. 555 ff.

The late excavations at Eleusis seem to confirm this conclusion. But a difficulty is the fact that one of the chief seats of the
2

Geometrical culture was Attica, into which, so said later tradiDorians never penetrated. It seems, however, probable
that Attica was really occupied by the Dorians, as Boeotia and
Megaris were, and that the invaders were afterwards expelled
it is noticeable that apparently the "Dipylon" style was not
long-lived in Attica (WIDE, Geometrische Vasen; Jahrb. Arch.
Inst. xv. p. 57).
The other places in which this style is found
are mostly Dorian. It is noticeable that iron was long held in
tion, the

42

STUDIES OF THE

most natural one

of the

MYCEN^AN AGE

to the greater

number

of students

In confirmation of this

Mycenaean period.

Iliad the
theory it may be noted that whereas in the
Dorians are of no account among the tribes of the
Danaans, in the Odyssey they have nearly reached

and that the passages

Homeric poems in which iron is mentioned

the end of their migration

of the

are generally considered to be among the latest contributions to the Epos the Dorians therefore come
;

into greater prominence pari passu with the inAnd the introduction of iron
creased use of iron.

marks the

close of the

Mycenaean period

in conti-

nental Greece.

With

between the
Mycenaean age and the Dorian Invasion
we are evidently drawing near the close of the
newly-discovered chapter of the history of Greek
but the period which elapsed between
civilization
the Homeric age and the time of which Herodotos
end

a connection thus established

of the

wrote cannot be properly elucidated without the aid

of archaeological study, the main results of which, so
far

as

they relate to this period,

summed up

may

be briefly

as follows.

As the dark age which followed the return of the

Herakleids came to an end, so the geometrical art
of the invaders
still

became more and more influenced by

existing Mycenaean styles, which can

apparently
only have continued to exist in Asia.

With

this

a fact which, as is remarked by a

peculiar honour at Sparta
reviewer in the Athena' tint for July 29, 1899, "points to its
importance and value being strongly felt at some crisis in early
Dorian history."
;

ORIENTALIZING ART

43

Asiatic Mycenaean, or rather " Sub-Mycenaean," art

it
probably came into contact before the arrival

of the Dorians in Asia, an event which can hardly

be dated much before the beginning of the eighth

The

century

B.C.

Greek

geometric

style

of

did

art

not penetrate farther

east
than

Rhodes.
Oriental

The

artistic

influence which

we

have

already seen
work in the

at

period
flourishing
of Mycenaean art

Greece

in

proper

now becomes more

and more marked
as

the

character

of the geometrical
style alters and the

Mycenaean
ex

liypotliesi

FIG. 19.

style,
still

existing in Asia, becomes

vases, ornaments,

orientalizing

more debased.

weapons,

period,

etc.,

occur

Greek world, from Cyprus

earliest

Asiatic Sub-Mycenoean Vase,

from Mylasa ill Karia.

in
to

all

to us,

parts

of

Greece proper.

graves of the necropolis of

Rhodes have yielded

Deposits of

which date to this

besides

Kameiros in

many

objects

The native geometric style of Cyprus (r. p. 265) was a

and independent development from the Mycenaean style.
1

the

The

local

44

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

which exhibit Mycenaean influence and others which

are obviously products of Dorian potters and smiths,
much that can only be the handiwork of either
Phoenician artists or of Greeks working under strong
We know that Khodes was
Phoenician influence.
for their

a depot
occupied by the Phoenicians as

^Egean trade; they

were expelled from
the

island,

by

rently

appathe

Dorians, probably
about the begin-

ning of the eighth

century B.C. That
even

the

earliest

antiquities of

Ka-

meiros do not date

back to the period

of Phoenician sole

possession is shown
by the occurrence

among
FIG. 20.

Vase with Orientalizing

Design, from Cyprus.

them

of

geometrical vases,
fibulae,

etc.,

which

can only be ascribed

to the Dorian inhabitants; the Phoenician traditions

kept up, no doubt, by the

after their expulsion

the island.

visits of

still

Phoenician traders

lingered on, however, in

date the earliest of the

We may therefore

half-Phoenician objects from Kameiros to about the

middle of the eighth century, and the latest to about a

hundred and

fifty

years after,

when

direct Egyptian

BEGINNINGS OF CLASSICAL ART

45

hifluencebegan to work in Rhodes through the medium

Greek settlements at Daphnai and Naukratis. 1

of the

This Oriental influence soon began to modify the

sub-Mycenaean and geometrical styles of art which

had prevailed in the vEgean lands since the end of
the best period of Mycenaean art. In vase-painting
especially various mixed styles of ornament now
appear, such

as the "Phaleric" in Attica,

which

"

"
developed from the Di pylon style, but was strongly
influenced by both Mycensean and Oriental designs,
"

"

and " Rhodian

styles in the
from
the
Mycensean, but showing
JBgean, developed
evidence of Geometrical and Oriental influence.

and the

"

Melian

Ionia proper,

it

seems, originates a style of vase

ornament which draws its inspiration from the most

Here
exuberant Oriental schemes of decoration.
the horror vacui has become almost a mania each
:

vase, even the smallest, is overloaded with rosettes,

eyes, gryphons, sphinxes, etc.. in which it is sometimes difficult to find a single note of Hellenic in-

Even

spiration.

influence

is

seen.

in the forms of the vases Oriental

"
But with this " proto-Corinthian

vase-making Oriental influence reached its

culminating point in the true Corinthian and the
style of

Chalkidic styles which developed out of it the traces

of this influence gradually recede into the back1
The date of the antiquities of Kameiros is usually given as
the middle of the seventh century B.C., on account of the relation
between them and the antiquities found at Daphnai and Nau-

from this time to the end of the

Kameiran antiquities must, however, date to the eighth century, as the occurrence with them
of objects of the " Geometrical" period shows.

kratis in Hgypt, which date

sixth century.
Many of the

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

46

Oriental influence generally was giving way

before the newly-arisen artistic spirit of Hellas.
By
the time that the period of Greek colonial expansion

ground

which followed the expulsion of the Phoenicians from

the ^Egean had come to an end, towards the middle
the sixth century B.C., Oriental influences in
bronze- and wood-work and other arts had passed
of

away.

With the dawn

classical period,

nings

of

democratic

history of early

of the Hellenic art of the

an event wbich heralded the begin-

Greek

government in Hellas, the

comes to an end.

civilization

Such, then, are the contents of the new chapter

which the archaeologists have added to Greek his-

many of its paragraphs are not yet completely

deciphered, but the main sense of the whole is clear.
And it cannot be contested that the current hypo-

tory

sketched above, explains the facts more

completely and satisfactorily than any other theory.
In reality no other hypothesis complete in itself and
consistent with itself has ever yet been put forward
thesis, as

to explain the

whole of the evidence which

is

con-

tained in the Mycenaean dossier.

Its main point is
the conclusion that the Mycenaean civilization was of

No other conclusion can explain

prae-Dorian date.
the universality of the Mycenaean culture
(which
would have been impossible at a
remarkable

'archaic" Greek

frescoes of Knossos be
assigned
in epoch which is indicated

?),

by

Mycenaean

later

date), its

perfection (to what period of

art can the Vaphio
cups or the

artistic

or the difference

the fact that in

days the Greeks lived in the Bronze

THE HYPOTHESIS

47

Age, while in the "archaic" period of the classical

had long ago entered the

culture of Hellas they

Age of Iron.

Yet
facts.

though so clear and so plaubut a hypothesis, not a statement of historical

These we can never know, unless some day

this hypothesis,

sible, is

new Champollion

arises to decipher those enig-

matic pictographs of Crete, which seem to contain

some record of the Mycenaean peoples which is as
yet hidden from us.

Ill

THE QUESTION OF DATE

THE working

hypothesis assumes that the Mycenasan

culture was already Dearly universal in Greece and
had entered upon the period of its fullest develop-

ment

in the sixteenth century B.C., contemporanewith

the period of the highest development of
ously
Egyptian power and prosperity under the Pharaohs

XVIIIth Dynasty. It follows, therefore, that

the pras-Mycenasan period is dated roughly about
2000 B.C., and that the age of the earliest dwellers at

of the

Troy and Athens is relegated to about 2500 B.C., a

date accepted by a very great authority upon Greek
Professor Dorpfeld.

archaeology

The evidence

for

worthy of close attention, and

cannot be summarily dismissed.
For example on the akropolis of Athens, below
the pottery fragments and other relics of the early
this

early

date

is

"
classical period, lie those of the

Geometrical

"

period

(the beginning of the Iron Age), below these those

"
"
of the
Mycentean age (the Bronze Age), far below
"
these again those of the " pras-Mycenasan
time (the
or
JBneolithic
and
below these the flint
Copper
Age),
"
Greek." Each stratum is
scrapers of the Neolithic
well defined each marks a longer or shorter epoch of
;

time.

Here

is

purely archaeological evidence which

PR^E-MYCEN^EAN AGE PRIMITIVE

49,

hints at the probable age of the Mycenaean period at

Athens

an unmistakable manner.

in

Nor

this evidence belied

is

elsewhere.

cavations on any site have ever

shown a

No

ex-

different

stratification.

The geometrical style of art cannot have lasted

after 700 B.C., and probably commenced about
two centuries before less time can hardly be allowed

much

We

thus get circa 900-850

the final stages of the Mycenaean period in

for its development.

B.C. for

Greece; in Asia and in Cyprus it appears to have

The fact that
survived till a considerably later date.
the Homeric civilization, which is traditionally dated
to the ninth century B.C., appears to have been a de-

cadent form of that of Mycenae, confirms this date.

The Greek evidence alone could have told us little

more than

We

this.

could have supposed that the

mast have taken several centuries

and
so
would have been inclined to
develop,

Mycenaean culture
to

vaguely attribute the prae-Mycenaean period to the

beginning of the second millennium B.C. More would

have been impossible.

But other evidence was forthcoming which seemed

to give certain synchronisms with

Egyptian dynasties
the approximate date of which is known.
Among
the objects found in the graves at Mycenae occur a
scarab and other objects inscribed with the cartouches
of

King Amenhetep III. and

XVIIIth Dynasty. 1

of the

alone
other

it

would be of

little

fragments might

'E0?7/r 'A/>x'

88 7>

pl-

(a)
13

his consort

If

Queen

Thii,

this evidence stood

value

the scarab and

have been made long

1888, p. 156

1891, pi.

3.

50

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

after the time of the

monarchs whose names they

bear, or (b) have been placed in the tomb at a period

long after the date of their manufacture, or (c) be of
XVIIIth Dynasty date, but placed with objects of

With the seventh-century remains

we
from Kameiros was found a scarab of Khufu
do not therefore assume that these Kameiran remains date back to the time of the IVth Dynasty
But this scarab is very possibly a
(B.C. 3800)
XXVIth Dynasty imitation of a Khufu scarab;' to
take a better case: in an Etruscan tomb of the
earlier

date.

seventh century has been found a scarab of Sebekhetep III., of the XHIth Dynasty. No later imita-

known, and it is
extremely improbable that they ever were imitated

tions of scarabs of this dynasty are

in later days
this scarab therefore certainly dates
back to the time of the Xlllth Dynasty. But we do
;

not assume that the other contents of the tomb in

which it was found are of Xlllth Dynasty date
It was obviously either an heirloom
(B.C. 2200)!
or had been discovered about the seventh century

and exported from Egypt so may the apparently

XVIIIth Dynasty objects from Mycenae have been.
But a scarab with the name of Amenhetep III.
was discovered at lalysos with Mycenaean vases
of apparently the same stage of
development as
;

those of Mycenae."
1

Itecue

Archeologique,

Still,

1863,

this
viii.

might merely have

2.

Khufu,

the

second

monarch of the IVth Dynasty, is the Xewi/' of Herodotos.

Under the XXVIth Dynasty (B.C. 650-525) an archaistic
renascence took place in Eg-yptian art, and it was fashionable
to imitate the works of the early dynasties.
a
FuRTW.-LosCHCKE. Mi/1,: Vasen, PI. E. Fig. i.

EVIDENCE FROM EGYPT

been

came

to light, this time

coincidence.

But

evidence

other

from Egypt

itself,

51

now
which

was considered by many to confirm the XVIIIth

This
Dynasty date of the Mycenaean culture.
evidence
bad,

is,

and

however, very varied in quality good,

Much has been made of

indifferent.

"
the evidence of the well-known " Maket-tomb
at

which a Mycenaean vase of a type which

is exactly paralleled by a vase from a beehive-tomb
at lolkos was found.
This evidence is, however,

Kahun,

in

Professor Petrie

indifferent.

first

dated the vase, on

the strength of the appearance of objects found with

it, to about
1150 B.C. Now, however, he prefers to

time of Thothmes III. (about

The
date may yet again be altered.
1550 B.C.).
An example of bad evidence is a wooden kohl-pot
inscribed with the cartouche of Amenhetep III.,
which was found with Mycenaean pots at Gurob, and
is therefore considered to date them to the time of
date

it

to

the

that king. 2 This kohl-pot might have been buried

with these pots centuries after Amenhetep's time,
even if it was made at that time, which cannot be
asserted with certainty. The tomb-robber was always
an institution in Egypt, and no doubt always sold

much

extremely probable that the

and tomb-furnisher
undertaker
Egyptian
of, say, the XXth Dynasty contained plenty of kohlpots, scarabs, &c., looted from tombs, which might
date to the XVIIIth or even the Xllth Dynasty so
of his loot.

It is

shop of an

that
1

it

is

quite

possible

that

XXth Dynasty

"Egypt and Early Europe," Trans. If. Soc.

PETBIE, Illahun, Kahun, and Gitrol, p. 16.

Lit. xix. p. 69.

MYCEN^AN AGE

STUDIES OF THE

52

Egyptian might have been buried with an XVIIIth

Dynasty kohl-pot

At

But good evidence

Tell el-Araarna,

is not wanting.
the ruins and rubbish-

among

heaps of the town (and environs) and palace of the

heretical King Khuenaten (or Akhenaten), of the

XVIIIth Dynasty, were found not only fragments

of vases of types which may
to belong to the period of the

and scarabs with royal

rings

roughly be considered

XVIIIth Dynasty, and

names of that period, but

also numberless

cenasan

vases,

fragments of Myintermixed with

Egyptian fragments of XVIIIth

Dynasty date. We have no reason
to suppose that these

Mycenasan

fragments were specially dropped

FIG.

21.

Hull's

the

Mycenaean
Head, from

tribute

of

at Tell

el-Amarna

period

the city of Khutaten (or

any

later

Akhtaten) appears to have been

completely abandoned and never
re-inhabited after the fall of the

the

heretical dynasty.

Kef

tiit.

at

When Mr.Torr,

in his trenchant criticism of the

current Mycenaean theory, suggests that the

presence
of

Mycenasan fragments at Tell el-Amarna proves

the later recolonization of Khutaten, he
surely begs
the whole question. 2 Had. the
city been reoccupied
at a later date, and the
Mycenaean objects left there
at that later date, we should
surely have expected to
find these scarabs and other
objects with the names
of later kings.
But only XVIIIth
names

Dynasty

1
-

Tell

PETRIE,
el-Amarna,
TORE, Class. Her., 1894,

p. 15

ff,

p. 322.

pi. xxvi.

ff.

THE TOMB OF REKHMARA

53

were found. Scarabs or rings of Khuenaten and his

immediate successor Ankh-kheperu-ra, found in the
ruins and neighbourhood of the town and
palace of

Khuenaten and Ankh-kheperu-ra, are presumably not

later imitations.

Nor is other evidence to the same effect wanting,

the cogency of which up to a certain point is admitted
by Mr. Torr. On the walls of the well-known tombs

FIG. 22.

Mycenaean Metal Cup, from a wall-painting in a

c. 1500 B.C.
(PRISSE D'AVENNES, Hist, de

Theban tomb;
I Art.}

Rekhmara and Menkheperra-senb at Thebes (temp.

Thothmes III., about B.C. 1550) are represented
metal vases and other objects, some greatly resembling

of

Mycenaean workmanship, brought as tribute by the

PEISSE D'AVENNES, Hist, de V Art Egyptienne, ii. VIEEY,
Tombeau de Relchmara; W. M. MiiLLER, Asien und Europa,
;

pp. 348, 349.

one of

Especially noticeable are the animal-heads, orpro-

which

(Fig. 21, above) is almost a counterpart of

Others of the
the famous silver bull's head from Mycena3.
objects brought by the Keftiu are obviously Phoenician imitatomce,

STUDIES OF THE

54

" Great

Men

MYCEN^AN AGE

Keftiu and of the Islands in the

of

"

"
midst of the Very Green." l Of these Keftians one
is depicted as a Semite, while the others are Myceneeans, with boots, waistcloth, long hair partly hanging
the back, partly twisted up in front into a

down

2
a/oac like that of Paris, just as we see them on the
and
not
only in type and costume, but
Vaphio cups,

in attitude and gesture identical with the

Cretan Mycenaeans of the frescoes of the palace of

even

FIG. 23.
I'

in a
(PKISSE D'AvENNES, Hist, de

Mycenaean Metal Cup, from a wall-painting

Theban tomb;

c.

1500 B

c.

Art.)

Knossos, lately discovered by Mr. A. J. Evans.

Other metal vases, the shape of which is identical

with that of the Vaphio cups and the silver cup

from Cyprus, illustrated by Fig. 24, and the designs
of which are typically Mycenaean in character, are
3
of
depicted OD the walls of another Theban tomb
the
same
that
The
conclusion
apparently
period.

On Kekhmara and

tions of Egyptian metal-work.

NEVVBEEY, Life of Reklimara (London, 1900).

Uatch-tier, "the Great (or Greatly) Green,"
1

i.e.,

his tomb,

v.

the Mediter-

ranean.
-

//.

xi.

''

385.

W. M. MULLER,

IOC. Clt., p.

349.

THE PEOPLE OF KEFTIU

55

Mycenaean culture was contemporary with

Mr. Torr
Thothmes III. seems to be indicated.

the

1
urges that this evidence does not prove any connection between Greece and Egypt in the time of

the manufacture of such Mycenaean

have
may
gone on long after that time all it
indicates is that relations must have existed between

Thothmes

III., for

articles

Egypt and Mycenaean

FIG. 24.

Mycenaean

Silver

civilization at that time, for

Cup, from a tomb

Roman Dept

Cyprus. (Brit. Mus. Gk. and

Excavations in Cyprus, p. 17,

whether

fig.

Enkomi

at
;

cf

in

MURRAY,

33.)

this civilization existed in

Greece at that

was nevertheless the same civilization

as that of Mycenae and can only be called Mycenaean.
But we have already seen that the main seat of
It does not
Mycenaean civilization was Greece.
necessarily follow from this that Mycenaean Greeks
were in direct communication with Egypt at this
time or not,

it

Memphis and

Mycen-ce, p. 67.

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

56

time; it is possible that not all Mycenaeans were

Greeks ; some may have been non-Greek inhabitants
,

of Asia Minor.

comparison of the Egyptian pictures of the Keftiu with the Knossian frescoes can
lead to no other conclusion that they are pictures

same people, probably executed almost contemporaneously and the further conclusion that the
Egyptians were in communication with Mycenaean
of the

Crete,

i.e.,

Thothmes

Greece

with
III.,

itself,

in

the

time

would be quite legitimate.

of

This

conclusion, however, is not necessary to the argument; it is enough that Mr. Torr admits that

Mycenaean civilization, whether in Greece or else"

where does not matter, goes back "at earliest to
the time of Thothmes III. the sixth monarch of the
,

XVIIIth Dynasty.

We have

dated this king above to about

the date usually given for the

B.C.

1550

XVIIIth Dynasty

is

This approximate
roughly circa 1700-1400 B.C.
could
have
been
dating
accepted without further
had
it
not
been
parley
vigorously attacked by Mr.
Cecil Torr in the opening chapters of his Memphis
and Mycenae. Mr. Torr must admit that Mycenaean
civilization was as old as the XVIIIth
Dynasty he
;

does not admit that this dynasty dates back to the

sixteenth century B.C.
It has

been already pointed out that in

discussing

Egyptian chronology we are not dealing with the

unknown

a continuous
literary tradition of the sucand of the names

cession of the Egyptian dynasties

of the kings has been

preserved in the various extant versions of and excerpts from the
chronological

EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY

57

work of the Egyptian priest Manetho, who was

commissioned by Ptolemy II. Philadelphos to inquire
There is absointo the ancient history of Egypt.
no reason to doubt the general correctness of
It is true that we have not his
lists.
the extant versions, although somebut
work
original
times differing from one another as to the names
of the kings, which have been terribly garbled
by copyists, and as to the numbers of regnal
years, are still united as to the main dynastic
scheme and the period of time which it occupied.
Further, in no case does Manetho's account seriously
disagree from that of the chronological papyrus of
Turin, the tablets of Abydos and Sakkara, or the
lutely

Manetho's

contemporary monuments themselves all agree with

one another. The accepted chronological scheme,
which was founded on the Manethonian list, is per;

fectly satisfactory,

made
But Mr. Torr

of discovery
it.

and
it

in

no case has the progress

necessary to materially alter

reconstruct Egyptian

starts to

chronology on a new method. If the highest monumental date of a king to whom Manetho assigns a
twelve years' reign is that of his fourth year, Mr.
Torr assumes that the monarch in question reigned
This process is applied,
four years and no more. 1

with a certain disregard of probability, to the whole

succession of dynasties up to the beginning of the
"
" lowest
XVIIlth, to which is assigned a
possible
B.C.
But
XVIIlth Dynasty at

date of 1271

this is

the

all,

no possible date for

method by which

as the

1
Cf.thecaseof Ai II., Kheper-Kheperu-ari-maat-Ka (Chebres).
(Memphis and Mycence, p. 44. )

58

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

attained is invalid as a means of reaching even

an approximate date for any dynasty, since it is
evident that the gap between the probable date and

it is

Mr. Torr's "lowest possible" must steadily widen the

further he goes back.
Again, this critic takes absono
notice
of
any synchronism established
lutely

between Egyptian history and that of other nations

Thus he
before the time of the XXVIth Dynasty.
hardly mentions the well-known synchronism between

Bronze Swordblade from Mycenae, vith inlaid

Egyptian design of cats hunting wildfowl.

FIG. 25.

Shashank I. (Shishak) of the XXIInd Dynasty and

Rehoboam, which dates the reign of this Pharaoh to
about 960 B.C. This, alone Js sufficient to show that
his

date for the

Dynasty

(B.C.

818)

commencement

Finally, he entirely
ism,

of

the

XXTInd

more than a century too late.

ignores a well-known synchron-

is

which completely invalidates the whole of his

Khuenaten
chronological scheme.
of the XVIIIth Dynasty was a
Burraburiyash of

Babylonia,

(Amenhetep IV.)

contemporary of
whose date can be

certainly fixed, with the help of the Babylonian and

Assyrian records, to about 1430 B.C. Further com-

THE DATE OF THE

ment on the

XVIIIxH

DYNASTY

59

Mr. Torr's attempt to reduce

failure of

surely needless.
Egyptian chronology
The orthodox scheme of Egyptian chronology, first
sketched on the Manethonian lines by the keen insight of Lepsius, and placed upon a settled basis by
is

the greatest master of Egyptological science, Heinrich

Brugsch, can therefore be accepted with absolute con-

XVIIIth Dynasty roughly dates to B.C.

1
The date of Thothmes III. is roughly
700- 1 400.

fidence: the

1550

B.C.

00
FIG. 26.
the

Mycenaean Biigelkannen, from a wall-painting

tomb of Rameses III.; c. 1200-1150 B.C.

in

Further evidence that the Mycenaean culture was

full vigour as early as the sixteenth century B.C.
can be adduced. The Egyptian design of the ceiling

in

of

Orchomenos

(Fig. 48)

and that of the

cats hunting

The fact that Lepsius and Brugsch arranged this chronoloscheme before the synchronism of Khuenuten with Burraburiyash was known says much for their acumen and even more
for the accuracy of Manetho
2
Professor PETRIE (Hi*t. Eg. ii.) dates the reign of
Thothmes III. to B.C. 1503-1449, on the strength of some
But such
astronomical calculations by Professor MAHLEB.
3

gical

'

calculations are extremely untrustworthy.

and

Myce-nce, ch. iv.,

a good criticism.)

(Cf.

TORR, Memphis

60

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

wildfowl on the swordblade from Mycenae (Fig. 25)

XVIIIth Dynasty work, but of course they

look like

may have been

imitated at a later period, though

this is improbable.

forthcoming of the existence of the

Mycenaean culture in the twelfth and eleventh cen-

Evidence

FIG. 27.

is

Mycenaean Vase and other

tomb of Rameses III.;

painting in the

objects,
c.

from a wall-

1200-1150

B.C.

"

That from the " Maket-tomb we have seen to

be doubtful, but we have yet to quote a piece of evidence of far greater importance. On the walls of the

turies.

tomb of King Rameses

III. at Thebes are represented,

other
of
value, some Mycenaean "Biigelamong
objects
kanneii" (Figs. 26, 27). Rameses III. reigned in the

It is, of
half-century between 1200 and 1150 B.C.
that
the Mycenaean vases in question
course, possible

THE TOMB OF RAMESES

61

III

were not painted on the walls of the tomb until some

time after the death of the king but even if we adopt
this suggestion, it does not seem probable that the
;

tomb can have gone on for more

About IIOO

decoration of the

than

fifty

FlG. 28.
c.

B.C.,

years after the king's death.

Mycenaean Biigelkanne, from a XXIst Dynasty tomb

(Brit. Mus. Egyptian Dept., No. 22,821.)

1000 B.C.

therefore,

the

Mycenaean

culture

was

still

This date may be confirmed by the fact

vigorous.
that from the mound of Tell el-Yahudiyeh in the

Delta

we have

vases,

which seem

to

be of

XXth

Dynasty date (B.C. 1200-1075), which are obviously

rough native Egyptian imitations of Mycengean

STUDIES OF THE

62

MYCEN^AN AGE

But this evidence is subject to the

reserves which are necessary in all cases of discovery
originals.

Egypt: the possession of the

paintings of Mycenaean vases on the walls of the
tomb of Rameses III. and the paintings of the
XVIIIth Dynasty Keftians at Knossos is worth all
the rest of the evidence put together. That fine Mycenaean vases were still made about IOOO B.C. seems

of vases,

to be

etc.,

in

shown by the discovery with the

coffin

of

Tchet-Khensu-auf-ankh, a grandson of King Pinetchem I. of the XXIst Dynasty, of the splendid

"

2
figured above (Fig. 28).
Biigelkanne
is
This the latest evidence from Egypt on the subject
of Mycenasan dating.
During the XXIInd Dynasty

<

975-800) practically no evidence of connection

between Egypt and Greece is found, which would be
curious if Mycenaean culture had been still vigorous
at that time. 3
Towards the end of this dynasty
(B.C.

Egypt fell into a state of confused anarchy, during

which no extensive relations with the nations oversea
can well have existed. For this period, however, we
have evidence from Greece

itself

the late Mycenaean

il

Treasure of yEgina/' now in the British Museum,

is dated
by Mr. A. J. Evans to about 800 B.C., a
date which

work

is

indicated by comparison with Italian

and by the strong traces

of about that time,

of Phoenician influence which are to be seen in

many
1

of the articles of this magnificent parurc*

PETRIE, Egypt and Early Europe, p. 74.

Now in the British Museum, Egyptian Department, No.

22,821.
:!

See Addenda,

p. 313.

/.

H.

8. xiii. p. 195

ff.

CURIUM AND ENKOMI

63

Later evidence of the continuance of Mycenaean

art in Greece proper there is none by this time the
barbaric art of the Geometrical period was fast
ousting the older and better work in Greece. But
:

As was pointed out

here the Mycenaean culture
existed in a debased form

in Asia this is not the case.

in

the last chapter,

seems still to have

"
the " sub-Mycenaean deposits of Assarlik in Karia
probably date to the eighth century.
Although
:

geometrical art never attained any footing in Asia,

which sefms to have become the refuge of the older
culture when the mainland of Greece was given over
the comparative barbarism which followed the
Return of the Herakleids, yet the Mycenaean culture
cannot have lingered there very long it was soon
to

supplied by the new orientalizing styles of art,

Ionian in origin, which heralded the beginnings of

the

New

Greece in Asia.

In Cyprus, however, the

process of supersession was apparently not carried

out so quickly here Mycenaean art, originally strange
:

to the island, seems to have remained active until the

seventh century.
This date is absolutely indicated
by the occurrence with Mycenaean vases in undis-

turbed tombs at Curium and Enkomi of Babylonian

cylinders of the eighth and seventh centuries, and of
1
This is an imEgyptian objects of similar date.
has
fact.
As
Mr.
Walters
portant
pointed out, it is
" a fact which will
hardly surprise any one conversant
with Cypriote archaeology and the circumstances of

The
Cf. MURRAY, Excavations in Cyprus, London, 1899.
porcelain rhytons from the Enkomi graves, as well as other
objects, such as bronze greaves, clay idols of the type mentioned
below (p. in), &c., are equally indicative of late date.
1

STUDIES OF THE

64

MYCEN^AN AGE

Cyprus was always at least

a century behind the rest of Greece. The Dorians
never reached Cyprus; the geometrical art of the
early Cypriote history/'

Dipylon never took root there the old Mycenaean

naturally went on until at the beginning
"
Mischof the seventh century it gave place to a
;

culture

kultur," half Oriental, half Greek, with artistic ideas

influenced partly by Phoenicia, partly by the new and
renascent Greece of the seventh century.

It

now becomes

possible to attempt to date the

There is
antiquities of the prae-Mycenaean period.
question as to the existence of a primitive
period of civilization in Greece, whether we call it

little

prae-Mycenasan or not. But, to take a single instance,

whom can the primitive cist-graves of the islands

to

The

are

the

belong unless to a pras-Mycensean population

only

alternative

supposition

is

that they

remains of a population of the ninth and eighth

centuries which remained barbarous and undeveloped

owing to their isolation and poverty but this would

assume that the islanders of the ninth and eighth
centuries still used stone and copper weapons while
the rest of the Greek world used iron.
Which is
Other arguments which confirm the
impossible.
;

pras-Mycenaean date of the primitive culture of

Greece have already been adduced.
It is obvious that

some considerable time must be

allowed for the development of Mycenaean art out

of the rude artistic efforts of the prae-Mycenaaan
date nearer to 2000
peoples of the ^Egean basin.

J.

H. &,

xvii. p. 77,

PR^-MYCEN/KAN DATING

65

than 1000 B.C. is thus indicated. The deposits of

"
the transitional " proto-Mycenaean period in Thera
have been dated by the geologist, M. Fouque, on
geological grounds, to about
little

none

2000

B.C.

If there

is

archaeological evidence for this date, there is

against it, and if the evidence which seems to

show that Mycenaean culture was

fully developed as
as
B.C.
the
sixteenth
is accepted, it
century
early
would seem to be not impossible. But M. Fouque's

conclusions have been perhaps successfully challenged

2
Mr. Torr
by another geologist, Dr. Washington.

has also ably criticised M. Fouque's theory, 3 and Ms

conclusions have again been controverted by Mr.

Myres.

But neither Mr. Torr nor Mr. Myres are

and

geologists,

until the geologists are agreed as to

the value of their

own

must be

(See Addenda,

shelved.

M. Fouque's date

evidence,

p. 313.)

Evidence as to prae-Mycenasan dating has, however,

been obtained from Egypt, which

is by many conshow that the prae-Mycenaean period was

contemporary with the Xllth and Xlllth Dynasties.

sidered to

We

will first see if the date of these dynasties

be approximately

can

fixed.

Between the end of the Xllth and the beginning

XVIIIth Dynasty a long space of time undoubtedly intervened, and this fact is indicated
But Mr. Torr, in his
clearly enough in Manetho.
criticism of Egyptian chronology, ignores this, and
makes Amenemhat IV., the last king of the Xllth
of the

Santorin et ses Eruptions, pp. 129-131.

Journ. Arch, ix. p. 504 ff.

Am.

Memphis and Mycence, App.

Class. Rev. 1896, p. 450.

p.

72

ff.

STUDIES OF THE

66

MYCEN^AN AGE

Dynasty, the immediate predecessor of Aahmes L,

the first king of the XVIIIth. 1 Even if we admit
that Manetho's figures are here garbled (by no means
a necessary admission), at least three or four hundred

years

must be allowed

for the space of

time occupied

XHIth

Dynasty, which ruled over all Egypt

in succession to the Xllth, and for the Hyksos and

by the

the unimportant dynasties of Upper Egypt (XlVth

and XVIIth) which were contemporary with them.

Also the great differences in civil polity, in religion,

in manners and customs, even in national ethnic
type, which are observable between the Egypt of
the Xllth Dynasty and that of the XVIIIth, show
that a considerable period of time elapsed between
these two dynasties. 2 Since the length of this period

cannot be accurately gauged,

it is

best to hold to the

and Brugsch, which is founded on

the Manethonian figures as we have them.
In
" Middle
to
the
Kingdom," the period
assigning
dating of Lepsius

covered by the Xlth-XYIth Dynasties, the approximate date 2700-17006.0., we are probably not much
Memphis and Mycence, p. 51.
I have not mentioned differences in art, because,
although
the art of Thothmes III.'s time is very different from that of
the time of the Xllth Dynasty, yet it seems that this difference
was caused not by a slow development, but by a sudden revolution which took place during the reigns of the two first kings of
the XVIIIth Dynasty, Aahmes I. and Amenhetep I. -/?.#., the
royal scarabs of these kings might often from their style a
style to which an Egyptian artist rarely returned after the time
of Amenhetep I.
have been made under the Xllth Dynasty.
1

It

is

interesting to note that in the reign of Amenhetep I.

made in writing at this time the older

a change was also

style of hieratic ends

begins.

and the

style

of the

"New Empire"

KAHUN
in error.

67

The Xllth and XII I th Dynasties appear

to cover the period from 2500 to 2OOO B.C. 1

Evidence of the contemporaneity -of the proto-

Mycenaean deposits with the Xllth Dynasty has been

deduced from the occurrence, already mentioned, in
graves and house ruins of the Xllth Dynasty at
Kahun, of vase fragments which closely resemble
the proto-Mycensean vases of Thera and Crete, at any
rate in outward appearance Mr. Myres goes further,
and considers that " the two wares are almost idenBut this evidence from Kahun is, taken
tical.";

by

itself,

not good.

uncertainty as to

Even

whether

setting aside the constant

all the objects found in

an Egyptian tomb, grave, house ruin, or rubbish

heap really date to the time of the original owners, it
seems unlikely that all these fragments from Kahun
date back to the time of the Xllth Dynasty several
burials of later date have been found among the
ruins of the Xllth Dynasty town there, and from
these graves some of these fragments may have
3
Also, the resemblance of the spiral designs
strayed.
;

It

p. 2)

has lately been argued by

BORCHARDT A. Z., xxxvii. (1899)

Kahun papyri (dated in
(

that the statement in one of the

the seventh year of a king of the Xllth Dynasty, presumably

Usertesen III.) that Sirius rose heliacallyon the fifth day of the
fourth month argues a date between 1876 B.C. and 1872 B.C. for
this king.
But such calculations are in the highest degree
doubtful; and in Class. Eev. xiv. (1900) p. 148, NICKLIN argues
the date
1945 B.C. from the same data.
<:.

proCt $oc

"

Antiq. Series II. xv. p. 356.

As they (the fragments of foreign pottery found at Kahun)

were none of them on the floors of the chambers, or in unequivocally early positions, they may be later intrusions and dropped
"
by chance passers, and some are almost certainly late.
PETRIE,
Kahun, Gurob, and Ilawara, p. 43. Cf. p. 31.

&

KHATA'ANAH

69

on Egyptian scarabs of the time of the Xlllth and

Dynasties to the similar designs of many of
the Cretan sealstones discovered by Mr. A. J. Evans
earlier

could hardly by itself be taken to prove

regard to pree-Mycenaean dates, as

we

much with

shall see farther

We

have, however, two pieces of archaeological

evidence of much greater

on.

weight.

AtKhata'anah,in Lower
Egypt, small black vases
of a type already

known

from Egypt (ornamented

chiefly with rows of punctured dots, sometimes with
lines, spirals, &c., filled in

with white) were found by

M. Naville together with
chips and scarabs
of the Xllth and Xlllth

flint

FIG. 30.

Hawk-vase of black

"

1
Dr.
Egyptian Dynasties.
to
Greek
Archaeology,
Murray (Handbook

"
siders these vases to be of

"

punctuated ware. (Brit.

Mus. Eg. Dept. No. 17,046.)

p. 13)

con-

In

fact,
high antiquity."
their date is clearly indicated. 2
Pottery of the same
fabric has been found in Cyprus ; usually in deposits
which other evidence shows to be prse-Mycenasan. 3
1

Goshen, p. 21 cf. GEIFFITH, Tell el-Yahddiyeh, p. 56, pi. xix.

Scarabs of this time are quite distinct in fabric and design
from those of later days, and are at once recognizable. Sae
;

further,

Addenda,

p. 314.

at Kalopsida (MYRES-KiCHTER. Cyprus Catalogue, p. 38).

This ware seems to have been used in Cyprus for a long period,
E.(j.

as

it

occurs in Mycenaean tombs at

Enkomi (MURRAY, Excava-

The real origin of this ware is

tions in Cyprus, p. 7, Figs. 8-9).
In this connection a vase of this ware in the form of
doubtful.

STUDIES OF THE

70

MYCEN^AN AGE

no trace in the
Khata'anah find of any object which is certainly of
later date than the XITIth Dynasty, and this, taken
in connection with the fact that the black ware found
be noticed that there

It will

there
of

when

is,

is

discovered out

pnE-Mycensean date,

of Egypt, usually
would seem to synchro-

nize the prae-Mycenaean period

with the Xllth and Xlllth

Dynasties, circa B.C. 25002000.
Now, a large vase of

the same ware was found in

Xlllth

Dynasty deposits at
Middle Egypt in 1899
by Professor Petrie, and at
Kahun have also been found

Hu

FIG.

Va c e

31.

of

the

same black ware, not

"punctuated."

(Brit.

in

fragments of this same black

"punctuated" ware, a ware so
cannot well be

Mus. Eg. Dept. No.

peculiar that

32,048

confounded with

Thus the Khata'anah dating

a hawk

is

it

1
any other.

confirmed, for the

Is it evidence of Egyptian
(Fig. 30) will be interesting.
? Vases in the form of animals, men and women squat-

influence

ting on the ground, with neck and handle on the top of the head,
were much used in Egypt under the Old and Middle Kingdoms,
i

It is true

that black incised ware

is

commGn form

of

primitive pottery but anybody who has attentively noted the

peculiarities of this Mediterranean ware will easily be able to
;

it from other primitive styles of black pottery.

It
seems different from that of the " pangraves " at Hu, which
Professor PETRIE dates to the time of the Xllth Dynasty, but
which, except for his high authority, one would be inclined to
refer back to the prehistoric period, to which the black incised
pottery from Nakada and Ballas (PETRIE: Nag<nla and I>alla$,
pi. xxx. n 2-50), which is also quite distinct from the black
pottery of the Xllth and Xlllth Dynasties, belongs.

distinguish

HAGIOS ONOUPHRIOS
Kahun

majority of the finds from

XTIth Dynasty

date.

date for the fragments from

is

are certainly of

But whether Xllth Dynasty

Kahun which resemble

those from Thera and Kamarais

made more probable

open

(p.

67)

is

hereby

If the pra3-

to doubt.

Mycenaean black ware is mainly of Xllth-XIIIth

Dynasty date the proto-Mycena3an ware from Kahun
1
ought to belong to a somewhat later period.
The second important piece of evidence is that of
the

primitive

pree-Mycenaoan

deposit at Hagios Onouphrios

in Crete, where Xllth-XIIIth

Dynasty scarabs only were

found with primitive pras-Mycenaean objects only. 2 (See further, pp. 147, 155.)

Of course this evidence is by

no means absolutely certain if
:

we possessed

representations of
prge-Mycensean pots on the wall s

of

FIG. 32.
.slip"

Vase of " white

ware with black

painted

Egyptian tombs of the Middle

decoration,

from Cyprus.

the question of praoAll we

Mycenaean dating would be much simplified
can say is that the prse-Mycenaean culture in Greece

Kingdom

must date

to at latest before

1600

B.C., if it is to

be

pras-Mycenaoan at all, and that what little evidence

there is confirms this date. In Cyprus, however, the
prao-Mycenaean culture seems to have lingered on in
1
The evidence of date supplied by the Egyptian statuette
from Knossos is discussed on p. 321.
-'

EVANS, Cretan

Pictogrcyrfix, p. 105

if.

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

72

much the same way

as the

Mycenaean culture did in

Mycenaean vases appear to have been

days
into
Cyprus at a time when vases, of what
imported
"
"
call a
otherwise
should
we
prae-Mycenaean type,
later

fine

such as the hand -made bowls and jugs (Fig. 32) of

1
white slip ware with black painted decoration, were
another
And
still in common use there.
Cyprian
2
prae-Mycenaean vase- type,

illus-

trated by Figs. 33, 34, which is

commonly found in Egypt, first

there in tombs of the

XVIIIth and XlXth Dynasties:
i.e., it was for a time contemoccurs

FlG. 33 .-Type of Doublevase of Cyprian black

"base-ring" ware, found

date about
in Egypt
;

I400-IIOO B.C.

porary with the finest MyCCJ

naean styles.
But in Greece

p, rO per we have no such

evi-

dence ot any contemporaneous-

ness of the two cultures

no Mycenaean vases are
found in the cist-graves of the Cyclades and no
prae-Mycenaean vases in the graves of lalysos and
;

And at Athens, Troy, and elsewhere the

prae-Mycenaean towns lie far below those of the
Mycenae.

Mycenaean Age.
It would seem improbable that the
prae-Mycenaean
period extended very far back into the third millennium B.C., if one of its earlier types of pottery is to
1

MYEES-RICHTEB,

Ci/prus Catalogue, p. 39

WALTEES,

J.

H. S.

xvii. p. 74.
-

The black "Base-ring" type

of

MYEES-RICHTEE, Cyprus

Catalogue, p. 37.
3

But the Mycenseans seem sometimes to have used a rough

black pottery for common every-day use, as we use a rough red
pottery now.
(Cf. MuEEAY, Excarations in Ci/prun, p. 7.)

THE EARLIEST DATING

73

be considered contemporary with the XHIth

Dynasty
But it has been attempted to
(B.C. 2300-2000).
show that it extended at least as far back as the fifth
or sixth millennium

Pra3-Mycena3an stone vases

and pottery are compared with the Egyptian stone

vases and pottery of the early period
(c, 4500-3500
B.C.), and a contemporary connection is assumed between
them. 1

The Egyptians

of the

lived
in
primitive
period
much the same stage of cul-

ture as the primitive Greeks

of two thousand years later
;

but so

differences can

many

be observed between the two

cultures that

to argue any
connection
becontemporary

tween them

is

the logically

FIG. 34.

surely to carry
defective argu-

ment from analogy much

Type

of Vase of

baseCyprian black
"
ware
found in
ring
'

'

Egypt date about 1400;

noo

H.C.

too

of course, no particular reason why

the prae-Mycenasan stage of Greek culture should
far.

There

is,

not have lasted for two thousand years (primitive

cultures last long and their development is often
quite sudden), but there is also no evidence to confirm
the supposition, and the fact that the class of pras-

Mycenaean pottery which is perhaps contemporary

with the Xllth and Xlllth Dynasties is early of its
kind would seem to militate against its probaIn the island of Kythera, however, a rude
bility.
1

Cf.
p. 117

PETRIE, Egypt and Early Europe,

ff.

p.

61

EVANS,

foe. cit.

74

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

stone vase has been found, which is considered to

be of prse-Mycenasan date, which bears three rudely
incised

marks which are considered

to be

an imita-

tion of an Egyptian priestly title in vogue under the

Vlth Dynasty. This has been considered to date

the prae-Mycensean period back as early as the time

of the Vlth Dynasty, circa 3000 B.C. at latest. 1
But
it

may be

noted that

(i)

the resemblance of the marks

Egyptian hieroglyphs in question is

upon
too remote to justify the conclusion that the marks
are an imitation of those hieroglyphs
(ii) if they
it

to the

were admitted to be such an imitation, there is

nothing to show that they were copied at the time of
the Vlth Dynasty.
Further arguments for the contemporaneousness of the pra>Mycenaean culture with
the Vlth Dynasty have been deduced by Mr. A. J.
Evans from certain supposed resemblances between
a supposed " Cretan

"

sealstone found at

Egyptian Vlth Dynasty

Karnak and
-

seal-cylinders

as will be

seen later, this evidence is weak. No other evidence

for a date earlier than 2500 B.C. has been adduced,
except that of what are certainly fragments of /Egean

proto-Mycenrean style, which have been

found by Professor Petrie in the archaic tombs of
Tcha (Ze) and Hu (or Nekht)-Semerkhat, 3 two kings

vases of

EVANS,

.7.

If.

#.

xvii.

p.

349

TSOUNTAS-MAXATT,

p.

279.
'

EVANS,

J. II. 8. xvii. p. 362.

Called by PETRIE " Mersekha"; " Semerkliat " seems to be a

more accurate spelling. PETRIE also retains the reading " Semen-Ptah " for the " real name " of this king (as distinct from the
:!

" sre&7i-name " or

''

A-a-name," frcmcrkhat,

<f

=>

).

The "real

PROBABLE DATE
of the

1st

75

Egyptian Dynasty, at Abydos, which

date to about 4000 B.C.

In the absence of further
evidence, it seems best to conclude that these frag-

ments somehow got into these tombs at a later date

under ordinary circumstances one would not be
:

inclined to date

The

them

earlier

than 2000

B.C.

probable date for the pras-Myceugean

culture, that of the early settlements and tombs
of Troy, of the Cyclades, and Cyprus, is thus
earliest

shown

to be after 2500 B.C.

with regard to the
date of the lowest strata of Troy and Athens, the
;

most
all

primitive relics
that can be said

before 2500

B.C.

how

of

in

civilization

that they
long before

Greece,

must be dated

is

it

is

impossible

to say.
It may be useful to arrange the chief evidence for
the dating of the Mycenaean and pras-Mycenaean

Good evidence

periods in tabular form, as follows.

is

printed

in

heavy type

and

indifferent

in

ordinary type.
/

name"

is

certainly

Q
=A1

HuorNekht. This was misapprehended

by the compilers of the later lists, who substituted for it a figure

of the god Ptah, or what may have been meant for a priest of
Ptah. This name was read by modern Egyptologists $n/i,-cn-Pt<(I>,
"
Sem-piiest of Ptah," which would be in some sort of agreement with the Manethonian equivalent of this king, Se^e/x^r/s.
The form Se^e^i^s probably originated in a different mistake.

Some

copyist misread

the peculiar

Ml
J}

archaic form in the inscriptions of

Hu

to which its
Q
1
bears a very strong

as

resemblance (cf. PETEIE, .Royal Tombs of the First .Dynasty,

This sign reads semx ; hence Se^u^s, and, through the
pi. xvii.).
mistake of one of Manetho's copyists, the " 2 e^e/u^ ?/$," to fit in
with which the reading" Sera-en-1'tah " was proposed.

76

STUDIES OF THE MYCEN.^AN AGE

DATE

EG. DYNASTIES.

B.C.

EVIDENCE.

Circa

XXIII-XXV

700-800

Late-Myeensean deposits

XXII-XXIII

800

Late-Mycenaean treasure

from Cyprus.

from

XXI

Vase
from
tomb of grandson of

Mycenaean

Pinetehem

XX

XX
XIX?
XVIII

TOO

IIOO-II5O

1200-1300
1400

Mycenaean Vase-fragments

from

Tel

Scarabs of Amenhetep
Thii at Mycenas

XVIII

1550

from

Representations of Mycenaean Vases in tomb

of Rameses III.
Mycenaean Vases from Gurob
and Maket Tomb.

Am arna.
XVI II

I.

Imitation Btigelkannen
Tel el-Yahudiyeh.

el-

III.

and

and

lalysos.

Representations of Myeensean metalwork and

costumes in tombs of

Rekhmara

and

Men-

kheperra-senb.
XIII

2000-2300

Prae

Mycenaean deposits

containing vases of
punctuated black ware,
which in Egypt are only
found in deposits of this
date.

XIII-XII

2000-2500

Scarabs from the Hagios

Onouphrios

deposit

(Prae -Mycenaean).

XII

2300-2500

Proto- Mycenaean

and

Prse-

Mycenaean Vase-fragments
from Kahun.

IV
THE QUESTION OF EACE
THE current l^pothesis assumes that the "Mycengeans" were, generally speaking, Achaian Greeks.
With regard to the racial affinities of the praeno decided opinion.
that every tribe which was
comprised within the circle of Mycenaean civilization was necessarily Achaian, or even what we usually

Mycensean

tribes it expresses

This does not

mean

consider to be Greek

the presence of Mycenaean

culture need not, in all cases, imply the presence of

Aryan Hellenes. A'ery probably the Lykians and
certainly the Trojans of the Sixth City were included

the " Mycenaeans," but neither were Hellenes.

Also the population of the Cyclades at this period,

among

though "Mycenaean," was apparently not Hellenic,

and, though the Cretans of the Mycenaean period
were all " Mycenaeaus," they were certainly not all

Aryan Greeks.

What
is

it

chiefly

does

mean

identified

is,

that the Mycenaean culture

the Achaian Hellenes

with

can be seen, it reached its highest

in
those lands and cities which are
development
most associated with the Achaian name, and that

that, as far as

its

widespread

lands was in

all

extension

throughout

the

Greek

probability a consequence of that

78

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

dominant position of the Achaians, Minyans, and

other kindred Hellenic stocks of which the legend
of the

hegemony

of the kings of

Mycenae

is

good

evidence.

The general evidence for this conclusion has been

and so well stated before that it is hardly
necessary to re-state it here in full. The argument
may, however, be expressed concisely thus The most
important relics of a peculiar form of Greek culture,
which is more or less scattered all over the Greek
world, are found in certain places which in classical
so often

times were either altogether deserted or utterly unimportant, but play a great part in legend i.e., were
in prae-classical times of great importance.
It is
evident that at the time the objects of luxury and
masterpieces of art which characterize this culture

were made, these places were of great commercial

and political importance. It must, therefore, have
been in prae-classical times that this peculiar culture
existed in these places. This conclusion is confirmed
by the fact that the general character of this culture

shows that

it

cannot be placed anywhere within the

limits of the classical period

But not only

i.e.,

it is prae-classical.

but prae-Homeric,
since it belongs to the Bronze Age, whereas in
Homeric times iron was used ; also, the Homeric
is it prae-classical,

culture appears to be a degenerate form of it. Therewe are justified in assigning this prae-Homeric
culture primarily to the people who dwelt in these

fore

places in prae-classical and prae-Homeric times, and

in whose time, according to tradition, they possessed

great wealth and power.

These were the Achaians

PELASGIANS ?

79

and the other ruling Greek tribes of the Heroic Age

who were connected with them. And where are the
relics of these legendary prae- classical kingdoms and
peoples if the prae-classical '-'Mycenaean" remains
are not they ? They cannot have vanished into thin
air
It is, of course, taken for granted that these
!

legends enshrine historical truth

mous voice

to treat the unani-

Greek tradition as of no account, to

of

regard the Achaians and their compeers as myths,

is

impossible.

however, been proposed to identify the

"
Mycenaeans with the Pelasgians rather than with
The author of this proposal, Prof.
the Achaians.
It

has,

"

Ridgeway, argues that the Mycenaean culture cannot

be Achaian, because Mycenaean remains have been
found in countries as, for instance, in Attica which

had no connection with the Achaians.

In Attica,

however, he argues, strong traces of the Pelasgians

have been found, and in Argolis. a stronghold of
the Achaians. Pelasgians also lived before the period
of Achaian domination.
Therefore the Mycemean
culture of

assigned
Achaians.

Argolis, Attica, and elsewhere

to the Pelasgians rather than

Further, this culture

must be
to

the

was from beginning

end Pelasgic, and Pelasgic only. 1

In supposing that the Mycenaean culture is generally considered to have been limited to the Achaians
alone Prof. Ridgeway seems to be under some misto

conception.

Surely nobody proposes to absolutely limit

Achaians Pelasgians may just as

well have been included in its sphere of influence as

this culture to the

./.

//. S. xvi.

pp. 77-119.

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

80

any other tribe of Greece. The Mycenaean culture

was the common culture of the Greek world before
the ninth century

the time of the domination

B.C. at

of the great Achaian and Minyan 1 princely families

of Phthiotis, Boeotia, Argolis, Lakonia, and Crete over

populations partly of Hellenic, partly of Pelasgic

Finding that the chief seats of their power

blood.

were

we

also apparently the chief seats of this culture,

It is in this
naturally refer it mainly to them.

sense that

we

are justified in speaking of the

Myce-

naean culture as Achaian.

if the "Mycenaean" peoples were Pelasgians
what
becomes of the Achaians ? Why should
only,
we skip them over and ascribe the whole of Mycenaean
culture to prae- Achaian Pelasgians ?
Professor Eidgeway would, however, no doubt say
that he does not skip the Achaians
he would
as
the
Homeric
culture
that
of the
regard

Also,

Achaians of the Pelopid hegemony.

Homeric

culture

was

that

of

the

But, if the
Perseid and

Pelopid Achaians, how is it that no traces of this

decadent Mycenaean, iron-using culture have been

found in Mycenae and other seats of Achaian rule in

Greece

The

first

regular iron-users of European

Greece were the people to whom the geometrical style

"
of art belonged, not Mycenaeans." And these people

were probably the Dorians.

Therefore, when the
Homeric culture was dominant in Asia the Dorian
had apparently already entered Greece and the period
1

Prof.

EIDGEWAY'S argument

(loc. cit.

p. 107)

that the Minyans

were Pelasgians, because at Orchomeuos there was a temple of

the Graces, and Herodotos thought that the Graces were Pelasgic
deities, seems hardly convincing.

ACHAIANS
of Achaian

hegemony had

81

ceased.

And

this is con-

firmed by the later Homeric songs, which mention

Dorians as already firmly settled in Greece. So that
the Homeric culture cannot be assigned to the heroic

Achaians.

Again, even

if

we could

follow Professor

Bidgeway

in rigidly confining a particular phase of Greek

civilization to a particular race of Greeks (i.e.,

inhabitants of Greece, whether Hellenes or Pelasgians, Aryans or non-Aryans), the differences be-

tween the Homeric and Mycenaean cultures would

not be great enough to cause us to necessarily assign
them to two different races the Homeric culture
is essentially the same as the Mycenaean, though
apparently a later form of it. The much-vaunted
difference between
the burial customs of the
and
the
Homeric
Greeks cannot be taken
Mycenaeans
:

any racial distinction during the later

Bronze Age in Western Europe the customs of simple
burial and cremation long existed side by side in the
to signify

same settlements ; this implies no difference of race,

but only a gradual alteration of custom.
Great
personages were apparently still buried after the old

when cremation had become the general

and, as a matter of fact, we do not know that
this was not the case in Greece during the Mycenaean
fashion
rule

The differences, again, between Mycenaean

and Homeric weapons and armour only show that in
the Homeric period they had altered somewhat from
the old Mycenaean standard, and were approximating

period.

to that of the classical age.

The genealogical arguments which Professor Kidge-

82

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

in support of his position cannot be said

to prove very much. They must be to a great extent
of little value many Greek genealogies are obviously

way adduces

mere aetiological inventions. Certain main features

of Greek legend, such as the Minoan thalassocracy,
the Achaian hegemony, the Eeturn of the Herakleids,
the presence of the Phoenicians in the ^Egean, the
Trojan War, the War of the Seven against Thebes,

must assuredly enshrine historical facts; but minutely

specified genealogies and explanatory tales are hardly
worthy of much credit. The tradition which makes
the Arcadians of exclusively Pelasgic and nonAchaian descent is very probably correct. This being
so, we should expect that if the Mycenaean culture
were exclusively Pelasgian we should find it well
But in Arcadia, as Prorepresented in Arcadia.

fessor

Ridgeway admits, the only

culture yet found

is

a single

trace of

Mycenaean

gem from

Phigaleia,

which may have been, and very probably was, imported

from elsewhere. If we had any desire to entirely
"
exclude the Pelasgians from the list of " Mycenaean
nations no better argument than this could be found
for the purpose

But there

no more ground for an assertion that

no Pelasgians were " Mycenasans " than for the
assertion that the Mycenaean culture was exclusively
Not only is it probable that during the
Pelasgian.
of
Achaian
domination most of the as yet
period
is

"
unhellenized " Pelasgic tribes of Greece were comprised within the circle of the Greek Bronze Age
"
"
culture
i.e. were
seems

Mycenaeans

very possible that

it

is

but

it

also

to Pelasgic tribes that the

WHO WERE THE PR^-MYCEN^EANS

83

elements of Mycenaean culture must

be assigned, especially those which seem to have been
taken over from the older culture of the u prse"
In fact the " proto-Mycenaean "
Mycenasan
age.
culture of the Cyclades and Crete
the beginnings

orighi of

of the

many

is
may with great
"
"
be
to
a
Achaian
praeprobability
assigned
Pelasgic

Mycenaean culture, that

population.
If the

Mycenaean

Achaian, to

whom

civilization

are

we

was predominantly

to ascribe the culture of

prae- Mycenaean times ?

According to the consensus of Greek tradition,

Greece proper and the lands of the ^Egean, besides
other outlying parts of the " Greek world," were inhabited, before the period of Achaian domination, by
various tribes, most prominent of whom were the

As

to the nationality of these tribes Greek

opinion appears to have been uncertain the Pelasgi,
for instance, are sometimes regarded as barbarians,

Pelasgi.

sometimes as nearly akin to the Greeks.

Many
elements of Greek culture which were regarded as
"
"
Pelasgic appear to us Aryan enough while the
;

study of

others leads us to

the conclusion that

have been Aryans, but were /

prae- Aryan Greek population. J
The word IlfXao-yot was also apparently used to
designate tribes which had little or no real ethnic
these tribes cannot
relics of

an altogether

connection with each other

in general use the

word

seems to have covered a number of different praeAchaian tribes of continental Greece, Crete, Asia,
and Southern Italy, some of whom may have been

STUDIES OF THE

84

related to the
not.

MYCEN^AN AGE

Greeks, while others certainly were

The Eteokretans and the Leleges,

for instance,

while quite distinct from the Pelasgi proper, might

"
"
yet be spoken of as
Pelasgian in the widest sense
of the word.
"
It is to these " Pelasgian
tribes that

we must

assign the primitive or prae-Mycenaean stage of Greek

culture. If the Mycenaean culture was predominantly

Achaian, they are the natural claimants of the earlier

stage of culture which preceded

it,

as they preceded

its users in the possession of the land.

To attempt

history of the
the
hopeless
utterly
legends are so
that
next
to
can
be made out
contradictory
nothing
of them.
All we can see is that at some time
to

reconstruct the

"

"

Pelasgi

is

towards the end of the third millennium

B.C. the
various tribes of " Pelasgians," whose settlements seem

to have been usually placed upon some eminence, and

when on the sea coast at some little distance from it,

were overthrown by the "Hellenic" tribes from the

north, who took from them their burghs, and became
masters of their lands, reducing them ordinarily to
the position of a subject-race. The Hellenic conquest was, no doubt, a very slow and gradual process,
resembling that of Britain by the Teutons. As in

the latter case, the slowness and gradual character

of the conquest seems to have rendered any great
expulsions or migrations unnecessary, so that a large
proportion of the original inhabitants continued to

the land as subjects, mingling gradually,

however, with their masters and intermarrying with

live

in

them, so that in time a mixed race was formed,

THE PELASGI

85

in which the Pelasgic

element was probably far

is
than
stronger
usually suspected, just as the Celtic
element in England proper is much greater than we
are accustomed to think.
Tradition points to many
marriage-alliances between the old Pelasgian princely
houses and the chiefs of the newcomers. It seems
to have been only in rarer cases that the original
inhabitants did not remain upon their lands ; some
of the aboriginal tribes were driven into various outof -the- way corners, where one or two, like the people

and Skylake, continued to exist,

from their Hellenic or other neighbours, and

of Kreston, Plakia,
distinct
still

pappapoQuvoi, as

late as the fifth

century B.C.
while others, as the Arcadians, seem to have remained
to a great extent un-Hellenic until they were partly
;

conquered, partly expelled, by the Dorians, at the

time of whose invasion the Arcadian emigration to

The fact, already

Cyprus probably took place.
that
no
break is noticeviolent
pointed out,
very
able between the pras-Mycenasan and Mycenajan
cultures, that the one develops out of the other,
makes it probable that the conquest and the process of blending the conquerors with the conquered

was even slower and more gradual than the same

far more so than in the case of
process in Britain
the Dorian invasion, which was followed by a sudden
;

Also the presence of many

retrogression in culture.
elements in
at
rate
or
praa-Hellenic,
any
Pelasgic,
Greek religion confirms the supposition that the
Hellenes mixed very largely with their Pelasgian
forerunners, from whom they evidently derived many
1

HDT.

i.

57.

STUDIES OF THE

86

MYCEN^AN AGE

elements of their civilization.

The

"

Pelasgians/
regarded as contributors to the
formation of the Mycenaean culture, if not something
therefore,

may be

more, but certainly not as

its sole possessors.

"
have seen that while some of the u Pelasgian
tribes may have been racially akin to the Aryan

We

element

among

the Greeks,

though we have no

proof of the fact, others were certainly in no way

related to that stock, and were indeed very probably

not of Indo-European blood, or, at any rate, onH

very remotely connected with the Indo-European
This seems to have been the case with
"
"
the
tribes of Asia Minor, the ^Egean
Pelasgian
Islands, and Southern Italy, to whom we must assign
peoples.

the primitive culture of those countries.

One of the most clearly defined of these tribes

was that of the Eteokretans. This race was peculiar

to Crete, and seems to have played a very considerThat
able part in the early history of that island.
the Cretans of the prse-Mycenaean period were exclusively of the Eteokretan or "real Cretan "stock
is extremely probable; they seem to
have been

gradually driven by successive immigrations of

1
Pelasgi" from Greece, Achaians, and Dorians, into
the easternmost part of the island, where they still

"

maintained their separate existence in historical times.

This people was always regarded by the Greeks as
non-Greek and that it was not only non-Greek, but
;

.Od.

dones

ix.

may

kretans.

The Ky&\\T) 6' &\\wt> y\<rcra /j.efjLiy/j.ev'rj.

175 ff.
well have been an aboriginal race, like the Eteo-

THE ETEOKRETANS

87

non- Aryan, is shown by a specimen of

language which has survived the well-known
A group of letters
inscription from Praisos.
also probably

its

A N" A I T

which occurs in

it

might be taken to

refer

to the Semitic goddess Anait, and so to betoken a

Semitic origin for the Eteokretans. 1 But we do not

know how

the words of this inscription are to be

and
so we may be justified in thinking it
divided,
more probable that the Eteokretans belonged to the
same stock as the other " Pelasgic" tribes in their
neighbourhood, than that they were Semites.

The stock

to which these neighbouring tribes

was
belonged
certainly neither Aryan nor Semitic.

In legend the Eteokretans are connected with the

Lykians the Eteokretan hero Sarpedon, brother
of Minos, led a body of emigrants from Crete to
Lykia, who drove out the aboriginal Milyans. These
Cretan Lykians called themselves Termilai. 2 The
colonization may really have been in the reverse
:

direction, but the connection is probable enough, so

that we may regard the Lykians and Eteokretans as
3
closely allied.

The remark

of Herodotos that the

EVANS, Pictographs, pp. 85, 86.

STRAB.
Cf. HDT. i. 173, vii. 92

xiv. 3, 10,
xii. 8, 5, p. 573
"
"
an Eteokretan),
Althaimenes, son of Kreteus (
is mentioned by DIOD., v. 59, as emigrating from Crete to
Lykia, but he is probably a mere echo of the possibly historical
Dorian colonizer of Crete, Althaimenes, son of Keisos and
;

p. 667.

An

grandson of Temenos (STRAB.

3

x. 479, 481

xiv. 653).

FRAZER, Pausanias, vol. iv. p. 120, notes that the custom of

Mutter recht, which obtained among the Lykians (HDT. i. 173),

88

STUDIES OF THE MYCENyEAN AGE

Lykians called themselves Termilai

is

confirmed by

the Lykian inscriptions, which give Trmmli as the

At a very early period,
original form of the name.
certainly long before the coming of the Dorians, the
Trmmli were to some extent hellenized, according to

by Ionian settlers, who mixed with them.

At the time of the Persian Wars we find them
wearing purely Greek armour, while their neighbours were equipped in a more or less barbaric
tradition

manner. 1

This partial hellenization of the Lykians

cannot have taken place till the Mycenaean period,

if
the prae-Mycenasan culture is prae-Hellenic.

Whether the mention of Luka ( = Lykians) on

2
Egyptian monuments of the fourteenth century B.C.
proves

it

to

century,

have taken place before that date is

is mentioned in the preceding

The name

doubtful.

when

the

King

of Alashiya

(Cyprus

see

p. 163) writes to the King of Egypt to explain

that his subjects cannot have assisted the Lukki

to raid

the

Egyptian

coast

(the

Egyptian king-

apparently had complained that they had done so)

because he himself was greatly harassed by the
piracies

the

of

the

Lukki.

:i

Lykians there seems

And

it

is

noticeable

That

these

little

reason

that

they

are

Lukki are
to

doubt.

called

by

also prevalent in Crete, and that Sarpedon himself comat Troy by right of royal descent in the
female line. The custom is another mark of non-Aryan race.

was

manded the Lykians

HDT. vii. 92.

As allies of the Kheta against Rameses II.
3
WlNCKLER, Tell el-Amarna Letter*, 28 (B"). The sign -Id
at the end of the word Luk-ki is half erased, but appears
1

certain.

THE LYKIANS
their Greek

name,

89

and not by the native name

Trmmli. 1
Lykians were akin to the Eteokretans, and the
latter were, to judge from the inscription of Praistos,
neither Semitic nor Aryan in race, the presumption
is that the Lykians also were neither Semites nor
If the

FIG. 35.

Lykian

Tomb

The

of the fourth century B.C.

architecture apparently resembles that of the Mycenaeans.

This presumption
Indo-Europeans.
confirmed by their language, as it is

is

absolutely
to us

known

through the medium of inscriptions of the

1

classical

The tradition that the Ionian leader Lykos gave his name
new people is, of course, merely aetiological Lykos is an
invention devised to explain the name. Atf/uoi may be a translation of Trmmli
trmm or trrhml might
wolf
Trmmli, the
to the

Wolf-folk.

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

90

is

it

neither Semitic nor Indo-European x

not an isolated speech the dialects of Karia,
It is

age.

Pisidia,

Lykaonia, and Cilicia seem to have been

closely related

to

it,

and,

to

from place-

judge

names and proper names, a similar language was

spoken by the prse-Aryan inhabitants of Mysia,
Lydia, and Phrygia. And, if we accept the traditional

connection of

the Eteokretans with

the

Lykians, the enigmatic language of Praisos probably

thus
belongs to the same family of tongues.

We

have a group of non-Aryan tribes, preceding the

Greeks in the occupation of the land, extending from
Crete far into the interior of Asia Minor.
This race is, in fact, the typical race of Asia Minor.

To

it

belong the enigmatic place-names ending in

and -crcroc, and such proper names as

-v$a, -acra,

Kbondiasis, Idalogbasis, and Maussolos to it belong

the religion of Kybele or Ma, the Cretan Khea, and
;

of Atys, the orgies of the Kuretes of Crete and the

1

Cf.

Einleitung in

KEETSCHMER,

der

Geschichte der grie-

thischen 8pracke, p. 370 ff.

It is impossible to regard such a
sentence as dbonno hupo mtiti prnnawato Arin,mdnoni sd lada alibi,

sd prnndzi dpttahi
Aruimanoni and his wife
tomb, for themselves and their household (Lit. this
tomb have built Aruimanoni and wife his, for self their and
household [pi. ] their), as belonging to any Aryan tongue. Nor,
as Dr. Kretschmer points out (ib. p. 374), do such words as
hdkbi Ijssbdzokrop
Ibbiyoi, or httbadi, tend to show an
Aryan origin for the Lykians. Such suffix-developments as

hrppi atla

tipttd

built this

padrdtaliddi from padrdtd and ntapitoti from fitdpi (quoted by

Kretschmer, loc. cit.) are un-Aryan.
KALINKA, Die ntuere
Forschunyen in Kleinasien (Neue Jhbiicher Klass. Alt., iii. 10
[1899]), agrees

with Kretschmer.

FRAZER'S remark (Pausanias,

121 ) that "recent researches are said to have proved

that the Lycian language was Aryan, and had close affinities

iv.

p.

with Zend,"

is

somewhat out

of date.

NON-ARYAN RACE OF ASIA MINOR

91

Korybantes of Phrygia, the splendid temple-worship

Komana. To it, probably, the sculptors

and Eyuk and the mysterious hieroBoghaz
monuments
of Northern Syria, which are
glyphed
"
but
on
insuffici3nt
often,
evidence, dubbed Hittite,"
belonged, and also, judging by the evidence of their
of Pessinos or
of

Kb'i

proper names, in all probability the powerful race

of the Kheta, who fought against the Egyptians,
from the sixteenth to the fourteenth century B.C.
the Khatte (ffattd) of the Assyrian inscriptions, who
are sometimes thought to have been the unknown
sculptors in question.
The existence of this non-Aryan primitive race of

Asia Minor has always been recognized, but it is

only of late years that its un-Semitic character has
also
still

some

been acknowledged. Eadet, writing in 1893,

assumes it to have been Semitic. 1 Certainly
of the religious practices of this race have a

Semitic look, and certainly the Kybele-Atys legend

seems to have been very strongly influenced by
the Babylonian legend of Ishtar and Tarnmuz but
this need not point to anything more than marked
;

Semitic influence.

bably at

work

Babylonian influence was proMinor as early as 2OOO B.C.,

in Asia

so that the religion of Asia Minor was very early subject to the process which by the time the sculptures
of Pterion (Boghaz Koi) were executed and the
classical period

had been reached had succeeded in

largely semitizing
1

La

It is

2
it.'

We

really

have no evidence

Lydie aux Temps ties Jlermnades, chaps, vi. vii.

doubtful whether the peculiar habit of representing
deities mounted on lions, so typical of the religion of Asia

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

92

that any Semitic tribe ever penetrated beyond theTaurus.

No trace of a Semitic idiom has been found

the languages of Asia Minor. To reckon the

Solymi of Pisidia as a Semitic race, because their

among

name has

a Semitic sound and because an obscure

writer quoted by Josephus speaks of

sible

them

as yXwo-troy

is imposorojuaron' atyitvTec;,
the fact that they were called Solymi would

3?oivi(T(Tav

jutv

cnro

be quite enough to inspire Josephus to make somebody else say they spoke Phrenician. They were an
aboriginal mountain-folk; according to legend the
is of Semitic origin or not.
We find it on late Assyrian
but rarely in reliefs (rf. relief from Maltha'i PERROTCHIPIEZ, Hist, de VArt, ii. fig. 313). An old-Babylonian cylinder
with the same subject is also known (il. fig. 314). The goddess
Kedesh, borrowed from the Semites by the Egyptians, is represented by the Egyptians as standing on a lion as early as the
period of the XlXth Dynasty (B.C. 1300). Perhaps the Semites
borrowed the idea from Asia Minor. (This possibility does not,

Minor,
seals,

however, show that the sculptures of Boghaz-K6i are earlier

than those of Maltha'i, as BOISSIER (in CHANTRE, Mission en

Whether the Kybele-Atys cult

Cappadoce, p. 41) considers.)
as it existed in classical times was predominantly Semitic
or not, the deities in question are obviously not Ishtar and
Tammuz transplanted to Asia Minor. Their names are un-Semitic,
and typically " kleinasiatisch." Radet exaggerates the Semitic

he speaks of the fact that the Maionian dynasty of

" a 1'HeraclesLydia was called Heraclid as connecting it
Sandon que veneraient Ninive et Babylone, Ascalon et Tjr."
This is mere rhetoric, and is meaningless. Who is the Herakles
whom Nineveh and Babylon venerated ? And when was Sandon
venerated by Nineveh or Babylon, Askalon or Tyre ? ( Of. RADET,'

influence

loc. cit. p.
1

55.)

CHOIRILOS

DEIMLING (Die
ap. JOSEPH, <: Apion, i. 22.
comments: "... bemerke ich noch, dass nach
einem Zeugnisse der Alten die Solymer phonikisch redeten, was
Leleger,p. 16)

freilich

wird."

auch auf die Juden, die Solymer in Palastina, bezogen

LYDIANS NOT SEMITES

93

who were expelled from Lykia by the

were
the same people. 1 Nothing Semitic
Termilai,
in them.
The Lydians have more
be
discovered
can
Milyans,

claim to be regarded as Semitic the Hebrews regarded

them as Semites, 2 and the Lydian kings were said
;

from Ninos and Belos. 3

The Lydians
Homeric poets, who
mention Maeonians in their stead. Again, when
Luka, Shardina, Maunna (?), Dardenui Masa, and
other tribes of Asia Minor and the ^Egean are mento be descended

as such were

unknown

to the

tioned on Egyptian monuments of the fourteenth

and thirteenth centuries B.C., no mention is made of
" Ludu." This looks as if
was

Lydia

any

originally

inhabited by the Maeonians, who may have been of

4
Aryan or non- Aryan blood, and that the Lydians
proper were later conquerors who came from the

East and mingled with the original inhabitants.

Strabo speaks of "the Lydian invasion" as

And

occurring jutTa

TO.

Tpwiica, in the

same breath with

the foundation of the Greek colonies and the Kimmerian invasion. 5 M. Radet seems to think that
this

invasion coincided with the

fall

of the

old

'

2
Genesis x. 22.
HDT. i. 173.
HDT. i. 7.
4
If King Kandaules was a Maeonian, they were perhaps
Aryans, as his name is purely Aryan. The meaning of the name
fr. i),'E^
as given by the poet Hipp6nax(Poe. Lyr. Gr. i. 751
1

"
Dog-strangler,"
Kvvdyxa, Mflorwrl KavSav\a, is correct: it =
The meaning
as KRETSCHMER has pointed out (loc. cit. p. 389).
given by Tzetzes, o-/cuXo/cX^7rr^s, translated by RADET qui emporte
les (Upouilles (loc. cit. p. 66), is obviously a mistake for aKv\aKoK\tTTTT]s.

On

the racial connection of the Maeonians with the

Aryan Phrygians,
5

xii. 8, p. 573.

cf.

DEIMLING,

loc. cit. p. 82.

STUDIES OF THE

94

MYCEN^AN AGE

Heraclid (Maeonian) dynasty of

Kandaules and

Mermnads with Gyges

the accession of the

(B.C.

l
Whether this be so or not, it may well be
687).
that the invasion of the Lydians and their mixing
with the Maeonians took place at a comparatively

But we have nothing to

was a Semitic invasion all
the Lydian place-names, proper names, and words
which have come down to us are either Indo-European
late date, /nerd ra T/owVKa.

show that

this invasion

or belong to the indigenous population of Asia Minor,

which was neither Aryan nor Semitic. 2 It seems

probable that the idea of the Semitic origin of the

Lydians was due to the fact of their close political

and other connection with the Assyrian power.

While, therefore, we can admit that Semitic influence

is

strongly marked, at any rate at a compara-

tively late period, in the native civilization of

Asia

Minor, we cannot admit

that any of the peoples of

Asia Minor west of the Taurus were Semites.
So
that none of the "Pelasgic" tribes of Asia
and Crete can have been Semites.

Nor can they have been Aryans.

The

Minor

inflood of

Indo-European invaders, closely akin to the Thracians

and the Hellenes, which streamed over the Hellespont

and

into Asia Minor, founding the nations of Phrygia

1
Loc. cit. pp. 59, 60.
The argument that, because Ashurbanipal speaks of Luddi as "a far land, whose name the kings
my fathers had not heard," therefore it was not until the time of
Assurbanipal's dealings with Gyges that the name of Avdol first
came into use (RADET, loc. cit. p. 59) seems far-fetched.
Probably neither Ashurbanipal nor the kings his fathers had

ever heard of the Maeonians either.

2

KRETSCHMER,

loc. cit. p.

384

ff.

ARYANS OF MYSIA AND PHRYGIA

95

Mysia, giving certainly rulers and perhaps a population also to Maionia (Lydia), and spreading an Aryan
language and the Aryan cults of Papas or Bagaios
the tbunderer, of Osogo, 1 and of Men, the moon-god r
through northern Asia Minor as far as Paphlagonia

and Armenia, 2 can hardly have taken place

comparatively late period,

till

perhaps far on

in the

Mycengean age. No monuments which may with

probability be assigned to the Phrygians can safely
be dated before the ninth century B.C.
Setting
aside the half-mythical events of the Trojan war,
Phrygians first appear as a power in the

the

eighth century, when the wealthy Midas ruled.*

The Mysians were still in Thrace at the end of
1

Of.

GARDNEE, New

Chapters, p. 31

ff.

Bcrycuos

Slav bogu,

"god."
2
That the originally non-Aryan population of Armenia was
given Aryan rulers and an Aryan language by a conquering tribe
of the Phrygian invaders seems extremely probable
Appevioi,
says Stephen of Byzantium, rb pkv yevos K $>pvyias /ecu rrj <f>uvri
TroXXa (f>pvy[ovcnv, and Herodotos (vii. 73) calls them $pvyuv
The language is Aryan. It seems that the attempt
&ITOIKOI.
of JENSEN (Hittiter und Armenier : Strassburg, 1898) to read
the writing of the "Hittites" (who are regarded, possibly
with justice, as the ancestors of the modern Armenians) by
"
the help of the assumption that the " Hittite
hieroglyphs
express an older form of the modern Aryan Armenian, rests
on very doubtful premisses, for it is quite possible that the
early Armenians still spoke a non-Aryan dialect at the time
6on>,

'

The
that these hieroglyphed monuments were sculptured.
proper names of the Kheta, if the Kheta were the "Hittites,"
which are known to us, are not Aryan and we have seen
reason to think that this people .belonged to the prse-Aryan
Dr. JENSEN might with advantagepopulation of Asia Minor.
;

"
"
attempt to illuminate Hittite by means of Lycian.
3
On Midas, cf. post, p. 274, n. i.

96

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

1

Dardenui, and
Maunna, are mentioned
Shardina, perhaps
into contact with the
the
who
came
tribes
among
the

Mycenaean

Masa,

period.
also

Egyptians about 1 200 B.C. There were quite possibly

Mysians, Dardanians, Sardians, and Maeonians, but
although the Mysians, who at a later date than
this

were

still

astride

the

Hellespont,

were no

doubt Aryans, there is nothing to show that the

other tribes mentioned were.
If, therefore, the

Mycenaean Trojans of the Sixth City were true

Phrygians, which is possible, it is highly improbable
that the prae-Mycenaeans of the Second City were
Dr. Kretschmer thinks otherwise
he
Phrygians.
considers the earliest Trojans to have been Aryan
2
His reasons for this belief are weak,
Phrygians.
and conflict with probability and with the other
:

available evidence.

Why

should the prae-Mycenaean

culture of the Troad be cut off from that of the rest

of the

Mediterranean world

Aryans?

and be assigned

Dr. Kretschmer himself

to

considers the

aboriginal population of Cyprus to have belonged to

the non- Aryan race of Asia Minor, 3 and the connection of the pras-Mycenaaan culture of Cyprus with

that of the Troad

is

so clear as to

make

a racial con-

Cyprians and the

nection between the primitive

If there was
primitive Trojans more than probable.
a prae-Aryan population in Mysia, there probably

was a similar population in Phrygia.

We

have no

reason to suppose that the prae-Mycenaean settlements of the Troad did not belong to such a pras'

II. xiii. 3.

Ib.

p. 398, n. 2.

Loc.

cit.

p. 181,

EXTENT OF NON-ARYAN PRIMITIVE RACE

Aryan population, a branch

97

of the original race of

Asia Minor. 1

The evidence of language is thus confirmed. Crete

and Asia Minor were inhabited before the invasions
of the Aryans, whether Phrygians or Hellenes, by a
more or less homogeneous race which was neither
Aryan nor Semitic, and which is connected in legend
with

the

^Egean

prae-Hellenic "Pelasgic" races of the

To these races we have seen reason

basin.

to assign the prae-Mycengean culture of the ^Egean

lands it is to the connected races of Asia Minor,
;

we

naturally assign the remains of the

which are found extending throughout Asia Minor from the Hellespont to the neighbourhood of Cyprus.
The prae-Mycenaean Cyprians must have been

therefore, that

same

civilization

allied to these
The
"Pelasgic" tribes.
Arcadian colonists can hardly have arrived before
Mycenaean times, so that we cannot regard the prae-

closely

Mycenaean Cyprians as Arcadian Pelasgians.

It is

curious that the prae-Mycenasan deposits of Cyprus

are found radiating in the shape of a fan from

Larnaka on the south coast

1

to various widely sepa-

On an important prse-Mycensean

deposit

in

Phrygia

at

KORTE, Ath. Mittk. xxiv. 1899, p. i ff. Prof.

VlRCHOW has pronounced the skulls from this deposit to belong
to a people closely related to the modern Armenians (ib. p. 42),
who are, no doubt, descended from the old non-Aryan inhabitants
of Asia Minor, although they now speak the Aryan dialect which
was given them by their Phrygian conquerors. KORTE'S con-

Bos-Eyuk

cf.

clusions as to the Aryan origin of the prae-Mycenaean Phrygians

are open to the objections which are advanced above ; in fact,
Kretschmer derives his ideas on the ar oncological side of the

subject chiefly from Korte

(KRETSCHMER,

loc. cit. p.

180).

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

98

rated places in the Mesaorea or central plain this

looks as if the first colonists had landed on the south
:

and gradually made their way inland.

Pottery of prae-Mycenaean type was used by the

coast

1
If we
early inhabitants of the Palestinian coast.
can regard these people as prae- Semitic, it may be
/permissible to refer them to the same "Pelasgic"

rstock.

They have been

Amorites.

We

identified with the Biblical

do not know that the Amorites were

Egyptian evidence shows that Semites

were already settled in the Sinaitic peninsula as
The prse-Mycenaean pottery from
early as 4000 B.C.
non-Semitic.

Lachish cannot be dated much before 2000

B.C.

It is

3
possible that remnants of a prae-Semitic population,
akin to that of Asia Minor, may have lingered on
among the Semites at various places, at Lachish for

and that the prge-Mycenaean pottery from

these places may have belonged to them.
They were
Such
apparently made on the spot, not imported.
simple pottery would hardly be exported anywhere.
instance,

Returning to the neighbourhood of the ^Egean, we

find settled according to tradition in Greece proper, 4
in the Islands, and in Asia, before the coming of the
"
"
Hellenes, the mysterious race of the far-wandering

Leleges.

This people

is

closely connected in legend

Mound of Many

E.g., at Lachish (BLISS,

They have been supposed

to be of

Cities, pi. 3).

Libyan

origin, for

no

cogent reasons.
3
in de Oudheid, ii. 211: "Misschien
Cf. TIELE, Godsdienst
waren de oudste bewoners dezer landen geen Semieten."
4
DEIMLING (loc. cit.
Especially in Southern Peloponnese.
p. 129 ft) shows that the Kaukones, Epeians, and Lokrians are
often regarded in legend as Lelegic peoples. The first named

were certainly prse-Achaian, and so prae-Hellenic.

THE LELEGES

99

both with the Pelasgi proper and with the prseAryan

We shall see later that
peoples of Crete and Asia.
their supposed racial identity or connection with the

Karians

may be simply a mistake due to the fact that in

remnant of the Leleges in the Asiatic

was subdued by
and became subject to the Ka4.'^
later times the

coast-lands

rians

it is

a possible theory

-^

that the

Karians, although
kin to the coast-tribes, did not
reach the ^Egean until after

the Mycenaean age.

We need

not, therefore, regard the tra-

dition that at one time Karians

IXJ

A Karian InscripFIG. 36.

tion of the sixth century
B. c.

from Egypt.

(Non Aryan language of

Asia Minor written with
-

and Leleges togetheroccupied

the Cyclades as necessarily

modified Greek characters.

The Lykian alphabet

referring to the prae-Mycenasan time.

That the Leleges

still

were the primitive inhabitants

is

further modified.)

of the

Southern

.zEgean islands and of the coasts adjoining, that in

fact the cistgraves of the islands are those of Leleges,

seems, however, extremely probable.

racial

affinities are

concerned,

it

As far as

their

seems certain that

they were neither Greeks nor related to the Aryans

of Asia Minor.
It may be noted that a place-name
which they particularly affected is that of PDS, which
In the Iliad
the " war-loving Leleges" inhabit " steep Pedasos on
"
the Satnioeis in Asia ; l in later times the town of
often occurs in connection with them.

Pedasa in Karia was their chief stronghold

in
the old Lelegia in the Peloponnese Pedasa was an
;

II. xxi. 86.

ioo

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

This

important place.

name may be compared with

that of the Pidasa, a tribe of the northern shores of

the Mediterranean which is mentioned in Egyptian
1
300 B.C. This tribe has with much
with the Pisidians it is at
been
identified
plausibility
least equally possible to regard them, on account of
their name, as Leleges, and if this identification be
accepted, we have a reference to the Lelegic race in

records as early as

the Mycenaean period. There may, too, be a real connection between the Pisidians and the Leleges, since
their name may be merely a form of the Lelegian PDS.

We have

seen that the Pisidians were not Semites,

some have supposed, but belonged to the old praeAryan race of Asia Minor. It is therefore highly probable that the Leleges belonged to the same race. And
as

this conclusion is a natural

one

for, since

neither

Hellenes nor Phrygians had yet come

is natural to suppose that the pras-Mycenasans

upon the scene,

it

of the

^Bgean islands and

coasts belonged to the

same

race as the prae-Mycenasans of Crete and Asia.

With the assigning of the Leleges to the un-Aryan

population of Asia Minor the foreigner has set foot

upon the soil of Hellas itself. And since the Leleges
were contemporaries of the true Pelasgi in Greece,

were connected with them in legend, and ranked

with them in the same general list of pras-Hellenic
tribes, it is not impossible that the Pelasgi proper

belonged to the same un-Aryan group of peoples.

That there were "true" Pelasgi in Asia points to
also

this conclusion
seat,

was

and Antandros, an Asiatic Pelasgic

also regarded as Lelegic. 1

1

B.C.H.

vii.

276.

Also the evi-

NON- ARYANS IN GREECE PROPER

101

dence of religion connects the un-Aryan Eteokretans

There
directly with the true Pelasgi of Dodona.

unwashen priests, the Selloi, seem unaud

remind us of the disreputable Galli of
Aryan,
Asia Minor an inscription at Tralles even mentions
a, kind
of semi-religious caste of avfTrroTroSee in the
also

the

same breath with TraAAaiaSee and other adjuncts of

1
Finally, Kretschmer has shown
un-Aryan religion.
that

" kleinasiatische "

the

place-names in -v$a
(Gk. -vO-), -crcra, -aaoc; (-rra, -TTOG), extend all
over Greece proper, 2 while such names as Arne or
Tiryns are absolutely un-Aryan, and are of the Asia

Minor type

3
;

he concludes that the whole prae-

Hellenic population of Greece proper belonged to the

same un-Aryan race as the prse- Aryan population of

We

see then that the mooted possibithe

true
of
Pelasgians being Aryans and kin to
lity
the Hellenes fades away when the question is even

Asia Minor.

the Pelasgi were as un-Aryan

cursorily examined
as their compeers the Leleges or the Eteokretans.
;

is therefore justified when he speaks of the

Krestonians and the people of Plakia and Skylake as
speaking a barbarian tongue.

Herodotos

All the prse-Hellenic tribes of

Asia Minor, the

^Egean, and Greece proper seem, therefore, to have

and it is
belonged to this single un-Aryan race
;

Loc. dt. p. 401

The

asiatisch
3

Arne

ff.

" kleinPelasgian Larissa is of typical

there were three in Asia Minor.
perhaps the Lykian arnna, "city." Mr. MABSHAM

specifically
"

form

is

ADAMS

(Bab. and Or. Record, vi. p. 192) provides us with the novel
information that "Tiriyns (sic) signifies Enemy "in Egyptian (!) ;

a curious

flight of imagination.

102

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

therefore to this race that the prse-Mycenaean remains

of these countries must be assigned.
have seen

We

reason to associate this peculiar form of primitive culture with this race. Now the same primitive culture

And so,
certainly extended westward into Italy.
1
did
Whether
the
the
to
tradition,
Pelasgi.
according
we are to reckon the Tyrrhenians or Etruscans as a
2
Pelasgian race, as Thucydides apparently did, remains
The name-forms in Etruscan are certainly

doubtful.

of the

same type as those of prse-Heiienic Greece and

Minor the peculiar termination -uns (-yns)

of Asia

and the commencement Tarhu-, TapKo-, 'Tpoxo- (as in

3
Ta|OKovtyioe, Tarhundaraus, Tpo/coju/Sty/ot/Ke, &c.),
Etr. Tar-^un-, Tarqu-, being especially noticeable.
Also the curious parallel use of trumpets, the lituus,

turned-up shoes, and other objects of semi-religious

significance in both Asia Minor and Etruria might

seem to point to some connection.

legend brings
the Etruscans from Lydia this will be discussed in a
:

later chapter in connection

tribe of the Thuirsha,

with the Mediterranean

which

is

commonly

identified

seems of doubtful value. Of no value

whatever as evidence of an ethnic connection between
with them.

It

Etruscans and Pelasgians

is

the supposed Etruscan

inscription discovered in Lemnos by Pauli, as will

also be seen in connection with the legend of the

Eastern Tyrrhenians and the question of the Thuirsha.

All that can be said is that a few analogies (those, it

must be confessed, striking analogies) might induce

1

Cf. the

evidence collected by Prof.

KIDGEWAY,

loc.

p. 109.
2

iv.

109

(cf. post, p.

174).

v.

post, p. 139, n. 2.

cit.

WERE THE ETRUSCANS

PELASGI" ?

103

us to tentatively regard the Etruscans as belonging

"
to the great " kleinasiatisch
family of nations, and
so akin to the Pelasgians and Lykiaos, whose lan-

guage might profitably be compared with Etruscan.

But if the Pelasgi of Italy were at one time representatives of the primitive culture in the West, which
corresponded to the prse-Mycenaaan culture of Greece,
the Etruscans ought, on this theory, also to have been

some time " praa-Mycenaeans." But the objects

from Italy, which are of much the same type as those
from prse-Mycenasan sites in Greece, appear to be prgeEtruscan and, according to some archaeologists, we
seem "to be able to trace with some degree of accuracy
at

the various stages of a conquering advance of the

Etruscans into Etruria from the North. 1 Evidently,

we cannot without much more convincing

proof definitely annex the Etruscans to the PelasgianAsiatic group of nations. 2
Still less can we as yet
"
credit any " proof of a connection of this group with
therefore,

the Sikels, the Ligurians, or the " Iberians

"

of Spain

Such proof when advanced is usually

found to depend almost entirely on craniological
3
evidence, which is often of doubtful value.
or Africa.

HELBIG, Die
The remarks

notice.

He

says

Italiker in der Poebene, p. 99 ff.

of Dr. Kretschmer on this subject are
"
:

worth

Wir sind demnach noch immer auf dem

Punkte, dass wir eine Verwandschaft der Etrusker mit den

Volkern Kleinasiens weder behaupten noch bestreiten konnen,
und werden daher gut thun, bei dem stehen zu bleiben, was wir
mit ziemlicher Sicherheit nachweisen konnen, der Verbreitung
der kleinasiatischen Volkeri'amilie iiber das Aegaeische Meer
und das hellenische Festland " (loc. cit. p. 409).
3
For a perhaps rather too trenchant criticism of craniological
evidence, see

KEETSCHMER,

loc. cit. p.

39.

STUDIES OF THE

104

We

MYCEN^AN AGE

find, then, that since

the Mycenaean culture

(not entirely or necessarily

to
the more primitive stage of
Hellenes,
originally)

belonged

primarily

which preceded

civilization

it

must

be

assigned

to those tribes who, according to a consensus of

tradition, preceded the Hellenes in the occupation

These tribes belonged to a group

Aryan nor Semitic,
which extended along the northern shores of the
the land.

of

of peoples of a stock neither

Mediterranean from Palestine and Cyprus to

And

Italy.

these are exactly the geographical limits of the

primitive prae-Mycenasan culture.

Physically, these tribes seem to have been dolicho-

most of the skulls from the early strata

of Troy are of this type, which was the type universal in the Eastern Mediterranean basin in the

cephalous

Neolithic and Early Bronze Ages.

been

who

called

This type has

considers the

Iberian; Sergi,
Berbers and Egyptians to have belonged to the
same race, calls it Mediterranean (La Stirpe Mediterranea).

The race was probably dark-haired iheKeftiu

;

were dark and

were the Mycenaean

may, perhaps, be allowed

so apparently

Cretans of Knossos.

We

to call this group of peoples by the rather vague term

"
1
Pelasgic," in default of a more convenient phrase.

These Pelasgic tribes were' at periods, the dates of

fixed, overrun by alien

which cannot be absolutely

1

Kretschmer's " kleinasiatisch,"

though so convenient, is
"Asian" or "Asianic," would
members of the group. Mr.
lay too much
Crowfoot's "Armenoid" is even more open to this objection;
and he presumably means " Proto- Armenoid." " Mediterranean "
"
"
is too vague.
Perhaps Pelasgic is, on the whole, the best.
This, as well as
stress on the Asiatic

untranslatable.

THE ARYAN INVASIONS

nations

in Asia

105

Minor by Aryans coming across the

Hellespont, in Greece by the Aryan Achaians and

other tribes, and in Italy by the Italic peoples, both
1
In Greece the
coming by land from the north.
old and the new populations appear to have blended

to a considerable extent

the Hellenes of history

were very possibly a race mainly non- Aryan, speaking the tongue of their Aryan conquerors. No doubt
-a

further impulse to the development of the

Myce-

ngean culture was given by the arrival of the new

energizing Hellenic element. That this development

A Phrygian Inscription " Mother Kybile

(Aryan language of Asia Minor, using Greek script.

FIG. 37.

."

had, however, well begun before the arrival of the

Aryan Hellenes seems extremely probable the earlier
period of the Mycenaean Age, when Crete and the
;

islands were

the centre

probably prse- Aryan.

of

Mycenaean

In the

later

culture,

period,

is

when

Argolis had become the central point, the Aryans

had probably arrived, and the kings of the Achaians

(who we may regard as the most prominent and

the Aryan invaders), the rulers of
"
"
u
"
golden and wide-wayed Mycenae, had extended
from Argolis their power over the greater part of
It was during this period
Greece, including Crete.
powerful of

SERGI (Oriyine e Diffuslone della titirpe Mediterranea, Rome,

makes no distinction between the Aryan Italians and the

1895)

Celts.

They were,

Celtic tribes.

of course, very closely connected with the

106

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

of Achaian predominance that the Mycenasan culture

attained its highest pitch of development.

In Inner Asia Minor the prae-Mycenrean race, lying

in the debatable ground between

Hellenedom and

the Orient, was absorbed by neither, but preserved

its tribal

divisions with their several dialects

or less unimpaired until

Roman

more

times.

In Palestine the primitive tribes were overrun at

much earlier period by the Semites.

a comparatively

Snch are the conclusions

to

which we are led by

the consideration of the Question of Kace. Hazy as

is its subject, and
hypothetical as our conclusions-

must

be, the question yet

of interest.

repays study, and

is

full

MYCENAE AND THE EAST

HELLAS turns her back upon the west and faces the
The Greek mainland swings round
rising sun.
towards the east; the strike of its mountain-ranges
from north-west to south-east, therefore the pro-

is

montories and islands which spring from them follow

the same line, and so, with the single exception of
the Gulf of Corinth, the gulfs and havens of Greece

open

also

towards the

east.

The long

lines

of

away from the mainland across the

eastwards
to Asia made communication
^Egean
between European Greece and Asia most easy. Soeasy, indeed, was communication between the inhabitants of Greece and Asia across the ^Egean that
it can
hardly be doubted that they became closely
connected with one another very soon after the period
of the earliest migrations into Greece.
So bound
in
fact
and
the
are
Greece
together
^Egean coast of
Asia that they can hardly be considered as separate
islands streaming

countries.
is

Geologically speaking, the floor of the

merely a part of Greece which is covered

./Egean
by a sea, out of which appear the peaks of sunken
mountain-chains which continue the mountain-system
of

Europe on into Asia these peaks are the islands

In some parts of the .zEgean these

of the ^Egean.

io8

STUDIES OF THE

islands are

MYCEN^AN AGE

more sparsely scattered than in

others,

but generally speaking the spaces of sea which intervene between them are narrow from scarcely any
;

^Egean island

is

no other

visible.

Geographically,

therefore, they connect in every direction with Greece

thus
proper, with Asia Minor, and with each other,
of
coast
western
the
islands
off
the
with
contrasting

with the Italian

Greece, which are not connected

peninsula and its appendages, and do not link them

The ^Egean lands, therefore,
closely with Greece.

form a single whole

the Asiatic coast of the ^Egean

much

a part of Greece as the islands or the

Greek peninsula itself. Greece is not merely conis

as

tinental Greece

^Egean

basin.

and the Islands

The ^Egean lands
;

is

the whole

as a

whole face

it

This peculiar geographical position made

it so happen that the Greeks were connected, especially in the early days of their history, with the
the East.

East, rather than with the West.

Even

in its earliest beginnings

Greek

is already connected with the East.

An

civilization

axehead of

white Chinese jade which was found in the ruins of

the Second City of Troy (dating to before 2OOO B.C.)
testifies to some kind of commerce, primitive though
it

may have

been, with the Far East.

But

it is

not

only in a prae-Mycensean settlement on the Asiatic

continent that we already find traces of connection
with the East, a connection which in the case of

Troy may have been maintained overland in the

commerce

islands of the ^Egean: evidence of seaborne

PRIMITIVE CONNECTION WITH EAST

109

between Greece and the East in prge-Mycensean

is discernible.
Ivory objects and fragments
of glass vases have been found in the Island-graves,

times

the materials of which can only have come from

>r
"
Island
Egypt, and in Egypt itself specimens of

Other scattered evidences

pottery have been found.
Egyptian connection will be adduced in the

of this

next chapter

our purpose at present

is

to discuss

more especially the relations between prehistoric

Greece and the Asiatic peoples. We may note,
however, that the route which this primitive commerce between the ^Egean and Egypt must have
followed can only have been the natural coastingroute from Rhodes to Cyprus, and thence to the
Palestinian coast, where, as we have already seen r
"
Prgeprimitive settlements, resembling those of the
"
Mycenaeans of Greece, existed. Directly south all
guiding islands failed; south-east, Kythera led to

Crete, but Crete took the seafarer

no further south,

only led north-east to Rhodes and Karamania,

As Greece proper turned its
eventually to Cyprus.
back upon the west, so Crete turned its back upon
it

the south

the greater

number

of its havens looked

north, back upon the Hellenic world, which it

fenced in with its mighty barrier of Ida.
Directly

south of Crete the sea was a blank, and, although

is true that a small sailing vessel can with a

it

favouring wind very swiftly traverse this piece of

sea and reach the African coast, yet it seems hardly
possible that Greek mariners can have essayed the
crossing and

have reached Africa, except perhaps

occasionally by accident, until the Theneans sailed

no STUDIES OF THE MYCEN^AN AGE

in

obedience to the

Pythia to found

city

in

Libya.

Much

of any

commerce which may have existed

between the ^Egean tribes
and the Palestinian tribes
must therefore also have
So that
passed via Cyprus,
Cyprus has naturally been
considered to have connected
the primitive prge-Mycenaean
civilization of Greece with the
culture of the Semites as well
as with that of Egypt.

Men-

has already been made

of the rude idols of Parian
tion

marble, apparently representing a nude female figure,

which have been found in so

many

of the

^Egean graves

of the prae-Mycenagan period.

Similar idols of
(Fig. 38.)

smaller size have also been

found in Cyprus. In Cyprus

appears a series of
earthenware representations
of
a nude female figure

also

these
Primitive Marble
Female Idol from Amor-

FIG. 38.
gos.

who

in

closely paralleled
Canaan, in Syria gene-

and in Mesopotamia.
Here, and no doubt in Cyprus
these are images of the Semitic female goddess,
passed, through the medium of Cyprus, into the

period.

also,

are

(Prae
)

Mycenaean

rally,

THE NUDE FEMALE IDOLS

Greek pantheon

as Aphrodite.

Are we

in

to regard the

marble images of the ^Egean as proving that the

worship of this nature-goddess had reached the
Greek islanders from the Semitic countries by way
of Cyprus as early as the third millennium B.C. ?
The question of the date of the Syrian and Cypriote
pottery images is important. The date of the ^Egean

marble figures cannot be later than 2000 B.C. But

the Cypriote figures of clay are apparently coeval
with the late-Mycenaean and Graeco-Phcenician

cul-

dominant in that island from

the eighth to the fifth century B.C., and figures
of this kind from Asia appear to be often of even
If clay images of the nude Cypriote type
later date.
were found in the prae-Mycenasan graves from which
the nude marble figures come, a connection might be
proved, but such clay figures are not found in the
island graves.
They are in fact merely rude and
tures which

were

cheap dolls, made in rough imitation of larger images

which properly represented the human form the
^Egean marble figures, on the other hand, are real
;

primitive idols. An attempt has, however, been made

to show that these clay figures were already in use
among the Semitic nations at a period contemporary

with or anterior to the date which has been assigned

marble idols from the islands i.e., about 2000

to the
B.C.

In the Jahrbuch des Deutsclicn

Arcliceologisclicn

1897 Herr von Fritze gives photographs

of clay figures of this kind which were found by
Mr. Haynes at Niffer in Babylonia, which Professor
Institute for

Hilprecht dates between the reigns of Sargon of

Agade (3800 B.C.) and Ur-Gur (2800 B.C.) these
;

STUDIES OF THE

12

MYCEN^AN AGE

Herr von Fritze considers

to have been the prototypes of the marble images from the Greek islands.
But it is quite impossible to accept the early date

which Professor Hilprecht assigns to these BabyNo similar objects are known from theother explorations of early Babylonian sites, and
all of the same kind found in Mesopotamia are
of very late date.
So Herr von Fritze's argument,
and with it the desired connection between the
prse-Mycenaean marble images and the clay figures of
the Semitic goddess, falls to the ground. The marble
images are no doubt representations of a deity more
lonian idols.

or less identical with the non-Semitic female goddess

"'
"
of Asia Minor, the chief deity of the
Pelasgic

populations, and are simply the predecessors of the

Mycenaean representations of Artemis and Rhea (v.
296).

p.

Tt is natural

enough that the primitive

have been nude.

Various
representation
would
seem
to
show a
archaeological comparisons
should

European rather than a Semitic connection for the

"
1
"
Also the much-quoted
^Egean marble figures.
leaden nude female figure with the svastika emblem
which was found at Troy 2 possesses no Babylonian
3
characteristics whatever.
1

EVANS,

&c., in

lot. cit., p.

127

U Anthropologie,

ff

1894.

KEJNACH, La Sculpture Ancienne f

In his article "Les deesses nues
"

dans 1'art oriental et dans 1'art grec

(Chr. Or. ii. p. 566),
however, M. REINACH goes too far in arguing that the Semitic
nude goddess was of western origin there was a nude goddess
of the Semites and a (not always) nude goddess of the ^Egean
and Asia Minor peoples, and there is no need to identify the one
:

with the other.

2

SCHUCHHAEDT,
Of. post, p. 300.

fig. 60, p.

Such

67.

figures are in fact a

common product

SARGON

IN CYPRUS?

113

between
and Semitic

civilization

actual connection between Cyprus

and Baby-

Can any other

I.

connection

Mycenaean culture of Cyprus

be shown to have existed ?

An

the

prae-

lonia has been postulated at a period even earlier

than that of which we are speaking. It has been

stated that cylinder-seals of the early Babylonian

I. and Naram-Sin, his son (circa 3800
have been found in Cyprus. 1 This has been

kings Sargon
B.C.),

taken to prove an early Babylonian conquest of the

island which would have greatly influenced the
pra&-Mycenaean civilization of Cyprus and the other
Greek lands generally. But this statement, which is
constantly repeated, is inaccurate.
of archaistic type, and with an

A single cylinder

equally archaistic
inscription referring to the deified king Naram-Sin,

was found by General

Curium. 2

di Cesnola at

This

cylinder cannot be older than the seventh century

B.C.
Thus the whole fabric of connection between

Cyprus and Mesopotamia in the fourth millennium

B.C. which has been built upon the supposed testiIt may,
of this cylinder falls to the ground.
that
however, be urged that we know
Sargon and

mony

Naram-Sin conquered Syria and reached the shores

of

undeveloped

and

art,

whether in pre-historic or in

historical times,

impossible to found any reliable arguments upon

them. Specimens of the hideous Cypriote earthenware type, with
huge earrings, may be seen in most museums the Mesopotamian
type is well represented in the newly arranged Babylonian and
so

it is

Assyrian

Eoom

of the British

Museum (room-numbers,

969-980,

1018-1027.)
1
BUSOLT, Gr. Gesch., i. p. 45 MALLET, Premieres
ments des Grecs en Ugi/pte, p. 28, n. I.
2
SAYCE, T. S. B. A., v. (1877) p; 441 ff.
;

fitablisse-

ii4

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

of the Great Sea

why, then, should they not have

penetrated to Cyprus ? If they did there is no record

of the fact.
(See further, Addenda, p. 314, post.)
It is curious that, while the evidence of connec-

between the pras-Mycenaean peoples and Egypt,

though very small, is, comparatively speaking, good
as far as it goes, there should be practically no
evidence of connection between these people and
There is even less evidence for a conBabylonia.
nection through Asia Minor than through Cyprus.
Yet if jade could be brought from China to Troy in
prae-Mycenaean times, some kind of commerce, even
though merely a passing from hand to hand and from
tribe to tribe, overland between the cultured cities of
Babylonia and the settlements of the primitive -bar-

tion

barians

of

probable.

the ^Egean, seems both possible and

Traces of it may yet be found.

Eecent discoveries have been considered to show

the peoples of Inner Asia Minor were not

that

entirely unaffected
times.

by Babylonian influence in praeThis influence had probably

Taurus as early as 2500 B.C. ;
the
penetrated beyond
but that there was a Babylonian colony settled in
the Halys-land at that time, as M. Boissier asserts, 1
Mycenaean

in the highest degree questionable. 2

Professor
that
has
shown
Koi
Boghaz
Ramsay
(Pterion) was

is

the most important post on the " Royal Road," the

most ancient trade route through Asia Minor from

the ^Egean to the Euphrates Valley.

Could it be
proved that Pterion was a focus of Babylonian
1

,In

V.

CHANTEE, Mission en Cappadoce,

Addenda,

p. 315. post.

1898, p. 44.

NO "HITTITE" INFLUENCE
2000

influence as early as

B.C.,

115

the surmise could

naturally be put forward that the trade-route from

Babylonia through Pterion already existed at that
time, so that Babylonian influence might well have
"
reached the ^Egean lands over the " Royal Road
in prse-Mycengean times.
But we have nothing to
show that it did, or that Babylonian influence had

yet entered Asia Minor, beyond the mere probability

that it had.
few centuries later, however, when

the Hellenes had invaded the ^Egean basin, and the

development of the Mycenaean culture had begun,

we have some evidence

of direct Babylonian influence

passing overland through Asia Minor.

Nor can we speak of any " Hittite " or u Canaan"

influence as passing through Asia Minor or

Cyprus to Greece in prae-Mycenaean days. Of the
Kheta we hear nothing till well on the Mycenaean
period and the sculptors of Boghaz Koi and Jerabis
may not date back much beyond the eighth century.
We have seen that traces of a primitive culture
itish

resembling that of the prae-Mycenaeaus of Greece

are to be found in Palestine, but that it is doubtful

whether these are to be ascribed to " Pelasgic

inhabitants or not.

Of the Amorites,

whom

to

"

they

we know

The Philisnothing.
tines do not appear in Palestine till Mycenaean days.
The gradual infiltration of the Semitic Canaanites
are often ascribed,

had, however, been long in progress, but the culture

had at this time in all probability by

no means reached the high stage of development
which we meet with in the period of the Tel elof these tribes

Amarna

letters, a

thousand years later

occasional

n6 STUDIES OF THE MYCEN^AN AGE

subjection to and intermittent communication with
Babylonia do not seem to have as yet modified it to

any great extent, and no influence upon the praeMycensean culture can be assigned to it the case of
the nude female figures has already been dealt with.
;

The Phoenician

cities

do not seem to have yet emerged

media if legend is to
be trusted, indeed, the Phoenicians had as yet hardly
reached the Mediterranean. 1
into prominence as civilizing

In the Mycenaean period, however, communication

had undoubtedly been established between Greece
and Babylonia as well as Egypt. This was due to the
great westward advance of Babylonian culture.
Although so constantly associated in our minds
with the Semites, the civilization of Babylonia was
To what race the earliest
not of Semitic origin.
the
men
of
and Akkad, belonged,
Sumer
Babylonians,
We
know that their language was
is not apparent.
of an agglutinative type, but to dub them Mongols
is

premature.
Before the end of the

presence of
lands

made

fifth

millennium

B.C.

the

the Semitic race in the neighbouring

itself felt in

Mesopotamia, and

it

was

not long before Semitic rulers established themselves

The
in several of the cities of Northern Babylonia.
arrival of the Semitic

but

little

newcomers seems

made

to have

alteration in Babylonian civilization

per-

1
Legend brings the Phoenicians from the Persian Gulf to the
Mediterranean about 2000 B.C. (cf. LENOEMANT, Manuel d'ffistoire Ancienne de I' Orient, iii. 3 ff.).

BABYLONIAN CULTURE

117

haps a few new deities were added to the pantheon,

more. In fact the whole culture of the original

little

inhabitants seems to have been taken over by the

invaders, so that it is now very difficult to distin-

guish between what is Semitic and what is nonSemitic in it.

Since all Semitic culture was primarily
of Babylonian origin, Semitic civilization is funda-

mentally un-Semitic.
The accession of the Semitic chiefs to power was
followed by an immediate extension of Babylonian

beyond the bounds of Sumer and Akkad.

Sargon (Shargani-shar-ali), king of Agade in Akkad,
and Naram-Sin, his son, appear to have extended their
sway over all Mesopotamia as far as the mountains
of the Gutium or Armenians, and thence onwards

influence

to Palestine even as far as the

"
set
shores of which Sargon

"

Sunset-sea," on the

up

his image."

It

seems probable that these monarchs penetrated as

far as Sinai and Egypt, the lands of Magan and
Meluhha. These events seem to have taken place
about 3800

From

B.C.

this time forth the

from the

Persian

Gulf

to

whole of Mesopotamia,
Harran in the north,

remained always under Babylonian influence, now

becoming gradually semitized. From time to time
different warlike chiefs of various cities of Babylonia
led armies across into Northern Syria, Martu, or

Aharru,

"the Land of the West," but Babylonian

TlELB, Bdbylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte, p. 100 if.

possible reading of this word is Amurru / the Egyptians
spoke of Syria often as Amar. Martu is the Sumerian name,
Aharru (Amurru) the Semitic.
1

Cf.

n8 STUDIES OF THE MYCEN^AN AGE

influence does not seem to have firmly established
among the Syrian tribes until the period of

itself

the unification of Babylonia under

2200

B.C.).

To

Hammurabi (about

monarch Martu was probably

in a letter of his reign mention

this

absolutely subject
is made of a Babylonian
;

called rob

"

official, Siniddinam, who is

Governor of the Western Land." l

Aharru,
For some centuries after this Northern Syria remained
under the political hegemony of the Babylonian

kings, while Southern Palestine, if it did not owe any

actual allegiance to Babylon, yet became fully subject
to her civilizing influence. By the sixteenth century

the civilization of Palestine had become entirely

Babylonian. Nor did the Egyptian conquest, which

B.C.

took place in the seventeenth century, in any way

modify this Babylonian culture, although the whole
land as far as the Taurus and the Upper Euphrates
remained for three hundred years not merely tributary to Egypt, but to a great extent administered
either by Egyptian residents at the courts of the
native chiefs or by commissioners despatched from
Egypt at various times. Southern Palestine remained

more or

Egyptian territory throughout the period

Judges," and until the rise of the Hebrew
Nevertheless,
kingdom in the eleventh century.
Semitic civilization influenced Egypt far more than

of the

less

"

Egyptian culture influenced the Semites.

Few traces

of Egyptian influence are to be found among the

Semites, while in Egypt it became for a time quite
KING, Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi, i. p. xxiv.
169 ff. The same signs may be read in Sumerian gal
Martu, with the same meaning.
1

iii.

p.

EXTENT AND INFLUENCE

fashionable to semitize as

much

as

119

possible.

So

universally had the culture of Babylonia been adopted

by the Semitic nations, and so deep-seated had its
influence become in Western Asia, that by the
fifteenth century the Semitic dialect of Babylonia (the
"
"
later "Assyrian
polite tongue
") had become the

of the Nearer East, used as the language of diplomacy by the court-scribes of Egypt and Canaan as

well as of Babylon, and as a lingua franca by the non-

Semitic kings of Alashiy a (Cyprus), Arsapi (in

Cilicia),

Mitanni (Matiene Southern Armenia), and Egypt

when they wished to correspond with one another.
:

The

cities of Phoenicia, already powerful and of considerable importance in the world, used the cuneiform
Nor did the substiwriting and Babylonian idiom.
"
domination of the " Armenoid
tution of the

political

people of the Kheta or Hatte for that of Egypt in

Syria in any way diminish Babylonian influence
there.

Minor

If the hieroglyphic writing of Eastern Asia

correctly ascribed to this people, it shows at

is

least that they possessed a peculiar culture of their

own, but among them, or at any rate in Eastern Asia

Minor, Babylonian influence was far more powerful

than even in Egypt, as is shown by the character of
"
the so-called " Hittite

art.

Babylonian influence in Western Asia reached

its

culminating-point in the fifteenth century B.C. At

this time, we have seen reason to think, the Mycenaean
culture of Greece had, perhaps, already reached a

high pitch of development.

1

'

Hittite

"

art

It

would have been very

was influenced by that

a development of that of Babylonia.

of Assyria, which

was

120

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

surprising had no Babylonian influences been traceable in Mycenaean art and handicraft.
They can be

we

shall see, are again not so noticeable as the influences of the rival culture of Egypt.

traced

but, as

We have seen that Babylonian influence was

probably already apparent in Inner Asia Minor at

FIG. 39.

Heraldic Lion-group from a Phrygian tomb.

Legend certainly connects the Mycenaean

rulers of the Pelopid house with Asia Minor, whence
the reputed founder of Mycenaean greatness, Pelops,
this time.

This tradition has been conwhich

have been drawn from
nected with conclusions
certain resemblances between Mycenaean architecture
and that of early Asia Minor, especially from the resemblance of an heraldic group of two rampant lions

was

said to

have come.

THE "LION-GATE"

121

with a pillar between them, which occurs on the

"
"
Lion-Gate of the akropolis of Mycenae and is re-

produced on many Mycenaean gems, and similar liongroups which are sculptured above the doors of rock-

The conclusion drawn from

cut tombs in Phrygia.

these resemblances, in connection with the Pelopid

tradition, is that the Mycenaean civilization originally

came from Inner Asia Minor.

The conclusion might

have gone further, for such heraldic

groups find

their closest analogy in the similar groups so common

in the archaic Babylonian art of about 4500 B.C. 1

The Mycenaean idea was

in all probability derived

from Babylonia through the peoples of Asia Minor,

among whom it occurs but that the Phrygian designs
mark a stage of the journey of this artistic idea from
;

may well be doubted, on account

of the apparently late date (about 800 B.C.) of the
do not know when the lions of
Phrygian reliefs.
Babylonia to Mycenae

We

Mycenae were sculptured, but since they ornament

the chief gate of the akropolis of the city, the probability is that they date to a much earlier period than

when Mycenaean

was disappearing from

therefore, good reason
to suppose that the Phrygian reliefs were inspired by
the Lion-Gate and other similar works of Mycenaean
art which may have perished, rather than that the
reverse was the case.
Also, since the Phrygian
800

B.C.,

continental Greece.

art

There

is,

1
The heraldic badge or " arms " of the city of Shirpurla (Assyr.
Lagash the modern Tell Loh), a lion-faced eagle holding two
This occurs in sculptures
lions by their tails, may be instanced.
of the prse-Semitic kings Idingiranagin and Entenna, who lived
about 4500 B.C.. On the connection between the lion-groups of
Mycenae and of Phrygia, cf. KAMSAY, /. H. 8. ix. p. 369.
;

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

122

reliefs

them

date to so late a period, the connection between

and the coming of Pelops to Greece must fall

The supposition which has been

mooted that the whole of Mycenaean
civilization came to Greece from Asia, a supposition
which, though its supporters seem hardly to realize
the fact, can only mean that the whole of Mycenaean
civilization was of Babylonian origin, is contradicted,
not only by its essentially Hellenic and non-Babyto

the ground.

occasionally

by the fact that its whole

Greece from the primitive culture
development
of Hissarlik and Athens can easily be traced, while
its relation to the early Bronze Age culture of
Central Europe seems to be clearly indicated. That
lonian aspect,

but

in

certain Babylonian influences came

by way of Asia Minor at

Greece

however, probable enough

marked

from Asia to
this

time

Babylonian influence

is,

is

gem- and seal-engraving, in

which the Mycenaeans attained great proficiency
this probably reached Greece from Asia Minor,
whither it seems to have passed from Babylonia
in

the art of

at a very early period.

Above

all,

the Mycenaeans

probably owed their knowledge of bronze ultimately

to Babylonia, as will appear when we come to discuss
the general position of 'Mycenaean civilization.
And

knowledge no doubt came through Asia Minor.

The intermediaries between Mycenaean Greece
and Babylon have sometimes been considered to
have been the " Hittites," who are thought to have

this

been a power in Asia from about 1500 B.C. onwards.

It has also been considered that the Cretan picto" Hittite "
graphs may have been inspired by the

THE

"

HITTITES

123

Bat the " liittite Question " is still unhieroglyphs.

solved we do not know with certainty that the builders
;

of the great temple-fortresses of Boghaz Koi and

"
"
Eyuk in Cappadocia were identical with the Kheta

who fought against Egypt as early as the time of

the XVIIIth Dynasty, or that these were the same
people as the Biblical Hittites and a connection
;

between the " Hittite

"

hieroglyphs and the Cretan

pictographs cannot be proved, because we have no
information which would lead us to suppose that

these hieroglyphs, which have not yet been proved

to have belonged to the Kheta, are so ancient as the

We

Cretan characters.

cannot,

therefore,

assert

(? Kheta) contributed elements

to Mycengean culture, much less that they originated
to claim the Pelopids as "Hittites" is
it, while

even that the Hittites

really to appeal too much to the imagination as

1
aid to the writing of history.
1

DE CARA

an

(Gli Hetei e gli loro Migrazioni; Gli Hetei-Pelasgi ;

& c ') maintains the Hittite origin of

'Civilta Cattolica, 1892, 1895,

jEgean

civilization

for

him the Pelasgi are

"
gli

Hetei fnori

delle loro sede originarie dell' Asia, Hethei migratori, errantie

It is a pity that Father De Cara, who rightly advocates the theory of the racial identity of these primitive Greeks
with the non- Aryan peoples of Asia Minor, should have marred

pellegrini."

work by the introduction of these problematical "Hittites"

and by arguments resting on the most amazing and impossible
linguistic identifications and derivations, a selection of which
will be found in REINACH, Chr. Or. ii. p. 488 ff.
(E.g., Italy is
for DE CARA Hat-al-ia, "the land of the Hittites" who came
there from Asia !) A bold attempt has been made to reconcile
his

the Hellenic origin of Mycenaean civilization with the theory of

a Hittite connection by supposing that the " Hittite " culture is
a branch of Mycenaean civilization which had originally come
from Italy to G-reece and thence passed by way of the islands to

STUDIES OF THE

i2 4

MYCEN^AN AGE

Certainly the culture of Boghaz Koi and of

" Hittite " or
Jerabis, whether it was
not, cannot

have

influenced Mycenaean

Its art

owes

hardly date

in

culture

any way.

its

inspiration to Assyria, and

it

any

eighth centuries
be detected in it.

earlier

B.C.

Yet

than

No Mycenaean
it is

we can

ninth

the

and

influence can

evident that in Mycenaean

much

of the Babylonian influence which is

observable in the Mycenaean culture must have taken

times

its

way

to

Greece through the country which, in later

and proon
the
Pteria
which
afterbably through
Royal Road,
wards became one of the chief seats of this culture.

times, this assyrianizing culture occupied,

The Mycenaeans do not seem

influence half-way.

to have

met

this

Hitherto few traces of the de-

veloped Mycengean culture have been found in Inner

Asia Minor vase-fragments have been found at Bin
;

Tepe, near Sardis, and also at Kara-Eyuk (Chantre,

Mission en Cappadoce, p. 71 ff.), but apparently

nowhere

else up-country.

Asia, so that the

Kheta were Mycenaeans

(REINACH, Mirage

Orientale [Chr. Or., p. 555 ff.]) In connection with this theory

the Asiatic Tyrsenoi mentioned by Herodotos (HDT. i. 94) are
supposed to have come from Etruria to Asia, rather than, as

Herodotos says, in the reverse direction; the "Thuirsha" who

invaded Egypt in company with other sea-rovers in the time
of Merenptah (about 1200 B.C.) have been regarded as having
formed part of this eastward migration from Italy.
With
regard to the theory generally little can be said its inceptor,
M. Salomon Reinach, seems not to see that there is no connection
" Hittite "
visible between the Mycenaean and
cultures, although
;

"
and the prae-Mycensean Pelasgians may well
the " Hittites
have been members of the same race. Concerning the supposed
activity of the Tyrrhenians in the JEgean in Mycenaean times

more

will

be said later

(p. 174).

THE IONIANS
At the same time
brought a certain

the sea route vid Cyprus probably

amount of Semitic influence to

And now two

Greece.

I2 5

of the chief seafaring peoples

to first appear on the

of the ancient world seem

scene

the lonians and the Phoenicians.

FIG. 40.

"

Hittite

"

Relief in assyrianizing siyle

Jerabis.

(Brit.

from

Mus.)

In the

maintenance of the connection between

continental Greece and Asia Minor the Ionian

must have taken

a great part.
While it is
improbable that they were settled in the Cyclades
yet (i.e., circa B.C. 1500-1100), there is no reason to

tribes

suppose that
Attica,

they were not already in Euboea,

In all probability the Asiatic

and Argolis.

126

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

was occupied by them from the first for it may

if at anytime after the
migration of the
into
Greeks
the
basin
the
western coast
Aryan
^Egean
H
Asia
was
without
of
Minor
ellenic inhabitants. Thecoast

well be doubted

general fact that after the Dorian invasion of Greece

proper a great system of emigration was directed
from both Northern Greece and the Peloponnese
towards the Asiatic coast is no doubt historical, butat least highly probable that Greek tribes had
already settled along the Asiatic coast long before the
it

is

time of the "great migrations."

It, indeed, seems

that
the
Greek
race
Aryan
probable
occupied both
shores of the ^Egean from the very first, as their

Pelasgian predecessors had done, and so the theory,

accepted by Curtius and Holm, according to which
the Ionian branch of the Greek race passed originally

from the Balkan peninsula across the Hellespont intoAsia, and only reached Greece proper after a detour
along the Asiatic coast and across the island bridge,
afterwards throwing a returning stream of emigrantsback to Asia after the Dorian invasion, is probably
correct.

The predominance of the lonians on the

and their precarious foothold on the-

Asiatic coast

Greece afford arguments strongly in

this
From the geographical point
of
favour
theory.
seem
would
it
of view
quite natural that the Hellenic
branch of the Indo-European stock, coming, perhaps,
continent of

from the

flat

steppes of Poland and Eussia, perhaps-

from the fertile plains of the Hungarian Alfold r

wherever the cradle or Volkerkammer of the Aryan
race may be considered to have been, should, when it
had passed the Balkans and had reached the shores

'

THEIR EASTWARD ROUTE

127

of the ^Egean, have divided into two streams, of

which one directed its course through the Kam-

bounian passes to Thessaly, the other across the

Hellespont to Asia. Most of the Asiatic islands,
with the probable exception of Lesbos (see p. 238),
but perhaps including Khodes, were also no doubt
at this period Ionian.

It

is

improbable that the

Mycenaean lalysians were Achaians Achaian hegemony in the ^Egean need not have meant either
Achaian conquest or Achaian colonization.
That
at
in
the
later
were
rate
Hellenes,
however,
they
any
and
not
mere
seems
time,
Mycenaean
Pelasgi,
proIonian
bable i.e., they were probably lonians.
:

tradition

is

absent,

it

is

Lykia and

in

true,

Khodes, yet

it

present in Cyprus in
their transit from the Central Asiatic shores of the

begins again in
.^Egean to

Lykia

is

and Cyprus the lonians would

hardly fail to settle in Rhodes.

To the lonians who were settled on the Asiatic
the ^Bgean an easy eastward way might
seem to have been available
good routes into
the interior of Asia Minor were offered to them by
the valleys of the rivers which debouch into the
coast of

^Egean.

But, as a matter of fact, in the early ages

of their history the Greeks never penetrated far intoAsia Minor their settlements were limited to the
;

which the geographic and climatic

same as in continental Greece
and the islands the barren hills and salt plains of
the interior were not only repellent to their fancy
but formed insuperable obstacles to their further
coast lands, in

conditions were the

:

progress in this direction.

Since then the

way

into

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

128

the interior of Asia Minor was barred, the only pos

sible route eastward was the sea-route from Rhodes,

along the coasts of Lykia and Paraphylia to Cyprus.

This route, the only one of which the geographical
conditions were at all favourable, is shown by the
evidence of tradition and archaeological discovery to
have been, in fact, that by which the Greeks first

reached the East and by which the Phoenicians first

reached Greece. The lines of communication between
the various ^Egean lands and the East all met at Rhodes,

whence they followed an identical course to Cyprus

and Palestine, and thence to Egypt and Libya.

When we

consider the Mycenaean culture of the

Eastern lands outside the ^Egean, the probability

that it is to lonians that the earliest Hellenic

Minor and
evident. The first
Hellenes to take the road from Rhodes to Cyprus
would naturally be those who had first occupied the
When the Greeks first
Asiatic coasts and islands.
came into contact with the Oriental nations, they
became known to them as " Yawan." This form of
the name 'laftov became the universal designation in

civilization of the southern coast of Asia

Cyprus must be assigned becomes

the East for Greeks in general, Yawan among the

1
Hebrews, Yavnd among the Assyrians, and, perhaps,
Oueeienin
1

among

the

First mentioned by

Egyptians.

Sargon

II.

(Inscr.

Archaeological
Sarg.,

21)

about

710: "I have hauled the Yavna like fishes out from the
midst of the sea, thereby giving rest to the land Kue and the
B.C.

town

of Tyre."
(Kue is part of E. Cilicia.)
" laon "
Oueeienin ( Uinin) is identified with
by CURTIUS,
dtr
ionischen
vor
Die lonier
Wanderung, p. 6. I, however, am
Others
inclined to doubt the correctness of this identification.
-

"

evidence

YAWAN

129

shows that the Phoenicians had relations

with the Greeks before the Dorian invasion, so that

the first use of this name may well date before the

post-Mycenaean migrations.

Also,

if

the Phrenicians

had first come into contact with the Greeks after the
Dorian invasion, we should have expected the Semitic
name for the Greeks to have been "Dorian" rather
than " Ionian," for the Dorian colonists of Crete and
Rhodes would then have been the first Greeks to
meet the Semitic newcomers.
It has been supposed
on
an
of the thirteenth
monument
that,
Egyptian
there
a
occurs
mention
of a northern
century B.C.,
land of " laumia,"

German Egyptologists
name which looks as if it
it, "Yevamia,"
2
were the same as 'lafwp.
Bat in reality the name
or, as

have

the

A/WWX

--C

cannot certainly be read Ya-un-

: the first
sign has been read ma- and
and either of these two readings is more probable
than the first, yet-. Maunna has been identified with
Maionia, and Ariunna with Ilion. This piece of

na

or Ya-wen-na

ari-,

evidence must therefore be provisionally shelved.

Another supposed Oriental mention of lonians during

the Mycenaean period must be absolutely dismissed.

Professor Sayce (Athenceum, October 1891) has considered that the

name

of the lonians (Yivctna) occurs

el-Amarna Letters i.e., about

But the word in question is yiba, which
1430 B.C.
can have nothing to do with laf wv, but seems to
in

one of the

Tell

would derive it from Hau-nebu, which may have been pronounced something like "Haunim" in the decadent period of
l
the Egyptian language.
V. pp. 136, 229.
2
W. M. MULLEE, Asien und Europa, p. 369 f.

130

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

mean

a kind of

1
groom or horsekeeper. But although

these two pieces of evidence fail us when tested, it

must be remembered that Greek tradition certainly
brought lonians to Southern Asia Minor and Cyprus

before the period of the so-called " Great Migration."

Herodotos brings to Lykia an eponymous hero Lykos,
of Ionian blood,

may point

who civilized the Termilai. The

story

to the Eteokretan inhabitants

having been
which intermixed with

subdued by an Ionian tribe,

them and hellenized them, so that in historic times
we find them recognized, despite their unhellenic language, as almost members of the Greek world. We
have already seen
their G-rcck

name

(p.

88) that the Lykians already bore

as early as 1450 B.C.

From Lykia

the earliest Hellenic migration would pass eastwards

whose inhabitants, legend said, " were

descended from those who, on their return from Troy,
were dispersed with Amphilochos and Kalchas." 2 This
merely shows them to have been descended from Hellenic rovers who came by sea, and little can be urged
against the view that the earliest Pamphylians were
probably among the first Greeks who penetrated beyond
to Pamphylia,

From

the Pamphylian coast Cyprus

easily attainable, and in Cyprus the evidence of
archaeological discovery and of tradition combine to

the ^Egean.

was

confirm the geographical possibility that this island

was colonized by the Hellenes not at the close of the

post-Mycenaean migrations, but at least not long after

the first migration of the Aryan Greeks into Greece.

The first colonists, according to tradition, were lonians,

1

Cf. WINCKLBB,
HDT. vii. 91.

Tell

el-Amarna

Letters,

No. 83.

IONIANS IN CYPRUS

131

who came with Teucer and Akamas to Salamis

was

-,

Soloi

have been an Ionian colony.

also said to

Kythnian

colonists were,

of

course,

The

Dryopes, not

Ionian s.

Other races from Greece also settled

in

Cyprus
Paphos came Arcadians
under Agapenor, and the Cypriote dialect seems to
have been considerably affected by this immigraat a very early date

tion, for it

even

in

assigned

to

retained a resemblance to that of Arcadia

historic

their

Curium

times.

origin

to

Argives

and Lapetbos
and Lakonians

must have been prae-Dorian

and
Lakonians, for there was no Dorian
Argives

respectively.

These

blood in Cyprus, and, as has been already pointed

out, the ''Geometrical" style of the Dorians is not
2
represented in the island.
But since the first Hellenic inhabitants of Cyprus
were probably lonians, to them the early importation

works of Mycenaean art was no doubt due, and to

firm establishment of the Mycenaean culture

of

them the

in the island

may

also with probability be ascribed.

The Mycenaean period

in

Cyprus presents many

Apparently at the period of

interesting features.
the full bloom of Mycenaean culture, and when fine

Mycenaean vases were imported from Greece, we still

find types of pottery and weapons of prae-Mycenaean
3
appearance. In the same way we find the Mycenaean
1
The legend of the founding of the Cyprian Salamis from the
Ionian Salamis has been regarded as a mere setiological invention
the view that it probably represents a historical fact is quite as
deserving of attention. The name may or may not be Semitic.
;

Of. p. 38 n.

E.g., at Aatci rou'Piov (MYRES, J.H.S., xvii. p. 147

ff. ).

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

132

culture

when

it

lingering on in this island at a time

had in the ^Egean long before been replaced
still

by the Geometrical and sub-Mycenaean

styles of art.

As has

already been noted, Babylonian cylinders

and other objects found in the latest Mycenaean

tombs of Cyprus date them as late as the eighth

century B.C. But the Mycenaean period in Cyprus
must have begun before the first Mycenaean objects
reached Egypt, since at this period the only route
which commerce would probably follow was that by

way

of Cyprus.

And

the

first

Mycenaean objects

reached Egypt apparently as early as 1550 B.C., certainly before 1400 B.C. The Mycenaean period seems
then to have lasted in Cyprus for at least 800 years,

from the time when the

of the

Mycenaean

Mycenaean vases were

first

imported thither from Greece

till

the final extinction

artistic style.

The Phoenicians

also

were probably settled in the

island in very early times they may have occupied

the southern coast before the arrival of the Hellenes.
;

In Cyprus the Greek immigrants found themselves

in close juxtaposition with vigorous representatives
of the older civilizations of the East, a people who
were at least their equals as sailors, as traders,
*

perhaps even as warriors. In Cyprus the Phoenicians

were close to their base on the coast of Palestine,

whereas the Cypriote Greeks were far from their

base in the JEgean, with a long and precarious line
It was indeed only
of communication behind them.
the real superiority of Hellenic over Semitic civilization which enabled the Greeks not only to gain an
assured footing in Cyprus, but to maintain that footing

THE PHILISTINES
and consolidate their influence

133

there, in spite of the

presence of a large Semitic population in the island and

proximity to one of the chief centres of Semitic

its

culture.

FIG. 41.

Greek settlement on the Palestinian

Philistine of the

of

Rameses

Xllth century
III.:

B.C.

coast, in

(Sculptures

Thebes.)

the enemy's camp itself, was always impossible such

stories as that of the filial relation between Berytos
and Miletos cannot be taken to imply a regular Greek
:

colony on the Phoenician coast. It has been conjectured that the Philistines were, if not of Hellenic

134

MYCEN^AN AGE

STUDIES OF THE

came from
meant by the

blood, at least Pelasgians, and that they

Crete, which

to

is

be what

is

supposed
Kaphtor of the Bible. This was certainly the Jewish
David's Philistine bodyguard were called
tradition
Kerethim, which is translated K/ofjrtc i n two pas;

sages of the

LXX

ii.

(Zeph.

Ez. xxv. 16).

were known to the Egyptians as

^
T?

1
I

They
II

U 1

sa
1

(Pulesatha), and formed part of the northern confederation of tribes from Europe and Asia Minor

which attacked Egypt in the reign of Rameses III.

(between I2OO and 1150 B.C.). Although they are
often claimed by Semitists as pure Semites, they may
well have been originally a Pelasgic tribe of Crete
we cannot conclude that
or Southern Asia Minor
;

they were genuine Greeks who passed farther east

from Cyprus, because no trace of Mycenaean civiliza1

except a few vase- fragments from Tell es-Safi,

has been discovered in Philistia. 2 Greek tradition,

tion,

WELCH, Ann. Brit. Sell. Ath. 1899-1900, p. 120.

With regard to the racial affinities of the Philistines,
DELJTZRCH asserts (Wo lag das Paradies ? p. 289): "Die
1

Philister

geben

sich,

wie

alle

uns

bekannten philistaischen

Eigennamen beweisen, durchaus als Semiten und zwar Kananaer."

TIELE agrees, and discovers traces of a specifically Aramaic

"
strain in the Philistines (Godsdienst, p. 214;
Waarschijnlijk
arameesche
uit
streken
kwamen zij, al is 't langs een omweg,
;

althans hun godsdienst wijst daarheen "). JENSEN (Kosmologle

der Babyloni-r, p. 449 ff) argues that the famous Dagon, whom
we have always pictured with a fish's tail, was no fish-god at all

and had nothing to do with fish, but was a counterpart of Bel,

the Lord of Heaven. This seems to him to prove the Semitic
Still, personally, I am not convinced
origin of the Philistines.
the physiognomy of the Pulesatha on the Egyptian monuments is
European and they wear the feather headdress worn by Lykians
;

and Myceneeans

(v. p.

180, n. 2)

further, malgre Prof. Delitzsch,

POSSIBLY PELASGIANS

135

archaeological discovery, and geographical probability

allow us to bring the Hellenes as far east as Cyprus,

but no farther.

So that

it

was

in

Cyprus,

and

probably in

such place-names as Amkarruna (Ekron) and Aslcalon, and such

proper names as Mitinti (king of Askalon in Esarhaddon's time)
and Ikausu (king of Ekron at the same period cf. the biblical
Akish ; see Addenda, p. 32 1 ) are not Semitic. They are transliterations of foreign words, and it is noticeable that the Assyrians
transliterated Gk. -osby--sw,and that the two of the above names
;

which end in -u-na in Greek end in -uv. Such possible originals

as *Amkaron, *Askal6n, *Midindas, *Ikaos, do not argue Semitic
affinity, but point to a very different and more probable connec"
"
tion with Pelasgic speech.
And, malffre Jensen, there is some
for
the
idea
that Dagon was a fish-god so he may well
authority
:

be compared with the Cretan aXtos ^ipwv, or Triton, who appears on

the coins of Itanos. W. M. MULLEE (Asien u. Europa, p. 387 ff)
accepts the Philistines as being of European origin, and takes
Justin's tradition of the sacking of Sidon by the "rex Ascaloni-

orum"

in 1209 B.C. as, in conjunction with the Egyptian records

of the Pulesatha, roughly indicating the period at which they

colonized the Palestinian coast. The tribes which are associated

with them in Egyptian history, the Tchakarai and Danuna, who

Palestinian coast, were also, no doubt, of
European origin (v. post, p. 176) certainly they were no more
Semites than the Pulesatha, and the name of a Tchakarai chief of
Dor mentioned in the reign of King Herheru of Egypt (c. 1050 B.C. ),
Badira, is no more Semitic than were Mitinti and Ikausu. W. M.
MULLEE regards the idea of the specifically Cretan origin of the
Philistines, which relies on the identification of Kaphtor with
But if Kaphtor is the same as the land which
Crete, with doubt.
the Egyptians called Keftin, it may very well have been Crete,
since, as we shall see later (p. 165), Crete was very probably in"
cluded in the Egyptian idea of " Kef tiu.
In fact, the old tradition
seems to be worth more than the theories of the Semitists. All
that can be granted them is that the Peiasgian Pulesatha, who
gave their name to the people, may have been merely a ruling
race of nobles, and the mass of the people Canaanites also that
this race died out or was absorbed as early as the tenth century,
in exactly the same way as the Normans became French within
also settled on the

a couple of centuries of their conquest of Neustria.

136

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

the Mycenaean period, that the Greeks first came

into contact with the Phoenicians, whose growing

maritime and commercial energy now

first

begins to

influence the cause of the history of the Mediterranean peoples. During the earlier period of the

Mycenaean

culture, in the fifteenth century B.C.,

we

find the Phoenician cities already in full activity, in

constant relations with Egypt, to which country they

were tributary, with the numerous and highly- civilized nations of Canaan, the alien peoples of Alashiya,

Kheta, and Mitanni, and with far-away Karduniyash

Their ships were already numerous, 1

or Babylonia.

and without doubt most of the trade of the Eastern

Mediterranean was already in their hands. Between
Mycenaean Cj^prus and Egypt the middlemen were,

we shall see, apparently Phoenicians and whatever commerce passed through Palestine from Mesoas

potamia to Cyprus and Greece must also have passed

through their hands.

Traces of Asiatic influence

transmitted obviously through Phoenicia and Cyprus

are not wanting in Mycenaean Greece such Phoeni:

cian-looking objects as the gold representations of

Ashtoreth and of her temple which were discovered
in the shaft-graves of the akropolis of Mycenas can
only have come thither by way of Cyprus ; the doves

on the shoulders of the goddess and on the eaves of her

temple are surely reminiscent of the general Greek
2
conception of the Paphian Aphrodite.
1

We

cannot,

WINCKLER, Tell el-Amarna Letters, Nos. 81, 124, 151, &c.

SCHUCHHARDT, Scliliemann, figs. 180-183. Other late objects
Cf.

from these tombs

ib. figs.

172, 1 86, 187.

Prof.

GARDNER explains

the conjunction of late and early objects in these apparently

early tombs in New Chapters in Greek History, p. 77.

MYCENAE AND PHOENICIA

137

however, with certainty date these objects as early

as the ceiling of

Orchomenos, or the
vases of the tombs
of

Rekhmara and

RamesesIIL;

their

general appearance
points to a much
later time,

and even

the very
phase of the

suggests
latest

Mycenaean period

rethey
closely
semble many of the

newly-discovered
late-Mycenaean ob-

from Cyprus,
which cannot be

jects

much

than

older

the eighth century.

They

may,

ever,

be

older

Phoenician

artistic

was

much

how-

much
influence

probably of
the
same

character

in

the

fifteenth as in the

...

eighth century

B. C.

Ivory Mirror-handle, from

Mycense, of Cyprian late-Mycenaean

FIG. 42.
type.

The majority of the

gold and silver vases, &c., commonly brought to Egypt under
the XVIIIth and XlXth Dynasties by Semites as tribute are
1

138

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

But we cannot speak definitely of Phoenician influence

on Mycenasan culture at the earlier of these dates.
After the break-up of the Achaian thalassocracy, the
Phoenicians seem to have for many years dominated
the ^Bgean
fore,

direct Phoenician influence must, there-

have been

felt in

Greece as early as the tenth

century. But before that time we have no proof that

the Phoenicians had reached the -^Bgean between
Cyprus and the West the mediators were probably
"
the " Mycenseans themselves.
Of the relations between the Phoenicians and Greece in post-Mycenasan
:

days we shall have occasion to speak later for the

Mycengeans they can have had hardly any importance
;

other than that of carriers between Egypt, Palestine,

It is noticeable that not a single

and Cyprus.

object of Mycenaean origin has, apparently, been

found in Phoenicia or the neighbouring lands of
Syria, Cilicia, &c.

It is remarkable that in the early Mycenasan period

no attempt seems to have been made to introduce the
cuneiform script from Mesopotamia into Greece. That
Greek could be intelligibly written in a syllabic character like that of Mesopotamia is shown by the instance of the Cypriote syllabary, which at a later time
obviously Phoenician imitations of Egyptian work. Even the tribute of the Mycenaean Keftiu (v.post, p. 166, n. 2) contained many
such Phoenician imitations. ( Cf. v. BISSING, Eine .Bronzeschale
mykenischer Zeit, in Jahrb. Arch. Inst. xiii. p. 28 ff., on this sub-

But the early bronze dishes, such as the bowl of Tahuti,

in the Louvre, are of purely Egyptian origin, not Phoenician
ject.

imitations.)

CLAY TABLETS FROM CRETE

139

began to be used for writing Greek in Cyprus, and continued in use

till

the fourth century.

And

if

cunei-

form could be so modified as to be conveniently used

to write Old-Persian, it could equally well have been
used to write Greek or the old Pelasgic speech. The
fact that cuneiform did not pass to Greece through
Asia Minor looks almost as if the tribes of Asia Minor

already possessed a script of their own which barred

the way to cuneiform. Can we then conclude that the
'

'

Hittite

times

"

It

hieroglyphs already existed in Mycenaean

might

well,

however, have been expected

that cuneiform would have reached Greece through

the medium of the Phoenicians and Cypriotes. During

the Mycenaean age the cuneiform script was used by

all the Semitic nations of Western Asia, and
among

them by the Phoenicians

the alphabet had seemingly

not yet been devised. If the probable identification
of Alashiya with Cyprus is accepted, 1 cuneiform was
:

used in that island in the fifteenth century, and if

the kingdom of Tarhundaraus, is to be
placed on the Cilician coast, it was used to write
Arsapi,

a native language of Asia Minor at the same epoch. 2

Yet it never seems to have been used in Cyprus for
the purpose of writing Greek, and we have no evidence that it ever passed along the coast of Asia
Minor farther west than Cilicia. But the Babylonian

custom of writing on a clay tablet with a stilus

passed as far west as Crete, where it was adopted
by the Mycenaeans of Knossos for their pictographic
script.
1

V. post, p. 163.
Tell el-Amarna Letter, Berlin 10.

140

MYCEN^AN AGE

STUDIES OF THE

Are we

to conclude that the Mycenasans already

a
possessed
writing-system of their own before they
came into contact with the cuneiform-using nations?

would seem odd

if a culture so highly developed in

should
not have embraced a system of
many ways
expressing ideas by signs. In Crete and Cyprus, and

It

"

at Mycenaa, " pictographic

systems of writing were
In Crete the signs
in use in the Mycensean period.
were not only scratched upon potsherds, as is the

case at Mycenas, and engraved upon seal-stones, but

were incised upon prepared clay tablets after the

Babylonian fashion, as we have noted above. Our

knowledge of these tablets is due to Mr. A. J. Evans,
discovered large collections of them in the
course of his excavation of the Mycenaean palace at

who

Knossos.

Many of them

inventories

of

ships,

apparently contain accounts,

chariots,

horses,

swine, &c.

much we

can guess from the pictures, for there

no prospect of their being read. 1 This
system, with its linear development or variant, which
2
is used on most of the Knossian tablets, appears to
have been exclusively confined to Crete, and was not

thus

as yet

is

used elsewhere in the Mycenaean world. The Cretan

script has been connected with that of Asia Minor,

and

it

might

at first sight

seem probable that

this

has been already noted (p. 19, n.) that the attempt
to read the pictographs with the aid of Greek is an
absolute failure. Here, as in the case of the Hittite script,
Lycian might prove to be the key to the language.
a
Mr. Evans seems to regard the linear signs as earlier than
the fully developed pictographs. This is contrary to what one
would expect. He also advances the view that they belonged to
two distinct races, the users of the purely pictographic signs
1

of

It

KLUGE

being the Eteokretans (Ann. Brit.

Sell. Atli.

1899-1900, p. 61).

MYCEN^AN WRITING INDEPENDENT

141

mode of writing had been adopted by some of the

Mycenaean tribes from their Asiatic neighbours before
they had come into contact with the cuneiformBut no close resemblance exists
using Semites.
"
between the Cretan pictographs and the " Hittite
hieroglyphs, and we have no evidence beyond
mere surmise of their having existed contem1

poraneously.

seems preferable to regard the Cretan signs as

a development peculiar to Crete.
Other similar
pictographic systems may have existed in other parts
of Greece and the West daring the Bronze Age for
It

instance, the signs

which have been found on vase-

2
fragments from Mycenae probably belong to a writing

The

system entirely independent of that of Crete.

Mycenaean

tribes, therefore, in all

probability pos-

means of expressing ideas in picturebefore

writing
they came into contact with the users

sessed different

of the cuneiform or the "Hittite" scripts; but it

remains odd that neither of these modes of writing

was adopted by them to supersede their own less

developed systems, and that no common mode of
writing

may have

existed

in

Greece

the

until

The Cretan script is far more probably connected with the

Egyptian hieroglyphic system, to the hieratic form of which
the Cretan signs bear a remarkable general resemblance.
Against the idea of a connection with Egyptian hieratic, however, it might be urged that, as stated by Mr. EVANS (Ann. Brit.
Sch. Ath. vi. p. 59), the Cretan script "invariably reads from
The seated figure and
Is this, however, certain ?
left to right."
the birds on the tablet illustrated by him (loc. cit. Plate ii. face
to the right, i.e., on the analogy of Egyptian, the beginning of
1

the
2

line.

TSOUNTAS-MANATT,

p. 268, figs. 137, 138, 139.

142

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

introduction

Mycenaean

of the

times.

Phoenician alphabet in

post-

Generally speaking, it is not a little curious that

the widespread civilization of Babylonia should
have had so much less regular connection with and
exercised

so

much

less

real

influence

upon the

development of Mycenaean culture than the distant

And whereas Mycenaean
civilization of Egypt.
are
found
in Egypt, nothing
constantly
objects

Mycenaean seems to have been yet found in Asia

east of

Kara-Eyuk

in Cappadocia.

1
Yet it is no less odd that the Cypriote Greeks should so
long have retained their cumbrous syllabary when their Phoenician fellow-islanders were using a simple alphabet.

VI
MYCENJE AND EGYPT
IT has already been pointed out that relations of
some kind seem to have existed between Greece and

Egypt

in

pras-Mycenaean.

This

days.

is

shown

chiefly by the occurrence of glass and ivory objects

in the cist-graves of the Greek islands, by the pre-

sence of Egyptian objects of the time of the Xllth

Dynasty exclusively in pras-Mycenasan sites and

graves in Crete, and by the occurrence of the

black pras-Myceneean pottery with objects of the

Xllth and Xlllth Dynasties at Kahun and

Khata'anah in Egypt. It may be noted that Professor Petrie has adduced as further evidence for
this connection at this time a

stone vase

inscribed with

the

fragment of a blue
cartouche of

King

(Xllth Dynasty, about B.C. 2450), the

material of which he considers to have come from
Usertesen

the

I.

^Egean.

material

may

It

is,

however, obvious that the

have come from some

equally well

place nearer Egypt, perhaps in the Western -Desert,

the knowledge of which has been lost.
However,

the
1

general

cogency or want of cogency of the

PETEIE, Kahun, Gurob, and Hawara,

p.

42

LOFTIB, Essay

Brit.Mus. No. 24118.

The style of the hieroglyphs shows that the vase is of Usertesen's (see p. 320) time.

of Scarabs, p.

16.

STUDIES OF THE

144

MYCEN^AN AGE

arguments connecting prae-Mycenasan Greece with

the Egypt of the third millennium B.C. may be
adduced in
sufficiently estimated from the evidence
"

The Question of Date."

The commerce of this period can hardly have been

Ch.

III.,

few
and
objects of prae-Mycengean origin found in Egypt
of Egyptian origin found in the ^Egean had only
very highly developed

in all probability the

reached their respective destinations after having

been bartered from hand to hand and from tribe to
tribe.

It

knowledge
;C

unlikely that the Egyptians had any

of the ^Egean Islands at this early period ;

is

"

Very Green mentioned in texts of

the time of the YIth Dynasty are probably only the
"
"
islands
coast-lands of the Delta, and the same

the

Isles of the

mentioned in the Story of Sanehat, a tale of the

early days of the Xllth Dynasty, cannot be brought
in as evidence on the question, as it was apparently
composed at a date much later than that of the
1
period of which it treats.
The route by which this trade was carried on

is

not yet finally determined, but it would seem likely

that the only available route from the .^Egean to the
Nile mouths must have run either by land or sea
along the Asiatic coast vid Cyprus.
theory has, however, lately been put forward,
according to which a direct connection between Crete

and the coast of Africa already existed at the period

of the Xllth Dynasty
i.e. about 2500 B.C.
It is
attempted to prove that this connection was a very
close one, and that it had a very great influence on
1

MASPEBO, Records of the

Past,

ii.

(2nd

series).

EGYPT AND CRETE

145

the prge-Mycensean culture of Greece. The theory

is even extended to prove a connection between
Crete and the archaic civilization of Egypt, which
must date to about 4000 B.C. If pushed to its logical

extreme

this theory, or rather its further extension,

might take back the prse-Mycenaean culture of Greece

to a period some two thousand years anterior to the
generally accepted date for it, and bring some at least
of the elements of the most ancient civilization of

Egypt from the mound of

The extension of the theory

Hissarlik, or vice versd.

also seeks to

show that

a connection between Crete and Libya also existed

at this

remote date.

The inception
is

of

this certainly

due to Mr. A.

theory
seen reason to criticize

J.

Evans. 1

most suggestive
have already

We

it in some degree when dealwith

the
ing
question of Mycenaean dates we can
:

now
It

more fully.
has already been noted that the geographical

discuss

it

position of Crete is such that it offers a convenient

route simply from continental Greece to Asia, and

not from the ^Egean to Africa.

On geographical
grounds a direct connection between Crete and

Egypt at this time is extremely improbable we

have no right to suppose that the primitive islanders,
who had not long emerged from the Stone Age, were
;

better sailors than the

Homeric Greeks, to whom the

Egypt still seemed an

direct voyage from Crete to

unusual and remarkable adventure.

an objection
1

may

On this account

be preferred against the theory of

Cretan Pictographs and Further Discoveries of Cretan and

Scripts (7.

H.

8. xvii. p. 327

ff).

146

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

connection.

direct

We

have now to examine the

and to see if this can

archaeological evidence for it,
the
geographical objection.
outweigh
In Crete Mr. Evans has acquired a number of seals
of various shapes, made some of soft steatite, others
and cornelian, bearing designs of a
and similar
peculiar kind some consisting of spirals
ornaments, some representing animals and men, while
of hard jasper
;

on pthers certain objects

e.g.,

birds,

parts of the

human

body, animal heads, weapons, vases, &c., so

constantly reappear in varying combinations that the
is forced upon us that they are hieroand
belong to a pictorial system of repreglyphics,
In Chapter V. we have assumed this
ideas.
senting

conclusion

to have been the case.

of the

On

same " pictographs

other seals linear forms

"

are found, which offer

points of resemblance to the later Cypriote

The pictographs themselves often resemble

many
script.

both Syrian (" Hittite ") and Egyptian hieroglyphs

the likeness to the latter is sometimes so close as to
;

suggest that the Cretan engraver had an Egyptian

model before him. The original provenience of the
greater number of these seal-stones is doubtful, but

they seem to come mostly from the eastern end of

Crete, where in later times the pras-Hellenic tribe of
the Eteokretans lived.

Mr. Evans therefore surmises

that these pictographs belonged to the Eteokretans.

The seal-stones are apparently entirely confined to

Crete

only a few specimens, obviously imported from

Crete, have been found in the Peloponnese.

They
appear to be of various dates ; many are Mycenaean

in character,

some are apparently

later,

dating from

THE SEAL-STONES
the " archaic

147

"

period of Greek art, while others, such

the Hagios Onouphrios deposit, go
from
as those
back to pras-Mycenaean times. Mr. Evans apparently
considers the majority to be of prae-Mycenaean date. 1

He

then compares the

spiral patterns

found on

many

of these seals with the well-known spiral patterns of

the Egyptian scarabs of the Old and Middle kingdoms.

He

finds

such

striking resemblances between the

Cretan and Egyptian patterns that he considers that

the Cretan seals must date approximately to the
period of the Xllth Dynasty i.e., about 2500 B.C.
Implicitly the pictographic seals must mostly be of
the same date, and this, he thinks, is confirmed by his
discovery in the Dictaean Cave on Mount Ida of a
"
" table of
offerings of an Egyptian type which some
archaeologists consider to be of Xllth Dynasty date,

which is inscribed with linear Cretan characters, and

by the resemblance between many of these linear characters and the potter's marks found by Prof. Petrie
at Kahun. These comparisons and finds he also considers to prove a close and direct connection between
Crete and Egypt under the Xllth Dynasty i.e., in
prae-Mycenaean times. This connection Mr. Evans
apparently considers to have been established across
the open sea from Crete to Libya and the Delta, and
is

perhaps confirmed in this opinion by the absence

1
The possibility that the Eteokretans, who, as we have seen,
were one of those prae-Hellenic peoples to whom the prseMycensean culture may be assigned, were the original possessors
of the Cretan pictographic script can hardly be held to prove the

prse-Mycensean date of this script, since the Eteokretans may

quite well have continued to use it into Mycenaean times, or even
later.

148

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

from Cyprus; neither the spirals

nor the Cretan pictographs have ever been found in
1
Cyprus, either in prae-Mycensean graves or elsewhere.
The further development of this theory has already
of the seal-stones

been mentioned, and before we discuss Mr. Evans's

main theory we will first see how far its development
can be accepted. 2

A number of

cylinders

and other perforated stone

objects, possibly seals, have been found in Egypt

which are ornamented with roughly incised designs

men and

of

These

objects,

animals, Egyptian hieroglyphs, &c.

which are claimed to belong entirely

Old Kingdom (4000-3000 B.C.), are compared

with some of the ruder Cretan seal-stones certain
resemblances between the two classes of objects are
to the

held to prove that the ruder Cretan seals date to this

period and that connection existed between Crete

and Egypt then. The Egyptian objects with which

they are compared do not, however, appear to be
exclusively of this early period one which is noted
by Mr. Evans is more probably of Xllth Dynasty
Of the Cretan seals with which they are
date. 3
compared none are cylinders. Some of them are
;

Pictographs analogous to those of Crete have, however, now

been found in Cyprus (v. post, p. 265).
2
Many of the arguments used to prove the early date of
the supposed Libyan-Cretan connection have been adduced
by Prof. Petrie.
Of. generally, on relations between Egypt

and

early Europe, PETRIE, in Trans. It. Soc. Lit., xix. i. The

"
"
arguments in favour of a connection between the New Race
culture and that of prae-Mycenaean Greece mast now be taken
as being in favour of a connection between the prehistoric culture

and that of the Prae-Mycenaeans

H. S., xvii. tig. 30, p. 364.

of the Egyptians
3

EVANS,

/.

(cf.

ante, p. 15).

THE KARNAK SEAL

three-sided

149

a three-sided seal with rude designs

This seal has a very

has been found at Karnak. 1

wide perforation Egyptian cylinders of the time of

the Vlth Dynasty have wide perforations. It is,
therefore, concluded that the Karnak seal dates to
;

the time of the Vlth Dynasty. The Cretan threesided seals will therefore also date to about that time.

The designs on the other Egyptian seals instanced

by Mr. Evans are purely Egyptian in character, but
on the Karnak seal, although the other hieroglyphics on it are also purely Egyptian, he
one thing which he would especially connect
Crete a horned man, the Cretan Minotaur.
it
may be pointed out that this man is more

bably the Egyptian

soldier

"
;

hieroglyph

jj

sees

with

signifying

But
pro-

"a

supposed horns are more probably

his

only the feathers which the Egyptian soldier wore

on his head. If this explanation be accepted, the
supposed connection of this seal with Crete dis-

appears ; common triangularity of shape and common

rudeness of execution seem hardly sufficient grounds
on which to suppose a connection between it and the
similar seals

from Crete, when

it

is

seen that the

signs on it are not in the least Cretan in character

but are merely ordinary Egyptian hieroglyphs. On

the supposed specific connection of this seal with

Crete rests most of the supposed connection between

the other rude Egyptian seals and the ruder of the

Cretan engraved stones.

further

argument
1

J.

H.

for a

connection between

S. xvii. p. 362, fig. 28.

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

150
Crete,

and

^Egean generally, with Egypt at

found in certain resemblances between

also the

this period is

certain Cretan stone vases of prae-Mycenasan date

and early Egyptian stone

prse-Mycenaean

vases,

and between the

pottery generally and the

the prehistoric and archaic

style of

Egyptian pottery of

periods, which was

at first assigned to
a
Race" of

"New

Libyan

The

origin.

archaic

vases,
whether of stone or

earthenware, of
both Egypt and of
Greece, are equally

primitive
is

but

it

see

to

difficult

how

this can prove

beconnection
any
tween them. Cer-

tain curious designs

on the
Prehistoric Egyptian "Boatc. 4500 B.C., or earlier.

FIG. 43.

Vase";

earliest Egyp-

tian 'vases
first

look

sight as

if

at

they

were meant to be

These supposed boats

representations of boats.
appear to be sailless, and not of Nilotic type ; in
them Professor Petrie sees the Mediterranean

which brought the Cretans to Egypt at

Mr. Torr, however, considers these
period.

galleys
this

supposed '"'ships" to be merely rude representatwo huts on a hill or rampart with a path

tions of

PREHISTORIC CONNECTION?
leading up to them.

The mast then

151

resolves itself

Egyptian nome-standard, an object at the

end of the "boat" becomes a palm-tree, and Pro-

into an

fessor Petrie's

in the ground.

"

steering-oar" is perhaps a pole stuck

But certain discoveries of prehistoric

representations of ships made lately at Hierakonpolis

would seem to show that the objects depicted on the

Fragment of an archaic Egyptian

same date as Fig. 45, showing the style of

FIG. 44.
it

Slate Relief of
art with

which

has been proposed to connect that of Mycenae.

2
but that these boats
may be boats after all
were the ships which plied between Crete and Egypt
some four thousand years B.C. nothing can ever show.
These predynastic Egyptian vases have been supposed

vases

TORE, in IS Anthropologie, ix. 32.

These ships closely resemble the " boats " on the vases.
Mr. Torr's explanation will be awaited with interest.
2

152

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

Libyan appearance, and a connection has

been presumed to have existed between Libya and
Greece about 4500 B.C. because prae-Myceneean and

to have a

Libyan vase-designs perhaps resemble those of

But we cannot say that there is anyarchaic Egypt.
about
these Egyptian vases, or that
thing Libyan
Libyan vase-designs resemble their ornamentation,
we possess no Libyan vase
of the date of the prehistoric Egyptian vases, and
for the simple reason that

have not the slightest idea of what Libyan vases may

have been like at that period. Whether the bodies
found in the prehistoric Egyptian graves have any
"

"

Libyan characteristics or not remains doubtful

Prof. Virchow suggests that the supposed fair-haired
;

Libyans of the Ballas graves owe their reddish

"
" xanthous
Kabyle origin, but to

locks not to a

the action of the

salt in

the

soil

l
!

Libya, there-

fore, must be provisionally shelved, and so we see

that these arguments are by no means convincing, and cannot be said to in any way prove
a connection between Crete and Egypt or generally
between Europe and Africa as early as 4500 B.C.
To the question of the ^Egean vase-fragments

found in the graves of the archaic Egyptian kings

Semerkhat and Tcha we have already alluded (ante,

The fragment

of an aichaic Egyptian slate

on the following page, Fig. 45),
which dates back to the 1st Dynasty (c. 4000 B.C.,
or earlier), has been claimed as showing a connection
p. 74).

relief (illustrated

Vber die ethnologische Stellung der prdhistorisclien und protohistorischen Agypter, nebst BemerTcungen uber
Entfdr'bung und
Verfdrbung der Haare (AbhandL

kgl. preuss. Akatf. 1898).

LIBYAN THEORIES

153

between archaic Egyptian and Mycenaean design

man being compared with the
:

the bull goring the

FIG. 45.

Fragment of an archaic Egyptian Slate

in the Louvre
c. 4000 B.C.

Relief,

well-known scenes of ravpoKaBd^ia on the fresco at

Tiryns, the Vaphio cups, &c. ; but there is no real CODnection of any kind here. This Egyptian bull merely

STUDIES OF THE

154

MYCEN^AN AGE

symbolizes the king, who is goring his enemy, while

the gods Anubis, Upuaut, Thoth, Horus, and Min,
symbolized by their totem-standards, pull the rope

which binds the king's enemies and drags them to

We can now turn to the discussion of
slaughter.
Mr. Evans's main theory, which seeks to prove
connection, implying direct communication,
between Egypt and Crete in prae-Mycensean times,
on the evidence of the seal-stones.
close

We have seen that the prse-Mycengean culture of

Cyprus and the ^Egean must have been more or less
contemporary with the Egyptian period of the
"Middle Kingdom" to which the Xllth Dynasty
belongs, and was in communication with Egypt at
That pras-Mycenaean Crete was in communication with Xllth Dynasty Egypt is then quite

that time.

and the possibility is made a probability by

the discovery in Cretan tombs of the primitive period
of Egyptian scarabs of the Middle Kingdom. 1 Also,
coming down somewhat later, from the proto-Mycepossible,

nasan strata of the palace at Knossos comes the

lower part of an Egyptian statuette which is un-

doubtedly of Xllth or

XHIth Dynasty

date. 2

But

though the similarity between the spiral designs of

the Egyptian scarabs of the Middle Kingdom and the
Cretan spirals on the seal-stones

is

certainly striking,

At Hagios Onouphrios.
The fact that the prse- Mycenaean
must date to at latest before 1600 B.C. (p. 71, ante)
shows that these scarabs cannot be much older than the objects
with which they were found in all probability they are abso1

culture

contemporary with them.

lutely

2
This piece of evidence appears, however, to be of doubtful
value see Addenda, p. 320, post.
:

EVIDENCE OF THE SEAL-STONES,

ETC.

155

could hardly have beeii held to prove connection

had not the above evidence existed.
The other
evidence which Mr. Evans brings forward as further

it

confirmation of the theory of close connection is not

so satisfactory.
The inscribed table of offerings from

the Dictsean Cave has an Egyptian appearance, and

may

therefore have been copied from an Egyptian

but not necessarily at the time of the Xllth

original,

Dynasty
versally

also,

such altars are apparently not unito date exclusively to that

considered

Two primitive-looking pots have been found

period.
in Crete with signs scratched upon them which appear
to be identical with some of the linear signs of the
1

2
but it would be necessary to know the conditions
under which these vases were found before they could
be pronounced to be undoubtedly prse-Mycengean

seals,

presumption that they are prse-Mycenaean is,

however, quite legitimate. But between these linear
signs and the potter's marks from Kahun there is

the

only a rough similarity, from which no connection

can be deduced. 3 If we put this doubtful evidence
1
There seerns to be no reason to suppose that Egyptian
"
" Tables of
of the type of that found in the Dictsean
Offerings
Cave are necessarily of Xllth Dynasty date and of that date only.

Some

of the signs

Egyptian hieroglyphs

look like mere rude imitations of

it

upon
a

a
[

{j

J,

|,

and a

\X are recognizable.

doubt that the Cretan script vras very strongly

influenced by Egyptian writing (v. ante, p. 141, n. i).
2
EVANS, Pictograjphs, figs. 4, 5.
3
It seems impossible to argue anything from mere rudely
incised marks of this kind. Such marks are found on Egyptian
pottery of the Vlth Dynasty, and occur again under the XVIIIth,
a difference of two thousand years
There

is little

156

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

on one

side,

the fact remains that

many

of the seal-

of those with spiral

among them certainly some

designs, are of prae-Mycenaean (" Amorgan ") date

stones,

and

so contemporary with the Egyptian Middle Kingdom

The
the seals from Hagios Onouphrios prove this.
;

question is whether the undoubted similarity between

the Cretan spiral designs and those of Egyptian

Middle Kingdom scarabs proves, in the absence of

any trace of the passage of Egyptian artistic influence
at this early period from Egypt to Crete vid Cyprus,
that Crete communicated with Egypt at this time
directly across the open sea.
sible that Egyptian Xllth

seems hardly posDynasty patterns were

It

copied by the Cretans of the Mycenaean period in

preference to the Egyptian styles of their own day,
so that no theory of later imitation will account for

The spiral is a very obvious form of

ornament, and occurs all over the world, from China
to Mexico. Are the spirals of the Cretan seal-stones
this similarity.

and therefore the whole system of early Greek

spiral decoration also
really an artistic development
of
the
quite independent
Egyptian spirals ? On both
seal-stones and scarabs space is confined, and a spiral
design would naturally have to take much the same
form on both. If this could be accepted as the cause
of the resemblance, there would be no ground for
the supposition that the whole spiral system of orna-

ment

so characteristic of the

Mycenaean period

1
originated in Egyptian scarab-designs.

really

In that case

1
In Science Progress (1896) Mr. MYEES says that spirals were
the dominant feature of Egyptian art under the Xllth Dynasty,
but there is little evidence of this beyond the use of spirals on

CRETAN AND EGYPTIAN SPIRALS

157

there would in the evidence of communication between

the ^Egean and Egypt be nothing which need cause

us to doubt that it was through Cyprus and Palestine
only that any connection between Crete and Egypt can

have existed in prae-Mycenaean times. 1

then,

we seem

On the

justified in thinking that

whole,

whatever

commerce there was between the ^Egean lands and

Egypt in prae-Mycenaean days was carried on by
way of Cyprus and the Palestinian coast.

We cannot
this early

"

be sure as to the people through

commerce

"

was carried

on.

whom

The Phoe-

nicians had possibly not yet reached the shores of the

Mediterranean at this date, and

it is
very improbable that the islanders had as yet voyaged farther
from the ^Egean than Cyprus. Neither the Phoe-

nicians nor the islanders are likely to have been the

middlemen whom we seek. On the whole it would

seem most probable that the prae-Mycenaean pottery

was brought to Egypt from Cyprus through the
medium of the Palestinian tribes, whose culture
seems to have been akin to that of the praeMycenaean s of Greece and Asia Minor, and the nonThe spiral motive for wall decoration, &c., seems to
have been in Egypt used chiefly at the time of the XVIIIthXlXth Dynasties, perhaps a thousand years after the time of
the Xllth Dynasty. It is quite possible that the European
spiral originated merely in copper wirework (cf. a copper-wire
pin worked into spirals, figured by MUCH, Die Kupferzeit, Fig.
scarabs.

34, p. 56).

MUCH

remarks,

ib. p. 55,

"

Zudem

gehort das Spiral-

gewinde in seinen verschiedenen Arten zu den f riihesten Erscheinungen der Metallzeit iiberhaupt." For good examples of praeMycensean spirals cf. Figs. 6, 7, ante.
1
Only one or two Cretan seal-stones have been found in Egypt,,
and these may quite well have come thither by the coast route.

MYCEN^AN AGE

STUDIES OF THE

158

These

Egyptian inhabitants of the Delta.

known

by the generic

to the Egyptians
!

last

were

name

of

(Haau,"Fenmen" or "Northerners")

or

" Northerners

(Hau-nebu, "(All the)

").

as the time of the

Fenmen"

or

They were settled in Egypt as early

YIth Dynasty, and probably earlier

and in the religious texts of the pyramids of the kings

Pepi I. and Merenra (about 3500 B.C.) the "circle of
the Hau-nebu 1 is a regular designation for the bar"
barian lands on the coast of the Uatcli-ur, the Very
"
" Great Green "
the
or
Mediterranean
Green
i.e.,
At a very early period the Hau were already
Sea.
''

regarded by the Egyptians with abhorrence as being

entirely outside the pale of the Egyptian religious
2

system.

Xllth

Under the

apparently

still

regarded

Dynasty they were

by the Egyptians as

inferior beings, hateful to the

Gods.

After

this

The idea is probably that of the twist round

from Egypt. It may be noted that the
name by which the Palestinian coast-land was known to the
"
Egyptians in later days, Keti (Kode), also means Circle."
2
the
chs.
xcix.
introd.
Book of
In the
Dead,
clxi., cxc.
1

Tebn Hanebu.

of the Palestinian coast

"

we read

Every ghost (scihu) for whom

these divine figures have been painted upon his coffin shall
make his way through these four entrances into heaven (i.e.,
Let none who is outside know
the gates of the Winds).
rubric to ch. clxi.

a great Mystery, and the Hau know it

Thou shalt not do this in the presence of any person
except thy father or thy son, or thyself alone for it is, indeed,
an exceedingly great Mystery which no man whatever knoweth."
And in the rubric to ch. cxc. " This book is indeed a very great
Mystery, and thou shalt never allow any person whatsoever
of the Hau to see it."
So Haau came to mean "ignorant
[this
not.

chapter]

it is

people."

THE HAU-NEBU

159

time, as the Egyptians increased their knowledge of

"
the Mediterranean, so the name " Hau-nebu became
"
"
extended to mean Northern Barbarians generally,

whether in the Delta or in the Greek islands or in Asia

Minor and finally under the Saites and Ptolemies
;

name

priestly antiquarians revived the

designation for the Greeks generally.

the

"

^Egeans
1

Originally
certainly neither Greeks nor
kind. 1
With them the Egyptians

Hau-nebu were

these

"

as a

of any

Cf. generally

W. M. MULLEB, Asien und Europa,

His theory, that the form

(Hau-henv,

"

those north of the

Hau-nebu originated

was

swamps "), and

Haau

ff.

originally

word
The mis-

that the

in this mistake, is interesting.

take was very old, for the

24

p.

are called

^Jy

'
(Hau^
BUDGE (Book

nebu) in the pyramid-inscriptions of Pepi. Dr.

Dead, Translation, pp. 289, 354) considers that the
word Haau (or Hau) itself means" those dwelling in the

of the

papyrus

swamps";

often written

in

the Book of the

Yj^^^j,

strongly supports this translation.

form then
that, instead of

yT

Fenmen

The sign

"
:

the

^s

^jP

v /

s jf$j' a
The

^^

or

is

form which

v.

/*

of the

T=T
of the Book of the Dead.

the

"those north of the swamps,"

"

Dead the name

So

reading Hau-henu, and meaning

it

will simply read

Hau, and mean

being merely a corrupt determinative.

was al so used as a determinative of the word

SI
(mehti),

"North":

this use arose

from

its

primary

160

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

no doubt carried on trade, in spite of their religious

dislike for the " ignorant fentnen," and it was no
doubt through them, and the Palestinian tribes to
the north of them, that the pra6-Mycena3an vases
found in Egypt with remains of the period of the
"

u Middle

Kingdom

brought

thither

(Xlth-XIVth Dynasties), were

from

Cyprus

vases

(where

of

meaning "papyrus," the Northern Delta being the Papyrusland par

"

idea

convey the
of

So that to an Egyptian

excellence.

Northerners

That this was

"Fenmen."

"

quite
so

is

^ s

\if

as

much

"Let me

as

that

shown by the form

which occurs in the Book of

would

the

with the god Hetep ('Best' or

oc^<
'
/WW\A ^^."
'Peace'), clothed and not despoiled by the

ch.

ex.

20:

1.

live

^^

Here for the papyrus-sign is substituted the word meht,

"North." The instances collected by W. M. MULLEE (loc. cit.,
p. 27) show without doubt that the corrupt determinative
ocrx.

was

no doubt meant

North"

taken

often

probably had

"

to

mean

"all":

/wwv\

v^y

All the Northerners," or perhaps " Lords of the

as well as "all"), to most readers, who

= "Lord"

little

idea that the original form of the word was

&

ft

\~y VyZ} JU
2*1 ill

(Haau),

"

Fenmen ":

so that

was, no doubt, read Meht-nebu or Ha-nebu, and considered to mean "All the Northerners" by many an Egyptian
from Pepi's time onwards. From the meaning " behind," which

belongs to

}\[

(ha),

is

derived the translation "Those

who

are behind their lords," which used sometimes to be given for

WHO WERE THE KEFTIU

16 r

identical type have been found), and the ivory and

fragments of glass cups found in the ^Egean Islands-

came

to

them from Egypt.

We have already discussed the evidence which

shows that relations between Egypt and Greece
existed during the Mycenaean period, and may appaWe

have
rently be dated as far back as 1550 B.C.
also seen that these relations were pretty constant
:

&^^^^^j3p

^BBBBBfeitv
FIG. 46.

^3.

IT

Mycenaean Biigelkannen from Egypt.

many centuries Mycenaean vases and other objects

were exported to Egypt, where they were probably
regarded much in the same way as Chinese and

for

Japanese curios are in Europe to-day, while Egyptian

designs and objects of Egyptian manufacture

artistic

passed in exchange even as far as the centres of

Mycenaean civilization in continental Greece.

Who

were the Mycenaean Keftiu who brought

apparently Mycenaean objects of art to the Court
of Thothmes III. ?
In Ptolemaic times Keftiu

was used

as a translation of

<J>otvtio]

the biblical
L

MYCEN^AN AGE

STUDIES OF THE

62

Kaphtor has always been considered to be Crete.

That the Keftiu

of

Q^^C^),
XVIIIth

the

or Kefthu

Dynasty

was

not

quite certain first, because the Keftiu

were Mycenseans of European facial type and
not Semites
secondly, because the old Egyptian

Phoenicia

is

name

for Phoenicia

been

finally

M.

was Zalii, not Keftiu. It has

and conclusively proved by Mr. W.

Miiller that

the

Keftiu of the sixteenth cen-

was not Phoenicia, whatever else it may

tury
have been. 1
QoiviKrj was translated "Keftiu" in
Ptolemaic times by some priestly antiquarian or
other, some learned Manetho, who was acquainted
with the great historical inscriptions of the XVIIIth
Dynasty, and understood that the Keftiu mentioned
in them lay somewhere to the north of Egypt (northwestward according to Egyptian notions), and so
B.C.

it with Phoenicia,
taking the opportunity
to perpetuate his theory in the first great inscription
which he was commissioned to translate into hiero-

identified

glyphs, a task which in Ptolemaic times only an

archaeologist could have undertaken.

Where then was the real and original Keftiu?

The Keftiu are mentioned in conjunction with tribes
of Syria, and as beyond the Kheta.

In the "

Hymn

Asien und Europa, p. 337 ff. To suppose that Keftiu =

Phoenicia in Ptolemaic times, therefore it = Phoenicia under
the XVIIIth Dynasty, is no more necessary than to suppose
that because the Haunebu of Ptolemaic days were Hellenes,
1

therefore the
necessary.

Haunebu

Mr.

of the

Vlth Dynasty were Hellenes,

TORE (Memphis and

the one supposition and

is

Mycence, pp. 67, 68) accepts

rejects the other.

ALASHIYA

163

Amen," quoted on p. 165, they are mentioned

with Asi (certainly part of Cyprus) as being in
Their land must then be placed in
the west.

of

juxtaposition to

westward of

Syria, but

The

it.

most northerly people of the Palestinian coast with

whom the Egyptians then had regular relations were
< >

&

the inhabitants of Alashiya or

Alasa, a country which

probability in

Cyprus.

may
It

rvxo

Rip

(j

*|

be placed with great

seems, therefore, im-

It has been supposed that Alashiya was in Cyprus, because

copper was exported thence to Egypt ( WINCKLER, Tell el-Amarna
It was a commercial and
Letters, 25, 26, 27, 30, 31, 32, 33).
maritime country (ib. 29, 33), and not apparently in Canaan
The name of the Alashiyan city Sihru, mentioned in
(ib. 31).
of those of the Alashiyans mentioned
Letter 28, is Semitic
1

in

Letter

Pastumme, Kuniea, Etilluna,

gurrumma,
Usbarra, and Belram, only two are Semitic. The others do not look
26,

in the least Greek, so that they may perhaps be assigned to the preHellenic population. On Alashiya see further, Addenda, p. 320,
Other Egyptian names for Cyprus or parts of Cyprus were
post.

Asi

*\

ft

AAA

"^
_c&

n A

U U
I

(cf.

^^^ ....

maic name
Bool:, p.

228

Nebinaiiet

(Stele of Canopus,
;

cf.

toe. tit., p.

ntanai,

337),

and

both old names.

"
\\

/\

W. M. MiiLLER,

I.

W. M. MiJLLEE,

"

or "Nebinaiti

"
(?),

a Ptole-

BUDGE, Egyptian Reading

loc. cit.

p. 336), is corrupt

the

/wvwv
initial

is

obviously wrong.

It is

a misreading of the

genuine name .... ntanai, which seems to me to be very possibly the same word as the Assyrian name for Cyprus, Atnana or
Yatnana, which we first meet with 700 years later than the
mention of .... ntanai. The transposition of nt into t n presents
n
/wwv\
no difficulty: and the simple emendation of the
and
yv
Jl

STUDIES OF THE

64

MYCEN^AN AGE

far westward
probable that Keftiu can have been very
from Alashiya ; W. M. Miiller (loc. cit. p. 336 ff.)

regards
this

it

.,

But
we have no

the Cilician coast.

as a part of

an impossible identification

is

evidence of Mycenaean culture in Cilicia (cf. STEINDORFF, Arch. Anz. 1892).

Now the Keftiu exported

copper to Egypt a copperproducing land in prox:

imity to Syria
is

is

wanted.

clearly indicated,

Cyprus
Cyprus is the most
easterly Mycenaean land

also

FIG. 47.

in
Mycenaean Gold and the nearest to Egypt
from a wall-paintreW6
which
foe position
A
the tomb of Rekhmara,
1
But that
B.C.
quire for Keftiu.

Silver Vase

ing
c.

1550

" Keftiu

"

did not

mean ta

the Egyptians Cyprus alone is made very probable

by the discovery, made this year by Mr. A. J.

of the corrupt Ptolemaic form to

and
/wwv\

A
"

XVIIIth Dynasty form of the name,

A/WVAA

ft

gives us the correct

U
~\

A AAAWA A

(I

f|

(1(1

Jr^

f^^l

lantanai.
1

W. M. MULLER

(loc.

cit.,

344)

p.

notes

that

Mennus

mentioned in connection with Keftiu. This place is apparently

in Cilicia.
This leads him to identify Keftiu
with Cilicia generally, but he says "die Kupferbarren unter
den Geschenken der Keftolente bezeugen, dass Cypern in den
Namen Kefto einbegriffen war." On Keftian names which are.
is

MdXXos (MdpXos)

known

to us, see Addenda, p. 321.

KEFTIU

165

Evans, of frescoes in the Mycenaean palace at Knossos

in Crete which show, as has already been mentioned
(p. 54), that the Mycenasan Cretans were cer" Keftians."
It is then probable that Keftin
tainly
was a general name for the whole northern coast of
the Mediterranean, ranging from Cyprus through
This explanaPisidia and Lykia as far as Crete.
tion would tally with the meaning of the name
"

an Egyptian word signifying

"l
". Behind
i.e., Keftiu was
the " Hinderland," " the country at the back of" the
"
"
or Mediterranean Sea, no doubt
Very Green
"
" at the back of
beyond to the
synonymous with
Keftiu," which

"At

is

Back of"

the

or

more probable that the Keftiu who

Egypt were Cypriotes than
Cretans they exported copper to Egypt, and they
are usually mentioned in conjunction with the Syrians,
which would hardly have been the case if they had
been Cretans and Cretans only. Also the Egyptian
monumental evidence makes it probable that Cyprus
was the only Mycenasan land with which the Egyptians can have come into direct and immediate
Egyptian

came

It is

into contact with

;

contact at that time.

At Karnak the god Amen addresses Thothmes III.

"
in inflated language thus
I have come, I have given
to thee to smite those who live in the midst of the
:

Very Green with thy roarings ... the

Great Sea

is

grasped in thy

Asi are under thy power.

fist.

."

circuit of the

Keftiu and
Here we need not
.

i,

BRUGSCH,

Worterbuch, p. 1493

A PP-

P-

Jceftiu.

166

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

assume a knowledge of the ^Egean Islands, but only

of Cyprus and of the south coast of Asia Minor, 1
which to the Egyptians no doubt appeared to be a

much

series of islands,

as the Antarctic continent

appears on our maps at the present day. To deduce

from the high-flown language of this "hymn" an
Egyptian hegemony over the ^Egean Islands and
even over continental Greece itself in the days of
Thothmes III. is absurd all we can deduce from it
is that the Egyptians had in his time come into close
;

contact with the northern tribes, who, as we see from

the paintings in the tombs already mentioned, were
"
who
lived in
and the

Mycenaeans,"
probably
Cyprus
lands
to
the
And though
westward.
neighbouring
the great official Tahuti, who lived in the same
reign,

is

tries,

Set

styled

over

" Governor of the Northern

All

the

Lands and

Coun-

Isles in the

midst of the Very Green," we, knowing the almost

Chinese grandiloquence of the Egyptian " official
cannot see in him anything more than a mere
"Introducer of Northern Ambassadors.'
We have

style,"

no reason to suppose that even Cyprus, the nearest

of the Mycenaean lands to Egypt, was in any sense
subject to Egypt at this time, though it is mentioned among the conquests of Thothmes III.'At this time " The Isles of the Very Green " can no longer
have meant merely the coasts of the Delta.
Keftiu certainly was not, for though the Keftiu are de1

scribed as bringing tribute (lit. " things brought

love to exist by means of the emanation of

Thothmes

"

since they
His Majesty'*

"),

"tribute" does not imply any real

III., such
Egyptian suzerainty when Lord Amherst's embassy went to
Peking it was preceded by officials bearing placards inscribed
"Ambassadors with Tribute from the country of England."
;

EGYPTIAN INFLUENCE IN GREECE

We

167

the Mycenaean-looking*
objects brought to Egypt by the Mycenaean Keftiu
see, then, that

many of

probably came from Cyprus, and no doubt

FIG. 48.

Ceiling of the "Treasury of Minyas," at

many from

Orchomenos

(Kgyptian design).

Certain indications observed in Greece

would seem to show that at this time Egyptian
influence had extended as far as the chief seats of
Crete also.

Mycenaean
evident

in

civilization.

the

Cretan

The

Egyptian influence
script, the whole art of

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

68

Mycenaean fresco-painting, which is entirely on the

Egyptian model, the Egyptian designs of the ceiling
of Orchomenos, of the hunting-cats on the Mycenaean
sword-blade (the original of which was certainly of the
Eamessid period), and the palms on the cups of Yaphio

and on many Mycenaean gems, are good evidence of

this.
So that many
of the Mycenasan. obfound in Egypt

jects

may

quite

well

have

come from

Crete,

even Greece

itself.

or

Commerce between
the ^Egean and Cyprus
was, no doubt, in the

hands of Mycenseans,
perhaps lonians; but
who were the inter-

FIG. 49.
in

Mycenaean Amphora, found

(Brit. Mus. Eg. Dept.

Egypt.

No.

4858.)

to hand

mediaries between
Cyprus and Egypt ?
There is no question
now of a mere passing
of objects from hand

at last they reached Egypt, as in praetimes, but of a fully developed seaborne

till

Mycenaean
commerce.

We have no evidence that the Mycenaeans

themselves exported their own wares to Egypt ; the

Keftiu of the Theban tombs were ambassadors, not
merchants. They are introduced into the presence of

Pharaoh by a Semite, 1 and were probably

in his charge.

" Hittite "

1
Certainly not a
(i.e., Kheta) as v. BISSING, in the
to
in
the next note, says.
referred
paper

THE PHCENICIAN MIDDLEMEN

169

That the merchants who brought Mycenaean wares to

Egypt by sea in the reign of Amenhotep III. (about
1450 B.C.) were Semites appears to be shown by the
wall-paintings of a tomb at Thebes dating from
this reign, in which Semitic merchants are represented as landing, with other objects, on an Egyptian
quay, a Mycenaean vase of the type of Fig. 49,
above. 1 These Semites can only have been Phoeni-

As we have

cians.

already remarked,

we know

from the Tell el-Amarna letters that the Phoenician

cities were already flourishing at this time, and in
Cyprus the Phoenicians had no doubt already come
into

contact with the Mycengeans. 2

Many

of the

non-Mycenaean objects brought by the Keftiu to

Egypt are obviously Phoenician imitations and am1

DABESSY, Rev. Arch,

bayr. Akad., 1896, Heft

1898, p. 45

iii.

xxvii.

and

HELBIG, Sitzber. der kgl.

BISSING, Jahrb. Arch. Inst.,

cf.

v.

ff.

Confirmation of the view that the Greek cities of Cyprus

were already founded not long after this period has perhaps
been discovered in a series of northern, land-names in an
inscription of Barneses III. (DuMiCHEN, Histor. Inschr., pis.
xi.

xii.

),

Salameskii

( LpT

Kathiinu

\\

'

and

whioh

have been identified with Salamis, Kition, Marion, Soloi, and

Idalion (BRUGSCH, App. in SCHLIEMANN, Ilios, p. 749). The
fact that these names are all found together in the above order
curious, and makes it very possible for us to really identify
them with the Cypriote town-names which they resemble. They
are mentioned in conjunction with Khaleb (Aleppo) and other
towns of Syria. The -K at the end of the name of Salamis might
is

70

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

Egyptian designs. We can. therefore,,

have little doubt that the middlemen who brought
Mycenaean wares from Cyprus to Egypt and Egyptian
wares to the Mycenaaans at this time were the Phoe-

plifications of

nicians.

The chief entrepot where exchange took place

must have been Cyprus, though, no doubt, Phoenician

The Phoenician
ships often got as far west as Crete.
in an
ships which took part in this trade are mentioned
"
"
1
as
i.e.,
shipsKeftiu-ships
Egyptian inscription
"
which go to Keftiu, like our East Indiamen."

be objected that we have at Gurob in

Egypt traces of a settlement of foreigners who used
vases, which dates to the time of the

But

it

may

Mycenaaan
XlXth Dynasty (about 1350-1200 B.C.); 2 the name
of one of the foreigners buried at Gurob is An-Tursha

;.

the latter part of this name is the ethnic appellation

of the Mediterranean tribe of the Tnrsha or Thuirsha^

which we have already mentioned this tribe must

have been comprised within the circle of Mycenaean
;

Gurob whomust have been Thuirsha were Mycenasans, and pro-

civilization

therefore the foreigners at

bably brought to Egypt the Mycenaean objects which

be accounted for on the supposition that the Egyptian scribe
was transliterating from a cuneiform original and had inadvertently transliterated the cuneiform city-sign -ki with the name
tialames. But it would be a strange mistake for any one familiar
with cuneiform to make.
1
When
BRUGSCET, Egypt under the Pharaohs, i. p. 336.
Brugsch wrote his history, he believed, as did all other Egyptologists, on the authority of the Ptolemaic antiquaries, that
Keftiu was Phrenicia.
-

PETRIE, Ittahun, Kahun, and Gurob; Kahun, Gurol, and

Hawara.

THE FOREIGNERS AT GUROB

are found there.

Now there were

171.

only two graves of

foreigners found at Gurob, those of the officials SadiAmia and An-Tursha; in neither of these graves

To suppose,
An-Tursha was presumably a

were any Mycenaean objects found.

therefore, that because

Mycenaean, the people in the other graves were

Mycenaeans, and further that the Mycenaean vases
in their graves were brought to Egypt by these same
"

Mycenaeans," is impossible. If we may modify

the simile of Steindorff, 1 we might with equal reason
conclude that the Japanese porcelain in the house of
a Londoner

who

lives

near the Japanese Legation not

owner to be a Japanese, but also shows

only proves
that he himself imported it from Japan.
We have
no reason to suppose either that the people in whose
its

graves Mycenaean vases were found at Gurob were not

Egyptians, or that the vases in question were brought
to

them by anybody except Phoenician

traders.

may, however, be urged that since the Thuirsha

and other Mediterranean tribes who had relations
with Egypt at this time apparently lived in the ^Egean
and on the Anatolian coast, and were great sailors,
It

the possibility of their having imported Mycenaean

objects into Egypt cannot be overlooked. Who were
these tribes and what

is

the connection between them

and the Mycenaean culture

In the war of Rameses

(about

1300

B.C.)
1

II.

against

JE^

^^*>

the

Arch. Anz., 1892.

^.

Ji

the

Kheta

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

172

Masa
fl

Maunna
<dasa,

and

appear as
face

of

FIG. 50.

the
kian,

Pi-

(?)

/)

allies
it

of the

that

likely

Kheta.
these

seems on the

It

were

Sardina (Sardians) of the Xllth century

Lykian,
3

/WW\A

Dardanian,

Mysian,

and possibly Maeonian

warriors

B.C.

of

(Thebes.)

Pisidian,

Kili-

(?) races.

These identifications being accepted, we ought to

have
1

less difficulty in

accepting the identification of the

For references v. W. M. MULLEK,

H. and Pap. Sallier.

loc.

cit. t

p.

354

chiefly

7i . /.
2

Mi/o-ot

d7xe/iaxot

xiii.

(11.

5).

It

does not

much matter

whether they were settled in Thrace or in Asia at this time.

The KiXuees were said to have inhabited Thebai and
other indications show that at one
Lyrnessos in the Troad
time this race spread right across Asia Minor (cf. HDT. v. 49, 52 ;.
passages quoted by DEIMLING, loc. cit. pp. 14, 15).
:!

THE NORTHERN INVADERS

173,

a&a (Akaiuasha) and

Quirsa (Thuirsha), who invaded Egypt in company

J^ c c=*3 /WVAAA

^L

*"S*T

with

3jH &v

/TJ VT-

u
\\

Jr\X

OT
>^i

dians,i

(2
I

'

Sardma:

Sar-

Sakalasa:

Sagalassians ?, and Libyans, in the reign of Meren2

ptah (about 1250 B.C.), with the Achai(v)ans and
Tyrsenians, the latter being presumably Lydians, and
so probably Mycenseans.
The identification of

the Akaiuasha with the

It is quite possible that
Achaians may stand. 3
these Achaians came from the .^Egean, perhaps from
Crete Prof. Sayce, however, prefers to regard them
The identification of the Thuirsha
as Cypriotes.
with the "Tyrsenoi" of Lydia is, however, open to
;

1
These people, who were far more probably Sardians of Lydia
than Sardinians (!), are first mentioned, as Sirdana, as mercenary
troops serving in Palestine during the fifteenth century B.C.
(WiNCKLER, Tell el-Amarna Letters, 64, 77, 100). They wereafterwards greatly in favour in Egypt as royal guards. Of.
note to Fig. 50 in List of Illustrations.

2
The inscription of Merenptah is published in
Histor. Inschr. i. 2-6 A. Z. 1881, p. 118.

DUMICHBN,

3
It is accepted by W. M. MULLEB, loc. cit. p. 371.
Theobjection that the name ends in -slia is of no weight in view of
the fact that the Egyptians called the KlXuces " Kalaki-sha " (sea

further, p. 178),

is

paralleled

and the representation of Greek x by Egyptian

by the Assyrian representation of K\i/ces a&

Khilakku (Hilakku). It has also been objected that these tribes

were circumcised, and so were not Greeks this objection has
been shown by W. M. MULLEB (P. S. B. A. 1888, p. 147 ff) to be
founded on a mistranslation of an Egyptian word these tribeswere uncircumcised.
;

174

MYCEN^AN AGE

STUDIES OF THE

grave objections.

We

have no proof that such a

have already remarked

We

people ever existed.

that certain resemblances in
in

costume

between

are noticeable. 1

If

Asia

religious ritual

Minor

we grant

and

and

Etruria

that these

resem-

mere coincidences, the criticism

of the Herod otean legend of the wandering of
Tyrsenos from Lydia which considers the whole story
to have arisen from the likeness of the name of the
"
2
"
Lydian Toreboi to that of the Tyrrhenians would
fae considerably shaken.
But, on the other hand, a
blances

are not

migration from Lydia

is

rendered doubtful by the

fact already noted, that the descent of the Etruscans

from Central Europe across the Po Valley to Etruria
On this account the
is said to be plainly traceable.

Etruscan culture

is

sometimes brought to Asia by

means

of a Tyrrhenian migration, of which traces

remained in Lemnos and in Thrace; and these

^gean Tyrrhenians are considered to have been

"
But the famous
the " Thuirsha of the Egyptians.
3

sixth-century "Etruscan" inscription of Lemnos

4
is not Etruscan at all, but
Phrygian, and the

Tyrrhenians mentioned by Thucydides (iv. 109) as

living in Thrace may either have first come there in

post-Mycensean times (in which- case the peculiar

Oriental elements in the Etruscan culture may be no
older than the ninth or tenth century), or may be
merely the result of a vague identification on the part

of the historian of the Pelasgian inhabitants of the

1

P. I02j ante.

STEIN, ad HOT. i. 94.

PAULI, Vorgrieckische Inschrift aus Lemnos.

3
4

KIECHHOFF,

Studien, pp. 54

if

(4th ed.).

T'AKARAI AND DANA UNA

175

Thracian coast with the Etruscans,whom they no doubt

resembled, inasmuch as both belonged to the non-

Aryan stratum

the Mediterranean population.

Since then it is doubtful whether there ever was such
a tribe as these " Eastern Tyrrhenians," we cannot
The old identificaidentify the Thuirsha with them.
of

tion of the Thuirsha with the Etruscans of Italy may

be dismissed at once ; it is as improbable as the

other old indentification of another of these tribes,

the Uashasha, with the Oscans, and there is no need

go so far

to

afield

the Thuirsha were far more

probably a Cilician tribe, inhabiting the district of

Tarsus.

In the reign of Kameses III. we have a third series

of Mediterranean tribal names in the records of the
second attempted invasion of Egypt by the Northerners
1
Among them, besides
(between 1 200 and 1150 B.C.).
the Pulusatha or Philistines, who have already been
discussed in chap,

above,

we

v.,

and the Uashasha, mentioned

T'akarai

find

(Tchakarai) and

Daanau\na\?

c^
Aavaoi was a very ancient ethnic

appellation of the Greeks, and no doubt originally

denoted a single tribe, as 'A\aiol and "EAArjvEe

We

should have really little reason

originally did.
to refuse to recognise in the Danauna a tribe
1

Great Harris Papyrus, 76, 7

inscriptions at Medlnet

(DUMICHEN, loc. cit. ii. 46 GEEENE, FouiUes a Thtbes,

2
The forms Daandu and Danauna are both found.
;

Habu

pi. ii.).

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

176

the Tell el-Amarna letter

Danuna as a tribe
mention
No. 151 (London, 30)
was
of Canaan.
This, however,
probably merely an
isolated settlement, like that of the Tchakarai at
Dor. If so, it shows that these tribes had begun
of

Danaans, did not

towards Egypt as early as

were certainly not a purely
Danuna
The
1400
Canaanitish tribe. The T'akarai have been identified
southwards

to press

B.C.

with

the

FIG. 51.

TauKOol

well-known tribe

the

T'akarai (Cretans

?)

of the

Xllth century

B.C.

of

the

(Thebes.)

But the
the ^Egean.
in the
does
not
in
even
Greece,
TsvKpoi
appear
Homeric period it is first mentioned by the poet

northern Asiatic coast of

name

Kallinos,

and

so it is possible that the Teukrians

had not yet reached the Troad

but were

still

in

in

Mycenaean times,

southern Asia Minor or elsewhere.

Now the name

Ttu/c/ooc was also connected with Crete;

the Troic Teucer was said to have come thence. 2
1

GEOTB,

ViRG.

Hist. Gr.

^n.

iii.

i.

p.

104

ff.

279 (1856

ed.).

THE UASHASHA
And we

177

have various indications, both in place-names

and in religious custom, of special connection between

the Troad and Crete.
Now the T'akarai are always
mentioned by the Egyptians in the same breath with
the Puht&atha or Philistines, and, as has already
been mentioned (p. 135 n.), they founded settlements

on the Palestinian coast to the north of Philistia.

That the Philistines came from Crete is very probable (v. p. 135 n.). Is then the name TevKp
really
of Cretan origin, and did the T'akarai who invaded

Egypt in company with the KprjTaytvtiz Philistines,

aud settled at Dor, originally came from Crete as
well as the Teufcpol of the Troad ? The possibility
that the Daanau or Danuna were Aavaot of the
^Egean becomes thus greater. The inscriptions of
Rameses III. (nearly 400 years after those of
Thothmes III.) speak of the Danauna " in their
isles."

are

It is probable that the islands of the ^Egean

The Uashasha may very well have

now meant.

been of Cretan or ^Egean origin also.

So that
I do not think I can be accused of being oversanguine if I identify the Uashasha (Waasasa,

{\\M\M\} $

j)

with the people

of FdZog (Waxos), the 'Oaoe of Herodotos 1 and"Aoc

of later days, a prominent city of Crete. This is more

probable than the absurd identification with the Oscans. The tribes who attacked Egypt in Rameses III.'s

time were then quite possibly

What

is

all

Cretans.

quite certain about these tribes

1

iv. 154.

fatffo*, C. I.

G. 3050.

is

that

178

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

the majority of them inhabited the southern coast

of Asia Minor from Cilicia to Lykia and probably
also Rhodes, Crete and the ^Egean lands generally.
Their lands lay west of Kheta and Alashiya in an
;

Rameses

more

fully quoted in a
are
note, p. 182, below, they
spoken of as coming
"
and then
Kheta
from

inscription of

III.,

the

isles," subduing
yprus and Phoenicia; so there
put them.

first,

is

nowhere

else to

great objection to the identification of these

names with those of the Mediterranean

tribes

men-

tioned has been the presence of the curious suffixes

-sha (-so) and -na which are tacked on to them.
It

may be

possible to explain these

It

suffixes.

must be remembered that, although the Akaiuasha

were probably Aryan Greeks, the majority of
these tribes were Cretans and natives of Asia
Minor, and so probably belonged to the old
It
Pelasgic population.
names
and
their
those

is,

therefore, probable that

of

their

Hellenic

allies

would reach the Egyptians in a " kleinasiatisch "

Now in Lycian two of the commonest
form.
nominal suffixes were -azi or -dzi and -nna or
The Stele of Xanthos speaks of the Spartans
-nni.
and Athenians as Sppartazi Atdnazi on the Bilingual of Tlos TXwauc = Tlunna and ZK Uivapwv
= Pillanni.
In the same way prnna = house,
:

jprnnazi
329).
-aza,

when

ot/caot (cf.

Kretschmer,

A similar form,
-am.

loc. cit.

pp. 3 1

1 ff ,

used only in place-names,

Lycian names ending in

transliterated into

is

-dzi, -aza, &c.,

Greek end in

-a<r<ne, -attic,

THE SHAKALASHA
-<r<ra,

&c.

The

Kalaki - sha, Shakal

'79

original forms of
asha,

Thuir ska, Uash aska,

therefore very well have
-

Danau-%a, Shardi-?ia, may

been something like *Akaiwazi (or *Akaiivaza)*Kali-

*Waxazi, *I)anaunna,

hiazi, *Skakalazi, *Tkuirazi,

*JSkardinna the suffix being in each case merely the

Lycian nominal. In the inscription of Rameses III.
y

the Danauna are called simply Daanau.

If the
Shakalasha were the Sagalassians, 1 a supposition
which seems in every way probable, -asha would seem

which is certainly the Lycian -aza,

name of the Libyan tribe of the
allied with some of these tribes
who
were
Mashauasha,
in their attacks on Egypt, may be due to their being
-confused with them by the Egyptians, or may show
to represent -CKTO-OC,

The

-ska-form of the

that the name reached the Egyptians through

"
u
were
kleinasiatisch medium. If

-ska

is

Maxyes, the

they

certainly here also a suffix.

Our general conclusion with regard to these

names then is that it is probable that the AJcaiuDanauna, Dardenui, Masa, Skardina, LuJca,
Shakalasha, Pidasa, Kalakisha, and Puhisatha were
Achaians,
Danaans, Dardanians, Mysians, Sar-

-aska,

dians,

and

Lykians,
Philistines

Sagalassians,
(of

Cretan

Pisidians,
origin)

Kilikians,

while

the

Uaahaska were very probably Axians from Crete,

and that their companions the T'akarai were also
1

This identification was

first

made by MASPERO, Revue

In the Addenda, p. 322, post, will be

names of the original proposers of many
of the identifications accepted above.
109 ff.
found a note giving the

'Critique, 1880, p.

i8o

STUDIES OF THE

Cretans of the Teukrian

MYCEN^AN AGE
name seems

a suggestion

more

For the TJmirsha no

likely than any other.
identification can be suggested except a very doubtful one with the Tarsians (?), and we do not know
the

if

name Maunna

is

correctly so read.

And

so,

perhaps, the warriors of the Akaiuasha, the Danauna,

and the rest, to whom Zeus had indeed given it
tl
from youth even unto age to wind the skein of
l
grievous wars until every man of them perished,"
were the representatives in the second millennium B.C.
of the historic peoples whose names they seem to

bear.

been

And

at

this

comprised

civilization. 2

time these tribes must have

within

the circle of

Mycenaean

does not show that they

carried on a regular and established trade in Mycenosan objects with Greece, though no doubt they
1

II. xiv. 85.

It

But

may be noted

this

that the feather headdress of these tribes,

as depicted on Egyptian monuments, is the same as that which

the Lykians wore at Salamis (Hdt. vii. 92), and that which the
lonians appear on Assyrian bas-reliefs as wearing. This feather

headdress also appears worn by warriors on a geometrical vasefragment from Mycenae (published by WIDE, Jahrb. Arch. Inst.
xiv. p. 85), and by a warrior armed with an axe on a carved ivory
draught-box from Enkomi in Cyprus (published by MURRAY,
Excavations in Cijprus, p. 12, Fig. 19). Dr. Murray's conjecture
that this is a specimen of the Maeonian or Karian work mentioned
iv. 141 is very apposite. We thus find examples of this feather
headdress worn by tribes of the jJEgean and southern coast of
Asia Minor in the Xllth, VHIth, Vllth, and Vth centuries B.C.
The peculiar waistcloths of these tribes on the Egyptian monuments of the XHIth-XIIth centuries are Mycenaean ; their way
of shaving the upper lip is Greek.
But their shields are rather
Homeric than Mycenaean, being round their swords seem often
to have been of Egyptian type (the bronze weapons from Crete
are Egyptian in type), but those of the Shardina are broad-bladed

in 77.

and thoroughly European and

"

Mycenaean."

ROUTE OF THE FOREIGNERS

181

brought a few of their household gods with them

They were sea-robbers, not bagmen. The

thither.

inscription of Merenptah speaks of the Mediterranean

"
rovers as foreign soldiers of the Libyans, "whom "the

miserable Libyan had led hither"

(1.

13),

"fighting

23) i.e., they were mere

their descendants in the
like
wandering mercenaries,
we
are compelled to fall
days of the Ptolemies. So
to

fill

their bellies daily

".(1.

back upon the Phoenicians as the sole possible

mediaries between the Mycenaeans and Egypt.

inter-

Those writers who considered that the ^Egean

rovers alone brought to Egypt the Mycenaean objects
which are found in that country seem to be of opinion
that they sailed direct from Crete to the African
coast, adducing their alliance with the Libyan tribes
It is, of course, possible that in
as a proof of this.
vessels
may occasionally have advenMycenaean days
tured the direct passage from Crete to Africa, for we

know

that nowadays very small craft run across the

open sea from the Indian coast to the Gulf of Aden,

and the ancestors of the Maoris came from Hawaiki
across wide stretches of sea in open canoes. But it is
difficult to suppose that a regular connection between

Crete and Africa across the open sea ever existed until

We

the classical period.

have already seen the geoand
other
improbabilities of such a connecgraphical
tion in discussing the relations between Greece and
the East in prae-Mycensean times. We have nothing to
show that the Mycengeans were bolder sailors than the
primitive tribes

who preceded them

or the

Homeric

STUDIES OF THE

82

Greeks who followed them.

MYCEN^AN AGE
The

ships of the Pulu-

Egyptian representations of
them, look almost too frail and small to be trusted
satha, judging from the

in the open sea.

tribes did not

It is very probable that the JEgean

into touch with the Libyans until

come

had coasted along the shores of Palestine

and Egypt. We know that the second (and apparently
chiefly Cretan) expedition against Egypt, in which
after they

the Pulusatha (Philistines) joined, did reach Egypt

by this route, and not direct from Crete; this
expedition appears to have been defeated by the

And

Egyptians off the Phoenician coast.

adventurous rovers hugged the land

all

if

the

these

way

to
"

"
Mycenasan
very probable that the
Egypt,
traders did the same as far as Cyprus, and there
handed over their goods to the Phoenicians for further
it

is

This expedition came partly by land, partly by sea, from

the interior of Asia Minor into Palestine. The inscription of
Piameses III. says " The Isles were restless disturbed among
No land stood before
themselves at one and the same time.
then beginning from KJietu, (and including) Ket.i (the Pales1

and Alesa
They destroyed [them, and assembled
in their] camp in one place in the midst of Aniar (Amurru
This
Palestine)." (Text published by GREENE, Fouilles, pi. 2.)
indicates their origin and the route by which they reached
The inscription of Merenptah says
Egypt clearly enough.
that the Libyans, to whose assistance the first expedition of
the Meliti (Northerners) came, had long been in possession of
the Delta.
We know that Libyans (Thehennu and possibly
Ha-nebu ?) were in the Delta as early as 3500 B.C. We are quite
tinian coastland), Qerqamelsa (Carchemish), AretJttit,

(Alashiya

Cyprus).

regarding the Libyan allies of the Mediterranean tribes as inhabitants of the lowlands at the mouths of
the Nile.
There is therefore, no need to go so far afield as Lake
Tritonis in order to show relations between Western Libyans and
prehistoric Greeks; it can only have been the Libyans of the
Delta who ever came into contact with them.
justified, therefore, in

CRETE AND EGYPT

183

shipment to Egypt, accompanied occasionally by

specimens of the makers of these objects such as the
(t
Great Men of Keftin and of the Isles in the midst

Very Green," who are depicted on the

Theban tombs of the fifteenth century B.C.

of the

of

walls-

While thus insisting on the pre-eminence of Cyprusas mediator-in-chief between Greece and Egypt in
the Mycenaean period, there is no need to belittle the
importance of Crete as a factor of Mycenaean culture.
It is very possible, as will be seen in the next chapter,
that Crete and the neighbouring islands were the

cradle of Mycenaean art but it cannot be conceded

it is in any
way probable that Crete was the
;

that

chief

medium

of communication between the rest of

Mycenaean Greece and Egypt. Some of the Mycenaean

may have come from Crete, but
and the Palestinian coast. If
Mycenaean Crete was so closely connected with Egypt,
how is it that none of the sealstones, so characteristic
of the Mycenaean age in Crete, have ever been found
objects found in Egypt
only by way of Cyprus

in conjunction with

Mycenaean objects

in

Egypt?

The influence which was exercised by Egyptian

the development of that of
was
The
great.
Mycenae
question of the debt which
Greece
owed
to Egypt in the matter of
Mycenaean
will
be
more
metal-working
conveniently discussed in.
the next chapter
it
may, however, be here noted
that Mr. Myres is of opinion that the weapon-forms
peculiar to Crete show marked resemblances to
culture generally on

MYCEN^AN AGE

STUDIES OF THE

184

Egyptian forms

Egyptian

Of

this

would be attributable

to strong

influence.

late

several writers have

towards the view that

seemed to incline

Mycenaean

art

influenced

that of Egypt more than Egyptian art that of

Mycenae. This view would seem to be erroneous.
It

of course,

is,

oriental

artistic

easy to exaggerate the extent of

influence

in

Mycenaean Greece

Professor Helbig, for instance, exaggerates it enorBut

mously. This naturally provokes a reaction.
this

reaction

attempt

is

has now progressed so far that an

being made to prove that Mycenaean

influence practically dominated the less trammelled

forms of Egyptian art under the XVIIIth and XlXth
it will, no doubt, be asserted
whole naturalistic developthe
that
by somebody
ment which marked Egyptian art at the end of the

Dynasties.

Eventually

XVIIIth Dynasty was of Mycenaean origin. Did we

not know that the foreign queen Thii. the consort of
Arnenhetep III, and her son Khuenaten, under whose
auspices this development sprang up, were of Armenian descent. 1 we might confidently expect them to be
claimed as Mycenaeans
Any naturalistic design on
an Egyptian kohl-pot, ivory casket, or other object,
!

dubbed "Mycenaean": the occurrence of a lion, a

bull, a deer, or other animal in active movement in
an Egyptian design of this kind is held to be proof
But these designs
positive of Mycenaean influence.

is

are purely Egyptian

Egyptian
1

Thii

Greeks

art

was in

it is

all its

a mistake to suppose that

branches

stiff

and formal.

apparently came from Mitanni, the Matiene of the

(cf.

PETRIE, History ofJSyypt,

ii.

p. 182;.

MYCENAEAN INFLUENCE IN EGYPT

185

Naturalistic designs for the ornamentation of articles

constantly in use under the Xllth

de luxe were

Dynasty, and the adoption of such freely conceived

designs for toilet-boxes, mirror-handles, spoons, &c.
in wood and ivory under the XVIIIth Dynasty was
?

merely a revival and development of the ordinary

custom under the Xllth. In the reign of Amenhetep III., which marked the most nourishing period
of Egyptian culture and power, this naturalism was
further developed, till under Khuenaten it burst
forth into

even

dom,
domains

free-

complete
invading

the

in
which the
canon in artistic
matters had hitherto rehieratic

mained supreme the walls

and pillars of the palace
and houses of Tell elAm arna show what the
;

Egyptian

when

artist

could

do

freed from his fetters.

FIG.

c.

All

these

designs,

which

52.

Blue

Btigelkanne,

XIIHh

glazed

made

century

in
B.C.

Mus. Eg. Dept. No.

ware

Egypt;
(Brit.

30.451.)

are so confidently claimed

as showing Mycenaean influence, are then in reality
products of a purely Egyptian artistic develop-

ment it is far more likely that Mycengean naturalism was influenced by that of Egypt than that
So that, while Egyptian
the reverse was the case.
art can be shown to have exercised a marked
:

upon that of Mycenaean Greece, Mycein

influence
Egypt can hardly
be shown to have effected much more than the

influence

naean

artistic

86

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

"
"
or
Biigelkanne
temporary introduction of the
in
manufactured
was
which
false -necked vase,
200
about
for
Egypt

years.

Though many

other Mycenaean vase-

forms must have been

well

known

for

some

in

Egypt

centuries

they do not seem ta

have influenced the
native pottery to any
extent.
Subjoined is

an

engraving of

an-

Egyptian blue glazed

vase, dating to about
the time of the XlXth

Dynasty, made in imitation of a

Mycenaean
form (Fig. 53). The
gem - engraving and
gold-work of Mycenaefound apparently such
little favour in Egypt
that

they were

not

inimported
fluence on these de:

Blue glazed ware Vase, made

Egypt in imitation of a Mycenaean
form c. Xlllth century B.C. (Brit.

FIG. 53.
in

Mus. Eg. Dept. No.

22,731.)

their

partments of Egyptian
art is nil. Apart from
the Cretanpictographs,

which certainly seem

show signs of strong Egyptian influence, the most
striking example of direct Egyptian influence on

to

EGYPTIAN INFLUENCE IN GREECE

187

Mycenaean art which can be instanced is that of

Mycenaean fresco-painting, which evidently owed its
whole inspiration to Egyptian frescoes. Even the conventions are of Egyptian
origin ; e.g. the flesh of the
,

men
the

is

red

women

drawing
frescoes

of

In the

Knossian

the

we note

has

artist

and that of

white.

that the

the

seen

possibility in the

im-

Egyptian

convention, according to
which a profile figure has

the upper part of its body

from waist to shoulders
full-face,

and has

tried to

.represent the figure as he

really

saw

success

it,

without

much

the influence of

Egyptian convention
was too strong. We must

the

not exaggerate the significance of his attempt, or

begin

to

think

that

the

Mycenaean artist was better

than his Egyptian master
;

in

spite

of

its

vigour,

Mycenaean fresco-painting

FIG. 54. Mycenaean Vase of

the type partly imitated by
Fig' S3-

(From

lalysos.)

has faults of drawing, such

as impossibly small waists, long legs, &c., of which
no Egyptian artist could possibly have been guilty.

Two

well-known

examples

of

direct

Egyptian

STUDIES OF THE

88

MYCEN^AN AGE

influence are the ceiling of Orchomenos and the

design of the hunting-cats on the inlaid swordblade

Had these been found in Egypt we

much question have dated them to
the XVIIIth-XIXth Dynasties
their

from Mycenae.

should without
the period of
originals

were certainly of that age, whether the

FIG. 55.

Carved wooden object of Mycenaean

in Egypt.
(Berlin Museum.)

style,

found

Mycenaean adaptations be as old or no. The frescoes

of Knossos are certainly more or less contemporary
with the reign of Thothmes III., and there is no reason

why

the frescoes of Mycenae and Tiryns should not

old, while those of the Third City at Phylakope

be as

are probably older. So the Egyptian influence which

is so marked in these frescoes must have begun to

EGYPTIAN INFLUENCE IN GREECE

189

modify the indigenous ideas of painting at least a

century or two before; i.e.', not later than 1700 B.C.
It has also been supposed that the inlaid metal work
of Mycenae was of Egyptian origin, and comparisons
have been made with the inlaid dagger of Queen

Aahhetep (B.C. 1650). But the technique does not

seem to be the same, and it seems very probable
that this wonderful Mycenaean inlaying, which the
Homeric Greeks regarded as the work of gods, was
In the swordblade with the
of indigenous origin.
design of the hunting cat we have then an Egyptian
design carried out by Mycenaeans in Mycenaean work.
It is interesting to note

how

different is the result

from a Phoenician copy of an Egyptian design. The

Mycenaean copy is not a mere slavish and unintelligent, and therefore grotesque and ugly, imitait is an
tion, as a Phoenician copy would have been
;

intelligent adaptation, swiftly seizing the main

points of the Egyptian original and translating it
into a Mycenaean work of art.

Marked

as Egyptian influence on Mycenaean art

no way modified the essentially European
The palm-trees on the Vaphio
aspect of that art.

was,

it

in

cups point to Egypt for their origin but the spirit

of the whole design in which they are an accessory
to the main idea, and its execution, are totally un"
"
that is, they
oriental, they are truly
Mycenaean
are Greek. 1
:

*-

BISSING (Jahrb. Arch. Inst. 1898, p. 50) notes as to the

extent of Mycenaean influence in Egypt " Es ist ja unbestreitbar
dass die mykeEische Kultur
Agypten in ihren Bereich
v.

9o

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

gezogen hat aber wie gross man ihren Einfluss auch schatzen
mag, es 1st itnmer nur ein bestimmter Ausschnitt aus dem Form^nschatz, der uns in Griechenland liickenlos vorliegt, den wir
:

Von mykenischen Bronzen, Elfenbeinschnitzereien,

von Gold- und Silbersachen 1st keine Spur nicht eine mykenische Terracotte hat sich meines Wissens gefunden, Inselsteine

treffen.

fehlen

auch.

Biigelkannen, Biichsen,

"

Pilgerflaschen," iiber-

wiegen bei weitem, nach den mehr als hundert Vasenformen des
Mutterlandes sieht man sich vergebens um. Wohl haben Bezieh-

ungen zu Agypten bestanden, aber nichts spricht dafiir, dass

diese so eng waren, wie sie zwischen Agypten und seiner Provinz
Syrien gewesen sind." (He goes on to show that this makes it
"
"
quite impossible that the home of the Mycenaean culture was
But in his article on an
Syria, as Helbig wishes to prove.)
Egyptian wooden box carved with a representation of To.vpoKo.d(Atli. Mitth. xxiii. 1898, p. 242 ff) he greatly overestimates
Mycenaean influence on Egyptian art. There is nothing in the
"
Holzgefass" in question which betrays any sign of Mycenaean
influence.
On the Egyptian art of the XVIIIth Dynasty, v.
STEINDORFF, Die Blutezeit des Pltaraonenreiclies, Leipzig, 1900.

d^ta

FIG. 56. Top of an Egyptian alabaster

Vase, made in imitation of a Mycenaean Bngelkanne.
(Brit. Mus. Eg.

Dept. No. 4656.)

VII

MYCEN^'S PLACE IN HISTOKY

OREAT

as

may have been

the influence exercised upon

"

"
by the civilizations of the East, the Mycenaean
culture always retained its predominantly European
it

character

it

belonged not to the East, but to the

West, and was in fact simply the Greek phase of the

general European civilization of the Bronze Age.
It has

out with

appeared necessary in Chapter

I.

to point

some emphasis the

essentially uncertain
" science " of
character of the
prehistoric archaeology,
&nd the weaknesses which naturally result therefrom.

But

it

must not be supposed that the main

fact of

the development of prehistoric European culture,

from the Stone to the Iron Age, need in any way be

doubted on that account.

All we can say
unknown length

is that
during a period of time of
the peoples of Europe possessed a

generally identical though locally varying culture,

the distinguishing mark of which was the use of
This European Bronze Age culture debronze.

veloped directly out of that of the earlier Stone

Age ; in extra-European countries this order of
is not
In some
necessarily found.
regions of Europe, as in Hungary, a period of
transition between the Ages of Stone and Bronze

development

STUDIES OF THE

92

MYCEN^AN AGE

which the simple copper was used. 1 In

Central Europe the Age of Bronze seems to have
ceased about 800 B.C., and was followed by a period,
elapsed, in

'

well exemplified in the deposits of Hallstatt in the

Salzkammergut, during which both iron and bronze

were equally in use. 2

The

relation of the prehistoric civilization of Greece

to this general European culture is quite clear the
:

prae-Mycenaean and Mycenaean cultures are simply

the earliest and middle phases of the general Euro-

pean culture of the Bronze Age as they were represented in the ^Bgean and Eastern Mediterranean
the prae-Mycenaean culture was stone and
basins
:

"

"
copper-using, so that a Chalcolithic period existed
in the extreme South as well as in Central Europe

the development of the Mycenaean out of the praeMycenaean culture is the development of the Greek

Middle Bronze Age out of that

which existed in South-eastern Europe and Asia
Minor during the transition period between the Ages
civilization of the

of Stone

The

and Bronze. 3

culture of the

Greek Age of Bronze in many

respects far outstripped the corresponding culture

of Central Europe and Italy, and certainly exercised

Much fails to prove

Cf. generally MUCH, Die Kupferzeit.
the universality of the "Copper Age": cf. GOWLAND, "Early
Metallurgy of Copper, Tin, and Iron in Europe," in Archceologia,
1

Ivi. p.
2

303.
j

SACKBN, Grdber von Hallstatt ; NAUE, L'fipoque d HallThe archaic Greek bronzes of the Geometrical
statt en Baviere.
period found at Olympia (FURTWANGLER, Bronzefunde von
Cf. v.

"
Olympia) enable us to describe this period as the Hallstattof Greece."

Epoch
3

Cf.

UNDSET,

in Zeitschrift far Ethnologic, xv.;

and

others.

THE DEBT OF EUROPE TO THE EAST

193

considerable influence upon the artistic development

of the latter. 1

The ultimate cause of the peculiar Hellenic development of European civilization was the geographical
position of Greece, which brought the Hellenes into
close contact from the beginning with the entirely
alien

and

at

first

more highly developed culture-

systems of Babylonia and Egypt. Greek civilization

was the result of the initial collision and subsequent
constant friction of

West and East

in the Eastern

Mediterranean.

The shock

of the first collision was felt throughout

through the medium of Greece oriental
influence seems to modify the general European

Europe

development almost in

Europe

beginnings, in

Central

as well as in prse-Mycensean Greece

and Asia

its

But the supposition that the whole impetus

European civilization was
communicated
from the East through the
originally
Minor.

to the development of

medium of prae-Mycensean Greece is unnecessary

the idea, for instance, that the knowledge of metalworking, which enabled European culture to develop,
:

reached the inhabitants of Greece first of the European nations from the East, and then spread over
Europe, is directly contrary to all probability. Such
a view of the origin of European metal-working
much exaggerates the debt which European civilization owes to the East.
Both lead and silver seem to have been known to
"

the primitive islanders of the ^Egean as early as the

1

Cf. WIDE,
xxii. (1897) p.

NacUeben mykenischer Ornamente,

ff
and others.

247

in Ath. Mitth.

STUDIES OF THE

94

MYCEN^AN AGE

1
oldest period of the praa-Mycenaaan culture, but it
be doubted whether gold was used in Greece

may

until the proto-Mycenaean period

found in the Theraean deposits.

gold rings were

At no time does

in Greece
gold appear to have been much worked
2
proper, and, as Professor Gardner has pointed out,

the Mycenaean gold probably came from Asia Minor,

with which tradition closely connects the Mycenaean
3
ruling houses of the Perseids and Pelopids, though,
of course, there is no proof that the mines of Thrace

and Thasos, possibly of Siplmos, were not yet worked.

"
In the Greek lands a " Copper Age seems to have
prevailed during the prae-Mycenaean period. Although
traces of connection between Greece and the East are,

we have seen, not wanting at this period, yet they

are hardly traceable before the use of copper had
1
Of. Ann. Brit. Sch. Ath. 1896-7, pp. 12, 50.

as

GARDNER, New

Chapters, p. 82.

That the Greek word xpwfc and the Assyrian hurdsu

:t
(
gold ") have at least a common origin seems probable. Hurdsu
is not, like the Assyrian expression for bronze, derived from
a Sumerian (prse-Semitic) original the Sumerian word for gold
was guSkin. In fact, hurdsu looks as if it were good Semitic,,
and were connected with a root signifying " to split open." But
it seems improbable that the word xP vff ^ can have been taken
over by the Greeks from the Assyrians by way of the Phoenicians this would point to far too late a date for the inception
of the word, since gold must have been known and named by
the Greeks long before they ever came into much contact with
the Phoenicians. A common origin in Asia Minor for both words
and so the resemblance of hurdsu to
is far more probable
3

Y^in would be a mere coincidence the gold of the early Greeks

was probably not mined, but apparently came from the river:

"
washings of Asia Minor. (The poetical word Y^J?! gold," is
probably merely hurdsu taken over and then erroneously regarded

as a derivative of Y'? ?-)

1

COPPER

does not seem probable that

idea of copper- working was derived by the

become general, and

the

first

195

it

primitive Greeks from

this period bronze

Egypt

or Babylonia, where at
It
in general use.

had long been

quite possible that the use of a simple metal, like

copper, to replace stone originated independently in

is

which

of those parts of the globe in

many

accessible.

We

may

it is

easily

therefore regard the use of

copper as having originated independently in Europe

and in the East. In all probability the use of copper

was

first

introduced
"

Mycensean

into

Greece

"
by the

praetribes at the time of their first migration

into the ^Egeaii basin ; thereafter, however, the chief

centre of the distribution of copper to the Greek

world

was probably Cyprus;

it

was probably in

Cyprus that the great development of the use of

copper, which is so characteristic of the earliest Greek
phase
1

On

Cf.

of

European

civilization,

first

originated.

this question cf. MUCH, Die Kupferzeit, p. 136

MYRES, Science Progress, 1896, p. 347. But

ff.

when Mr.

and Cyprus Museum Catalogue, p. 17) speaks

of the general European knowledge of copper as derived entirely
from Cyprus, and of Cyprian types of weapons in Egypt under
the IVth Dynasty, in Central Europe, &c., he is surely pressing
Myres

(ib. p.

349,

the argument from similarity of type too far. If it is granted that

the ceramic technique of pots from Transylvania resembles that of
pots from Cyprus, how does this prove the knowledge of copper
It might perfectly
to have come from Cyprus to Transylvania ?
well be argued that the pots and the copper came from Transylvania to Cyprus. The only certain conclusion that can be
drawn is that Transylvanians and Cyprians were at one time

comprised in the same primitive copper-using circle of civilization, and that very possibly artistic ideas may have travelled
from one community to the other. As to the place where these
ideas originated or where copper was first used no conclusion can be drawn.
MUCH considers that it was first mined

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

196

Bronze, however, probably did not originate independently in Greece or in any other part of Europe the
idea of an artificial amalgam of copper and tin or
copper and antimony can in all probability have been
;

Bronze seems to
derived only from a single source.
have been commonly used in Babylonia, at least as
1
some time before this it first
early as 3000 B.C.
j

2
appears in Egypt, but

much

bronze was

first

is

not

common

there

till

seems very probable that

3
invented by the Sumerians, though

later period.

It

independently in Cyprus and in Europe (loc. cit. p. 117). But it

is probable that the knowledge of copper came to Cyprus from
Europe, for this reason: the Stone Age is practically umepresented in Cyprus the earliest settlers seem to have been users
The conclusion that they already used copper before
of copper.
their arrival, and that they at once utilized the abundant stores
of the well-known metal which their new land offered to him,
If the European knowledge of copper is to be
is natural.
derived from some one source (not a necessary supposition),
Central Europe has a better claim to be that source than Cyprus,
although Cyprus very soon became the chief producer of copper
for Greece and Asia Minor, even for Egypt, for under the
XVIIIth Dynasty the Egyptians probably got almost as much
;

of their copper from Cyprus as from Sinai.

1
The bronze statuettes of the Babylonian king Gudea date to
about 2500*3.0., there are others without royal names but of
A bronze vase of the time of Ur-Gur (2800 B.C.) is
earlier date.
mentioned by DE SARZEC, De'couvtrtes en Chaldee, p. 26. The

from Telloh with the name of Ur-Nina (c. 4500 B.C.),

which are illustrated by DE SAEZEC, loc. cit. pi. i. ter, are of

figures

copper, not bronze, so that apparently in the fifth millennium

"
Babylonia was still in her Copper Age."
earliest specimen is a rod of bronze from Medum
date
3800 B.C. Bronze weapons of a primitive type are spoken of

B.C.
-

c.

The

by DE MORGAN,

Reclierclies : Les Metaux, p. 201, as coming from

the early necropolis of Saghel el-Baglieh. Have these weapons
been analysed ? They are more probably copper.
3
Whence the Babylonians obtained their tin or antimony
can of course, only be left to conjecture. The Babylonian

BRONZE

197

Virchow prefers to attribute the invention to the

1
At
metal-working tribes of the Black Sea coast.
and
1
between
2000
the
time
B.C.
some
500
knowledge
of bronze must have spread from Mesopotamia and
"
words for " Copper and " Bronze " are interesting, and a study
of them would throw much light upon the history of bronzeworking in Mesopotamia. In Semitic Babylonian (Assyrian)'
there are two words, eru and siparru, at first sight apparently

"

"

"

meaning indiscriminately copper or bronze." On examining

passages in which these words occur, however, one gains the
impression that eru really means copper, siparru more particuIf siparru means bronze, as opposed to simple
larly bronze.
copper, bronze would seem to have been known to the Sumerian&
before the Semitic invasion, for siparru seems to be derived from
a Sumerian original, zabar.
1
Mltth. Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, xxx. p. 80 ff.
Of course there
is no proof obtainable of the derivation of the Egyptian knowledge of bronze from the Sumerians. In the same journal (p. 84)
Prof. MONTELIUS says: "Die allerletzten Ausgrabungen in
welche von Flinders Petrie und de Morgan
Agypten
veroffentlicht worden, haben uns die alleralteste Zeit Agyptens
vor der ersten Dynastie kennen gelehrt. Die zeigen, so viel ich
.

sehen kann, dass die Ursprung der agyptischen Cultur nicht in

Weil aber dasAgypten, sondern in Chaldaa zu suchen ist.
Kupfer in Aegypten mehr als 4000 Jahre v. Chr. auftritt, konnen
wir sagen, dass das Kupfer noch friiher den Chaldiiern bekannt
war." This is all quite fallacious. In the first place, although
some points of resemblance may be remarked between the
archaic Egyptian culture of the Ist Dynasty and the Sumerian
or early Chaldaean civilization, yet the prehistoric Egyptian remains, which are the remains to which Prof. Montelius is alluding
(" vor der ersten Dynastie "), shew not the slightest resemblance
to anything Chaldaean ; in fact the idea of the derivation of

the whole of Egyptian civilization from that of the Sumerians is

background, and the essentially indigenous

fast retreating into the

character of the primeval culture of the Nile-valley is becoming

In the second place, if it were plain
every day more evident.
(which it is not) that Egyptian culture was derived from that of
Chaldsea, it would not be possible to argue that if copper was
to the Egyptians before 4000 B.C., it must have beea

known
known

to the Chaldaeans at an earlier period.

198

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

from Egypt through Asia Minor and Cyprus to Greece,

whence it passed to Italy and the rest of Europe. 1 In
the case of bronze, therefore, the debt of Europe to
have already seen
Asia is obvious and undisputed.
that the introduction of iron into Greece may fairly be

We

It would then seem to have

come to Greece from the north, and not
from Egypt, whence it is often considered to have
been first derived. Iron was certainly known to the

attributed to the Dorians.

originally

Egyptians at least as early as 3500 B.C. (when it

appears named and depicted on the monuments in a
manner which admits of no possibility of doubt as to
its nature),

and may have been known

to

them

at

an

perhaps even before the introduction

of bronze into Egypt we have no reason to suppose
earlier period,

that in Egypt the knowledge of the metals passed

through exactly the same consecutive stages of de2
velopment as it did in Europe. That iron objects were
It is noticeable that the Greek word for the axe is apparently
of Mesopotamian origin. The Semitic-Babylonian word ispilakku,
which appears to be the original of both the Sanskrit para/^u and
the Greek TreAe/cus.
1

2
That it is impossible to speak of a "Bronze Age" or an
"
" Iron
Age as having- at anytime existed in Egypt has been
"
conclusively shewn by PIEHL, Bronsalder i Egypten ?" (in Ymer,
"
in
answer
to
1888, p. 94 ff)
MONTELIUS, Bronsaldern i Egypten "
(loc. cit. p. 3 ff), who unsuccessfully maintained the contrary

opinion.

In Coptic iron

word from which

or

more

shortly

is

called

this is derived

is

was

J
I

^7
*-*
^

i.e.,

the old Egyptian

>

\O\

J^
"

(baa~n-pet},

/WW\A

III

Iron of Heaven,"

o o o

the original word for " Iron

mentioned and

&Eff IHG

"

being the simple

ba.

Ba

is

o
-eil
depicted as blue in colour in the Pyramid-

IRON

99

occasionally exported from Egypt to Greece in the

Mycenaean period, or even earlier, is therefore quite
possible ; the iron rings found at Mycenae and the
Texts of King Unas, about 3500 B.C. The earliest known specimens of iron from Egypt date to the same period (ERMAN,
Life in Ancient Egypt, p. 461 the date as given by TSOUNTASMANATT, Mycencean Age, p. 322, note 1, is all wrong) but even
;

we

possessed no actual specimens of iron of this period,

the testimony of the inscription of Unas would be enough
to show that iron was already known to the Egyptians in the

if

fourth millennium B.C. the testimony of a single monument is

worth more than that of finds of actual objects, which may often
:

not really belong to the period to which, on account of the level

which they may be found in digging, they are thought to
"
"
belong ; the Biigelkannen depicted on the walls of the tomb
of Rameses III. would suffice to prove the date of the Mycensean
period even if no Mycensean remains had ever been found with
Egyptian objects of the New Empire. PIEHL summarizes the
at

proofs as follows (loc. cit., p. 101) :

1. "Vi kiinna fynd af jernsaker fran det iildsta egyptiska
riket." (We find iron objects of the age of the oldest Egyptian

kingdom.)
2. "Vi traffa jernets namn pa de iildsta egyptiska monumenten under forhallanden, som icke tillata nagot tvifvel om
ifragavarande ords betydelse." (We meet with the name of
iron on the oldest Egyptian monuments under circumstances
which do not allow of the slightest doubt as to the meaning of
the word in question.)
3. "Vi ega malningar fran det gamla riket, i hvilka vapen,
verktyg, och redskap iiro malade met blatt (eller svart), d. v. s.
den farg, met hvilken jernet kannetecknas."
(We possess
paintings of the time of the Old Kingdom [i.e. approximately
B.C. 4000-3000], in which weapons, tools, and instruments are
painted blue (or black), i.e. the colour with which iron is

indicated.)

His conclusion, with which

it is impossible not to agree

that "det Egypten, vi mo'ta vid historiens morgongryning, lefde i jernaldern."
It may be added that iron ore is easily obtainable in Egypt ;

absolutely,

is

there were ancient mines at

p. 139).

The

first

iron used

Aswan

(Catalogue des Monuments,

was doubtless meteoric, as

is

i.

shewn

STUDIES OF THE

200

MYCEN^AN AGE

iron staff-handle (?) from Troy l may have come from

Egypt. But it is evident that iron was not generally

employed in Greece for the manufacture of tools and

weapons until after the Dorian invasion, and so we
may fairly consider it to have been first introduced
into Greece for general use by the Dorians and from
In confirmation of this conclusion may be
adduced the fact, pointed out by Mr. Gowland, 2 that
the form of furnace used in southern Europe east of
the north.

the Apennines can be traced through the tribes of

Central Europe back to an origin in Central Asia,,

and has no connection whatever with the peculiar

form in use in Egypt and Etruria and among the
tribes of the Western Mediterranean. 3
by the name "Iron of Heaven." The Egyptian idea that the
firmament of heaven was of iron probably arose from its blue
colour and from the fact of the occasional fall of meteoric iron
from the sky.
1

TSOUNTAS-MANATT,
Archfeoloaia,

Iron

first

Ivi. p.

foe. Clt. p.

321.

315.

occurs in the Fourth City at Lachish

The Hebrew word

(? c.

1400

B.C.).

simply the Assyrian parzillu,

which does not seem to be a word of Semitic origin. Nor
does it appear to be Sumerian
the Assyrians tell us of a
'1.1=1

is

Sumerian

by

equivalent of parzillu expressed

means of the signs
]>AR, but

AN

AN. BAR

was supposed

ideographically
the group

how

pronounced we do not
a aira% Xeyofj-evov, by the way
reads possibly BAB. GAL, but this gives us no certainty that
"
there ever was a Sumerian word larc/al
iron," which the
Semitic Babylonians took' over &s parzillu. The Assyrians seem
certainly to have been of the opinion that iron was known to
the Sumerians (before 40x20 B.C., presumably)
iron objects
which may date to the time of Gudea (c. 2500 B.C.) have been
found at Telloh (DE SARZEC, foe. cit. p. 35).
It seems most

know.

to have been

Another equivalent

probable that iron and the word parzillu came to the Semites
from the Chalybes, Tubal, and other iron-working tribes of

BEGINNINGS OF EUROPEAN CULTURE

In so

201

then, as the development of European

was modified by the change from copper

far,

civilization

to bronze, the credit of this modification can be given

to the East.
But this does not mean that the first

impetus to the whole development of European culture out of neolithic barbarism came from the East.
The change from stone to copper was effected independently of oriental influence, at a time when,
indeed, this influence can have been but inconsider-

And

able.

the de-

velopment of Eurocivilization
pean
before

the

introduction

of

began
bronze.

The
to

first

this

impulse
develop-

ment was given

A Mycenaean Sea-demon;
57.
from an early matt-painted vase from
Mycenae.

FIG.

in

Greece.

The

first

traces of

"

"

Mycenaean

development are

found in Crete, Thera, Melos, Oliaros (Antiparos),.

1
in the southern islands only.
Syros, and ^Egina
;

This points to the conclusion that not only were the

^Egean Islands, and more especially those of the south,
the chief foci of the earliest civilization-development
of Greece, but that the evolution from the more primitive to the fully-developed

form of prehistoric Greek

The Sumerians may have

B.C.
used meteoric iron at a very early period, like the Egyptians,
since AN.
means practically the same thing as the Egyptian
Armenia at an unknown date
first

BAE

also

"

Heavenly Metal."
H. 8. xviii. p. 337 MYRES, Science
the discoveries of STAIS in ^Egina.

Ba-n-pet,

Cf. J.

Progress,

v. p.

350

202

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

The essentially
culture took place in these islands.
marine character of the decoration of many of the
and of the most typical Mycenaean vases
1
Mycenaean art
-certainly confirms this supposition.
is the art of a sea-folk from its commencement.
In this development the island of Crete must have
earliest

taken a very prominent, perhaps the foremost, part.

The persistence with which Mycenaean types of ornament lingered on the island when, with the exception
of Cyprus, the rest of Greece had passed into another
2
art had
style of art seems to show that Mycenaean

nowhere been more firmly established than in Crete.

But if we admit that Mycenaean art originated
among the prae-Hellenic tribes of Crete and the
southern islands,

we must

further conclude that

its

development began before the coming of the Aryans

This conclusion seems exto that part of Greece.
tremely probable. There is nothing to show that,
Greek as the fully-developed arfc of Mycenae was in
the impulse to its first development was
given by the coming of the Aryans. It was a
natural artistic development, and its Greek spirit
its spirit,

1
Also one of the earliest Mycenasan frescoes we have, that
from the Third City at Phylakope in Melos, depicts flying-fish

tich. Ath. 1897-8, pp. 15, 26 ; pi. iii.).

(MACKENZIE
"
"
Mycenaean to the
32] wishes to restrict the name
"
"
at
but
if
the
word
City
Mycenaean is used
Phylakope

(Ann. Brit.
\loc. cit. p.

Fourth

at all to designate the heroic or prehistoric civilization of Greece,

the Third City, roughly corresponding to the Theraean settleit
must be called
or "

Proto-Mycensean,"
ment,
Early Mycenaean
"
"
being most convenient to restrict the term Prse- Mycenaean to
the primitive epoch of the cist-graves.)
2
WIDE, Nachleben mykenischer Ornamente, Ath. Mitth. xii.
(1897), p. 233 ff.

THE ARYANS
is

IN

GREECE

203

the spirit not of a purely Aryan, but of a mixed,

race.

We may then suppose (until further discovery shall

have shown the necessity of a modification of the
hypothesis) that the proto-Mycenagan development
began in the Southern ^Egean before the Aryan
:

that shortly after its beginning the

invasion of the .^Egean basin by the Aryan tribes,
who had no doubt in their Trans-Balkan habitat been

immigration

already strongly affected by the Copper Age culture

of the yEgean, took place
that the fully-developed
Mycenaean culture was the result of the mingling of
;

We

these Pelasgian and Aryan elements.

cannot
use the word "Hellenic" to describe the Aryan
"

we know as " Hellenic

is by no means purely Aryan.
The Hellenes of
an
history spoke
Aryan tongue, but it may be
element, since in reality what

doubted whether more than a few

tribes,

such as

the Spartans, for example, could lay claim to unmixed

descent from the Aryan conquerors. 1 The Athenians
probably had more pros- Hellenic blood in their veins

than any other people of continental Greece, with

The Ionian
the possible exception of the Arcadians.
race generally bore marked traces of a strong pra3Heilenic admixture, and in Crete the old Pelasgic
element continued vigorous and even to some extent
It is in Crete that
unhellenized in historical times.
it is

most easy to distinguish the praa-Hellenic from

Were the Achaians

of the

Pelopid hegemony merely an

Aryan aristocracy ruling over tribes mostly of Pelasgic blood ?

The Achaians of the Iliad seem to be an aristocracy, as opposed
to the " Danaans " and " Argeians."

MYCEN^AN AGE

STUDIES OF THE

204

the " Hellenic" elements of Greek civilization, especially in the domain of religion, which in Crete
especially exhibits peculiarities which are obviously
due to a commingling* of Hellenic with what seem

to be prae-Hellenic elements. In Crete queer demons

such as the a\ioi ytpovrte, and enigmatic deities
such as Welchanos the cock-god and Diktynna or
]

who in many respects resembled

Britomartis,

Artemis,,

continued to be venerated in classical times.

aspect

is

not very Hellenic

also,

Their

both Welchanos and

Diktynna were especially conEteokretan

nected with the

and, like
portion
the horse-headed Demeter in
of

Mycenaean Hunt-

FIG. 58.

Crete,

Arcadia, are plainly of "Pelas"

Now unfamiliar
gic origin.

Cities of this type certainly

played a prominent part in

the religion of the Mycenoeans
lion -

headed

round

their

cenaean

either

It

wall-paintings.

is

in

necks,

goatturning, are

men running and

on
subjects
Mycenaean gems and in

bull-headed

common

and

horse-, ass-,

vases,

carrying

hands or slung

their

and

demons

My-

very probable that

these 'apparently prae-Hellenic cults were of prasMycenasan origin, and continued to nourish during

the Mycenaean period, being passed on by the pra3Mycenaean tribes to the mixed race of the Hellenes.

In Crete we have an example of how the religious

1

The cock was sacred

to

Fe\xat>6s at

Phaistos.

He

identified with Zeus.

2

Cf.

COOK,

.7.

//.

&

xiv.;

EVANS,

.7.

//. 8. xvii. p. 369.

was-

THE IEPOS TAMOS

r

205

Aryan invaders were brought

ideas of the

into close

connection with those of the earlier population. Foremost among Pelasgic deities stood Zeus, who was born

Hera his wife was, pace Herodotos (ii. 50),

not Pelasgic she seems Aryan in her character, which
is absolutely different from that of the old Pelasgic
in Crete; but

goddess, akin to the Kybele of Asia Minor, who is

known to us in the form of Artemis, and from the
'Semitic importation

Aphrodite

she

Demeter and the Chthonic worships 1

is
;

opposed to

and she was

especially the goddess of the predominantly Aryan

Achaians of Argos. In Crete the Mycenasan for-

Knossos was always an important seat of

It was in the Knossiari land that the
/|0oc yct^uoc of Zeus and Hera was fabled to have
taken place.'2 Not that the Achaians did not withtress of

her worship.

out

doubt

bring

an Aryan Zeus with them to

Crete, but the strength of the old Pelasgic god of

the Double-headed Axe was so great that he was

Hera's husband, and in

many respects supplanted him. It is not only in
the Cretan Zeus, also, that we can see praa-Hellenic
speedily identified

with

they are observable in most forms of the

but
god,
especially in the Zeus of the Dictaean

traces

The itpbg jdfjioQ of Pelasgic Zeus and

Achaian Hera at Knossos may serve for us as
Cave.

an allegory of that mingling of Pelasgian and

Aryan which produced the Hellenic race, and
probably gave so great an impetus to the development
1

Cf.
-

of

the

FARNELL,

DIOD.

v. 72.

Mycenaean

culture,

of

which

Cults of the Greek States, p. 192.

STUDIES OF THE

206

we

some

find

of

the

MYCEN^AN AGE
remains in Crete at

oldest

Knossos.

A general

theory of the origin, development, and

general position of prehistoric Greek civilization may
then be provisionally framed as follows
:

"
The " Chalcolithic copper-using culture which
succeeded the Age of Stone in Greece was not

confined to the ^Egean basin, but extended from

Cyprus and Central Asia Minor, perhaps even

from Palestine, at
Italy.

With the

least as far

cultures

of

west as Sicily and

Babylonia

and of

primitive "Mediterranean" civilization

Egypt
far
as we can see at present, originally
as
had,
do.
The chief development of this
to
nothing
culture took place in the JEgean Islands, and
especially in Crete, where the first advance from
the prae-Mycensean to the Mycenaean stage of Greek
This advancecivilization seems to have been made.
was apparently roughly contemporaneous with the
this

introduction of the knowledge of bronze-working

from the East.

These early tribes of the Eastern Mediterranean y

were, no doubt, the descendants of the old

who

were probably not Aryans.

seem
to
have
been
the ancestors of those nonThey
Greek tribes, speaking various dialects of a non-

Neolithic inhabitants,

Aryan language, whom we still find lingering in

various places in the Greek world in the classical
period, and among whom the true Hellenes appear
as

an

intrusive, disruptive population.

The extent

GENERAL THEORY

207

of the prae-Mycenaean culture coincides exactly with

known extent of the distribution of these tribes

the

in the Mediterranean lands.

The Aryan

tribes of Central Europe had, no doubt,,

the
from
Age of Stone to that of Copper quite
passed
as early as the non-Aryans of the Mediteranean
coasts but it can hardly be doubted that the great
advance which was made by the latter when bronze
;

became known to them reacted at once upon

the former, whose independent development ceased
when the knowledge of bronze was passed on from
first

the ^Egean lands into Central Europe the common

European civilization of the Bronze Age may be said

from the now~

to have begun, taking its inspiration

rapidly

developing

Pelasgian

"

"

Mycenaean

culture

of

the

tribes.

Not long

after the beginning of the

development in the southern islands,

"

'*

Mycenaean

Aryan

tribes,

perhaps already bronze-users, seem to have first

entered Greece on both sides of the ./Egean, eventually reaching Crete, and passing on thence to the
Pamphylian coast and Cyprus, in some places
1
mixing with the original inhabitants as they went,
in others merely subjecting them to their rule.
The fact that some of the "Northerners," as, for
instance, the Lykians and Achaians, were known to

the Egyptians as early as the fifteenth century B.C.

by their Greek names and in the case of the first
certainly,

in

Aryan names
1

The mixed

the case of the second presumably,

would go to show that the Aryan

tribes of

the east coast of the Jfgean, who-

eventually reached Cyprus, were the lonians

(v.

ante, p. 130).

2o8

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

Greeks had already reached the Southern vEgean as

1
early as the sixteenth century B.C.
The mingling of the Aryan and Pelasgic elements

produced the fully-developed Mycenaean culture, the

which was probably shifted from Crete,

-chief seat of

the legendary seat of a very early thalassocracy,

Hellenic princes exercised,
Argolis, whence
towards the end of this period, a very definite

to

hegemony over the

Aryan or Pelasgian

and
mixed

chiefs

or of

peoples, whether
blood, in Pelopon-

nese and in the islands.

And now

it is for the first time permissible to

" Hellenes " as a convenient term to
of
apply
speak
to the mixed race, partly Aryan, partly Pelasgic, as
opposed to those few Pelasgic tribes which still con-

tinued to exist unmixed with the Aryan invaders.

"
This " Mycenaean or earliest Hellenic civilization

apparently marked the earliest development of European Bronze Age culture, and on account of its
geographical position became itself the chief energizer

and developer of

Dogmatism on

this culture.

uncertain

so

subject

as

the

"

"

Mycenaean Question is impossible new discoveries

may upset any pronouncement on the subject a week
" all
after it has been made.
Yet, although
theory
is grey" and unsatisfactory, in the work of eluci:

dating the early history of Greek civilization without

The above
theorizing no progress is possible.
-account of the possible course of the development of
1

V. ante, p. 88.

MYCENAEAN CRETE

209

the prehistoric culture of Greece and the pronouncement therein contained is, then, no dogma, but
a mere provisional theory, based principally upon
an acceptance in its main lines of the hypothesis

explained in Chapter

ii.

It will have been seen, that the position of Crete

in the history of the development of early Greek
civilization was probably one of great importance
:

seems possible that further researches in the

island will add enormously to our knowledge of
it

At present, however, we cannot

prehistoric Greece.
be said to have reached any certainty as to the
precise extent of early Cretan activity.
were pracof
the
of
tically subject-allies
kings
Mycenae, to what
to
are
we
the
famous
period
assign
thalassocracy of
Minos, the Knossian monarch who, when the kings of
If the Cretans of late-Mycenaean times

Mycenge

still

lived

and had

their being,

regarded as a half-mythical personage

was already
"
*
There

says Prof. Busolt, "certainly some truth in the

the island stretches
legend of Cretan sea-power
is,"

and seems as if created by

nature to rule the waves." 2 In Homeric times the
naval activity of the Cretans was very marked, and,
as far as the ^Egean and the western islands are
concerned, they may have been equally active in
earlier days.
That the ^Egean hegemony of the
Knossian monarchs who are personified by Minos was
across the whole sea,

Of.
2

II

xiv. 322, xiii.

Gr. Gesch.

i.

449

Od. xix. 178.

p. 337.

MYCEN^AN AGE

STUDIES OF THE

210

removed in time from the historical period is

shown by the words of Herodotos when speaking of
"
the thalassocracy of Polykrates
HoXiucparrje yap
far

Mtvwoc
KOI

OaXaa-

'EAA//vam, 6c
?" fc

TV

Kvaxriov,

el

vi(TWV

He

regards Minos as a purely heroic

while
to him and to others of his day
.personage;
the Pelopids of Mycenae were men like themselves.
This would seem to justify us in placing the Minoan
."

thalassocracy in the age before the Mycenaean period.

But the primitiveness and poorness of the prasof the islands hardly accord
with the traditional magnificence of the Knossian
"
monarch, /SaovXswraroc 0y/yrwv jSaoriAr/wv": also the
ruins of the city and palace at Knossos are Myce-

Mycenaean culture

naean in character, and therefore later in date.

But the

foundation of the palace seems to go back to protoMycenaaan days, and in the proto-Mycenaean period
the culture of Crete had perhaps risen to a pitch of

development rather higher than that of the culture of

Thera or of Melos at any rate the character of the
proto-Mycenaean pottery from Crete points in this
;

direction.

nasan."

Minos may then have been a "Proto-MyceThe whole story of Minos is so mingled with

little certainty can be attained with reto

its
but there can be no doubt as to the
details,
gard
main fact Minos represents a most powerful Cretan

pure myth that

:

kingdom which preceded the Argive dominion in

1

HDT.

iii.

122.

the-

MINOS
,

i.e.,

belonged to the earlier period of Mycenaean

The legends

culture.

211

of his expedition against

Kami-

which set
Sicily, and of the great Cretan armada
out to avenge his death and afterwards colonized Hyria
in Italy, 1 are not impossibilities, and very probably
have some truth in them. Man}?- legends point to a conkos in

tinuance of Cretan activity in the ^Egean long after the

days of the half- mythical Minos. Megara was said to

have been attacked by a Cretan

2

The

days.

fleet in

very early

story of the colonization of Klaros

Kolophon by Rhakios

historical

and

it
probably
relates to a period long before the return of the
The
Herakleids and the " Great Migrations."

is

eponymous hero of Miletos was also called

Cretan.
The Mycenaean centre in the Troad
also, as

we have seen

(p, 177),

a
is

connected in legend

with Crete.

We may
to the

perhaps attribute this maritime energy

beginning of the Mycenaean time, when the

new development

of culture was being evolved in

Crete and the neighbouring islands.
The " Minoan
"
then covers the period of transition
thalassocracy

from the proto-Mycenaean Age proper and it is to

this period (c. 1700-1400 B.C.?) that the palace of
Knossos probably dates back.
To judge from the discoveries in the Minoan
:

Knossos, at this period Crete already

possessed the peculiar system of pictographic signs;
which might seem to mark it out as in some ways

palace of

But it
the most developed of the Mycenaean lands.
is probable that other similar systems of local origin
1

HDT.

vii.

169

ff.

PAUS.

i.

39, 44.

Il>. vii.

3.

STUDIES OF THE

212

MYCEN^AN AGE

were in vogue at the same time in other parts of

to deduce from its pictographs

the Greek world

alone a pre-eminent role for Crete in the Mycenaean

Commercially, Crete had no
period is impossible.

doubt already some importance as connecting the

Phoenician
Cyprus and the East.
and
it appears
reached
have
it,
may already
the
were
included
that
the
Cretans
among
probable

^Egean with
traders

Mycenaean tribes known to the Egyptians in the

sixteenth century B.C. as the people of Ke/tiu. 1

The

Cretans were no doubt at this period as active navigators of the ./Egean and the neighbouring seas as

they were to be in the future

but whether Cretan

farther eastward than

Kei'tiu-people ever got any

Cyprus or came into contact with the Egyptians we
have no certainty that their island
cannot tell.

We

was known

to the

Egyptians at this time, though it

At any rate, no land
quite possibly may have been
is mentioned among the Keftiu-countries which can
be certainly identified with Crete, as Asi or lantanai
can be identified with Cyprus.
Egyptian artistic influence, however, had already
reached Crete, if we are to take the frescoes of the

Minoan

palace of Knossos as being relics of Minoan

And then the apparent synchronism of these

days.
frescoes with those of the

date

this

tomb of Rekhmara would

Minoan period the period of Cretan

thalassocracy to about 1500 B.C., a date which

agrees very well with the probability that the time
of Cretan hegemony dates to the earlier centuries
of

the Mycenaean age.

1

The thalassocracy of the

V. ante, p. 165.

IDOMENEUS AND MERIONES

Mycenaean kings

will

then

213

some centuries

date

later; probably about the thirteenth and twelfth

centuries.

Whether the

old

Minoan

rulers were

Aryans or

impossible to say but the probability that

their subjects were non- Aryan Pelasgi, Eteokretans
not

it is

in fact, is confirmed

by the frescoes of Knossos and

ruddy,

Rekhmara which depict them as a

black-haired race, much resembling the

modern

Italians.

the tomb of

During the later Mycenaean period Crete, although

no longer ruled the sea, and the Achaian tribes of
the mainland seem to have regarded it as in some
sort under their domination, yet appears to have
remained one of the chief centres of Greek civilization.
It was still great and prosperous, its cities
were a full hundred in number, and according to
the Epos it was still under the hegemony of the
princes of Minoan Knossos, Idomeneus and Menones,
who after Agamemnon and Nestor brought the
it

1
In
greatest number of ships to the siege of Troy.
the Iliad a close connection between the Argive and

Cretan princes is noticeable. 2

Katreus son of Minos have

Legend again makes

relations

close

with

Nauplios, the eponymous hero of Nauplia, and his

daughter Aerope was said to have been the mother
of

Agamemnon and

princes

of

late-Mycenaean

probably of Achaian
-their
1

Menelaos. 3

Mycenaean

(i.e.,

overlord.

The

Knossian

times were then

very
Ar}~an) blood, related to
It

was in

this

post-

'

ii.
11. iii. 232
645 ff cf. 0(1 xix. 172 ff.
EUR., Or. 1009. Cf. MILCHHOFER, Anfavge der Kumt,

//.

if.

p. 134.

2i 4

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

Minoan period that the emigration

of

the Philis-

and T'akarai to Palestine apparently took place

1200 B.C.).

tines
(c.

We

may doubt very much if these conditions still

obtained in the days when the songs of the Epos were
put together. With the end of the Mycenaean period
the importance of Crete came to an end. In the anarchy
of the post-Mycenaean age the early civilization of
the island was extinguished, never to reappear.
Her
"hundred" cities sank into insignificance, destroying

each other in furious internal quarrels.

Her people
remained bold and energetic sailors, but instead of
1

the mighty rulers of the ^Egean they became mere

prowling sea-robbers. The infusion of Dorian blood
seems to have merely helped to barbarize the Cretans;
certainly

in

it

no way improved them.

Henceforward

they were merely the historical aa ^tvarai, KUKU 9ripia,

yaartpsc apyot, backward in the arts of peace, but sur-

The days
passing all others in the science of piracy.
were indeed long past when the Cretans ruled the
^Egean, demanded human tribute from Athens for
the purpose of sacrifice to the bull-headed deity of

waged war against Megara and even farsent

colonists to Ionia and perhaps to the
off Sicily,
2
and
possibly gave a god to Miletos, Delos,
Cyclades,
Knossos

(?),

and Delphi. 3 The extinction of Cretan civilization is

one of the most curious facts in Greek history. " The
history of Crete begins in a time so far away, her
period of splendour belongs to an age so remote,

that she had already sunk into decadence before the

1

PAUS.

iii.

(FEAZER,

V. post, p. 243.

loc. cit. iii. p.

3

Ib.

313).

THE MINYANS

215

1
its youth."
This is an
idea
it
but
the
which
conveys
exaggerated statement,

had began

rest of Hellas

is

in the

main

When,

correct.

in the

Mycenaean period, the dominion of

the sea passed from Crete to Mycenae, Argons became

But the
the central ganglion of Greek civilization.

mainland was

Mycenaean culture on the

not ex-

clusively at home in Argolis it was fully represented

in Lakonia, the domain of Menelaos, in Boeotia, the
;

land of the Minyans, and in Phthiotis, where the

Achaian and Hellenic names were closely connected.
Orchomenos and lolkos were the chief northern
centres of Mycenaean influence. Orchomenos, with her
port lying on the Euboic Gulf, connected with the

northern ^Egean by way of lolkos, while her sea communications towards the south coincided with those

and Nauplia. lolkos was the

natural outlet of Northern Greece to the ^Egean.

of Athens or Prasiai

The fully-developed Mycenaean remains

of the sixth

city of Troy show that the Hellespontine lands were

probably in regular communication with continental
Greece as well as with Crete, with which they are

connected

in

and myth.

legend

The legend

of

Argonauts points to an early attempt of the

princes of lolkos to reach the Hellespont and even
the

the Black Sea.

The

communication passed
The Argonauts made

line of

no doubb by way of Lemnos.

1

HOECK, Kreta, Vorrede,

p. v.

"
:

Kretas Geschichte beginnt

so ferner Zeit, seine Glanzperiode gehort so hohem Alter

an, dass es bereits schon sank, als das iibrige Hellas erst
aufbliihte."
in

216

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

Lemnos their halfway-house. In the Homeric poems

we find most of the northern islands inhabited by a
population partly composed of Sintians (who were
1
of Thracian origin), apparently dominated by noble
families of

and
"

Minyan

stock (" Mycenaeans

Lemnos we

in

Orchomenos);

"

from lolkos
Euneos 2

find

son of Jason."

We have already seen that the Egyptian monuments give us valuable information with regard to
the inhabitants of the ^Egean during the Mycenaean
The identity of the Thuirsha with the
we
have discussed, and have found that,
Tyrsenoi
we
cannot
claim the Thuirsha as an ^Bgean
although
of
the other northern tribes who
several
people,
period.

came
of the

into contact with the Egyptians at the time

XlXth Dynasty

(about 1350-1200 B.C.)

i.e.,

were very probably

7
"^Egeans." The Uashasha and T akarai were probably Fatoi and TevKpoi from Crete, and if the
Akaiuasha, the Danauna, the Dardenui, the Masa, and
the Luka were really the 'A\aiFoi^ the Acn^afot, the
and there is
Aa/oSavo*, the Mutrot, and the AVKIOI
during the Mycenaean period

reason to think that they were not, every

then we have not
reason to think that they were
first
historical
the
mention
of these wellmerely

little

known names, but the

earliest

testimony to the

which existed between

intimacy
continental Greece and western Asia Minor in the
of the

relations

11.

i.

594

11. vii. 468,

Od.

471

viii.
;

294.

xxiii. 747.

THE WEST

217-

Mycenaean period. The Asiatic tribes are mingled

with those of Greek origin as they were in Homeric
days, the bond between them being, no doubt, the
common Mycenaean culture, and the common Pelasgic
race-substratum.
"

Many

of these

Pelasgians," but

tribes were,

others, as, for

no
in-

doubt, pure
stance, the Akaiuasha and Danauna, must have been
"
Hellenes," i.e., were partly, in the case of the

In
Akaiuasha perhaps purely, Aryan in blood.
Crete and Rhodes Hellenic tribes were no doubk
settled in the later Mycenaean period, but we shall
is possible that during the whole of thethe Cyclades still continued to be
period
Mycenaean
inhabited by the Lele^es, and were without trueHellenic inhabitants, although the Hellenic kings of

see that

it

Knossos or Mycenae exercised suzerainty over them.

Also, if it be granted that the association of the
Leleges with the Karians is a mistake, it seems an
arguable though hardly a probable theory that the
Karians had not yet overflowed into the islands in
The evidence on this point
the Mycenaean period.
will

be discussed in the next chapter.

We

have hitherto touched but slightly upon the

question of the place of the Western lands in the

But the
history of the civilization of this period.

importance of the

artistic influence

which the My-

undoubtedly exercised on Italian

civilization has been pointed out.
This influence
seems not to have begun to work, however, until a.

cenaean

culture

comparatively late period.

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

The few Mycenaean objects which have hitherto

been found in Italy and Sicily l are of a late period
and are simply importations from Greece. We
,

cannot regard them as proofs of a Hellenic "Mycenaean" population in the West at this period.
Possibly the earliest Greek settlements in the West
were established only by a backflow of migration

from the East after this had been checked in

Cyprus by the insuperable barrier offered to further
eastward progress by the proximity of the civilized
peoples of the Orient.
Legend brings Meriones the
Cretan to Sicily after the Siege of Troy, and regards
the Elyrnians as being of Greek origin. 2 This is all
The legend of the Cretan expedivery nebulous.
tion against Kamikos, in Sicily, and migration to
Hyria, in Italy, proves no real Mycenaean colonization.
That the tribes of Messapians and Oinotrians which
we find settled in that part of Italy which is immediately opposite to the Greek coast came originally
from Greece is possible, geographically but modern
;

investigators have

made

quite clear the specifically

Epirote descent of the lapygians, and have shown

that the language of the Messapians was akin to

These tribes were then

Albanian.

of

all

Illyrian

date probably
-E.g., vases from a beehive tomb at Syracuse
Xth-IXth Century (FuRTW.-LoSCHCKE, loc. cit. p. 480. Cf.
WALTERS, loc. cit.). Weapons from rock-tombs ORSI, Bull, di
1

Palctnologia italiana, xv. p. 158.

2
THUC.
Phokians"

vi.

2,

and

other

authorities

"
;

Phrygians

and

HOLM (Hist.
(cf. BUSOLT, Gr. Gesch. L 375, n. 2).
Gr. i. p. 284) thinks that an Oriental oiigin seems to be
proved for the Elynrians by the analogies Elymoi and Elam,
Eryx and Erecli! This would hardly commend itself to an
Assyriologist

AND ITALY

SICILY
1

origin.

The

we

fact that

219

find Mtavcnriot in Lokris

(Thuc.
101), and the existence of a hill Mtrro-aTnov
in Bceotia (Strabo, ix. 405), only show that there was
perhaps an Illyrian settlement in Northern Greece.
In Sicily no tribes of Greek origin, with the possible,
iii.

but very doubtful, exception of the Elymians, can at

this period be placed.
So, though the Cretans may
in early Mycenaean days have been in communication with and made war on the coasts of Sicily

and

Italy,

no Greek colonies were founded in the

West until the backflow of the Greeks towards

West began in the eighth century B.C. So that

the
the

Mycenaean antiquities found in Sicily and in Italy

must have been imported probably by Mycenseans
2

hardly yet by Phoenicians,

Taphians, perhaps
and traded by them to the native tribes. That
considerable influence was exercised by Mycenaean
importations upon the art of the prae-Hellenic (Sikel)

inhabitants of Sicily is evident from the results of

Signor P. Orsi's excavations of the early necropoleis

that island. 3

This commerce, no doubt, dated

back to prae-Mycenaean times, but we cannot trace
It has been supposed that relations
its history.

of

existed between Mycenaean Greece and Sardinia as

early as the Xlllth century B.C., because among the
1

KRETSCHMER,

loc. cit.

p.

272

ff.

HDT.

(vii.

170) regards the

Messapians as an lapygian tribe.

2
I cannot agree with WIDE (Ath. Mitth. xxii. p. 258) that
Mycena?an civilization never extended into western Greece
because few Mycenaean remains have yet been found in that
Before the Vaphio tombs were discovered it might
quarter.
with equal want of probability have been asserted that Mycena-an
civilization never readied Lakonia.
3

PETERSEN, Rom.

Mitth.

xiii.

(1898) p

150

ff.

STUDIES OF THE

220

MYCEN^AN AGE

who attacked Egypt at that date l were

Shardina who have been identified with the SarBut no traces of Mycenaean culture have
dinians.
been found in Sardinia, 2 and it seems better to
regard the Shardina as Sardians. That the Mycenaean cities of Greece were connected with the
West by way of the Corinthian Gulf and Korkyra at
an early period is quite possible (see p. 283, n. i).
allied tribes

The fact of Mycenaean influence in Italy and the

West tells us more concerning the connection of
Mycenaean civilization with the West than the evidence of either tradition or archaeological discovery
Western Greece would imply. In the Ionian

in

Islands themselves the presence of the Mycenaean

culture is shown only by a few "beehive" tombs in

Kephallenia

and

a fortress, probably Mycenaean,

Mount Ae'tos in Ithaka. 4 But

to West must have passed by

on

the route from East

the Ionian Islands

the route indicated in the Odyssey (i. 184),

and even as late as the fifth century the only way to

this

is

and Sicily still lay through the sheltered waters

between them and the mainland.
Italy

DE ROUGE'S

identification of the Shakalasha

who took

and Uashasha,

part in these invasions, with the Sikels and Oscans,

has been seen to be quite impos^ble.
Cf. ante, pp. 173, 177.
2
FuRTW.-LoscHCKE, ioc. cit. p. 48
REINACH, Mir. Or.
;

P- 5503

FEAZER, Pausanias,

SCHUCHHAEDT,

iii.

p. 140.

loc. cit. p.

305.

VIII

DECADENCE AND RENASCENCE CONCLUSION

WE

have seen in Chapter

ii.

that both

archaeo-

logical and legendary evidence combine to show

that it was to the shock of the Return of the
Herakleids, which destroyed the prse-Dorian Hellenic kingdoms, that the comparatively sudden
decadence and disappearance of Mycenaean culture
was probably due.
Comparatively sudden in the
Greek peninsula at least and here we have strong
testimony in favour of the hypothesis. The Dorian
Invasion was confined to continental Greece and the
southern islands and it is precisely in these parts of
:

Greece
quickly

that
;

in

Mycenaean culture disappeared most

Asia, to which the Dorian can hardly

have penetrated much before the beginning of the

eighth century, it lasted apparently almost till that
time in Cyprus, which he never reached, debased
;

Mycenaean art was

still

in

vogue

end of the

at the

eighth.

"Comparatively sudden" must not, however, be

the Dorian
taken to imply immediate extinction
took
to
accomplish the period
conquest
long years
of disturbance, already foreshadowed by the wander:

ings of the tribes which attacked Egypt in the

thirteenth and twelfth centuries B.C., cannot, if we

222

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

are to take the traditional date for the Return of the

Herakleids as even only approximately correct, have

begun later than IOOO B.C., about which time

Mycenaean traces begin to fail us in Egypt but that
the Dorians had not yet crossed from Epidauros to
^Egina even as late as 850 B.C. may be argued from
the late-Mycenasan treasure from that island, which
1
appears to date to the end of the ninth century.
of
which
this
be
transition,
During
may roughly
period
dated from 1050 to 850 B.C., bronze was supplanted for
purposes of weapon-making, &c., by iron, and to this
;

time of change we have seen reason to date the

Homeric civilization, or rather the civilization of the

The term " Homeric Civilizaearly lays of the Iliad.

"
tion
may, however, be fairly extended to include the
culture which is described in the later parts of the Iliad
and

in the Odyssey ; this stage, that in which many of

the Homeric poets themselves lived, connects the
period of transition with that which was marked by

the beginnings of the classical civilization of Greece.

"The Homeric period" may be therefore understood to

cover the whole post-Mycersean period of the history

of Greek civilization, from the time of the Dorian
invasion to the end of the eighth century B.C., about
which time the classical culture of Greece may be
said to have begun.
For our knowledge
the
of
civilization
of this period
history

naturally indebted in great measure to

poems themselves.

The
Hellas

the

epic singers of Greece, living in Asiatic

apparently, the ninth century B.C., at a
1
EVANS, J. H. S. xiii. p. 195 ff.

first

in,

of

we are
the Homeric

HOMERIC CzREECE

223

time when the Mycenaean culture, now almost entirely

confined to Asia, had passed into a decadent stage in

which the

triumphs of its earlier days were

becoming fairy tales, and were regarded as the
works rather of gods than of men, sang of the ancient
artistic

fast

glories of their race in the days when the princes of

the Achaians went forth to war under the leadership
"
"
of the kings of
golden Mycenae, but their descriptions of the nourishing period of two or three cen-

were strongly influenced by the altered

The Homeric culcircumstances of their own time.

turies before

ture

is

there

gence

evidently the culture of the poets' own days ;

no attempt to archaize here, unless the indul-

is

in

wondering descriptions of the masterpieces

of bygone days

when

political

is archaizing.
conditions are

But

it

dealt

is

otherwise

with.

Paul

Veronese arrayed the wife of Darius in ruff and farthingale, but he knew full well that she was a queen
of

ancient Persia, not a sixteenth-century Italian

princess.

So the picture of continental Greece which is given

shows us a congeries of tribes,
Hellenic and prse-Hellenic
to
various
belonging
stocks, ruled by princes of Achaian or Minyan blood
who are often descended from or otherwise connected

to us in the Iliad

with the older Pelasgian rulers of the land.

The

majority of these princes owe a more or less loose

kind of allegiance to the king of Mycenae, the chief
city of the

Achaians and central point of Mycenasan

is in all probability a pretty accurate

the political state of "Mycenaean"
of
description
Greece immediately before the period of the Dorian

culture.

This

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

Invasion, and can hardly be taken to represent its

condition as late as the ninth century, when the total
displacement and decadence in culture caused by the

Return of the Herakleids was in

full

swing.

In

regard to the political conditions of continental Greece,

therefore, the Homeric poets consciously and conas well as in the
sistently archaized, in the Odyssey
Jliad.

So they did in regard to Asiatic Greece also, as

But
the non-mention of the cities of Asia shows.
treating of Asia generally and the ^Egean they
were not always so careful : and here we may glean

when
^ome

hints as to the real state of Greece in postMycenaean days. It was perhaps natural that Asiatic

poets should depict the countries which they knew

best more or less as they were in their own time,
while around continental Greece, the home of their
heroic ancestors, was cast the glamour of romance,
hiding its barbarism.

Take, for instance, that omnipresence of the

Phoenicians in Greek waters, which is so often in1
This points to a
upon by the Homeric poets.
the
for
time,
post- Mycenaean
during
heyday of

sisted

has lately been supposed that the Phoenicians never entered

all.
The somewhat remarkable theory has been
enunciated that the SiSwiuot avdpes of the Homeric poets were
not Phosnicians at all, but Greek traders to Sidon!
On the
But the
analogy of "East India Merchants," apparently.
Homeric description of these " Sidonian Men " shows that real
Sidonians were meant this new idea, goes clear against all the
It

the ^Egean at

evidence.

THE PHCENICIANS

IN

Mycenaean culture and Achaian

GREECE

political

225

hegemony

there would have been no room for the Phoenicians

The Phoenicians come in no way

scheme of the Homeric poems no
contingent starting from a Greek land is composed
of Phoenicians or is under Phoenician leadership.
This fact, that there is no place for the Phoenicians in

in the

Greek

seas.

into the political

FIG. 59.

Phoenician Ship of the Vllth century

an Assyrian

B.C.

(From

bas-relief.)

the scheme of political archaizing, would go to show

that their activity in the ^Egean was not contempo-

But where they do come

rary with the heroic age.
in is where the poets are describing scenes of everyday life, the everyday life and general civilization of

own day, and are no longer archaizing. It was

then in post-Mycenaean days, when the Dorian had
subjugated the Peloponnese, ,and the deeds .of the
their

226

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

"
Mycenaean heroes were to their descendants in
Asia but a glorious memory, that the thalassocracy
passed to the sailors of Sidon and Tyre. In both

"

Iliad and Odyssey they are found trafficking in slaves

and goods, often trapping the former by stealth, and,
when possible, obtaining the latter by guile, everywhere from the river Aigyptos to the innermost

FIG. 60.

Phoenician Ship of the Vllth century

an Assyrian bas-relief.)

recesses of the

B.C.

(From

yEgean
Archaeological traces of the
Phoenicians in the /Egean are not very apparent, but
their presence there is vouched for by the unanimous
.

voice of Greek tradition and by the occurrence in the

./Egean islands and coasts of place-names which are

obviously of Phoenician origin.

In the north of the

clearer signs of their activity are traceablethan even in the south. In the Iliad they are men-

^Egean

THE PHOENICIANS

IN GREECE

227

in Thasos the Tyrian

Lemnos
Herakles was worshipped in very early times, 2 and
the whole of this island was turned upside-down by

tioned as trading to

.;

the mining operations of the Phoenicians, 3 who even

settled on the opposite coast of Thrace in order to-

pursue their search for the precious metals on Mount

Samothrace and Imbros were seats of a
Pangaios.
worship which, although mingled with elements
derived from the Chthonic worship of Greece, which
"
"
appears to have been of Pelasgic origin, is indubitably Semitic in character ; the worship of the
"
Great Gods." On the
Kabeiroi, the Kebirim or
neighbouring Asiatic coast such a name as Adramyt-

tion

Hadrumetum and Hadhramaut)

(cf.

is

certainly

Semitic. 4

Lesbos was a seat of Aphrodite-worship,

and coming further south, the name of Samos, which

Homeric designation of Samothrace,.

"
"
5
meant
In
High in Semitic speech.
apparently
recurs as the

II. xxiii.

Semitic

745.

Libnah.

The name

of

Lemnos has been claimed asLemnos was named Makar,

local hero of

an appellation which

is,

perhaps with

little

reason, said to be-

Semitic.
2

HDT.

Jb. vi. 47.

ii.

44.

Hazarmaveth, "Valley of Death." Lampsakos, however,,

which has been confidently claimed as Phoenician, and said
to mean "At the Ford," cannot be a Semitic name.
Even
if it could be taken to mean "At the Ford" or even "Towards
the Ford" in Semitic, which is improbable, no such combination with a preposition is possible for a Semitic townname.
5
STEABO viii. 346, speaking of the western Samos in Elis,
observes

"
:

ti\f/os t'<rwy,

is

7rp6repop

e-rreidTj

81 /ecu

iroXis Zd//os Trpoffayopevo/Jiei'T}

(rduous eKaXovv ra V^TJ'"

clearly Semitic;

Ar.

Us "to be

/Samos

high," used

Sia r

= " high

commonly

(>
3

'

at

-228

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

the southern ^Egean, Karthaia in Keos must have

been of Phoenician origin, and Phoenician settlements
existed in early times in Rhodes ; the priestly families
of the island traced their descent from Phoenician

and the name of the mountain Atabyrion

In
Crete the names of Itanos and lardanos have a

ancestors,
is

the same as that of the Palestinian Tabor.

Semitic sound, though, as will be seen later, it is

if the legends of the Minotaur and of Talos

doubtful

man are really Semitic. In Kythera the

especial worship of Aphrodite points to an early con-

the brazen

nection with the Phoenicians, and it has been supposed

that they were attracted to this island and to Kranae

Lakonian Gulf by the excellence of their

The purple-fisheries of Nisyros,
purple-fisheries.
the
mines of Siphnos, and the early
and
Kos,
Gyaros,
of
the
Koans, Amorgans and Therasans
pre-eminence
in the art of weaving, have been adduced as proofs of
in the

Phoenician activity in these islands

also.

Legend

It would not
certainly settles Phoenicians in Thera.
be difficult to multiply further the traces of the

Phoenicians in the ./Egean, but in so doing the risk

"
the present time when speaking of a mountain, ~+&
height,"

name can only have been bestowed by the

would in Phoenia word which in Arabic is sham
cian possibly take the form sam
We may then consider it
probable that it was the Phoenicians who originally <rdfj.ovs e/cdXow
TO, v\f/rj, and that the Samos of the East as well as that of the
&c.

This Semitic

Phoenicians

West

really

owed

Saians, to whom
sible derivation.

its

name

to them, rather than to the Thracian

an imposit (STRABO, x. 457)

Phoenician settlements in Samos and Samothrace are then clearly indicated the story that Samothrace

some ascribed

owed its name

an invention.

to a later

Samian migration thither

is

probably

THE PHOENICIANS

IN GREECE

229

incurred of pressing the argument from similarity

name too far, as has certainly been done by Movers
and Oberhummer. Enough evidence is forthcoming
is

of

show that at an early period the ^Egean was overrun in all directions by Phoenician traders, slavedealers, miners, and purple-fishers.
to

The evidence of the Homeric poems shows that this

was the case in the ninth and eighth centuries B.C.
How far back must we place the beginnings of PhoeHerodotos says
nician enterprise in the ^Egean ?
that the temple of the Tyrian Herakles inThasos was
generations before Herakles the son of
1
Amphitryon appeared in Greece.
Objects of Phoenician appearance, e.g., the golden

founded

five

Aphrodite-figure with doves, the temple with doves

2
&c., have been found in the shaft-

on the eaves,

graves of Mycenae, which have generally been considered to be of early date.

This, however, proves
nothing as to Phoenician activity in the ^Egean at an
early period of the Mycenaean age, since, while many
of the contents of the shaft-graves appear to be early,

and among them these " Phoenician" objects,,

can only be compared with the late-Mycenaean objects
from Gyprus and so may date from the ninth century
others,

or later.

No similar objects of Phoenician

appearance

have, apparently, been found with undoubtedly oldMycenaean deposits such as those of Knossos Vaphio

In Rhodes archaeological evidence of

of
Phoenicians is first noticeable at
the presence
the end of the Mycenaean period
after
Kameiros long

and

lalysos.

HOT.

SCHUCHHARDT,

ii.

44.

Figs. l8o, l8l, 183.

230

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

Tradition makes the Phoenicians in

Ehodes the successors of a previous race, known in
" Heliadai." l These
later days as the
may have been
The
inhabitants.
the Mycenaean
half-mythical races
and Crete, the
in
Rhodes
of artists which are found
Telchines and Daktyloi, have been regarded as Phoeni2
In Crete the Daktyloi
cians, but with little reason.
are connected with Daedalus and the very early
Minoan cycle of legends. Attempts have been made to
show that the myths of the Minotaur and of Talos are
of Semitic origin, and so to connect Minos and DaedaBut the attempt fails, because no
lus with Phoenicia.
in that island.

bull-headed god or deity to

Jknown among the Semites
1

Hist. Gr.

HOLM,

i.

whom
3
;

bulls were sacred

and the

is

fact that bulls

p. 94, n. 6.

says that Cyprus also had been inhabited by

" Telchis " a son of
Europa (ib. ii. 5). This
Telchines, and calls
tale is evidently based on the supposition that the Telchines
'

PAUS.

ix. 19,

were Phoenicians.
to a bull-god which can be found
the Moloch of Rabbi Kimchi, who said
that Moloch was calf-faced. This late idea has no other authority
:j

The nearest approach

among

the Semites

is

up (SMITH, Bible Diet. p. 403). The golden calf or

was an Egyptian god. Baal often had horns,
but they were those of a ram, not a bull, and were not given to
him until his form Baal-Hammon (" Lord of Heat ") had become
The cow's
identified with the ram -horned Egyptian Ammon.
horns of Ashtaroth (Ashtaroth-Karnaim) were due to an equally
to back

it

bull of the Israelites

late identification of

her with Isis-Hathor

(cf.

ROBERTSON-

SMITH, Religion of the Semites, p. 310). Not even in Mesopotamia

was there any true bull-deity there is no evidence that Marduk
was ever conceived of as a bull, or that bulls were sacred to him.
The Assyrian Lama?se (Hebr. Kerubim) had the bodies not the
heads of bulls, and were not regarded as deities. (Prof. SAYCB
has theories on the subject cf. Hibbert Lectures, 1887, p. 289 ff.)
It may be noted that the Cretan Zeus Asterios was a deity of
;

comparatively late origin.

PHCENICIANS IN CRETE?
and

theriorn orphic

to have

demons and

231

seem

deities generally

had a

special attraction for the Mycenaeans

as well as the apparent identuty of the Mycenaean

palace Knossos with the Labyrinth would indicate

that the Minotaur was a Mycenaean conception. 1

Human

sacrifice also

was no

unmistakable traces of

it

speciality of the Semites ;

And
are found in Greece.

the Minotaur was a Mycenaean conception, so

if

also the story of Talos, the brazen

man who

may

drove

the Argonauts away from Crete, be Mycenaean too.

It would therefore seem preferable to regard the
Telchines and Daktyloi as representing the Mycenaean art-workers of Rhodes and Crete, rather than
The Europa-myth certainly con-

as Phoenicians.

nects Crete with the Phoenicians, but it bears every

mark of having been invented at a comparatively
2
late period Homer knows nothing of it, and though
;

the early epic poet Eumelos was said to have written

an " Europia," our earliest authorities for the tale are

Hellanikos 3 and Herodotos. 4

We

cannot therefore find either in Rhodes or in

Mr. Evans thinks that the Legend of the Minotaur may have
grown round the frescoes and reliefs of bulls on the walls of
the numberless corridors and chambers of the Mycensean palace
at Knossos, which probably is the Labyrinth. But the Knossians
may have especially worshipped a bull-headed devil, connected
in some way with the Cretan Zeus, to whom human sacrifices
were made. And the story of the tribute of young men and
maidens from Athens may record a historical fact. (Cf. App. I.
1

first

post.)
~
The reference in //. xiv. 324, to Europa as the mother of
Minos and Rhadamanthys by Zeus is, with the rest of the passage
from 1. 317 to 1. 327, a late interpolation (<-f. HENKE, llias, p. 12).
4
3
HDT. i. 2.
Schol ad //. ii. 494.

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

232

Crete any evidence of the presence of the Phoenicians

until the end of the Mycenaean

in those islands

and the Phoenician occupation of Kythera

can hardly have taken place until after Crete had
period

become known

to the Semitic sailors.

mainland of Greece, the legend

Turning
which brings Kadmos from Phoenicia would seem to
settle Phoenicians at Thebes in Boeotia in Mycenaean
times, and therefore to pre-suppose a very early Phoeto the

nician activity in the ^Egean.

The Kadmeians

are at

Thebes in the Iliad, 1 but no hint is given that they

were Phoenician or in any way non-Greek. In the
Odyssey the legend of the woes of CEdipus is alluded
to, and the sea-goddess Ino, daughter of Kadmos,.
2
appears to Odysseus, but here again no hint is given
us that the poet conceived either
as persons of

non-Greek

Kadmos

origin.

maintained that since the name

But

or CEdipusit

Kadmos

may

be

resembles

the Semitic word Qedem, meaning " East," the Kadmeians must have come from the Semitic East, and
that the worship of the Kabeiroi and the occurrence
of the

name

Eshmun at Thebes

of their leader

enables-

"
us to conclude that these " Easterners were Phoeni-

cians.

But the name Kadmos has also been derived

3
root, and the whole story may have

from a Greek

grown up from the chance resemblance of the namemyth of Europa, which

to the Semitic word, like the

may have

may have

Phoenicians
1

2
3

II. iv.

Od.

385 ff
271

xi.

v.

804

il. v.

PAPE-BENSELEE,

the possibility that the

in

originated

called
ff

Europe

Ereb,

"The

xxiii. 680.

333.
IVbrJi.

Or. Eigenn.

s. v.

Kd5/*os.

PHCENICIANS IN BCEOTIA?
Evening-Land,"

i.e.,

West.

the

And

233.

the

cult

quite well have been introduced from Samothrace at a comparatively late date,

of the

Kabeiroi

may

in consequence of the general acceptance of the story.

The resemblance between the name of the river

Ismenos and that of the Phoenician Eshmun would

With regard

then be a simple coincidence.

probability of

to the-

a Phoenician settlement in

general
Bceotia opinion is much divided some see in such a
settlement a proof of the commercial sagacity of the
;

who must have occupied Thebes

Phoenicians,

in order

to control the trade-route from the Euripus, where

they are also considered to have settled, to the Corin-

thian Gulf

l
;

while others consider that a Phoenician

settlement at Thebes would be absolutely in the air,

and have no reason whatever for existence. The last

view seems certainly to be the most probable a

Phoenician settlement inland, even at so short a distance from the sea as Thebes, is unlikely.
The
;

legends of the wars of Thebes against the Achaians

of Argos, and the enmity between Thebes and Minyan

Orchomenos, may point to a non-Achaian origin for

the Kadmeians, but it does not show that they were
non-Hellenes, much less foreigners. It may therefore be concluded that the legend which made Kadmos
quite untrustworthy, and that,
generally speaking, a Phoenician settlement in Bceotia
at any date is improbable.
Kadmos was also said to

Phoenician

is

have visited Thrace, and Thera was said to have had

Kadmeian inhabitants. 2 But these tales do not prove1

HOLM,

APOLLOD.

Hist. Or.

i.

ii. I, iii.

p. 97.

HOT.

iv. 147.

234

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

that the Phoenicians had already reached Thrace, or

even Thera, as early as the time of the foundation of

Thebes, which legend would place in the Mycenaean

Both Thrace and Thera were without doubt
period.
scenes of Phoenician activity in later days, and for
this reason were connected with Kadrnos after he had

become regarded as a Phoenician.

The Kadmeian

legend cannot therefore be considered to prove anything as to an early activity of the Phoenicians in the
All the evidence points to a post-Mycenaean
While
first entry into that sea.

^Egean.

date for even their

the homogeneous Mycenaean culture

still

dominated

the lands and islands of the ^Egean basin, it would

have been difficult for the Phoenicians to have attained

any footing there it would not have been till the

fall of the Achaian hegemony which followed the
Dorian invasion and the time of Confusion in the
^Egean which must have followed that event that
they would have obtained the opportunity to enter
;

the ^Egean.

Phoenician activity in the islands of the

therefore be considered to have com-

^Egean may
menced in the dark age between the Return of the
Herakleids and the time of the poets of the Iliad.
We have seen that at this latter period Kythera had

apparently long been a centre of the Phoenician cult

of Aphrodite; in 77. xv. 432 the island is alluded to
in a manner which

is suggestive
Lykophron, son of
Master, squire of Telamonian Ajax, is expelled from
" divine "
1
Kythera because he had slain a man there.

'This looks as if the island

was already regarded as

it was defiled by

-especially holy to Aphrodite, so that

1

'E?rei ai>5pa /care/era

PHOENICIANS IN THE WEST

a homicide

235

the worship of Aphrodite can only have

been brought thither by the Phoenicians, who therefore must have been in possession of the purplefisheries there at a period long before the time of the
;

authors of the Iliad. 1

So that the actual date of the

entry of the Phoenicians into the ^Egean can

hardly be placed much later than IOOO B.C.

first

We

hear so

Iliad that
nicians

little

of the

Western Lands in the

impossible to say what part the Phoehave played in the West as early as the

it is

may

tenth and ninth centuries.

In the next century, as

Greek maritime activity revived, the western seas
became better known to the poets of Ionia, and we

now hear something

of Phoenician activity in that

Since Phoenician influence upon early

art
is
evident as far back as the beginning of
Italian
direction.

the eighth century B.C., it is probable that the Tyrian

merchants traded regularly with the Ionian Islands
The occurrence of the name
in the Homeric period.
2

may perhaps be
taken to prove a former Phoenician occupation of one
or more of them. An ingenious speculator has argued
a far-reaching Phoenician domination in these islands
iSamos in these islands at this time

on the opposite coast of Greece at this period,

but his conclusions are chiefly founded on verbal
resemblances and analogies which are far less striking

-and

than that of Samos

3

unconvincing.
1

Cf.
3

HDT.

i.

Od. passim
i.

Samak, and are on the whole

The commercial

activity

of

the

105.
;

634 (later than Od.).

Phonizier in Akarnanien. He claims the
184) as Phoenicians, with little reason.
II.

ii.

OBERHUMMER, Die

Taphians (Od.

==

STUDIES OF THE

236

MYCEN^AN AGE

Taphians or Teleboans of Akarnania in these waters

at this time is a proof that the trade of the West was
by no means restricted to Phoenician merchants in
the eighth century B.C. at any rate.
Our general conclusions then with regard to the
activity of the Phoenicians in Greece at this period
are
that about the beginning of the first millennium
:

B.C.

the Phoenicians established numberless factories

and trading stations

many

in.

most of the islands and in

places on the Greek coasts

that their pre-

dominant position in the ^Egean was not relinquished

by them until the growing maritime energy of the
Greeks, which began to manifest itself as soon as the
disturbed tribes had finally settled down in their new
seats and the development of their common civilization could again pursue its course
compelled them to withdraw from

uninterrupted,

Greek waters ;
that in the ninth and eighth centuries, the period of
the Iliad, the process of withdrawal seems to have
been already begun though all trade is still in their
hands, yet they seem to be no longer in actual occupation of many of their old settlements and that in
:

the course of the next century, 750-650, when they

are described in the Odyssey as trading more espe-

Greek waters, they disappeared from

The
Greece.
break-up of their power was no doubt
materially hastened by the conquest of Phoenicia by

cially outside

the Assyrians, which

took place

in

the

eighth

century.

In the Greek islands their occupation left many

it
new arts, perhaps, such as the

traces behind

making and dyeing

of splendid robes, while in

some

THE ALPHABET

IN GREECE

237

Rhodes, Thera, and Thasos, for

Phoenician
element was permanently
example
added to the population. In continental Greece few

of the

islands

traces of their presence, other than place-names, are

discernible.
It is possible, however, that the great
of the Phoenicians to Greece, the alphabet, was
introduced by them, not after their expulsion from

.gift

the ^Egean. but while they were still dominant there.

the Phoenicians invented the

We do not know when

In the fifteenth century B.C. they used the

Mesopotamian cuneiform syllabary, and, to judge
from the way in which Palestinian names are transliterated in the Egyptian geographical work which is

alphabet.

known
used

it

"

of an Egyptian," l they still

in the thirteenth century, to which the work

as

The Travels

is to be assigned.
One of the earliest
known specimens of the alphabet is the inscription
on the cup of Hiram I., which dates to the tenth

in question

It was therefore invented at some time

between 1200 and IOOO B.C. So that it may well
have been first brought to Greece somewhere about
the ninth century, though it was apparently not
-adopted by the Greeks till at earliest the end of the

century.

eighth.

It is evident that in

Homeric times (ninth-

eighth centuries) the art of writing was known, but

only to a few, and these the wisest of mankind it is
;

3
are
impossible to say whether the o-rjjuara Xuy/oa
more likely to have been Phoenician letters than
1

Mus. Pap. 10247. Text in BUDGE, Heading Book, p.

translation by CHABAS and GOODWIN in Records of the

Brit.

274 ff

Past, ist Series, ii. p. 107 ff.

2
Illustrated by MASPEKO, Premieres Meties des Peuples, p. 574.
'

:{

//. vi.

169.

238

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

in

Cyprus pictographs wereend of the Mycenaean

when
the
period,
Cypriote syllabary seems to make
its first appearance (v. post, p.
The adapted
265).
Phoenician alphabet was apparently first used in the

Mycenaean pictographs
apparently used down

southern ^Egean

to the

islands,

in

Khodes,

Crete,

and

1
Thera, which are especially connected in legend with
the Phoenicians.

In the Homeric poems we have also traces of unHellenic peoples settled in the ^Egean who were not
of Phoenician origin.
Their influence on the develop-

ment of early Greek civilization, though not so marked

as that of the Phoenicians, is, however, very noticeable.

The Aryan Phrygians seem

into Lesbos

to

have crossed over

the island appears as politically attached

dominions of the Phrygian princes, and is
2
apparently inhabited by a non-Greek population.
;

to the

Lemnos was, as has been seen, partly occupied in

Homeric, and probably also in Mycenaean, times by
the Sintians, who were of Thracian origin.
The
Thracians,

who appear

in the Iliad as allies of the

Trojans, seem to have been far more civilized at this

time than in later days the chariots, horses, and
golden armour and accoutrements of Rhesos indicate
;

a highly-developed culture. 8
It has indeed been
doubted if the Homeric Threikes were the same

people as the Thracians of historical times.

1

Introd. to Greek Epigraphy, p. 23 ff.

Cf. HILLER v_
archdische Kultur der Imel Thera, p. 15.
3
11. x. 434 If.
129 xxiv. 544.

ROBERTS,

GARTRINGEN, Die
2

//. ix.

This

THE THRACIANS

239,

early Thracian culture, which was no doubt established in other islands of the northern ^Egean besides

Lemnos, must have made itself felt further south and

have influenced the development of Greek civilization
to a certain extent.

Hellenic culture
of

is

One very noticeable e.lement in

derived by the unanimous voice-

Greek tradition from Thrace

the ecstatic worship

of Dionysos. 1
Many writers have considered this
be
Semitic ; the name lacchos has been?
to
worship
2
and so some hissupposed to have a Semitic sound
torians have made the whole early culture of Thrace
;

The Phoenicians were settled on the

Phoenician.
Thracian coast in early times, and so whatever Semitictraits there may be in the Dionysiac worship, and
these are not very apparent, may possibly be du&
to their influence, but the

main idea

drunken

of the

3
wine-god and his crew is not Semitic
enough. Also the names Aiovvaos and
;

it is

Aryan

Se/xsA?? are-

1
From the story of the journey of Dionysos to Thebes in
Bceotia was deduced the presence of Thracian settlers in Boeotia

in pre-historic times, the Thracian origin of the

at Eleusis, &c.

Eumolpid family

SAYCE, Hibbert Lectures, 1887, p. 54.

There was no Semitic wine-god the deity with the grapes
on the rock of Ibriz is " kleinasiatisch," not Semitic, and the
Nabataean vine-god Dusares, only known to us at a late period,,
cf.

is

Cf. KOBBRTSON SMITH,

"The only clear Semitic case of

evidently hellenized.

Religion of the

the association
of a particular deity with a fruit tree is, I believe, that of the
Nabataean Dusares, who was the god of the vine. But the
vine came to the Nabatseans only in the period of Hellenic
culture (DiOD. xix. 94, 3), and Dusares as the wine-god
/Semites, p.

193

seems simply to have borrowed the traits of Dionysos." " The

"
Great Dionysiak Myth (so ROBERT BROWN, JR.
why not
"Dionusiak Muth"?) has no discoverable " Euphratean " con:

nections.

2 4o

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

purely Aryan, and so no doubt is "lajc^oc in reality.

'The slight information which we possess as to the
1

general character of the civilization- of the Homeric

Thracians enables us to pronounce definitely against
any Phoenician or other Semitic origin for it; it

appears to have been related to the horse-breeding

and chariot-using civilization of the Aryan Phrygians

and Maeonians, which was no doubt closely connected

with and strongly influenced by the Mycenaean culture, both belonging to the European Bronze Age.
Its influence in the zEgean would therefore in all
probability introduce no very new or strange elements
into Greek art and handicraft.

In the southern ^Egean we perhaps find in the

post-Mycensean
Karians.

period a

The abiding

new

race

tradition of

installed,

the

Greece testi-

as has already been said, to the early presence of

the Karians in the ^Egean islands, and especially in
fies,

the Cyclades.
KRETSCHMEK, Ausder Anomia, p. 19, rightly connects Z
and the Phrygian word fotfAw = Karaxdovioi) with the Slav word
for "Land," "~Ea,rth"fii<ss.3eMJi!i,zemlya; Semele was the Demeter
of the Aryan Thracians. The supposed Phoenician deity Samlath,
confidently claimed as the Semitic prototype of Semele by Prof.
SAYCE, loc. cit., cannot be proved to have anything whatever to
do with her, and Mr. BROWN'S idea (Bab. and Or. Record, v. p. 159)
that the original of both Samlath and Semele was a " SumeroAkkadian goddess"named"Shamela,"cannot be accepted, because
no such deity as "Shamela" ever existed: the name has been
wrongly read (see Addenda, p. 322, post}. It seems to me certain
that the name of the Getan deity Zalmoxis or Zamolxis (HDT. iv.
94, 95) is, like that of Semele, connected with the word zemlya,
"
earth"; according to the legend he disappeared from among
the Thracians and abode in a subterranean habitation for three
i.e., he was a god of the under- world, 0e6s
.years
]

KARIANS AND LELEGES

241

They are mixed up in legend with the Leleges

" that
mysterious race now represented merely as the
double of the Carians, now as a distinct people,
dividing with the Pelasgians the whole of European
and it maybe that the Lelegic tribes,
Greece"
1

whom we

have already thought to be related to the

(v. ante, p. 100), were in reality also very
allied
to the Karians, and that the early
closely
Lelegic population of the Cyclades, over which the
Minoans of Knossos in early Mycenaean days extended
Pisidians

dominion, was to all intents and purposes

Karian. The idea of the Karians having conquered
the Leleges would then be a mistake due to a want
their

of comprehension of the practical racial identity of

Karians and Leleges.

Another theory of the Karians

is,

however, possible.

The Karians, though they certainly belonged to the

non- Aryan stock of Asia Minor, are not mentioned
among' the Mycenaean tribes of southern Asia Minor
who appear on Egyptian monuments, and so may not
have reached the /Egean coast till the end of the
In the Homeric poems the
Mycenasan period.
Karians are mentioned as settled in Asia, 2 but not in
the islands.
This silence need not, however, be taken
as proof positive that they were not in the islands in
the Homeric period. They were in the islands at some
time they appear not to have been in them before
;

at this time the Cyclades, where their

chief island settlements were said to have been, are

this period

ignored by the earlier Homeric poets and are appaa later date than
rently not inhabited by Greeks
;

TSOUNTAS-MANATT,

p. 257.

II. ii.

867, &C.

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

242

Karian occupation of the islands is

So that, notwithstanding the silence of
impossible.
the Homeric poets, we might assume that it was
during the eleventh and tenth centuries B.C. that
the islands were occupied by the Karians, 1 and that
this

for

the

they were still there when the songs of the Iliad

were composed this then will be the reason why
;

the Cyclades are altogether ignored in the Iliad.

The connection of the Karians with the Leleges

and with the Minos-legend will then appear to be

a fiction of later times, due to the vivid remembrance
which the Greeks possessed of the fact that Karians
as well as Leleges had once occupied the Cyclades,
and ruled the ^Egean. 2
The expulsion of the Karians from the islands may
well have taken place in the eighth century, when, in
the Odyssey, we find the first mention in the early

Epos

of

an island of the Cyclades.

nificant that this island is Delos,

It is perhaps sig-

which was early an

important centre of the worship of Apollo. It

is

there-

fore probable that the first island of the Cyclades in

which Apollo was worshipped was Delos, and so that
1

If

names beginning with Imbr- are

we have perhaps

to be regarded as Karian

traces of the Karians in other islands besides

the Cyclades in Imbros Hermes Imbramos was worshipped, and

there was a river Imbrasos in Samos.
But the element imbr- is
probably not specially Karian, but common to the Pelasgian
;

speech of the peoples of Asia Minor in general, and so its occurrence in Imbros and Samos is more probably merely an indication
that the prae- Hellenic inhabitants of these islands were of
" kleinasiatisch " stock. Tradition also
Karians to the

brought

coasts of continental Greece.

2

It is

noticeable that

cracy after the Trojan

DIODORUS

War

places the Karian thalasso-

(V. 53, 84).

LELEGES AND PELASGIANS

Delos was the
the

first

Greeks.

243

of the Cyclades to be occupied by

of this island in the

The mention

Odyssey might then be taken to indicate that at the

time the Odyssean sagas were being composed (the

eighth century) the Greeks had already begun to

occupy the Cyclades. It is further possible that the

Greeks in Delos came originally from Crete

first

the beginnings of the Delphic oracle are closely connected with Crete, where Apollo seems to have been
l
so that perhaps
worshipped in very early times
But
the Apollo of Delos was also of Cretan origin.
;

the main body of the expellers of the Karians were,

no doubt, lonians, coming, some probably from Greece,

others from the Asiatic Sporades.
This, however, is all pure theory as far as the
Karians are concerned and the view which regards
the Karians of the ^Bgean as simply the early
;

seems the more

Lelegic inhabitants
the two.

probable of

The Leleges are not mentioned in the islands in

the Homeric poems in the Iliad we find them only
;

in Asia, " holding steep Pedasos on the Satnioeis." 2

But since they are called " the war-loving Leleges,"
still have been considered an important
and
the time when the killing of a Lelex
people,
could be sufficiently expiated by the payment of a

they

may

basket of pease

To

is

evidently yet far

off.

companions in mystery, the Pelasthe

Greek
historians assign a belated activity
gians,
in the northern ^Egean at about this time.
In the
their old

Cf.

Hymn.

11

xxi. 86.

Horn.

I.

CuBTius, Die lonier, &c.

3
PLUT. Qucest. Gr.

46.

STUDIES OF THE

244

Iliad their

name

is chiefly

MYCEN^AN AGE
apparent in Thessaly and

at Dodona, but a branch of the race still maintains a

1
The northern islands
separate existence in Asia.

between Thessaly and Asia are occupied only by

Minyans and tribes of Thracian origin. We have
seen reason to suppose that Phoenician settlements
Herodotos
also existed in these islands at this time.

speaks of an invasion of Lemnos by Pelasgians from

Attica, which brought the Minyan rule in the island

an end. 2

This event must have taken place after

the composition of the latest parts of the original
to

end of the ninth

The legend might appear to have some
century.
foundation in fact, on account of the well-knov/n

Iliad

i.e.

at the earliest after the

Pelasgian traces in the neighbouring islands of

Imbros and Samothrace, and on the neighbouring
coasts, but

stands;

it is

no

doubtful

can be accepted as it
always had been from

if it

doubt there

remote times a Pelasgic population in the northern

islands connecting the Pelasgi of Thessaly with those
of Asia, which was mingled with Thracian and
Phoenician settlers, and ruled by Hellenic princes
and the story of the conquest of
of Minyan origin
;

Lemnos by Attic Pelasgi was probably an Athenian

invention of the sixth century, devised in order to con-

nect the legendary Pelasgians of Attica with the still

existing representatives of the race in the northern

^Egean, and so to establish an Athenian claim to

the possession of Lemnos, which was important to
them as commanding the corn-route to the Cherso1

II. x.

to say.

428.

How

far this

is

mere archaizing
2

HDT.

vi.

137

it is

impossible

iv. 145.

AIOI
nese and the Black

them

nEAASrOI
Sea,

245

and would thus

fall

to

compensation for the legendary misdeeds of

the Pelasgians at Brauron. In a well-known passage
in

of the Odyssey (xix. 177) &oi UtXatryoi are mentioned as maintaining a separate existence in Crete,
but not elsewhere in the ^Egean. They are specifically distinguished

kretans

"

from the

"

great-hearted

and from the Kydoneg.

Eteo-

The phraseology

of the passage gives the impression that the poet is

describing the ethnological condition of the island
in his

own

It is to

time.

be noted that no trace

is

found in the

any activity on the part of the

Sardinians or the Tyrrhenians in the zEgean or else-

Homeric poems

of

where in Greece, either in heroic days or in the

time of the poets themselves. We have already
doubted if these peoples really were the Shardina

and Thuirsha who attacked Egypt in alliance with

Asiatic and ^Egean tribes in the Mycenaean period,
and the absence of any mention of them in the
Homeric poems confirms our doubts as to any
activity on their part in the Eastern Mediterranean
during the Mycenaean or early post-Mycenaean ages.
Later, however, we find Tyrrhenian pirates occasionally mentioned as visiting the shores of Greece.

We see, therefore, that the break-up of the

Achaian power, and the resulting confusion in the
^Bgean, would seem to have enabled foreign peoples
to establish

islands

of

themselves in Greece, especially in the

the ^Eg-ean.
This seems to be the

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

246

dominant characteristic of the period of Mycaenean

decadence. At the period of the Iliad the Greeks

would seem

to have already begun to assert the

claims of Greece to her own seas and islands; the

Phoenicians are in process of withdrawal, though

they still retain their commercial monopoly. In the

Odyssey the expulsion of the Phoenicians and, on one

theory, the Karians is almost consummated at the
;

end of the eighth century the ^Egean isles are mostly

Greek. The work of expulsion, no doubt, fell in great
measure to the Asiatic lonians, who, under the
expatriated noble families from
began in the eighth century to

leadership of the

Greece

proper,

resume their interrupted maritime energy.

We

are

Greece.

now come
The

to the beginnings of classical

days of the Mycenaean

flourishing

culture have long passed away

the days of its
decadence, when the poets of Asiatic Greece sang of
its past glories, and the Phoenicians had usurped the
;

place of the

ancient

masters of the yEgean, are

passing away, and we stand on the threshold of a

new order. But though the last traces of the
Bronze Age culture of Greece are soon to die, we
"
see that its influence will not die
Greek civiliza:

"

we know

based almost entirely upon

"
of
the
the civilization
Mycenaean period the Greek
tion

as

it is

art

"

which we know

is

no new inspiration but

the

is

direct descendant of the older art of Mycenae.

In the early art of Ionia the dominating influence

of the

Mycenaean tradition

is

plainly visible

it

ARTISTIC RENASCENCE

247

seems evident that the first impulse to the development of renascent Greek art arose in Ionia under
"
the direct influence of works of the " Mycenaean
genius at the time of the vigorous renascence of
Greek activity in the cities of Ionia, after the migration of the remnants of the
to Asia.

At

Achaian princely houses

this time the artistic efforts

European Greeks were

of

the

the barbaric

confined
"
"
style, which we have
designs of the geometrical
supposed to have been an introduction of the ironto

using Dorians from the north. As the use of iron

was gradually introduced from Greece proper into
Asiatic Greece, so the Mycenaean artistic influence
gradually found its way back to Greece from Ionia,

and the modifications which

design are easily

traceable.

it

effected in geometric

The connecting-link
was provided by the

between the two styles of art

the Dorians, advancing from
islands of the ^Egean
the Peloponnese by the way of Melos, Thera, and
:

Crete, reached Khodes, of old a stronghold of

Mycenaean influence, while the lonians of Attica and
the Cyclades, who had possibly in reality not established

any firm foothold in continental Greece until

Dorian invasion, brought their artistic ideas

after the

into connection

with those of the artists of the

reciprocal influence which the one

Dipylon.
the other soon brought about the
on
exerted
style

The

creation of the independent styles, combining many

characteristic features of both, which we have already

mentioned when tracing the general history of early

Greek civilization. It might naturally be expected
that these eclectic styles would first arise in the

248

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

FIG. 61.

Left upper register

Left lower register

men
Centre

Deer, rosettes, &c.

Pyrrhic dance

wrestling

Decor]

musician

leaping and clapping hands.

Birds, rosettes, &c.

Below

(PERROT-CHIPIEZ, Hist, del

DECORATION OF A GEOMETRICAL VASE

ictrical

Vase.

Right upper register

Right lower register
bat

lions

Birds, deer, roseites, &c.

Man and woman

devouring a

man

conversing

musician

bearing hydriai and holding branches.

\\\rch. Zeifg. 1885, pi.

viii.)

com-

two women

249

250

STUDIES OF THE

^Egean

islands,

which lay midway between, and

connected, the two cultures.

two of these new styles of

the domain

MYCEN^AN AGE
And

this is the case

art, exemplified only in

of vase-painting, first arose in Melos and

Khodes, the two islands in which the Dorians muut

have come into contact with the Asiatic Greeks,

first

We have

seen that the coming of the Dorians to the

southern islands of the ^Egean cannot have taken

place till the beginning of the eighth century at the
earliest, so that

the independent Melian and Rhodian

styles of vase-painting can hardly have

exist before the end of that century.

begun to
To the
Rhodian style the Daphnian, Naukratite, and
Cyrenaic styles which arose among the Greek
colonists of Africa in the seventh century owed their
inspiration.
Attempts have been made to show
that it was really of Argive origin, chiefly because
the Dorians of Rhodes came from Argolis by them
1
it is supposed to have been
brought to Rhodes.
This theory would assume that the conjunction of
Mycenaean and Geometrical elements which produced
;

this style took place in Argolis, as the similar con"

"
Phaleric
junction which produced the
style took
place in Attica, but vases of this type are apparently

not in their

own home in

more natural

Argolis, and

it

seems much

to suppose that this

style first originated

in Rhodes, whither the Geometrical influence

which

helped to form it had been brought by the Dorians,

This style was also much affected
by oriental
influence.

From, the pure Mycena?an and Geomevase-painting oriental elements were

trical styles of
1

KEKULE,

Rhein. Mus.

xliii.

(1888) p. 481.

MIXED STYLES

251

entirely absent their presence in the derived styles

was due, as has already been said, to Phoenician,
;

Lydian, and Cypriote influences, which now became

The style called
for a while dominant in Greece.
"
Proto-Corinthian," apparently because the true
Corinthian style was developed from it, appears
A
to have had no special connection with Corinth.
great find of Proto-Corinthian ware has been

made

in ^Egina, but this is hardly sufficient to warrant

our ascribing its origin to that island. It is much
it originated in Ionia and in the
the Ionian coast, possibly at Miletos, the
ancient ally of ^Egina, 1 or in Samos, whence it may

more probable that

islands off

have passed to Chalkis, which was apparently a great

its distribution, since it is largely found in

centre of
Bceotia

and

also in Sicily,

where there were Chal-

Although our knowledge of the deat

this
time
of forms of art other than vasevelopment

kidian colonies.

painting

is

comparatively scanty, yet we know enough

same mixture of Mycenaean,

to enable us to see that the

was as characteristic
and probably also of wood- and

geometrical, and oriental designs

of bronze-working,

1
PALLAT (Ath. Mitth. 1897, p. 273 ff.) notes that in ^Egina the
Proto-Corinthian style developed in a manner peculiar to the

island.
2

Of. the

bronze objects of this period from Olympia (FuRT-

WANGLER, Bronzefundevon Olympia} and the bronze reliefs published by DE BIDDER, De Ectypis quibusdam ceneis, Paris, 1896.
The bronze shields, bowls, &c., with mixed oriental designs, from
the Idaean Cave in Crete (HALBHERR and ORSI, Musto Italiano,
with similar designs
(1888) pp. 689-904), and the bronze bowls
found in Cyprus and elsewhere are of Phoenician, not Greek
workmanship they appear to be mostly of ninth to seventh
same
century date none hitherto found can be referred to the
ii.

252

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

ivory-carving, at this period as it was of vase-paintThis mixed style of art seems to have been the

ing.

creation of the

^Egean islands which

lie

nearest to

the Asiatic coast, and in these islands the movement

which resulted in the expulsion of the extraneous
oriental element

and the inception

of the Hellenic

art of the classical period seems also to have

its rise.
The earliest Greek artists whose

taken

names

have come down to us were mostly islanders of the

In Crete the tradition of the Dgedalids,
^Egean.
whom we have seen reason to regard as representing
the artists of the Myoenasan age, had been handed
down to successors whose renown reached far beyond

the limits of their island, so that they were often

summoned to exercise their skill in the states of
continental Greece, and most of the artistic pioneers
of the new order in the seventh century were either

Cretans or islanders of the Asiatic coast.

The general condition of Greece at this time was

to a renewed growth of art and
The eighth century heard the last
general culture.
echoes of the Dorian migration and its attendant
wars and wanderings die away, and saw the final
retreat of the foreigners from the ^Egean.
The
new development of culture, originating, as we
have seen, in the meeting-place of the old and the
new elements of Greek civilization, then progressed
The growth of wealth which followed the
apace.
most favourable

taking over of the chief means of gaining wealth in

a country like Greece, seaborne commerce, by the
date as the purely Egyptian bowl (c. 1500 B.C.) with which
v. BISSING compares them (Jahrb. Arch. Imt.
xiii.; 1898).

COMMERCE AND COLONIZATION

253

Greeks from the Phoenicians, not only aided this

development directly, but also helped it on in an
In those states of Greece which
indirect manner.
were favourably situated for purposes of commerce
almost the whole wealth of the State was in the

hands of the richer nobles, 1 whose power consequently became so great that the time-honoured
authority of the kings passed into their hands. The
demands of the wealthy rulers of the cities for more

magnificent houses for themselves and for the gods,

more elaborate gifts to the temples and more

for

splendid public processions and embassies whereby

make

and power apparent to

a great artistic
about
men, naturally brought
to
those states in
artists
nocked
the
development

they might

their riches

all

which the

fullest

means and scope were

offered for

the exercise of their talents.

The great increase of commerce and consequent

increase of wealth and luxury in Greece at this time
was also due to a great extent to the founding of the
Greek colonies outside Greek waters the colonies
also acted as expanders and carriers of Greek culture
Most of the colonies
in all directions outside Greece.
must have been carefully planned for commercial
;

The name

of the aristocratic rulers

(cf.

WHIBLEY,

(ri-cek

Oligarchies^ p. 116) of Miletos, 'AeivaOrcu, is significant.

may be sure that the word means what it purports to mean.

We
It

probable that, like the Milesian nobles, the Geomoroi of Samos

and the Hippobotai of Chalkis owed almost as much of their
wealth to the seaborne commerce of their respective states as to
No doubt the gentlemen
their agriculture or horse-breeding.
did not haul with the mariners, but that the gentlemen received
the profits of the voyages of many of the mariners is probable

is

enough.

254

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

purposes and in pursuance of a definite commercial

policy by the rulers of the colonizing states, who
senc out with each expedition a

member

of the ruling

The movement seems to have begun

soon after the Greeks had entered into full possession
of the ^Egean
i.e., not till the end of the eighth
The
traditional
dating of the founding of
century.
the first colonies can hardly be taken to be more than
Even as late as
fairly approximate guess-work.
about 650 B.C. we find that the JSgean had not yet
become entirely Hellenic or even hellenized about
house as

oikist.

that time the Parians took Thasos from its Phoenician

and Thracian inhabitants and colonized it. 1 Thasos

lies on the flank of the route from the Greek lands
to the Hellespont, so that it would seem that it
cannot have been long before it became necessary to
seize the island if the colonies in the Propontis and
Black Sea were to be safely established. And it was
to the Propontis that

some

of the earliest colonizing

The founding of Kyzikos

expeditions were directed.
the
and Siuope by
Milesians, who were among the
The generally accepted date for the colonization of Thasos
708 B.C. CURTIUS accepts Dionysius's date, 720. But this is
impossibly early, for this reason. In the expedition to Thasos
took part the poet Archilochos, under his father, Telesikles, the
1

is

leader of the expedition. Now Archilochos is said by Herodotos

have lived in the reign of Gyges of Lydia. Herodotos's
(i. 12) to
date for Gyges, 716 B.C., is well known to be no less than sixty

years wide of the truth.

Gyges was a contemporary of Ashurbanipal and P^ammetichos I., and his floruit may be placed
c. 650 B.C.
This date is confirmed by the fact that Archilochos
mentions a total eclipse of the sun which took place at midday
of April
it

6,

648 B.C.

(BuRY, Hist.

And

it

Gi'. p. 119).

was probably

in Thasos that he

saw

THE COMMERCIAL LEAGUES

255

Greek colonizers, cannot therefore have taken

much before 720 B.C., and the western colonies,
Korkyra, Syracuse, Naxos, Rhegium, and the rest,

first

place

can only have been founded a good deal later. 1

The expansion of the Greek world into the Black

Sea and into Western waters in the seventh century

naturally led to the establishment of a most vigorous

commercial connection between East and West, which

passed along regular competing trade-routes, which

were controlled by the state through whose ports and

waters they ran. The states which controlled one
route were naturally bound to one another by the tie
of

mutual interests and by a common hatred for the

which controlled a rival and competing route.

states

This commercial competition finally culminated in

bringing almost the whole of Greece into two

opposed alliances, each of which controlled a rival

1
If we suppose that the first colonies in the Propontis and
Black Sea were founded in despite of possible danger from the
flanking position of Thasos, such dates as those of 770 B.C. for

the founding of Sinope, 756 for that of Kyzikos, 734 for that of
Syracuse, seern far too early. The very exactitude with which
If it is true
the dates are given render them open to suspicion.
it is a pity to disturb them,
Syracusan date is in direct conflict
with the evidence of the Odyssey, that far on into the eighth
century Sicily was not much better known to the Greeks than
Central Africa was.to us a hundred years ago. That the Milesians
and Samians may have penetrated into the Propontis and Black
Sea as early as the first half of the eighth century is, since we
know that the lonians began to bestir themselves at least as
early as the beginning of that century, just possible but that
the Corinthians founded Syracuse as early as 734 seems impossible.
And the " Protocorinthian" pottery which, as we shall see,
immediately followed the last Mycenaean vases in Sicily, cannot
possibly be dated as early as 734.

that these dates

it is

no

fit

in so nicely that

less true that the

MYCEN^AN AGE

STUDIES OF THE

256

commercial route from Asia to continental Greece

and the West. The respective mainsprings of these

two alliances seem to have been the rival cities of

A very

Chalkis and Eretria in the island of Euboea.

ancient alliance, which probably dated from Mycenaean

times, connected the cities which lay on the coast

running through the Euripus, which connected

the old Mycenaean centres on the Pagasasan Gulf and
route,

in Boeotia with those of Argolis the central point

where the delegates of the allied cities met was the
;

temple of Poseidon in the island of Kalaureia,

1
Argolic coast.

When

off the

the over-sea expansion of the

Greeks began, the League of Kalaureia seems to have

basis of a new commercial alliance, con-

become the

necting Asia with continental Greece and the West.

We

picture to ourselves yEgina and Athens

combined with Eretria, the central point of the

may

now
new

league, and with Paros, to connect Miletos, the first

Asiatic city to embark in commercial adventure, with

Megara, the Argolic

cities,

and the Peloponnesian

At the

coast- towns round to the Corinthian Gulf.

end

the eighth century the Eretrians colonized

Korkyra, and somewhat later the Achaians passed on
to the Italian coast and founded Sybaris, which always
of

remained in alliance with the

Lately excavated
ill.

p.

285

V. p.

Mycenaean pottery found

896).

V.

FRAZER,

(ef.

v.

p.

d.

kgl.

158

f)

Geseli-

seems

374) does not mention more than

offering of the states concerned, it is true but this

hypercritical.

a common

of

WlLAMOWITZ-MOLLENDORFF'S

explanation of the Amphictiony (Nachrichten

der WissenscJtaften zu Gdttinyen, 1896,

scliaft

STRABO

member

Chalkis became the centre of

the league, Miletos.

PaUS.

far eastern

(viii.

implies an ancient alliance.

THE WEST

257

a new confederacy, founded in opposition to that of

Eretria.
Sarnos, the rival of Miletos, Naxos, the
rival of Paros, and Corinth, the rival of ^Egina, com-

bined with Chalkis to exploit another commercial

route which passed by the Isthmus of Corinth, across

which ships could easily be hauled from the Eastern

The favourable commercial
the Western sea.

to

position of Corinth soon assured the predominance of

the Chalkidian alliance in the West Korkyra was
;

taken from the Eretrians, and thereafter only one or

two colonies were established by the cities of the

and Sicily. In the East, howthe

Eretrian
ever,
League well maintained its posiand
and
Miletos
tion,
Megara dominated the Hellesrival league in Italy

pontine region. But the unfavourable result of the

Lelantine war severely affected the allies of Eretria

From this time (about 650 B.C.)

the importance of Miletos began to decline, and
Samos came more to the front. Samian colonies
as well as herself.

were established in the Propontis, and the Chalkidians occupied the peninsulas of Chalkidike. Corinth
increased rapidly in wealth and power, while ^Egina
and Megara correspondingly declined, and were henceforth chiefly occupied with their struggle against the
growing power of Athens.

The renascent

art of Greece, which, as

we have

^Egean Islands, was carried

into the Black Sea and to the West by the
Hellenic colonists.
Of its influence in the Euxine
lands we have no knowledge, but in the West we
can trace its influence at once.
First, however,
a few words must be said with regard to the
seen, h'rst arose in the

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

258
place

of the

Western

lands in

Mycenaean period before the

the

coming

early
of the

post-

Greek

although we have already touched upon the

when
dealing with the question of Phoenician
subject
at this time.
in
them
We have seen that
activity
remains of Mycenaean culture exist in the West
colonists,

though they are scanty, and also apparently late in

That the destruction of the Mycenaean power
date.
in Greece was followed by a temporary cessation of
sea-communication between Greece and the West is
possible
certainly the silence of the Iliad, to which
;

the Western lands are

unknown, points

in this direc-

In the Iliad we find the islands which

tion.

lie

immediately opposite the entrance to the Corinthian

Gulf inhabited by a people of apparently Achaian
blood,

and united under the rule of an Achaian prince;

but farther to the West nothing, no hint of commerce

with Italy. In the Odyssey, which marks a later stage
of the

"Homeric" culture than the Iliad, the Western

lands have, on the contrary, become of great interest

to the Greeks.
But as yet there is no hint of the
new Greek colonies which were soon to be founded
in Italy and Sicily.
Although Greek mariners have
to
the
Western seas again, they are
begun
explore
still

to a great extent

fairyland

Sicily is

comprised within the realm of

Scylla and

a land of giants,

Charybdis still devour unwary sailors, and the automatic ships of the Phaeacians still dart across the

Western waters.

Beyond the confines of the Ithakan

West

kingdom exact knowledge of the

1

The non-mention

curious

it

is

of

Korkyra

very improbable that

bably a purely imaginary land.

in

ceases

x
;

but

the Homeric poems

it is

Scheria,

which

is

is

pro-

HOMERIC IGNORANCE OF THE WEST

259

that commercial connection with Italy was in existence is shown by the mention of the Taphian traders

who

sailed to

exchange

Tempsa 1

for iron.

It

in Italy to obtain copper in

may be asked how far the

ignorance of the West displayed by the Homeric

poets may be due simply to the fact that they lived
in the cities of Asia.
It is, however, probable that
in the ninth and eighth centuries the Asiatic Greeks

knew

much

as

of the

West

as the, at that time, less

venturesome Greeks of Europe.

So

it

likely that the total ignoring of the

does not seem

West

in the

poem can be due merely to ignorance of lands

known to the continental Greeks. It seems most
earlier

probable that the convulsion which brought the

Mycenaean age to an end in Greece proper also
severed the communication between Greece and the

West

that this communication was restored to a

extent

certain

by the Phoenicians, but not com-

pletely until the Ionian seafarers first ventured into

the Western seas.

When

the Iliad was

first

com-

posed, the lonians had probably not yet penetrated

into the West ; the Odyssey probably owed its inspiration to the travellers' tales of the earliest Milesian
1

or other Asiatic voyagers to the "evening-lands."

It is noticeable that in the Sicilian tombs the My-

cenaean vases are immediately succeeded in order by

those of the Protocorinthian styles of the seventh

century; geometrical vases are present, and the-

geometrical style exercised a dominating influence

upon the native pottery of this period both in Sicily

and
1

but these geometrical vases, imported and

It seems probable that "Temesa" was Tempsa
184.

Italy,
Od.

in Italy,

i.

and not Tamassos in Cyprus.

MYCEN^AN AGE

STUDIES OF THE

260

were contemporary with the Protocorinthian

native,
1

It seems, therefore, probable that Mycenaean

and Mycenizing vases were used in Sicily down to the
time of the coming of the first Greek colonists from

types.

Corinth, in spite of the cessation of regular communiis indicated in the Homeric poems.

cation which

The advent

of the Corinthian colonists with their

Chalkidian and

marked by
which had

Naxian

allies

to

the supplanting of the

been so long esteemed

Sicily

was then

Mycenaean vases
by the islanders

by the products of the Ionian and Corinthian potters

In Italy not only the true
of the seventh century.
Corinthian but also the Chalkidic style dominated
the market in the latter half of the seventh and

during the sixth centuries

through Corinth and
Chalkis the other arts of Greece came to Italy, and
;

soon made their effect

native

arts,

domain

felt

on the more primitive

which had been,

especially

of bronze-work, strongly

in

the

imbued with the

Mycenaean tradition. Phoenician influence had also

been very marked, especially in Etruria. But the
advent of the Eucheires and Eugrammoi of Corinth
and their fellows of Chalkis soon made the new

Greek influence felt in Etruria, and the already

mixed art of the Etruscans very soon became clothed
in a Hellenic form, which it henceforth retained. 2
During the seventh century the commercial
activity of the Greek states of the ^Egean was also
directed towards the south-east.
1

ORSI, Rom. Mitth.

'

On

early

Addenda,

Greek

p. 322, post.

xiii. p.

After the expul-

363 PETERSEN, loc. cit. xiv. p. 163 ff.

influence in Italy, see further,

artistic

CYPRUS

261

Rhodes by the Dorians, an

which probably took place in the eighth
century, the new settlers must soon have come into
sion of the Phoenicians of

event

contact with the Greeks of Cyprus.

Cyprus did not pass through the same experiences
as the ^Egean Islands at this period.
Untouched by

the Dorian invasion, and the confusion which fol-

lowed that event, the Cypriotes lived on in the

enjoyment of great material wealth derived from
their practical monopoly of the trade in copper, and
their favourable commercial position halfway be-

tween Greece and Phoenicia or Egypt, and meanwhile the Phoenician element in the island grew and
increased.
The only Cypriote prince mentioned in
the Odyssey is a Greek, Dmetor, son of lasos, but
1

Paphos is already noted as the favourite abode of

the Phoenician Aphrodite, 2 and in the earlier poem
the chief king of the island, who had direct dealings
with the Mycenaean kings of the former age, is
already the Phoenician Kinyras of Paphos, who
sent to

Agamemnon

TTtvOtro

yap

a cunningly-worked corslet

KvTT/oovSs

fjiija icXt'o

EC Tpo/ijv vr]&(riv avcnrXtvcrecrOai

TOVVEKO. 01 TOV

^W

Suddenly, towards the latter part of the eighth

century, the Cypriotes were conquered by the
Since the Assyrian attack was directed
Assyrians.

mainly against the Phoenician

cities of

the island, in

spite of the imposition of a Semitic domination the

Semitic influence, which had been silently growing

1

xvii.

443

Od.

viii.

362.

Il.xi.2i

ff.

MYCEN^AN AGE

STUDIES OF THE

262

in Cyprus for

centuries, with the result that at

many

the beginning of the seventh century the culture of

the island was fast becoming semitized, does not seem
to have affected the

power of the Cypriote monarchs.

In the next century the Assyrian power was reasserted in Cyprus by Esarhaddon, to whom apparently ten Cyprian princes tendered their homage.
were Aigisthos of

These

Pythagoras of

Idalion,

Chytroi, Keisos or Kissos of Salamis, Etewandros of

Paphos, Ileraios of Soloi, Damasos of Kurion, Ad-

metos of Tamassos, Onesagoras of Ledra, Pytheas (?)

and the king of Kartikhadasti, Damusi,
who is apparently the only Semite mentioned, all
of Nure,

the rest being Greek Cypriotes. 1

1

The great extent

Cylinder of Esarhaddon, Brit. Mus. No. 91030, published in

RAWLINSON, Western Asiatic Inscriptions, iii. 16, col. v. 19-24

BUDGE, History of Esarhaddon, pp. 105, 106 remarks by DELITZSCH, Wo lay das Paradies ? pp. 292, 293. The Assyrian forms of

the Greek names given above are T

>^yy
T
T

Ekishtusu

ti-ki-is-tu-su,

Pi-lagu-ra-a, Pilagura
j.

^T

-E

Eresu

^-jj

>^~[

|>

^^yy,
Pu-su-zu,

gu-sit,

M Kisu

Unasagusu

The

Putsuzu.

"*-i-*

Da-ma-su, Damasu

Admezu
J>- >->^yy. Ad-me-zu,
U-na-sa

^J t^ ^jj

^ ^^11' A

^Ej

*~^T

^J^

J j^^-

(l>~\

^-

^TTT^

da-ar, Ituwandar

^Ty

"^^-

identification

>>z

of Eresu

as

^-^

Heraios

seems pretty certain, that of Putsuzu as Pytheas perhaps

doubtful.
The rendering of Onesagoras as Unasagusu, dropping the r, is in accordance with Assyrian methods of
transcription, as

gura

also the representation of

is

- Pythagoras

cf.

Pisamilki

by

in Pila-

Psamithik, Psammitichos.

SCENE ON A LATE-MYCEN^AN VASE

263

264

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

of the portion of the island occupied, or dominated

at this time is shown by the number
by, the Greeks

of the
in this

Greek kings
It

list.

must

have been about the

time of this second
assertion of Assyrian
authority that the

old

Myce-

debased

naean art of Cyprus

came to an end it
was succeeded, as has
been said, by a mixed
culture in which
;

Phoenician

elements

The

predominated.
FIG. 63. Cyprian
of
concentric

CHIPIEZ,

iii.

instance,

Vase with design

circles
(PERROT-

Cypriote
mentation
latter

vase -orna-

the

of

half

the

of

Fig. 497).

is

seventh century, for

sometimes conceived in feeble imita-

Pythagoras, Onesagoras, and Eteandros are typical Cypriote

what is most noticeable about the others is their

names

archaic type such names as Aigisthos, Admetos, and Keissos

take us back into heroic times, and certainly have a strong
;

Mycensean-Achaian flavour about them an early Dorian prince

of Argos, son of Temenos and father of Althaimenes, was
named Keisos. The king of Kition is not mentioned in this
:

The site of Nure has not yet been identified ; the

inscription.
Assyrians also call the place Upridissa, which certainly indicates
a Greek 'A<j>podiffia or 'A<j)po5iaioi> a town of the name on the
north coast

is

mentioned by STBABO,

xiv. p. 682.

bably the Nure-Upridissa of the Assyrians.

dated in the eponymy of Atar-Ilu, B.C. 673.

The

This

is

pro-

inscription is

THE CYPRIOTE SCRIPT

tion of

Mycenaean designs, sometimes

is

265-

Assyrian in

character (the effect of the Sargonide domination

being here strongly marked), and sometimes employs

the well-known mixed motives of Phoenician

art.

In Cypriote pottery of this time another element,,

derived from Mycenaean ornament, but peculiar to
Cyprus,

is also

circles, to

noticeable, the design of concentric

which reference has before been made.

This directs our attention to those other peculiarly

Cyprian characteristics which are very marked at

this time, and which always differentiated the culture of Cyprus from those of

FIG. 64.

its

neighbours, however

Cypriote Pictographic Inscription, from Enkomi.

strongly it was permeated by Hellenic and Semitic

The most striking of these peculiarly
elements.
was the syllabic script which
characteristics
Cypriote

was used by the Hellenic inhabitants.

The

earliest

known specimens

of this writing belong to the end

1
Mycenaean period, and so probably

of the Cyprian
date to the eighth century.

It has been supposed to

have been developed from the ancient pictographic
more probably it was developed
system of Crete
from a native Cypriote system analogous to that of
Crete a specimen of this system has been found at
;

Enkomi, and
1

is

illustrated above (Fig. 64).

MURRAY, Excavations

in Cyprus, p. 27.

It

266

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

been published by Dr. Murray in the British

Museum

publication of the excavations there, together with

two other inscriptions, apparently contemporaneous

with the

first,

which seem

to

mark the

transition to

the ordinary Cypriote character. 1

The Cypriote
was
of
not
Hellenic
script
probably
origin, since it is
so extremely badly adapted for the expression of

Greek, and

it

was never

communicated

by the

Cypriotes to the other Greeks, so that it can never

have had much influence upon the development of

Greek writing.
That it was a relic of the prseHellenic and prae-Phcenician Cyprians seems, therefore, probable, and this conclusion naturally leads
us to suppose that the Cretan pictooraphic script
also was originally the vehicle of a
non-Aryan
"

"
language, and was of
Pelasgic
origin.
Lycian
and Karian must be the tongues most nearly related
to the original language of the Cretan

and Cypriote

scripts.

The various foreign influences in Cyprus had

already in the seventh century greatly differentiated
the Cypriotes from the other Greeks.
The political

changes

marked

and

colonizing

this century in the

movements which

mother-land found no

echo in Cyprus, where in the

fifth

century kings

ruled, and whence no Greek colony derived its

origin.
Assyrian influence also preserved in Cyprus
the use of the war-chariot till the end of the sixth
still

1
'

MUERAY, Excavations

in Cyprus. Figs. 58-60.

Of course this does not exclude the possibility that these

scripts may have been used at Mycenae, in Crete, and in Cyprus
to write Greek during the later Mycenaean
period, as the Cypriote
syllabary was used after Mycenaean times.

THE DIRECT ROUTE TO EGYPT

267

in Greece it had been relegated to the

century
games over a hundred years before. As ever, the
;

was more than a century

Another cause
of this lagging behind and of the growth of Semitic
influence in the island was the circumstance that
Cyprus was no longer the halfway house between
Greece and Egypt the direct route from Rhodes and
civilization

of Cyprus

behind that of the rest of Greece.

Crete,

first

regularly essayed by the Cretan pirates of

the eighth century, was now in general use.

This
meant a considerable diminution in the amount of
sea-traffic

between Greece and Cyprus.

The opening up

of this direct route soon brought

the mariners of Ionia and Rhodes to the mouths of

the Nile, and Greece was once more brought into

communication with Egypt after what seems to have
been an almost total cessation of regular connection
which had apparently lasted for at least three
hundred years.
Whereas in the heyday of the
Greek culture of the Age of Bronze the Phoenicians
seem to have played merely the part of carriers
between Mycenaean Cyprus and Egypt, at the beginning of the Iron Age we find that all commerce

between Greece and the East had passed into their

hands.
Between Syria, Cyprus, and Greece they
very largely, but with regard to Egypt,
the
case seems to have been somewhat
however,
different.
Owing probably to the decadent and

trafficked

disturbed condition of Egypt, and the as yet unsettled state of Graece, but little commerce seems to

have been carried on between the two countries

1

HDT.

v.

113.

it

STUDIES OF THE

268

MYCEN^AN AGE

worth notice that hardly any scarabs of Egyptian

monarch s of this period have been found in Greece
and in Cyprus, 1 while not a single pot or sherd
of the Geometrical or debased Mycensean styles
It is true
appears to have been yet found in Egypt.
that whereas the masterpieces of Mycenaean art had
is

been highly prized in Egypt, the crudities of the

" subvases and the puerilities of
Myart would only have excited derision there
"

''

Dipylon
cenaean

"

but the entire absence from Egypt of the works of

the Greek artists of the Homeric period does not

merely show that there was no market for them in

Egypt taken in conjunction with the fact that the
:

Egyptian objects of this period, which would surely

have been in great demand in Greece, have hardly
ever been found there, it shows that there was but
little

time.

communication between the two countries at this

In the Iliad, the nearer of the two poems to

the time of general chaos which followed the Return

of the Herakleids, there is but one reference to

Egypt, the famous passage mentioning Egyptian

Thebes with her hundred gates, out of which twice
a hundred

men

chariots. 2

This

are

wont

to pass with horses

passage must date

to

the

and

ninth

latest, as by the next century the glory

Thebes had departed. 3 In the Odyssey Egypt is

century at
of

See Addenda, p. 313.

//. ix. 381 ff.
This passage depicts a state of magnificence at Thebes which
in the ninth century was becoming a memory, and in the
eighth
had passed away, after the destruction of the city by the con1

>2

:i

tending Ethiopians and Assyrians. To mark lines 383, 384 as a

later addition, as is often done, is shown by our
knowledge of
Egyptian history to be impossible.

THE CRETANS AT THE NILE-MOUTHS

known.

269

wonderland of wealth and of

almost superhuman knowledge. 1 The mouths of its
mysterious river are the chosen haunt of the aXtoc

better

It is a

ytpwv* but nevertheless afforded good landingplaces for roving pirates from Crete and other Greek
islands, who, no doubt, found the fat lands of the
Delta well worth the harrying, despite the penalty
of lifelong labour in quarries or

on irrigation-works

which would betide a prisoner of the Egyptians. 3

The usual route for the few Greek ships which adventured the voyage to the Nile-mouths passed
apparently by way of Cyprus, as in past days this
was the route followed by Menelaos, SoXixvv b$bv
;

4
But in the already quoted passage of
apyaXtriv rt.
the Odyssey (xiv. 257 ff), which can by internal
evidence be almost certainly dated to the end of the
5
a
eighth or beginning of the seventh century,
Cretan ship ventures with a fair north wind on
the direct passage from Crete to Egypt, but the

evidently considered a very daring one, and

only likely to be attempted by a reckless Cretan
In the course of a few decades, however,
pirate.
is

voyage

must have become more generally

used, but during the Homeric period properly so
called, that is to say, during the ninth and eighth

this direct passage

Od.

iv. 127,

228

lb. iv. 365, 385.

mouths by Cretan

ff.

Proteus was probably located at the Nilethe ctXtos ytpuv was especially

sailors

venerated in Crete.
3
Od. xiv. 257 ff.

II. iv. 483.

repelling in person an unimportant raid of sea-rovers dates this passage with certainty to
this time, when the Delta was ruled by a number of small
5

The description

kinglets.

of the

"king"

270

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

centuries

B.C.,

commerce

at least can only have been

between Greece and Egypt in Phoenician

And this comships by way of Rhodes and Cyprus.
merce seems to have been practically non-existent.
carried on

Of the new route

Egypt the Cretans were, no

the pioneers; yet it is not to them that
to

doubt,
the credit of the revival of communication between.

Egypt and Greece

is

due.

Although some

slight

indications lead us to think that the Cretans of

and Itanos took some part in the

first

Axos

foundation of

1
Cyrene, yet, as a general rule, the Cretan sailors had
now become mere wandering adventurers, with no

taste for

commerce or

the Cretan led the

way

desire to colonize.

Korobios

to the African coast

but at

Naukratis no Cretan city possessed a factory. United,

the Cretans might have done much as merchants

and

colonizers, but divided

intestinal

as they

were by

fierce

they did nothing, and left the

from the South and West entirely to

feuds

lucrative traffic

who were not slow to take advantage of the

the Cretans had shown them.
which
The opporway
the
was
Phoenicians, half-paralysed by
tunity
good
others,

the presence of the Assyrian within their gates, had

practically withdrawn from Greek waters; the cities of

which the culture of the Mycenaean age had

retreated before the Dorians, had seen the birth of
the renewed energy of Hellenic civilization Egypt
was about to free herself from the nightmare of
alternate Ethiopian and Assyrian domination which
had so long oppressed her, to enjoy a short period of
peace and artistic renascence under the guidance of
Ionia, to

HDT.

iv. 154, 151.

THE MILESIANS
the kings of the

XXVIth

IN EGYPT

271

Dynasty, who showed no

hamper the re-establishment of communication with the Greeks, but rather aided it by all the

desire to

means

in their power, short of directly offending

Egyptian conservatism. The first Greeks to follow

in the steps of the Cretans to the Nile-mouths with

the object, however, not of piracy but of more or less
peaceful trading, came undoubtedly from the greatest

of the Ionian cities, Miletos, in the

seventh century

B.C.;

first

half of the

the Milesians must soon have

It was about 650 B.C. that Gyges of Lydia is said by King

Ashurbanipal of Assyria to have sent troops to the aid of
Psammitichos I., who had revolted from Assyria these were
"
It is natural to suppose that
the " brazen men of Herodotos.
the original intermediaries between the Lydian and Egyptian
princes were the Milesians, who are known to have been the
first Ionian traders to visit Egypt.
We are then justified in
dating the original foundation of rb MiXrjalwv reixos, the forerunner of Naukratis, considerably before 650 B.C., though we
cannot accept the absurdly high date (between 753 and 735 B.C.)'
assigned to it by MALLET (Les Premieres Etablissements des
Grecs en Egypte, pp. 24 ff ), chiefly on the authority of the utterly
untrustworthy Eusebian list of thalassocracies. It might be
supposed that STEABO (xvii. p. 681) indicates a later date for
the foundation of MtXTjcriW ret^os than 650, when he speaks of
the Milesians sailing to the Bolbitine mouth with thirty shipsand erecting their fort eirl ^a^LTixov, but what he really
means is merely that the fort was erected somewhere about the
time of Psammitichos, in his reign or shortly before it.
To
suppose that because the parenthesis /caret Kua^ctp?? S^OVTOS ty rbv
Wrjdov occurs in the same passage, that MiXijeiuv ret^os was not
founded until the years 634-615, during which Psammetichos
and Kyaxares reigned contemporaneously, is unnecessary, if not
rather absurd; since the parenthesis, if not a mere gloss added
long after Strabo's time, obviously refers merely in general terms
to the fact that Psammitichos and Kyaxares were roughly contemporaries (though in reality Kyaxares belonged to a younger
generation) and has nothing whatever to do with the founding
1

STUDIES- OF

:272

THE MYCEN^AN AGE

been followed by the Khodians, whose isle lay now,

as of old, on the road to Egypt, and by the hardy
mariners of yEgina, both allies of the Milesians nor
;

have been long before the Samians and other

rising commercial states of Greece joined in the
lucrative traffic with Egypt, although we hear little of
can

it

their presence there till the time of Amasis. But the

Greek culture which now came into contact with the
ancient civilization of Egypt was not that of old days
that had passed from the ken of the Egyptians in the
eleventh century, when its exclusive dominion in the
northern lands was overthrown by the Dorian inva;

sion

now the

influence

still

Mycenaean

lived in the

culture,

although

its

new Hellenic culture which

was radiating over the Greek world from the Ionian

refuge of the Mycenaean tradition, was dead its last
stronghold in Cyprus had been taken, the Greek
civilization of the Age of Bronze had finally given
place to that of the Age of Iron, and with the cessation of the Bronze Age culture of Greece ceases our
;

interest.

Of the relations which may have existed between

the Greeks and the "Nearer East" of Asia Minor

during the early posfc-Mycengean period our knowledge is practically nil, because we have no real
connected knowledge of the history of Asia Minor
before
of

c.

700

"Mt\Ticriuv

the Milesians
650.

B.C.

We come then to the conclusion that

reached Egypt somewhere between 700 and

reFxos.
first

So that of the early relations of

INNER ASIA MINOR

273

the Ionian cities with the peoples of the interior we

hear vague accounts of attacks
know nothing.

We

made by the newcomers from continental Greece upon

the old Greeks of the Asiatic coast, 1 and also upon
the settlements of non-Greek tribes near the sea, of

the killing of the men and the taking of their women

to wife by the invaders, but all this sounds very like
the invention of a later age it ought to have been
;

so,

and so

it

was

inlanders, nothing.

so.

We

Of

real contact with the

have vague visions of a
"

"
mighty and semi-fabulous Hittite empire, identified by some with the kingdom of the Amazons on
the Thermodon, to which the hieroglyphed monuments of Eyuk and Boghaz Koi are assigned but of
;

its history

we know nothing,

other than that the

characteristics of its art point to its being not much

Of relations
older than the eighth century B.C.
lonians
and
the
we have
between it
post-Mycenaean
title to speak than we had to speak of such
between it and the " Mycenseans." We see
vague glimpses of a chaos, in which hordes of invaders
from Thrace sweep over the land, crossing and re-

no more

relation

crossing each other's path, and mixing themselves

inextricably with the older non-Aryan inhabitants of

the land

but

all is

dark and confused, and nothing

certain arrests our view until

we reach the eighth

century and the name of Midas.

1

Of.

Ko\

If he,

and none

the fight of the new emigrants to Kolophon with rots iv

the Greeks who had lived in Kolophon before

(f>6vi "EXX?7<rt,

the "Great Migrations." PAUS. vii. 3. These earlier Kolophonians are connected in legend with Crete and with Boeotian
Thebes (Legend of Ehakios and Manto and their son Mopsos j

PAUS.

loc. cit.).

274

STUDIES OF THE
the " Mita of

MYCEN^AN AGE

Muski

"

whom

the Assyrian
records speak, the Phrygian kingdom was in hi&
days a powerful State, which could wage war upon
is

other,

of

the borders of Cilicia with the Assyrians. 1 Whether

we are to date the famous rock-cut tombs of

Phrygia to his time or to an earlier period contemporaneous with the heyday of Mycenaean culture

is

uncertain

they date

if

to

the

eighth

seems most probable, they show that

the Phrygian art of the time, no doubt originally
of the same European Brouze Age type as that of
century, as

Mycenaean Greece, was

still

predominantly Myce-

the Mycenaean influence still

existed, for the Homeric culture, the culture of the
Asiatic Greeks of the ninth and eighth centuries,,
naean in character

was still Mycenaean, though decadent. The establishment of the Phrygian monarchy of Midas was
apparently soon followed by the consolidation of the
1

WlNCKLEB,

Vollier Vorderasiens, p. 25, asserts

the identity of

Mita with Midas dogmatically enough. But he cannot prove the

identity, and from the days of Tiglathpileser I. (B.C. noo), when
the land Muskaya is first mentioned in Assyrian history, to thedays of Herodotos, who speaks of the M6<r%ot as forming part of
the XlXth Persian satrapy (iii. 94 ; vii. 78), the people of Muski
and their fellows of Tabali (Moo-xot and Tipapyvoi, Meshech and
Tubal) lived in Eastern Pontus and the borderlands of Armenia
Kolchis, nowhere near Phrygia. Mita does not appear as a
great monarch he is mentioned merely as a local kinglet, allied
with the kings of Tabali and Urartu (Ararat) (Inscr. Khorsabad,
So that his identity with Midas is by no means so certain
31).

and

as Dr. Winckler opines.

Of.

DELITZSCH, Wo

lag das Parodies ?

p. 250.)
"

the use of the cross in decoration occurs in precisely

way on gold plaques from Mycenae (SCHUCHHARDT,
jSchliemann, Fig. 232) and on the fagades of the Phrygian tombsE.g.,

the same

(PERROT-CHIPIEZ, Hist,

tie

I'

Art,

v.

Fig. 48).

LYDIA

275

Lydian tribes into a powerful kingdom under the

Heraclid Dynasty, and the Greek cities of the coast
now found their immediate neighbourhood occupied

by two

three native kingdoms, consolidated,,

and
powerful,
highly civilized, which henceforward
exercised for more than two centuries a profoundly
or

modifying influence upon the course of Hellenic

Their despotic monarchs were the
development.

models whom the Greek tyrants imitated in their

virtues as well as their vices ; to them the renascent
Greece owed much.
The
and the engineers of Ionia and the

civilization of

poets, the

artists,

Isles

were

in great request at the Court of Sardis under the

Mermnads, and the

gifts which the Lydian king,i

to
the
gave
holy places of Greece called forth the
best artistic energies of their time.
From Assyria

came

to

Assyrian

Lydia,

which was

Babylonian origin,

for

short

time an

system
weights, of
which was at the beginning

subject-state,

of

of the seventh century developed by the Lydians

and the Asiatic Ionian s into the first known
of coined money; this invention
must soon have modified the whole economic condition of Greece, and have contributed greatly to the
general increase of wealth which marks the time ;
as the means of convenient exchange multiplied,
so must trade have increased.
Lydia also served
as a transmitter to Greece of a certain amount

regular system

of Assyrian influence in matters other than weights

and

" Proto-Corinthian "

style of
to have
seems
which
vase-painting,

measures; the

orientalizing
first arisen in Ionia,
probably

owed much

of its inspi-

STUDIES OF THE

276

ration to Assyrian

MYCEN^AN AGE

models communicated through

Lydia.

The extent of communication between Greece and

Mesopotamia through Lydia and thence overland
through Asia Minor must, however, not be exaggerated there is evidence that the usual route from
Assyria to Lydia was not overland, but vid Phoenicia,
and thence by sea. Ashurbanipal speaks of Lydia as
" a land across the
l
and the Assyrians did not
sea,"
come into contact with it until after the conquest of
;

Phoenicia and Cyprus.

After the fall of Nineveh, the Lydian kingdom,
freed from Assyrian control, rapidly grew in power,

and the Lydian kings were enabled to pursue undisturbed their great object, the conquest of the Ionian
This enterprise, which had begun under
cities.
Gyges, attained complete success under Croesus, and
the political independence of the Greeks of the
Asiatic mainland disappeared.
Had not the transference of power in Asia from Lydia to the distantly
centralized Persia now immediately supervened, it is

gauge the effect which the continuance of

strong Lydian empire under successors of Croesus
might not have had upon the fortunes of the
Greeks; the interest in and friendship for the
states of continental Greece which was professed
by the Lydian kings would without doubt soon
have given place to the desire for political conquest,
and Lydia, with her centre situated on the threshold
difficult to

a,

GEOEGE SMITH,

Brit.
1.

86.

History of Assurbanipal, pp. 71, 73

Mus. Tablet K. 2675, Rv. I. 13; Ashurb. Cylinder B,
;

MYCEN^AN COSTUME

277

of Greece, might have succeeded where distant Persia

failed.

On comparing the Bronze Age civilization of

Greece with the mature culture of the Greeks we are
at first struck by the many outward points of differ-

FIG. 65.

Leaden Statuette from Kampos, showing Mycenaean

male costume (PERROT-CmpiEZ, vi. Fig. 355).

In the matter of costume,

Greek of the early classical period
differed entirely from the Mycenaean, to whom the
fibula was practically unknown
who had worn, if
a man, usually nothing but a waistclout, often of
most gorgeous pattern (affording a barbaric contrast
ence between the two.

for instance, the

to the plain white slienti of the Egyptians), depending from a tight girdle of leather (probably orna-

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

278

merited with metal), and sometimes further improved

l
or
by a dangling network hanging down in front
:

on high festivals, if he was wealthy enough, also a

2
if a woman,
striped and spotted robe (cf. Fig. 62)
skirt
or
a
flounced
petticoat, which looks
only
heavy
almost as if it were of Babylonian origin. Such a
;

complete alteration of costume is rather remarkable in the ancient world did the simple waistcloth
:

belong originally to the Pelasgian forerunners of the

Hellenes ?

But when comparing the

art of the

Greek Bronze

Age with that of classical Greece, while noting a

hundred points of difference we can yet see that

many points of resemblance.

vet bizarre character of this art, which

there are

The graceful
in so well

fits

with the bizarrerie of these demons and deities which

we

find figured

jewellery, and
Homer and the

on

its

gems

or fashioned in

its

the later Greeks, for whom

priests of Delphi had elaborated an

whom

have regarded as more

un-Greek.
Yet, if we

eclectic pantheon, appear to

than

ha If -foreign, seems

look closer,
lies,

it is

we can

see that in

Mycenaean art there

a spirit which is Greek ;

despite
in the reliefs of the Vaphio cups that it can
its bizarrerie,

be seen most clearly, but elsewhere it is rarely inAnd so we naturally conclude that the

discernible.

thesis already enunciated in Chapter II.

1

Cf.

the frescoes of Knossos and of the

Tomb

is

of

correct,

Kekhmara,

the Kampos statuette (Fig. 65, above), Vaphio cups, &c.

a
This is in all probability in reality the long trailing X<-TV of
the 'Idoves eX/cex^wves (cf. HfiLBlG, Homensche Epos, p. 171 ff).
It is well represented on a gem from Vaphio, illustrated by

TSOUNTAS-MANATT,

p. 225,

Fig. III.

CONTINUITY OF GREEK ART

and that Mycenaean

art

and the Greek

279

art of later

days are in reality one. Nothing of the evidence

which we have since passed in review causes us to
ail goes to confirm the
alter this opinion
position
"
that " archaic Greek art was no new thing; it was
a renascence, developed originally in Ionia and the
;

^Egean Islands in the main from the decadent art

of Mycenae and influenced on the one hand by
the geometrical art of the Dipylon, a totally independent art-system, on the other by the AssyroEgyptian Mischkunst of Phoenicia. Greek art was

then in no way the sudden and amazing growth

which it is usually considered to be ; it grew
quickly
sixth

do

out

of

centuries

this

because

barbarism

it

period of decadence
tive beginnings had
before.

the

in

but

seventh

and

could only
was merely recovering from a
it

B.C.,

its

is

true,

original rise

it

from primi-

taken place many a century

Its traditions date back not merely a cen-

tury or so before Pheidias, but many hundred years

before to the time of the Achaian makers of the

cups of Vaphio or the

before

them

to

the art

bull's

of

head of JMycenae,

the

proto-Mycenaean

potters of Thera, Phylakope, and Kamarais, and

before them again to the rude marble figures of the

Cycladic cist-graves and the black pot-fragments

of Troy and Athens. From its Pelasgian origin
through its stages of Achaian splendour and
"

Homeric

"

decadence to

its re-birth in

Ionia and

the isles in the seventh century, Greek art

is

one

and the same.

Nor, in comparing other phases of the Mycenaean

STUDIES OF THE

2 8o

MYCEN^AN AGE

culture with the corresponding phases of the later

of Greece, is the first impression of

civilization

Too much, for

strangeness altogether maintained.
is made of the supposed difference of

instance,

" fenced

The Mycenaean king lived in his high castle

"
with his subjects cowerup to heaven

ing at

his

polity.

feet.

"This

oriental!"

is

says one.

But

fortressed despotism is not necessarily oriental ;

Pelopids or Perseids, the kings of Mycenae were

Greeks, and there is no reason to suppose that

the legends of their Lydian, Phoenician, or Egyptian origin really indicate anything more than the
well-known fact of Mycenaean commerce and inter-

Asia and with Egypt.

And if the
and
Minoans
were
of
Minyans
Pelasgic descent,
course with

this

not

does

make them
"

"

Orientals,

but

rather

But they had harems, separate

Urgriechen."
"
is reiterated.
The
apartments for the women
deduction from this circumstance (which has, by
the way, been doubted by some observers) l is
!

inadmissible

the Athenians,

in their houses, were Orientals

who had
then.

yvvaiKtia

Why

need

the Greek king ever have had any other than

a Greek origin ?
Nothing non-Greek is to be
seen in the

little

which we know of the Mycenaean

polity.

We have

already seen that the importance of the

from
burial to burning of the dead has been
change
The later Greeks buried as
greatly exaggerated.
well as burnt, and the Mycenaeans probably burnt as
1

Cf.
2

Of.

HOGARTH, Authority and Archaeology, p. 249.

TSOUNTAS-MANATT, toe. cit. pp. 336, 337.

UNITY OF GREEK CULTURE

281

buried
in the early period it was more
usual to bury.
In the religion of later Greece the demons and
well as

whom the Mycenaean venerated still lived, and

them the huntress Artemis and the marine deities
seem to have been the most important survivals ;
and who shall say that Zeus and Hera, even Apollo
spirits

of

himself, were not worshipped by the Mycenasans as

much as by their descendants ?

The Mycenaean

culture, then,

though apparently

differing widely enough from the culture of later

Greece to make one doubt for an instant if it be

in reality not merely its forerunner, but

immediate and direct ancestor. The whole
of Greek culture, from the solid rock of the Athenian

Greek,

is

also its

akropolis up,

is

one.

Survivals are always interesting, and no more

interesting task could be taken up than the tracing

out of

which
fication

the
still

many

survivals

existed in the

of

those of

the

of

new

Mycenaean

days

Greece, the identi-

timbers which

original

remained when the ship was rebuilt. Owing to the

present scantiness of our knowledge, in small matters
such an attempt might perhaps lead to too exuberant
a fancifulness of theorizing, but in greater matters,,
such as the survivals of Mycenrcan state-organizations
for instance,

we may expect

that such an inquiry

would be attended with some certainty.

In a sense, of course, the majority of the Greek
"
there are few
states were
Mycenrean survivals
:<

282

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

important Greek town-sites which would not,

if care-

fully examined, show proof of unbroken occupation

Athens
as far back as the prae-Mycenaean period.

has existed as an inhabited place from the earliest

post-neolithic times, perhaps before 2500 B.C., to the

Yet classical Athens could hardly be

present day.
a Mycenaean survival, because, though its

called

akropolis doubtless was the seat of an important

a presumption which its
in prehistoric times l
heroic
bear
out yet during the
many
legends fully

town

post-Mycenaean age, Athens, though an important seat

of geometric art, seems to have fallen politically into
a condition of complete insignificance, from which
it did not emerge until the end of the sixth century.
"

So that Athens was not " a Mycenaean survival in

the sense of a state which had retained its importance unimpaired from heroic times into the classical
period.

The importance of Orchomenos no doubt

lasted

Was Athens from the first the most important city of Attica ?
seems probable that Prasiai has a good claim to be regarded
as having originally been a place of greater importance than the
Athenian akropolis-city. In Mycenaean times it was certainly
of great importance, as the remains of its citadel and the note1

It

worthy results
FKAZER, Paus.

of the late

excavations in its necropolis (cf.

522) show. It is represented by
Pausanias (ii. 31) as the port to which the offerings of the
Hyperboreans were brought and then forwarded to Delos : this
is a hint of its early commercial
Further, it
importance.
ii.

404,

seems very probable that

v.

it was a very ancient member of the

Kalaureian alliance (v. ante, p. 256). The other Prasiai, in
Kynuria, is that mentioned as a member of the Amphictiony by
Strabo (viii. 374) here the identity of name might argue connection, and the harbour of the Attic Prasiai lies directly on
the route from the Euripus to the Saronic Gulf.
;

MYCEN.^AN STATE-SURVIVALS

283

well into the classical age, until, in fact, the struggle

between the Leagues of Eretria and Chalkis for

commercial predominance was decided thereafter,

Orchomenos fell back into an obscurity which was
shared with her throughout later Greek history by
;

her fellow, lolkos

TO.

*c TO daQtvtGTepov tjueAAcv

In Argos and
states

of

which

may

Mycenaean
as

an

/ot^av.

^Egina, however, we have two

be taken as typical examples

survivals.

as

far

airo TOV Sai/movtov Gfyiaiv

Both Argos and ^Egina

we can

states in
tell, important
times
and
before
the
Larisa
of
;
Mycenaean
long
was
of
the
one
earliest
Argos
probably
Pelasgian
settlements in the Peloponnese, over it Phoronens

were,

and the descendants of Proitos are fabled to have

long before the Perseids founded Tiryns
and Mycenae while a Pelasgic connection between
-^Egina and Crete is indicated by common worship of

ruled

the Pelasgian goddess Britomartis or Diktynna, in

3
Both remained strong and
JEgina called Aphaia.
the
period of Dorian conquest
wealthy throughout
the kingdom of Diomed seems stronger in the Iliad
and more upstanding than the realm of Agamemnon,
and ^Egina was a home of Mycenaean wealth and
Mycenaean art down to the end of the ninth century.
After the Dorian invasion Mycenae and Tiryns dis;

appear

though they apparently continued to

exist

It can hardly be doubted that, until the rise of Corinth was

consummated, the Minyan cities continued to form an important
link between East and West, connecting the ^Egean with the
Corinthian Gulf and the kingdom of Odysseus overland, probably
1

by way of Krisa.
2
PAUS. ix. 37.

Ib.

ii.

30.

284

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

at least until the time of the Pheidonian

hegemony,

they do not, like Orchomenos, maintain their existto all

ence until the last days of Greek history
;

and purposes they disappeared when theDorians entered the Peloponnese. With Argos the
The Dorians of Argos seem
case was far different.
to have mingled more with the older population than

intents

did the Lacedaemonians

it

is

possible

that the

expulsion of Tisamenos was accomplished after lessresistance than was offered to the conquest of the

There

Eurotas valley.

is

nothing to show that

the Argive state was more than very temporarily

eclipsed by the Dorian occupation, and it is permissible to think that there was a direct continuity,

which was but

by the replacethe Argive

between
by Temenos,
of
that
of
Diomed
and
Pheidon, which in
kingdom
the dawn of connected Greek history appears as the

ment

little

interfered with

of Tisamenos

dominant state of the Peloponnese, and that this posidominance was an inheritance handed down
from late Mycenaean days, when Argos was beginning*

tion of

younger but hitherto more powerful

Mycenae. The Dorians found Argos becoming*
more powerful than Mycenae, and so they naturally

to eclipse its
rival

made Argos the

seat of

Mycenae.
In Argos then

we have

their power,

abandoning*

a true Mycenaean state-

survival.

^Egina was in legend always closely connected

with Epidauros and the Argolic coast it is evident
that during the Mycenrean period the island was an
:

V. post, p. 291.

ARGOS AND
important dependency, first of the Mycenaean state,
and later of Argos. The connection with Argos was
always maintained the Dorians who colonized the
;

island, in all probability in the ninth century, came

from Argos, and in later days when ^Egina was

attacked by Athens and Corinth,

that the islanders turned for help.

it

was

to

Argos

The dominating position of ^gina in the Saronic

Gulf would seem to mark her out as pre-eminently
destined to become a commercial centre. As one of
the most important members of the Kalaureian
Amphictiony she had been from Mycenasan times a

famous home of commerce and of seamanship in the

Hesiodic poems her seamen are said to have been the
;

first to

navigate the zEgean

ol S' r/rot irpwroi %tv%av viaQ a/LK^i^Xiffcra^

N
1
TTpwroL 8 tafia Oivro
irrtpa TrovTOiropoio.

vW

This verse, despite its poetic exaggeration, shows

that the continental Greeks of the end of the eighth
century recognized ^Bgina as having been one of the
first

Greek

states to take to the water.

legend

2
by Pausanias would seem to show that the
^Eginetans traded with Kyllene in Elis and through
Kyllene with the Arcadians at an even earlier period,
while the legendary connection of the Aiakids and

related

Myrmidons with Phthiotis

testifies to

equally early

between ^Egina and Northern Greece,

carried on no doubt through the Minyan cities.
relations

Hes. Katal. Fragm. 96

PAUS.

viii. 5.

ed.

KINKEL.

286

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

When the age of colonization began, ^Egina, as we

have seen, became an active member of the Eretrian
system of alliances. Her population was too small toallow her to colonize, 1 but her trade, assured by the
powerful co-operation of Eretria and Miletos, did not
suffer

by

this

abstention.

Her commercial

pre-

eminence was further secured by her early adoption

of a modified form of the Phoenician system of
weights and measures, which had been in use in
Melos and other islands of the ^Egean since the days
2
of Phoenician predominance, and the invention of
coined money, which came to her from Lydia, nodoubt by way of Miletos, at the beginning of the
seventh century. Her far-reaching commerce spread
the " tortoise "-money of ^Egina during the seventh

century over the greater part of the .^Egean and the

Peloponnese, as well as in Northern Greece, and
its standard the basis of the currency of
many

made

a Greek state. 3
1

Tradition makes Pheidon, king of

The only ^Eginetan colony was founded late in the 6th cenKydonia in Crete, after the exiled Samians had been

tury, at

It is perhaps significant
expelled from that place (HOT. iii. 59).
that these Samians were attacked by JEgina, the old enemy of
their state.
2

This

is the view of HEAD, Historia Numo'rum,

pp. xxxviii. f.,
Aphrodite was especially worshipped in JEgina, and this
has been taken to show that Phoenicians were settled in the
island at a very early period.
3
Until the introduction of the Euboic weight, it was used
from Cilicia to Italy, and was the general standard of continental Greece.
It should be noted here, in connection with
what has previously (p. 256) been said with respect to the
Eretrian and Chalkidian Leagues, that Eretria, though so
closely connected with the allies of ^Egina, and probably alsowith JEgina herself, never used the ^Eginetan standard, but, like

331

ff.

.EGINA
Argos,

287

who most probably reigned about the

middle-

of the seventh century, 1 introduce weights and measures from ^Egina into Peloponnesos, and cause

money

to

be coined for him there. 2

probably historical ; Pheidon was

Corinth, the rival of ^Egina and, as

is

This tradition

an enemy of
we have seen,,

the rulers of Argos were in all probability closely

connected with the Eretrian-^Eginetan and hosthe
to the Chalkidian-Corinthian alliance
tile
;

^Bginetan route to the West passed from ^Egina

The prosperity
along the Peloponnesian coast.
of ^Egina must however have received a rude shock
about the middle of the seventh century, when thewar assured the commercial

issue of the Lelantine

hegemony of her

And from

rival Corinth in continental Greece.

time the general importance of ^Egina

began to decline but, although her influence in the
West seems to have entirely disappeared, she still
this

Chalkis, kept to the peculiar system of Eubcea. It is noticeable

that the JEginetan standard was used by states connected with
the Eretrian alliance (e.g., by Korkyra after her revolt from
Corinth) in preference to that of Euboea, which was identified

more with Chalkis and Corinth than with Eretria.

Of the various dates proposed for Pheidon, that of CUETIUS
(668 B.C.) seems the most probable. 748 is certainly too early, if
Pheidon had money made for him in ^Egina.
2
N6/uo>ia %KO\ISW tv Alyivr) (Etym. Magn. s. v. 'O/SeXiV/cos) need
not mean more than that he struck money in ^Egina for use in his
own dominions, with which ^Egiua was closely connected. The
tradition which makes Pheidon adopt the JSginetan coinagefar
1

"
does not appear in Herodotos, who only mentions his
giving a
if
he
but
to
the Peloponnesians
metric system"
gave them
weights he probably gave them those of ^Egina, which was connected with Argolis by ties of friendship and alliance, and if he
;

'gave

them ^Eginetan weights, he probably gave them jEginetan

coinage, which

was widespread

in the Peloponnese, also.

MYCEN^AN AGE

STUDIES OF THE

288

much of her old energy in the southern

with
which Corinth had little connection, and
./Egean,
at the end of the sixth century possessed her factory
at Naukratis in Egypt, and in Sostratos, son of
kept up

Laodamas, a merchant prince with whom it was

1
Since also she
impossible for any one to compete.
had been first in the field, the adherence of Corinth
to the rival Euboic system of coinage was not
sufficient to displace
its

established

old

the ^Eginetan standard from

position in the Peloponnese

and in other parts of Greece.

Argos still remained her friend, and Corinth was never able
to

the

oppose Argos with much success. Eventually

Corinthians secured the destruction of their

by supporting the attacks of Athens upon

" the
eyesore of the Peiraieus," never anticipating
that after the absorption of ^Egina the Athenians
rival

would prove more dangerous rivals to them than

2
./Egina had ever been.
If Argos and ^Egina are typical Mycenaean survivals

among

the states of Greece, in the sense that

their heroic importance

days, Corinth

Her

Greece.

was

fully

maintained in later

a typical representative of the new

heroic traditions are meagre that the

is

original town of Ephyra already existed in Mycenaean

times seems evident, but it was of little importance
:

"
BEXXt/oo^oi'rjjv SI,"

avroKpuTOpa ovra fiaaiXevziv,

^Apyetoig

yw

trtiOofjiai

Trdpspyov 7rfXIaro.
jUrot/oj(Tavroe fc
1

HDT.

"

says Pausanias

(ii.

tivai 8f

/cat

(^aivovrai

otrng

?ri

TO.

c icai

4),

Ylpoirc^t KOL

'OfJiypov

ol

KopivOtot

'

fj.fi

BeXXe/oo^ovrov

AWK/OV ouStv r\aaov

iv. 152.

owe

Ib. v. 92.

CORINTH
T(JJV

289

iv "Apyti

TraptG\ovTO ap\ovra Trig

&
MuK>jvato<c

ITTI

T^o

y pivot

riyuro jucrto^ov row oroXou."

That at

one period Corinth was very closely connected with

Mycenae and probably under the direct control of the

Mycenaean rulers seeins to be indicated by Captain

"

"

roads
military
which run between Mycenae and the isthmus. 1 But
in the seventh century, when the continental Greeks

Stefien's discovery of the ancient

began in emulation of the lonians to voyage and to

colonize, it is Mycenae that has become an insignificant
hill village,

and

while Corinth

is

trafficker in distant seas,

a great city, a colonizer

and almost the equal of

Argos in power and prestige, of ^Egina in wealth

and activity. But one thing Corinth lacked which
^Egina possessed, pedigree she was nouvelle riche.
It is significant that she was the centre and headquarters of the commercial league which had been
:

originally established to compete with the ancient

Eretrian confederacy, which, as we have seen, may date
"
back to " Mycenaean times. The league of Chalkis
and Corinth was a far younger rival no Mycenaean
connection can be unearthed for it. The commercial
;

importance of Corinth did not then begin to develop

until after the

close of the

period of Mycenaean
evident
to us at the present
hegemony.
it was inevitable that the
that
day
younger league

Now

it

is

must have eventually to a great extent supplanted

the older in the transmission of goods between East
and West (though the older still remained a good
Of. the map in TSOUNTAS-MANATT, p. 12.
1

2 9o

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

means of communication between the Ea.st and the

The unrivalled geographical
Peloponnese simply).
of
Corinth, commanding and connecting the
position
Saronic and the Corinthian gulfs and affording a
sea route shorter and safer than that round Malea r
a land route shorter and easier than that overland
from Nauplia or Epidauros, made the eventual
commercial predominance of Corinth in continental
Greece a certainty. To whom are we to ascribe the
first impulse that set Corinth on her path of commercial development ?
mariners and traders

Who
who

were the sharpsighted

perceived the comhave

mercial possibilities of the Isthmian city ?
seen that for at least a couple of centuries after the
Mycenaean thalassocracy had come to an end Greek
first

We

waters were dominated by the Phoenicians. Now in

Corinth we have, if anywhere in Greece, clear traces
of the presence of Phoenicians
the Corinthian
;

Aphrodite was as Semitic as the goddess of Paphos

;.

the Kyklopes who

were especially worshipped at Corinth 1 may very
well have been the Kebirim
while the name
also

a far less assured point

Melikertes

is

"

Melek-kiryat,

King

of

the

City,"

whether the god Melkarth be here in question or not. 2

It is then to the Phoenicians that the discovery of
commercial possibilities of Corinth are to be
The greatness of Corinth belongs then
assigned.

the

exclusively to post-Mycenaean
1

times

she

is

the-

PAUS. ii. 2.
That Medeia, who was confused with the Hera Akraia of
Corinth, was a Semitic goddess is shown by FARNELL (Cults of
the Greek States, i. p. 203) to be extremely
probable.
2

THE END

29 r

representative of the new order, as Argos and .^Egina

were survivals of the old.

Whether
KOL TipvvOiuv TtrpaKomoi.
these four hundred heroes of the final struggle with the
Persian host were citizens of villages still suffered for
a time to exist, or were, as Professor Mahaffy main1
tains, like the Messenians, exiles from a Mycenae and
a Tiryns which had been destroyed by the Argives
long before, perhaps in the carrying out of a Pheidonian (TWOLKKT/ULOQ^ they were the last representatives
of the foremost cities of heroic Greece

their

name

Herodotos
reappears no more in Greek history.
makes no comment upon their epitaph, yet we
cannot doubt that to him and to many another
visitor to the Delphic shrine it seemed fitting that
their names, pregnant with so many mighty memories,
should have found their place in the list of defenders

of their country at the

moment

of her

most supreme

struggle for existence, and that their presence should

have been commemorated in the central point of

Hellenedom, the 6/i^aXoc yrjc- We, the inheritors

Greek culture, assuredly find it a matter of

of

extreme interest that

the

Hellenes should

have

our knowledge the fact that Myregistered

cengeans and Tirynthians died to preserve intact
that European civilization of which in the far-away
for

heroic

age their ancestors had helped to lay the

foundation.
1

Survey of Greek

Civilisation, p. 31.

Obverse of a Lydian coin

of the early part of the Vlth

FIG. 66.

century B.C. (Compare designs

of Mycenaean gems.)

APPENDIX

NOTE ON MYCENAEAN RELIGION

WHEN

dealing with Mycenaean Crete some reference has

Of
(p. 204) to Mycenaean religious ideas.

been made

this subject our

knowledge

is,

naturally, very scanty.

The prae-Mycenaean Greeks seem to have venerated a

female goddess, of whom nude marble images (Fig. 38)
were made.
This deity is occasionally steatopygous.
Other marble images of men playing harps, &c., which
are known, presumably do not represent deities. The
Mycenaeans made small robed female images (the so"
called " owl-headed
figures), which very probably were
intended for a representation of a female deity. In the
curious theriom orphic figures which we find so constantly
repeated on Mycenaean frescoes, gems, and metal-work,
we certainly have deities of some kind. A nd the peculiar

armed figure which we see in the well-known fresco and

gem from Mycenae (PERROT-CHIPIEZ, Hist, de I' Art : Grece
is probably the image of a
the
double-headed
axe, which is such a
Further,
god.
common feature in Mycenaean art, is certainly the symbol

Primitive, Figs. 440, 425),

of a god.

We can identify this

last deity at once.

He is without

The double-axe was the symbol of the

Zeus of Labranda, and that the Pelasgian Zeus of Crete
was the same as this old Asiatic god is made extremely
doubt a Zeus.

probable by the original racial identity of the prae-Hellenic

Cretans (and "Greeks" in general) with the Lykiana

294

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

and other peoples of Asia Minor. Labranda is the

same word as the Knossian Aafivpwdos, both meaning
"
1
" Place of the Double
The
Axe," i.e., House of Zeus."
Mycenaean double-axe is then the
2
symbol of Zeus, and as his symbol

was especially dedicated at his

most ancient sanctuary in the

it

Dictsean Cave, so successfully explored by Mr. HOGARTH (Ann. Brit.

Sch. Ath. 1899-1900, p. 94 ff).

The

bull's-head

which

also

frequently appears on Mycenaean

works of art, often in conjunction with the double-axe, is also

a Zeus emblem, and is the back
of the now famous throne, discovered by Mr. Evans in
the palace of Knossos, fashioned in the shape of an
oak-leaf, symbol of Pelasgic Zeus ?
FIG. 67. Emblem of Zeus
of the Double-Axe (My-

1
The identity of the name Labranda with the Aafttpivdos of
Knossos has been more than once pointed out, first by MAYBE

ii.
Jahrb. Arch. Inst. vii. p. 191). As Xdfipvs
" kleinasiatisch " word for
Axe, Labra-nda. or Labrau-nda,
" The Place of the DoubleAxe," and Aa^upivdos
evidently means
must, as MAYER maintains, have the same meaning, and so the

(Mykenische Beitrdge,

is the

Palace of Knossos, which contains so many representations of

the double-axe, is no doubt rightly identified by Mr. A. J. EVANS
with the veritable Labyrinth itself. The Minoan Labyrinth was
then in some sort under the special protection of Zeus, who was
especially worshipped at Knossos, and the Minotaur probably
bears much the same relation to him, since the bull's head
appears to have been his emblem as well as the double-axe, as
the animal-headed demons of the woods and waters bore to
Artemis or Diktynna.
2
The " Karian Zeus," properly so-called, was of course a new
importation from Karia, at a time when the original character
of the Pelasgic Zeus and his double axe had long been forgotten
in Greece.

APPENDIX

295

The armed figure may again very well be a Zeus.

The theriomorphic figures are extremely interesting.
The head is sometimes that of a lion, more often that of an
ass or horse (apparently), though it

may well be questioned

whether sometimes it is not intended for that of a bear.

The figures wear a tight waistbelt, below which depends
behind a heavy object, nearly reaching the ground, which
is apparently intended for the hairy animal skin belonging
to the head, though sometimes it is so exaggerated as to
resemble the abdomen of an insect so MILCHHOFER
;

der Kunst, p. 65) took

to be the

body of a
These figures usually hold in their hands
a prochous (Fig. 68), or carry dead animals, apparently

(Anftinge

grasshopper

it

the spoils of the chase, over their shoulders, or, as in

Other therioFig. 58, by means of a shoulder-yoke.
morphic figures in various positions are found on the
island-gems and Cretan sealstones.
I take these figures, as TSOUNTAS does, 1 to be demons
of the springs and of the woods, of running water and of

the
to

and believe

chase,

them

be closely connected with

Artemis
NELL

has

Mr. FARworship.
ably exhibited the

real character of

Artemis as a
Mycenaean Water-

FIG. 68.

primeval goddess having prewhich can

cisely
J the attributes

demon
an

<

Artemis )-

fr

intaglio.

be assigned to the theriomorphic

2
In Crete she was called
of the Mycenseans.

demons

Britomartis or Diktynna, and she appears in ^Egina

Her name Diktynna has been assumed
"
to be connected with &LKTVOV,
net," and so she has

as Aphaia.

been called a " net-spirit," but

1

it

Mycenaean Aye, p. 298.

Cults of the Greek /States,

seems more probable

ii.

ch.

xiii.

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

296

" Diktsean "

(the terwith
the
-nna
mination
help of
being easily explicable
has
and
to
do
with
the
v.
nothing
ante, p. 178),
Lycian

name means simply the

that her

She is the goddess of the mountains,

Greek MKTVOV.
Her pr?e- Hellenic and
of Dikte.
streams
and
woods,
evident ;
Pelasgian (or in Crete, Eteokretan) character is
is undoubtedly right in holding her to
identical with the female goddess of Asia
be

and Mr. FARNELL

practically

the goddess of woods and waters is but a derivaArtemis was but a form of
tive of the Mother-goddess
of the female
Rhea.
(In fact this early prominence
be
adduced as
goddess might
a confirmation of our theory

Minor

that the

prae-Mycemiean and

early Mycenaean inhabitants of

and

Crete

Greece, the

FiG.6 9 .-Artemis(Diktynna)
irorvLa 07jp>v.
(From a Mycenaean intaglio, found at

"
leges,

other

Pelasgi,"

^ the same

parts

of

Eteokretans, Lerftce

ifec.,

belonged

Rg the abor{ _

ginal stock of Asia Minor.)

the theriomorphic Mycensean figures are actual
representations of Artemis herself, or simply either

Whether

attendant

demons (TsouNTAS

calls

them

Satyrs)

Artemis arrayed in animal skins remain/;

doubtful, but it is very possible that Artemis herself fs

priests of

intended,

for

many

intayli

bear

somewhat

similar

scenes, except that for the theriomorphic figure is substituted a woman (Fig. 69
cf. PERROT-CHIPIEZ, Hist.
;

VArt: La Grece Primitive,

That this
Fig. 426, 12).
the
dead
is
Artemis
of
a
or
deer
bearing
body
goat
there can be little doubt, and the huntress drawing the
de

woman

bow whom we

see on the

gem

by PERROT-CHIPIEZ,
The woodland
goddess was then worshipped by the MyceL,a?ans, and

loc.

cit.

Fig.

426, IT,

is

figured

certainly she.

or/

APPENDIX

297

her representations and symbols can easily be recognised

in Mycenaean art.
The worship of

Artemis retained in classical times

and we may be sure
many
her
among
Mycenaean worshippers her character was
more that of the wild 'Apre/us AaQpia than that of the
serene moon-goddess of later days, and that the human
sacrifice and the primitive witchcraft afterwards associated
with the name of Hekate, who is but a form of her, were
traces of primeval savagery,

prominent features of her worship in Mycenaean days.

Mr. FARNELL (loc. cit. p. 464) is of opinion that her
is of comparatively late date r
in Delos.
It does not appear
about
brought
ante. p. 243) that Delos became a Greek

conjunction with Apollo

and was

first

probable

(v.

sanctuary until the

dawn

of the classical period

we

cer-

tainly see nothing which can be construed as a trace of

Whether Apollo
Apollo-worship in Mycenaean days.

was known to the Mycenaeans, whether Pelasgi or Aryans,

or not, it is impossible to say TIELE brings him from
Asia Minor, whence, he thinks, oracles came with him toGreece.
That the Delian sanctuary was founded from
;

Crete when the Karians or Leleges were finally expelled

from the Cyclades seems probable, so that he may have
originally come from Crete.
The certainty of Zeus- and Artemis-worship suggests
the probability of Rhea-worship. It is natural to suppose that the more dignified female deity, whom we find
seated on a throne on several Mycenaean intagti, is the
Mother-goddess of the Pelasgic populations the male
;

deity

who sometimes accompanies her

is

evidently the

young Zeus (cf. EVANS, J. ff. S. xxi. 168).

The prevalence of marine subjects in Mycenaean art
has already been noticed, and a very early Mycenaean seademon illustrated, on p. 201; that Poseidon and other

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

were already worshipped in Mycenaean times
seems very probable. Poseidon was intimately connected
with the originally Mycenaean League of Kalaureia (the

sea-deities

Kalaureian Zeus was originally a Poseidon) ; in legend

is especially connected with the early .^Eolic princes

<he

of Thessaly (GROTE, Hist. Gr. i. p. 93), and he was always

especially worshipped by the Achaians of the Corinthian

Gulf (where he may have been of Aigialean, i.e., Ionian

origin), and by the seafaring lonians, who, as we have
seen, were probably already active in Greece in the
As god of the sea Poseidon was
Mycenaean epoch.
naturally the tutelary deity of all islands, and in Tenos
we may perhaps find the original ^Egean seat of his worship, which may have spread hence to all those islands
and coasts of Greece to which the Mycenaean culture,
which was in so many of its aspects connected with the
sea,

Was

extended.

Poseidon also not of Aryan origin

Was

he also a legacy of the early island populations

to the Greeks, as Kereus and the other aXioi yepovres
?
He was certainly not Babylonian, as
Mr. GLADSTONE believed, 1 for he has nothing whatever
in common with the Sumerian god of the primeval

probably were

waters. Ea.

The Chthonic worship of Demeter and Kore, being

"
Pelasgic," was no doubt handed on by the

typically

early Pelasgic

"

"

Mycenaeans

to the later Mycenseans of

the Pelopid hegemony the worship of Demeter connects

the horse-headed Demeter
closely with that of Artemis
;

of Phigaleia, a characteristically Pelasgic goddess in a

much an Artemis as was the fishwho

was
venerated in the same place.
Eurynome

Pelasgic land, was as

tailed

We

have already seen (pp. 229, 239) that of the worThracian Dionysos and the Semitic Aphrodite

ships of the

Landmarks of Homeric Study,

p. 135.

APPENDIX
we need

299

not expect to find traces in early Mycenaean

The gold plaques with

times, at Knossos, for example.

^presentations of Aphrodite and her doves from Mycenae

are apparently late-Mycenaean, and may date to the

when Aphrodite-worship had probably

become widely spread in Greece. 1
The scanty traces of Mycenaean religion which exist
are therefore mainly prae-Hellenic in character. With
the probable exception of Hera, who must have been
worshipped by the Mycenaean Achaians of Argolis and
ninth century,

probably by Mr. Evans's Knossians also, we cannot find

much trace of the worships introduced by the invad-

But who shall say with confidence of

ing Aryans.
Greek religion that this part of it is Aryan, and that
non- Aryan ? All we can affirm with reason is that the
Rhea- and Artemis- worship certainly, certain phases of
Zeus- worship certainly, and the Poseidon -worship possibly,
"
and these worships bulk
are prae- Aryan and " Pelasgic
Before
largest in our knowledge of Mycenaean religion.
;

we can say that here or there is apparently an indication

Aryan and post-Pelasgic worships having existed in
Mycenaean days, a thing which, ex hypotkesi, we ought to

of

find,

our knowledge of things Mycenaean must extend

itself far

beyond

its

present limits.

ADDITIONAL NOTE TO APPENDIX

I.

Mr. FARNELL (Cults of the Greek States pp. 13, 14)

" The
ordinary Greek of the Homeric period did
not imagine his god under the form of a beast but under

writes

the form of a man. He did not, however, as yet represent him in this form either in marble or wood, as a
general rule."
1

V. ante, p. 229.

300

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

Homeric religion seems certainly wholly anthropomorphic, but surely the mention of the Trojan Athene
Polias

(II.

vi.

303), discussed

by Mr. FABNELL

in the-

sentence immediately following that quoted above, might

well be urged against the idea that it was wholly aniconic.

For Mr. FARNELL the Homeric Age seems to be still " thevery threshold" of Greek history, so he says nothing
about the earlier Mycenaean religion, except the follow" The uncouth
human-shaped idols found
ing remark
:

on the ruins

of

Troy and Mycenae give us no clue

for

the present question, since we do not know their data

even approximately, and we do not know whether in

the remotest degree they were Greek in origin the most

"
developed is almost certainly Babylonian (!) (p. 19).
;

If the well-known leaden female figure with a fylfot

ornament is meant, it can only be said that there is

nothing Babylonian in

it

the fylfot or svastika wa&

unknown
is

to Babylonian art.
If the Mycenaean culture
the direct ancestor of the culture of classical Greece, it

then Greek, and the " uncouth human-shaped idols

"
found on the ruins of Troy and M} cense are Greek also,

is

whether the people who made them were Aryans or non"

The little draped

Hellenes."
Aryans, "Pelasgians" or
female figures of Mycenae or the naked marble idols of the
and
Greek religion in Mycenaean days was iconic. The
rude pottery figures of the fully developed Mycenaean
period were no doubt merely rough miniature editions of
the big idols in the temples, which were doubtless artistiIn the second place, at the very threshold of
cally good.
Creek history the religion is already clearly theriomorphic
Cyclades can only be Greek images of Greek gods

so

as well as anthropomorphic, if the contention in the preceding appendix, that some of the theriomorphic Myce-

naean deities are representations of Artemis or attendant

APPENDIX

301

demons

of the woods and waters, is correct.

the horse-headed Demeter and the fish-tailed

we have

survivals of this theriomorphism.)

(And in
Eurynome

That

it

was

proved by the representations of

anthropomorphic
Rhea, Zeus, and Artemis on gems the armed Zeus (?)
is

and the Mycense ring is also apparently human-headed. But for Mr. FARNELL'S categorical
statement (p. 19) " The earliest image under which the
Greek divinity proper was figured was the image of
No doubt a deity was first
man," there is no proof.

of the Tiryns fresco

imagined here as animal-headed, there as human-headed.

That the "iconic impulse probably came from the
"
East (p. 19) is possible; but I do not see why the
whatever we call the prse- Aryan
Pelasgians
(or
culture-ancestors of the Greeks) need not have begun
to imagine in stone and wood the devils and ghosts
whom they wished to propitiate long before they ever

heard of the East or

its gods.

In a most interesting paper published in J. H. 8. for

1901 (xxi. 99 fi'), Mr. A. J. EVANS has discussed the
evidence for a Tree- and Pillar-Cult
nseans.

He

has

forward

among the Mycemany interesting

brought
arguments in favour of the idea that the Mycenseans
venerated sacred pillars (bcetyli) and trees. Numerous
traces of such worships remained in Greece in classical
times, and it seems probable enough that they are a
remnant of prse-Hellenic religion, but it is difficult to
say much about their existence in Mycensean times on
account of the indefiniteness of most of the Mycenaean
in the
representations which are taken as evidence
From much the same representations RBICHEL
matter.

deduced his conclusion that the chief objects of Mycensean worship was an Empty Throne the throne of
;

an

invisible

deity (Vorhellenische

Gotterculte,

p.

ff).

302

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

In favour of this theory REICHEL, like Mr. EVANS

in favour of his, brings forward other evidence of
an interesting character, especially the double rock-cut
throne on the island of Chalke near Rhodes, which bears
a later dedication, be it noted, to Zeus in conjunction
with the Pelasgian Hekate (ib. p. 30, Fig. 8). But
REICHEL'S persuasion, " dass die mykenische Zeit sich
auf die Verehrung unsichtbarer Gotter beschrankte und

noch keine Cultbilder kannte," does not seem to be inany way justified. The deity might seat himself invisible upon the throne prepared for him, but images of
him could be, and, as we have seen, were manufactured..
Mr. EVANS also speaks of Mycenaean religion as pre-

dominantly aniconic, of the supposed Mycenaean sacred

"
" aniconic
"
images which were suppillars and trees as

plemented by Pictorial Representations of Divinities."'

But there is no need to suppose that, if the Mycenaeans,
as they very probably did, venerated sacred stones and
groves, therefore they did not at the same time imagine,
portray, and worship their gods in animal or human form.

We

have Mycenaean representations of at least threewhat proof have we

deities, Rhea, Zeus, and Artemis
that images of these deities were not made and vene;

Since we have images of a

rated in temples, &c.?
female goddess from the rude graves of the ancestors of
the Mycenaeans, it would seem that the predominantlyaniconic character of Mycenaean religion has yet to be

proved.

Mycenaean Tree -and

Pillar-cults

need not be of Semitic

the similar cults of Canaan were probably taken

over by the Semites from the prae-Semitic inhabitants,
who probably belonged to the same stock as the prae-

origin

Aryan Greeks.

APPENDIX

II

GROUP OF LION AND BULL FIGHTING, FROM

TELL EL-AMARNA
THIS interesting object, of which two figures (Figs. 70 and
71). drawn by Mr. Anderson, are appended, was found at
Tell el-Amarna with the great collection of cuneiform
letters, despatches, &c., from the governors and chiefs of

Western Asia to the Egyptian kings Amenhotep III.

Its date is then presumably
and IY. (Khuenaten).
about

B.C.

1450-1420.

Only a few objects unconnected with the diplomatic

correspondence of the royal cabinet were found with the
of these some are in the Museum
Tell el-Amarna tablets
one of
of Berlin, and two are in the British Museum
:

them, bearing the number 22866, being the group of

which we are speaking. What it was doing with theroyal diplomatic correspondence it is hard to say, as its
not clearly apparent. It might be the " cover of
a vase or jar," as it is described in BUDGE-BEZOLD,
use

Tell

is

el-Amarna

objet d'art,

Barye.

Tablets, p. x., or it

designed to stand by

That

into the royal

might be a simple
a group by

itself, like

unofficial objects did occasionally stray

" office " is also shown
by that tablet

relating the surprising adventures of the Babylonian

goddess Irishkigal, of her messenger Namtar, and of

her unedifying quarrel with her husband Nergal, which

had somehow slipped into the royal despatch-boxes.

3 o4

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

our animal group in the British

is now with
Museum.
The material of the group is a hard deep-red stone

and

with a few lighter spots, apparently a jasper. It is a

between a lion and a bull. The
representation of a fight
lion has seized his antagonist by the neck with his left

paw and

holding him

is

has been forced

down

his right, which grips

bull, so that his right leg

down with

the back and shoulder of the

into a kneeling position.

The

FIG. 70.

teeth of the lion are buried in the neck of the bull, who
has twisted his head to the left, and, with wide open

mouth and

lolling tongue, is bellowing

vehemently.

In

his struggle to escape he has forced his hindquarters on

to the back of the lion, whom he appears to be vigorously

kicking.

Originally his tail was lashing his sides it has

off in ancient times, and only the traces of
:

been broken

presence remain, but these are enough to show that

for a portion of its length cut free from the body
The bull's horns are also broken off.
of the group.
its
it

was

that the lion has upon his back an

ornament consisting apparently of a shoulder- and bellycurious feature

is

APPENDIX

II

305

band, decorated with incised squares, and joined together

on the shoulder by an oval buckle (?).

The group stands upon a low

base roughly

elliptical

grooved to represent rocks (?), measuring 3 J inches long

by 2 inches broad, The height of the group is 2 J inches,
its

interior

Whether
doubtful

hollowed out to a depth of J inch.

shows that it was a vase-lid is

is

this last fact

;

in that case, however, the loop of the tail

may

have served as a handle.

FIG. 71.

The energy

of this small group

is

very remarkable

eloquent of rage and pain.

But, while the composition is good and parts of the bodies

the attitude of the bull

of the

faults
e.g.,

is

combatants are well designed, there are also many

which show the artistic limitations of the sculptor
the fore-legs of the lion are far too long and his

hind-legs are absurdly short and stumpy.

speaking, the bull is better than the lion.

Generally

Of what art

is this group a product ?

It is not
not
of
even
the
artistic
of
renascence
Egyptian,
Egyptian
Khuenaten. For this its execution is far too faulty, as

also its composition far too refreshingly

vigorous

and

306

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

been thought to be Mesopotamia!!,

many objections are apparent. There is nothing
the mane of the Assyrian
particularly Assyrian about it
energetic.

It has

but here

It might appear to
have a Persian look, but here again on closer inspection
the bull, though he lias short fat legs with huge hooves,
is no Persian bull.
And, besides, it is a thousand years
lion is disposed quite differently.

older than Persepolis.

Is it not probably

Mycenaean

Many Mycenaean

not only its vigour of composition

but also the inequality of its execution seem to indicate
a Mycenaean origin the violent upheaving of the hindtraits are visible in it

quarters of the bull

one

strongly

of

vehement bellowing remind

Yaphio bulls, while the over-

and

the

his

emphasized muscles, the exaggerated length of the

bodies and stumpiness of the legs confirm the aptness of
this reminiscence.

Also the head of the lion closely

lion's head on Mycenaean

resembles the usual type of

:

gems.
If this surmise is correct, this group is one of the
most interesting examples of the Mycenaean art of the
fifteenth century B.C. which we possess, and may perhaps
give us some clue to the date of the Yaphio cups, which
for other reasons seem to date approximately to that

time.

APPENDIX
SUPPOSED

"

THE bronze

figure of a warrior,
in a fighting

arms

raised

III

MYCEN^AN" BRONZE FIGURES

OF WARRIOR GODS
erect

and with the

posture, which is illustrated

Fig. 72, and was found at
Tiryns, belongs to a class of
objects which is well repre-

by

sented in most of the great

archaeological

of

collections

Such figures are

Europe.
found in various parts of
the Mediterranean area one,
illustrated by PERROT:

CHIPIEZ,

iii.

p. 405, Fig. 277,

comes from Tortosa in Spain,

while our Fig. 73 was found
at Berut in Phoenicia. The
majority come from Phoenicia: those in possession of

the Trustees of the British

Museum, three
all
.

come thence.
,

in number,

Hitherto
,

the general presumption has

'been that these objects were

FIG. 72

Bronze Figure found

at Tiryns('E^M .i8 9 i,Pl.lLi).

of Phoenician origin, and that their presence in other

308

STUDIES OF THE MYCEN.^AN AGE

parts of the Mediterranean basin is simply due to Phoenician trade.

This presumption is a very natural one.

But some

have lately taken to labelling

archaeologists

these bronzes " Mycenaean." Why, it is hard to say.

The peculiar features of these figures are (a) the high
Now it is true that this
conical cap
(b) the waistcloth.
;

not the ordinary costume of a Phoenician, who wore

voluminous robes, or indeed of any Semite. It is then
the costume of a foreigner so this must be a representais

tion of a non- Semitic deity.

The Mycenseans wore waistcloths and therefore, apparently (coupled with the fact
;

that one or two have been found at Mycenae, Tiryns, &c.),

But nobody has
these figures are claimed as Mycenaean.

yet discovered any representation of a Mycenaean wearing

a tall conical cap.
And the waistcloth of these figures is
quite different from the Mycenaean clout as seen in the wellknown lead en statuette from Kampos,or from the Egyptian

representation of the waistcloth of the Keftiu, to whom,

by the way, there seems to be some desire to liken these

bronze warriors.

It is, in fact, impossible to perceive

the faintest resemblance to anything Mycenaean in them.
Where are we then to look for their origin ? The tall

cap might seem to point either to Etruria or to Eastern

Asia Minor, the land of the high-capped Kheta. But
"
the preponderance of Asiatic " find-spots
for these
affords
for
the
figures
strong grounds
presumption that

they are of Asiatic, not Italian, origin, and, besides, the

Etruscans wore long robes.
So, unluckily, did the
Kheta. 1 Where are we to find the combination of high
cap and waistcloth

Only in

Egyfrt.

These figures are

ultimately of Egyptian origin.

1
The figure standing on the lion, illustrated by PEBBOTCHIPIEZ, iv. Fig. 367, is no Kheta, and the bronze itself is not
"
"
demonstrably of Hittite origin.

APPENDIX

A
will

III

309

glance at Fig. 71 and a comparison with Fig. 73

this clearly.
Fig. 73, No. 25096 of the

show

British

Museum, was

lay, portions of

originally covered with silver over-

which

still

The

remain.

FIOURE

or-

waistcloth

is

COD

TPOM P.ERUT
FIG, 73.

Bronze Figure found at Berut

Assyr. and Eg. Antic

(Brit.

Mus. Dept.

ot

q.).

resolves
distinctly of Egyptian form, and the high cap
of
the
a
imitation
into
itself
Egyptian te/-crown,
garbled
minus the Khnemu-horns which usually accompany this

head-dress.

Apparently the figure

tion of the Egyptian war-god

is

Anher

a Phoenician edi(Ovovpis),

who

is

310

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

usually depicted in a similar attitude, or of the PhoenicianEgyptian Reshpu, who in his Egyptian dress naturally

borrows some of the characteristics of Anher.

It can

hardly date to before 700 B.C.

And this seems to me to be the origin of all the similar
figures in our museums. They are Phoenician caricatures
of the usual

of Anher, or even in
perhaps in that of the Tortosa-figure, local
imitations of the Phoenician caricatures. That they are all

some

Egyptian representation

cases, as

comparatively late in date, like the Sardinian bronzes

which they resemble in treatment, seems probable I
" double
fail to see that the
presence of the
jet de la
fonte" which "subsiste encore sous lespieds" of the
:

"
Tortosa-figure, is in any way deja une premiere presomp" 1
tion de haute antiquite
rough work was done at all
:

periods.
1

PERROT-CHIPIEZ,

loc. cit.

APPENDIX IV
MYCENAEAN INFLUENCE IN "HITTITE"
CYLINDERS
ON

page

24 we have discussed the probable influenceon " Hittite " art and vice-versd, and have

of Mycenaean

FIG. 74.

found

it

Impression of a Cylinder from Aidin

practically nil.

to this statement,

in

Lydia (Louvre).

Some archaeologists might object

and maintain that there

exist Hittite

which show obvious traces of Mycenaean influence.

The impressions of two such seals, cylinders, from Inner

seals

Asia Minor, are here illustrated by Figs. 74 and 75. It

course a pure assumption to call them " Hittite,"
although the influence of the strange assyrianizing art
is of

of

Eastern A*ia Minor

especially in

Fig. 74.

The

is

clearly discernible in them,,

the double-headed
spirals

high-capped deity of
on both have a decidedly Mycenaean

312

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

appeamnce (though that on Fig. 75 can be paralleled on

purely Babylonian seals), and so have the bull's head of
But there
Fig. 75, and the opposed lions of Fig. 74.
are also other things on these seals. The two opposed
have a Babylonian appearance; the
them
is Egyptian, the emblem of the
between
scorpion
Selk
the
above the spiral are deformed
birds
goddess
figures on Fig. 75

Egyptian rekhiu; while the hawkheaded protecting deities

of Fig. 74, however rudely they may be presented, are
Egyptian, and so

FIG. 75.

is

the king in waistcloth and dtef-

Impression of a Cylinder from Asia Minor (Louvre).

crown, and carrying a parody of an Egyptian standard,

on Fig. 75. It is then obvious that these cylinders, with
"
their mixed Babylonian, Egyptian, Hittite," and Mycenaean designs, are not of " Hittite," but of Phoenician or
(perhaps) Cypriote workmanship. They prove, therefore,
absolutely nothing with regard to any Mycena?an influence
"
"
upon Hittite art, but as Phoenician or Cypriote objects
with imitations of Mycensean design they are extremely
interesting.

later date

than 700

B.C. is

hardly possible
if they are

for them, but I should be inclined to doubt

very much older, on account of the late appearance of the

Egyptian figures upon them.

ADDENDA.
In speaking of Mycenaean culture as " radiating "
Crete, Argolis, and Phthiotis over the ^Egean, &c., I do
"
not intend to imply that every " Mycenaean object found in
P. 26.

from

the ^Egean islands, &c., was imported from Crete, Argolis,

or Phthiotis. Most of the Mycenaean pottery, for instance,
found in other Greek lands was no doubt manufactured where
it was used and discovered.
No doubt some of the Mycenaean vases found in far-away Cyprus were imported from
Greece, but only some. Mr. C. C. EDGAR, however, in his

excursus on "

The Pottery "

of Phylakopi (Ann. Brit. Sch.

Ath. 1897-8), speaks of all the vases of Furtwangler's Third
"
"
the
as
and Fourth Styles found in Melos as " imported
;

imported Mycenaean pottery

" stream of
brought by the
is
it
How
possible to say with
kind found in Melos were
Argolis or Crete

found

"

at

Phylakopi
"
Mycenaean import

(p.

47)

46).
certainty that all vases of this
made in and imported from
(p.

P. 53, n. i. After bull's head from Mycenae, insert: Also

one of the vases brought by the Keftiu is the counterpart of
one carried by a Mycenaean depicted at Knossos. (For a
further comparison of the Keftiu with the Mycenaean

Knossians, see

EVANS

in the Archaeological Report of the

"
of

Egypt Exploration Fund for 1900, p. 60

Knossos in its Egyptian Relations.")
P. 62.

found

at

P. 65.

ff.,

The Palace

(c. B.C. 850) has been

Excavations in Cyprus, p. 41).

scarab of Shashank III.

Enkomi (MURRAY,

The

latest geological authority

Dr. Alfred PHILIPPSON

(in

HILLER

v.

on the subject,

GARTRIXGEN, Thera,

STUDIES OF THE

ch.

MYCEN^AN AGE

expresses no opinion as to the date of the great

ii.),

eruption.

P. 69, n. i. Add: The deposits consisted of the graves

of barbarians, probably Hattebu of the Delta (ante, p. 158 ff.),.
who partially cremated their dead.
Ib.

n.

Add: The style of the Khata'anah scarabname of Sebekhetep III. of the Xlllth Dynasty
to be contemporary with the king whose name it

2.

bearing the

shows

it

This scarab is not in the same case with that mentioned on p. 50, for all the rest of the evidence confirms the
XII Ith Dynasty date of the Khata'anah graves. The chief
bears.

monuments found

XIHth

Dynasties.

at

Khata'anah also date to the

XHth-

[The objections raised to this evidence

Some unwarranted Assumptions in Arch-

by Mr. HAYNKS ("

aeology," Am. Jourtt. Arch. ix. (1894) p. 26 ff.) are rendered
invalid by the fact that the Khata'anah dating has been
confirmed at Kahun and Hu.]
P. 114. It has often been thought that there is a definite
statement extant in the records that Sargon did actually
cross the Mediterranean to Cyprus.
This is a misconception.
In W.A.I, iv. p. 34 an Assyrian tablet from the
library of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh (Brit. Mus. K. 2130) is.
published which contains a series of omens derived from
observations of the moon, illustrated by excerpts from

legendary accounts of the doings of Sargon and Naram-Sin r

which are inserted in order to " point the moral and adorn
"
the tale," somewhat after this wise
When the moon
behaves in such-and-such a manner, under this omen Sargon
did so-and-so," the inference to be drawn being that if the
Assyrian king does so-and-so when the moon behaves in
such-and-such a manner, he will be as successful as Sargon
was in a similar case. One of these omens reads " When
the moon, &c. &c., under this omen (argon) went up, he had
:

no foe nor

rival

he traversed,

He established his
[he set up]

his terror over.

and for three years

:

The Sea of

the

Went

West his hand prevailed.

and in the West his statues

in the

undisputed rule
he caused the booty of the Sea-lands to be

ADDENDA

315

brought." All that the italicized passage means is that he

coasted along the Palestinian littoral, crossing from point to
"
"
point, and the
booty of the sea-lands is the pillage of the
Palestinian coast-tribes.

Cyprus
hinted

is

There

is

no reason to suppose that

its existence even

referred to or any knowledge of

at.

P. 1 14, n. 2. "A statement is current," as Mr. Torr would

put it, that there wan a Babylonian colony at Pterion as early
as 2000 B.C., and one of the collaborators of the "Mission
en Cappadoce" (" Ouvrage publie sous les auspices du Ministt>re de 1'Iristruction Publique et des Beaux-Arts," Paris,.
1898), M. BOISSIER, is responsible for this statement. Now,
in the first place, it may be premised that there is every
probability that Babylonian influence had penetrated into Asia

Minor as

early as 2000 B.C. Since Martu or Syria was overrun

by Babylonian kings some seventeen hundred years before
2000 B.C., and in Hammurabi's time (B.C. 2200) it is quite a.

should be subject to the " King of the

Four Quarters of the Earth," it is evident that Babylonian
influence can very well have already passed westward beyond
the bounds of Martu at a date considerably anterior to
2000 B.C. The discoveries of M. BOISSIEK, however, prove
nothing at all on the point. The evidence for the existence

matter of course that

it

of his Babylonian colony consists of some cuneiform tablets

which were found at Boghaz Koi. M. BOISSIKK says, in the
"
first place,
ces monuments, en effet, presentent les memes
signes graphiques que ceux des tablettes decouvertes en.
Egypte a El Amarna." In reality, however, all that can be
said with regard to their date, is that they may date back to
el- Amarna period (c. 1400 B.C.), and may equally well
belong to a far later time, since the peculiarities in writing
the script which are found in them may well be characteristic of a people unaccustomed to write cuneiform frequently or quickly. There is then no external proof from

the Tell

the tablets themselves that they are as old as 1400 .<.'.,

much less 2500! But M. BOISSIKK proceeds to argue as,
follows " Suivant nous, les originaux de ces tablettes.
.

remontent au moins n Fan 2000

nouslisonsle

nom de Sargon

I'crit.

.,

la

plus grande
.^sur
S'il
Sarni-ukin.
.

.3i6

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

s'agit

d'un roi Sargon,

ici

question

du grand

ne peut en aucune maniere etre

il

roi de Ninive

car des raisons d'ordre

paleographique s'y opposent absolument, et le roi Sargon

6
regna au VIII siecle, tandis que nous avons fixe Fan 2000
environ comme date de nos documents. On pourrait peut-etre
une expedition babylonienne
songer au vieux roi d'Agade
en Asie Mineure, vers Fan 3800 avant Jesus-Christ, n'est pas
invraisemblable. En proposant Fan 2500 avant Jesus-Christ
environ comme date de la redaction de nos tablettes, nous ne
serons peut-etre pas bien eloigne de la verite." First of all,
M. BOISSIER implies that for palaeographic reasons these
tablets must be assigned to about 1400 B.C.
(This is not a
necessary supposition.) Then he jumps to 2000, six centuries,
for the same tablets, or their originals. Then he says that
the Sarru-ukin mentioned on one of them cannot be Sargon I.,
because he has shown (!) that they date to 2000. (Palaeo.

graphically, this tablet mentioning Sawu-ukin might, as a

fact, quite well date to the eighth century.)
Then,

matter of

apparently because this Sami-uk'tii must be Sargon of Agade,

who did live about 3800 B.C., therefore we must take a flying
leap of 500 years and date these tablets to 2500 B.C.
Finally,
!

"

disons encore

stallerent en

The

un mot sur ces

Cappadoce

italics are

et

colon* babylotiiet/x qui si'n-

dont nous avons des contrats."

mine.

From the above observations it will be clear that M.

BOISSIER'S dates for the Boghaz Koi tablets 1 rest on no
The idea of
certain foundation, and so cannot be accepted.
a Babylonian colony at Pterion c. 2500 B.C. falls therefore
to the

ground.

editor of the " Mission en Cappadoce," M. CHANTRE,

"
La
proceeds to improve upon the theories of his assistant

The

M. Boissier propose d'attribuer aux textes

de Boghaz Keue me parait tout au moins fort

date de 250x3 que

bubylonienx

It is to be hoped that students of M. BOISSIER'S work will

not be misled in their studies of the facsimiles of these tablets
which he gives (Pi. iv. v.) by the fact that he has allowed some
1

of

them

PI. v.

to be printed upside

Nos.

3, 6, 9)

seven tablets, PI.

v.

down

and one sideways

nine.

(PI. iv.

Nos.

(PI. v. 7).

i,

4,

PI. iv.

2 (Rv.);
contains

ADDENDA

317

The italics do not

appear in the original.
M. CHANTRE apparently has an idea that perhaps these
tablets, on one of which a Sargon (Sarru-ukin) is mentioned,
may be really much older even than 2500 B.C., because, so he
"
"
Hittite Empire
believes, Pterion was the centre of a great
as early as the time of Sargon I., /.?., that the civilization of
Boghaz Koi goes back to the time of Sargon I., about
3800 B.C. Does not one know, he asks, that mention of
"
"
Heteens has been found " dans les tablettes augurales de
Sargon d' Agade, ce que reporterait Fexistence de ce peuple
"
au XXXe siecle avant notre ere (p. 203) V
"
Here is another statement which is " current
that the
Hittites are mentioned in tablets of Sargon I.
The facts of this matter are these
acceptable, slnon au-dessous de la realite"

For the

library of Ashurbanipal at

Nineveh a large number

of tablets were prepared containing omens, portents, astroc., in which that king
logical and astronomical reports,

apparently took an especial interest. The greater number of

these tablets were written between the age of Sargon II.
(B.C. 722-705) and that of Ashurbanipal (B.C. 667-625)..
Many of them belong to the well-known series called the
" Illumination of Bel."
Now three of the British Mu-

seum tablets of this category mention Sargon I. (K. 6857,

K. 10,623, RM. 2 112), one mention^ Sargon and his son
Naram-Sin (K. 5929), one mention* Narfim-Sin alone
(K. 2317). On another the city of Agade is mentioned
(K. 4336). The references to Sargon and Narfim-Sin need
;

not imply any real connection of these tablets with Sargon

and his son all that is said being to the effect that under a
certain omen Sargon or Narfim-Sin decided to act in suchand-such a way (cf. ante, p. 314). Nor in the words in which
Agade is mentioned is there anything to connect the tablet in
;

question (W. A.I. ii. 39, n. 5) with Agade, which contains an

Assyrian commentary on an astrological work the town is
simply spoken of as the city of Sargon. The remark of EPPINC;
:

from this tablet

(Astronomisches aua Babylon, p. 5) that
Texte aus Agane
dass
solche
zu
diirf
schliessen
wir
en,
glauben
Agade] in Babylonien importiert wurden," is therefore

*'

[/.('.,

318

STUDIES OF THE

MYCEN^AN AGE

not justified. But nevertheless the late Mr. GEORGE SMITH

"
wrote in his " Early History of Babylonia ( T. S. B. A i. p. 47)
"
that Sargon is often mentioned on the astrological and omen
tablets, and an edition of those works was probably written
It was then merely a conjecture of GEORGE
in his reign."
SMITH'S that, because Sargon was mentioned on those tablets,
therefore they were originally edited in Sargon's time, and
handed down thus edited to the latter copyists and translators
whose work we now have before us. A mere conjecture yet
two years later, in Prof. SAYCE'S " Astronomy and Astrology
of the Babylonians" (T. S. B. A. iii. p. 150) we find the
" The standard
astrological work of the
following statement
Babylonians and Assyrians was one consisting of 70 tablets,
drawl up for the library of Sargon, King of Agane." The
.

mine. Here is the origin of the " current state"

ment " that the Series called the " Illumination of Bel dates
from the time of Sargon, 3800 B.C.
italics are

Now it is not necessary to suppose that the references to

"
"
Sargon which appear on these tablettes augurales -of the
connection
between
them
and
B.C.
prove
any
eighth century
him or Agade at all but if it be objected that they may
fairly be taken to imply some connection, this is the utmost
that can be conceded
many of the tablets may have been
which were supposed, in the eighth
ones
from
older
copied
century B.C., when they were copied, to date from the time
of far more ancient kings, especially Sargon of Agade, the
Alfred the Great of Babylonian history, of whom all manner
of stories were told and on whom all manner of doings were
;

fathered.

That

is

And

all.

these are

the

"

tablettes

augurales de Sargon I." of which M. CHANTRE speaks.

The use of such a phrase is likely to convey a very false
impression.

And what would be the value of the mention of Hittites

on astronomical tablets of the eighth century which possibly
may have been regarded by the learned of the day as handed
down from the original edition of Sargon of Agade, but equally
possibly may in reality have had nothing whatever to do with
him ? None. On a tablet of the " Illumination of Bel "
series (Brit. Mus. K. 270
W. A. I. iii. 60, 1. 45-47) we read
;

ADDENDA

319

" If an
eclipse

happens on the 2oth day the King of Hatte

(otherwise the King of Hate). will come and will seize the
throne." The Hatte or Hate are, no doubt, the same people
as the Kheta of the Egyptians, and these people, whether
"
"
we, guessing an unproven identity, call them Hittites or
not, were probably of the same race as the people of Boghaz
Koi and Eyuk the facial type and dress of the Kheta on
;

Egyptian monuments of the fourteenth century

B.C.

exactly

resembles those of the people of the ruder reliefs at Eyuk,

whom M. CHANTRE calls " Heteens." M. CHANTRE'S
" Heteens" are then mentioned on an astronomical tablet
of,
at earliest, so far as we know, the eighth century B.C. And
this is all the foundation there is for the idea, apparently

MM. CHANTRE

and BOISSIER, that the Hatte are

Sargon I., and that
therefore the kingdom of Boghaz Koi and Eyuk was already

accepted by

mentioned

"
in the " augural tablets
of

Even if the tablets of

in existence as early as B.C. 3800 !
this series were handed down in a series of copies from the
time of Sargon
correct

where

is

an explanation which cannot be proved

there any proof that the reference to the

Hatte might not have been inserted at any period between

Sargon's time and the eighth century B.C. ?
There is, then, no proof of a Hittite kingdom having
existed, with Pterion as its capital, as early as 3800 B.C.
The most ancient contemporary mention of the Kheta or
Hatte which we possess is that made by the Egyptians, who
speak of them first in the time of Thothmes III., c. 1550 B.C.
But this does not show that Boghaz Koi and Eyuk were built
The oldest of the cuneiform tablets
as early as 1550 B.C.
found at Boghaz Koi are no older than c. 1400 B.C., if as old.
All, then, that can be said with certainty is that the cuneiform script was used in Asia Minor as far west as Pterion
!

perhaps as early as c. 1400 B.C., so that Babylonian influence

may well be credited with having already made itself felt
beyond the bounds of Martu as early as 2000 B.C. perhaps
even earlier. But there is no proof of any Babylonian colony
at Pterion at any period whatsoever.
;

P. 134 n. The Gazans of Roman times accepted the

legend of Cretan origin. Minos and lo figure on their coins

STUDIES OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE

320

"

the town was called " Minoa

and
Marna, their chief god, was identified with Jupiter CreThe name Marna or Manias is not necessarily
tigenes.
Aramaic (="Our Lord"); such a name might as well be
non-Semitic as Semitic.
as

Meino and Eio

P. 143. The royal name Usertesen has lately been read, by

a transposition of the elements of the name, Senusert, or as
the German school would call it, Senwosret, the element Usert
taken to be the name of a goddess, written
( Wosret) being
first

honoris causa, but not spoken

first.

I am, however,

by no means convinced that "the Egyptians of the time

really

so I hold to the old reading

read the name " Sen-Usert
"
The equation " Senwosret " = Seo-oorpis is
Usert-sen."
:

hardly satisfactory.

The

P. 152.

use of the archaic Egyptian slate objects

have called simply " Reliefs," is

thinks they are a ceremonial survival of the slate palettes used in predynastic times on which
Mr. LEGGE suggests that they are cereto grind paint
monial reproductions of shields, (cf. LEGGE, The Carved
Slates from HieraconpoUs and elsewhere, P.S.B.A. xxii..
p. 125 ff.
PETEIE, Note on a Carved Slate, ib. p. 140 f.)
carved in

relief,

unknown.

Prof.

which

PET RIE

P.

54.

The Xllth

from Knossos
in its

or XTIIth Dynasty Egyptian statuette

"
by EVANS, The Palace of Knossos

(illustrated

Egyptian Relations,"

in the Archceological Report of the

in the

Egypt Exploration Fund for 1900-1901) was found

great Eastern Court of the palace in a position into which

had probably worked from a stratum which at other points
in the palace contains relics of the Kamarais period (EvAXS,
Ann. Brit. Sch. Ath. vi. 27). But this evidence for the date
of the Kamarais period cannot be said to be conclusive, as

it

on a probability. So also the presence of the

Knossos cannot be regarded as irrefragable evidence for the connection of Crete with Egypt under the Xllth

it

rests only

statuette at

Dynasty, for, since

its

original position

is

uncertain,

it

may

have been brought to Crete in the Mycenaean period, long

after the date of its manufacture.

ADDENDA

32 r

P. 164.
On an Egyptian wooden tablet of the XTXth
Dynasty (c. 1250 B.C.), now in the British Museum (No..
5647), and published by SPIEGELBERG (Assyrische Zeitschrift,
viii. 384) is a list of Keftian
proper names Ashahure, Naaui,
"
Akashau, Adinemi (read by SPIEGELBERG Adinai "); and
:

name of

the

MULLER
the

Philistine

p. 135 n.).

W. M.

a country, Pinarutau or Pinaltau.

394) has rightly compared Akashau with

ix.

(ib.

Aklsli

This

is

(LXX.

'Ayxovr),

interesting

Ikausu

when taken

(v.

ante,.

in connection

with the probable Cretan origin of the Philistines.

P. 165, n. i. The Golenischeff Papyrus, which contains
the report of Uenuamen, an envoy sent from Egypt by the
first priest-king, Herheru, about
1050 B.C., to Phoenicia tobring wood from the Lebanon for the construction of the
great festival-bark of the god Amen at Thebes, gives us a
most interesting glimpse of Alashiya (Cyprus) in the eleventh

After much speechifying and argumentation

century B.C.
the Egyptian ambassador prevailed upon the Prince of
Byblos to have the wood which he wanted brought down
from the Lebanon to the seashore. Here, however, a difficulty presented itself

the harbour was

filled

with the

piratical ships of the Tchakarai (Cretans ?), who refused to

allow Uenuamen to return to Egypt. " They said
Seize
'

him let no ship of his go to the land of Egypt

Then I sat
down and wept. The scribe of the prince came out to me
'

'

said to me,
the birds which
he.

What

ails

thee

'

I replied,
fly back to Egypt ?
?

'

Seest thou not

Look at them
fly, which
they go to the cool canal, and how long do I remain abandoned here ? Seest thou not those who would prevent my
return

'

He went away

prince began to

weep

him and which were

and spoke to the prince. The

words which were told unto-

at the

so sad.

He

sent his scribe out to me,

who brought me two masahet of wine and a deer. 1 He sent

me Thentnut, an Egyptian singing-girl who was with him,,
He
saying to her, Sing to him, that he may not grieve
'

'

The foreign word

men)
aialu.

is

aaiule (the animal sent as food to

probably not '.O, a ram, but

'

Uenua-

To, a deer, the Assyrian

MYCEN^AN AGE

STUDIES OF THE

322

To-morrow
ent word to me
Eat, drink, and grieve not
On the morrow he had
ahalt thou hear all that I shall say.
'

the people of his harbour summoned, and stood in the midst

of them and said to the Tchakarai, What ails ye ?
They
answered him "We will pursue the piratical, piratical ships
'

'

which thou sendest to Egypt with our unhappy companions.'

He said to them I cannot seize the ambassador of Amen
in my land.
Let me send him away and then do ye pursue
He sent me on board and sent me
after him to seize him
away .... to the haven of the sea. The wind drove me
'

'

The people of the city came out

was dragged by them to the place
where Hathaba, the queen of the city, was. I met her as
she was coming out of one of her houses into the other. I
Is
greeted her and said to the people who stood by her
to the land of Alashiya.
I
in order to slay me.

'

there not one

among you who understands

the speech of

I said
I understand it.'
One of them replied
Egypt ?
in
the
far
as
Even
as
to him
to
mistress
city
Say
my
which Amen dwells [i.e. Thebes] have I heard the proverb,
'

'

'

" In
all cities

done

only in Alashiya is justice to

done here every day
I said to her
She said
What is it that thou sayest ?
Since the sea raged and the wind drove me to the land in
which thou livest, therefore thou wilt not allow them to
seize my body and to kill me, for verily I am an ambassador
of Amen. Remember that / am one who will be sought for
always. And if these men of the Prince of Byblos whom
they seek to kill (are killed), verily if their chief finds ten
men of thine, will he not kill them also ?
She summoned
the men, and they were brought before her. She said to
"
me
Lie down and sleep.
Here the papyrus breaks
off, and we do not know how Uenuamen returned to Egypt
with his wood. The description of the landing in Alashiya
is

injustice

be found," and now

'

is

injustice

'

'

'

'

'

is

quite Homeric.

cueil, xxi.

P. 179.
identified

.'

[Text published by GOLENISCHEFP, Re*

(1899) p. 74

ff.]

The majority of these

by DE ROUGE, (Rev. Arch.

Monuments. &c.)

tribes

1867

were originally
Etude sur divers

the Tchakarai were identified by CHABAS

286 ff.), the Shardina

(Rechfircites sur VAntiquite Historique, p.

ADDENDA

323

and Shakalashn by MASPERO (Revue Critique, 1880, p. 109 f.),

the Pulusatha by CHAMPOLLION, in his Dictiowiaire Hieroglyphique.

P. 240, n.

Museum
which

is

i.

The misread name

K.

occurs on the British

In 1.
252, a list of deities.
described on the tablet as " List of the
tablet

of

col.

5,

Judge-Gods
of Assur," occurs the name of a deity, presumably an Assyrian
"
Sumero-Akkadian goddess," which reads
god and not a

S/mrnela"

]>-

P. 260, n. i.
useful sketch of the chronology of early
Italian art, with especial reference to the date of the beginnings of Greek influence, will be found in KAKO, Cenm sulla
Cronologia Preclassica, nelT Italia Centrale, Bull, di Paletno-

He well criticizes the strange

logia italiana, 1898, p. 144 ff.
chronological theories of MONTELIUS (Prce- Classical Chronology in Greece and Italy, Journ. Anthrop. Inst. 1897, p. 261

ff.).

Apries did succeed in directly off ending Egyptian

He paid for his partiality for the Greeks first
with his throne and then with his life. From an inscription
lately published by DARESSY in the Recueil (xxii. p. i ff.)
it appears that Apries,
after having been deposed by
Amasis, but allowed to retain the royal style, attempted to
regain his throne with the aid of Greek mercenaries, and
was completely defeated by Amasis in his third year. The
account of Herodotos (ii. 163, 169) of the battle of
Momemphis is thus completely confirmed, except as regards
the fact that this battle took place in the third year of the
reign of Amasis, not before he became king.
P. 272.

conservatism.

The

following are the most important passages of the in"

His Majesty (Amasis) was in the
I. 2

scription

Festival-Hall, discussing plans for his whole land, when one

Haa-ab-ra (Apries) is rowing up he
came to say to him
has gone on board the ships which have crossed over. Hau'

nebu (Greeks), one knows not their number, are traversing

the North-land, which is as if it had no master to rule it he
(Apries) has summoned them, they are coming round him.
:

MYCEN^AN AGE

STUDIES OF THE

324

is he who has arranged their settlement in the Peh-an (in theAndropolite nome) they infest the whole breadth of Egypt,
they have reached Sekhet-Maf ek (Terraneh) those who are
on thy waters fly before them
(Amasis summoned

It

'

and captains, made them a speech to which

His Majesty
they replied, and set out to battle).
mounted his chariot, having taken lance and bow in histhe soldiers
hand
[the enemy] reached Andropolis
they did their duty in
sang with joy on the roads
His Majesty
destroying him who was opposed to him.
fought like a lion he made victims among them, one knows
not how many. The ships and their warriors were overturned, they saw the depths as do the fishes. Like a flame
he devoured (lit. broadened, extended), making a feast of
His heart rejoiced.
fighting, making a feast of fighting.
The third year, the 8th Athyr, one came to tell His Majesty
Let their vileness be ended
They throng the roads, there
are thousands there ravaging the land they fill every road.
Those who are in ships bear thy terror in their hearts. But
Said His Majesty to his soldiers
it is not yet finished
Young men and old men, do this in the cities and
nomes
Going upon every road, let not a day pass
his councillors

'

'

'

without fighting their galleys.'

The land was

traversed

their ships, abandoned

by the crews. The people accomplished their fate killing
its (? their) prince (Apries) on his couch, when he had come

as

by the blast of a tempest, destroying

When he saw his friend overthrown

which he had done in front of the canal, His-

to repose in his cabin.

in his

Majesty himself buried him

in

it,

in order to establish

him

His Majesty decreed that the

hatred of the gods should be removed from him."

as a king possessing virtue, for

The last few lines are rather difficult to make out, but the
above appears to be their literal meaning.
Apries was
slaughtered on his ship by the country-people, and was buried
in a manner befitting a king at the charges of Amasis himThis warded off from the spirit of Apries the just
self.
"
foreign devils,"
anger of the gods at his partiality for the
and ensured his reception by Osiris as a king neb menkh,
"
This was, no doubt, a politic act on
possessing virtue."
the part of the usurping Amasis.

INDEX
AAHHETEP, Queec, dagger

of,

189

in Egypt, proto-Mycenasan vases from, 74

Achaians, in Mycenaean period, 77 an Aryan

Abydos

aristocracy

in

Egypt

c.

1250 B.C. 173

of Achaia, early

203

commerce

of,

256
Adinemi, Keftian name, 321
Admetos, king of Tamassos, 673 B.C., 262
Adramyttion, name Semitic, 227
JEgean, geography of the, 108
Mycenaean inhabitants of the
216
;

^Egina,proto-Mycena3an settlement at, 201; Mycenaean ''Treasure"

of, 62
connecdate, ib, early commerce of, 256, 285
tion with Crete, 283 ; with Phthiotis, 285
with the Arcawith Egypt, 272
trade with the West, ib.
dians, ib.
coinage J^ginetan standard), 286
;

'AetpaOrcu, 253, n.

Aerope, granddaughter of Minos, mother of

Menelaos, 213
^Etiological stories, 82

Agade (Agane), Babylonian

city,

Agamemnon and

317

Aigisthos, king uf lualion, 673 B.C., 262

Akaiuaaha (Aqaitaaata ; 'Ax at ^0 invaded Egypt

Akashau, Keftian name, 321

c.

1250

B.C., 173

Akhenaten, .s-ee Khuenaten

Akhtaten, see Khutaten
Akish, Philistine name = Ikausu, (j_.r.
Akropolis, Athenian, settlements of the, 48
Alambra in Cyprus, prye-Mycenaean vase from, xxii.

Alashiya (Eg. Alasa Cyprus?), 139, 163; correspondence of its

king with Khuenaten, c. 14306.0., 88 description of by an
Egyptian envoy, c. 1050 B.C., 322
;

INDEX

326

Alphabet, date of invention, 237 ; introduction into the southern

JEgean islands, 238
Althaimenes, Cretan hero, 87, n. 2

Amenhetep

III.,

Mycenae, 49

Amenhetep

king of Egypt, objects of found at lalysos and

at Gurob, 51

Khuenaten

IV., see

Amorites, 98, 115

Ankh-kheperu-Ra, king of Egypt, 53

Anthropomorphism in Mycenaean religion, 300
An-Tursha, foreign official at Gurob, 170
Aphaia, ^Eginetan form of Diktynna, 283
Aphrodite, of Phoenician origin, 136 late-Mycenaean worship of,.
ib.
298 worship of at Corinth, 290 at Mgina, 286, n. 2j
at Kythera, 228, 234
in Lesbos, 227
Apollo-worship, of Cretan origin ? 243, 297
Apries (Haa-ab-Ra), King of Egypt, relations of, with the Greeks,
;

323 ; death of, 324

Aqaiwaasa, see Akaiuasha

Arcadians, Pelasgic, 82

in Cyprus, 131
2 ; trustworthiness

and History.

Archaeology,
"

of,

13

not a

limitations of, in Greece, 19

Archaizing, conscious, of the Homeric poets, 223
science," 18

Archilochos the poet, 254, n. i

Argolis, importance of in later Mycena-an period, 215
Argonaut, the, in Mycenaean design, xxviii.
Argonauts, the legend of the, 215
Argos, early Pelasgian settlement at, 283 under Achaians and
Dorians, 284
Aristocratic government in Greece, 253
Armenians, originally non- Aryan, 95, n. 2; Aryan language brought
;

by Aryan invaders, ib.

Arsapi, Cilician kingdom, 139
influence on Mycenaean
Art, Egyptian, naturalism in, 184
influence of Mycenaean art on, 184
185, 187
;

art,.

Greek, renascence
tradition,

continuity

ib.

of,

of,

247, 253, 279 ; based on Mycenaean

in the jEgean islands, 250, 252

development

;.

279

Mycenaean, European (Greek) spirit of, 189, 278 adaptive

influence of, on Egyptian art, 184, 186
of, 189
;

genius

bizarrerie of.

278

;.

comparison

of,

with

classical

Greek

art, ib.

Artemis, 204

Pelasgic, 295, 296

identical with Diktynna, 296

INDEX

327

with Apollo, 297 Mycenaean representations

296
Aryans, not in Greece in the prae-Mycenaean period, 96 ; inflood
o into the Mediterranean lands, 105
in Greece, 202, 207 in Asia Minor, 95
Ashahure, Keftian name, 321
late connection

of,

name for Cyprus, 163, n. i

Asia Minor, primitive culture of, 27 ; non-Aryan race of, 91, 97 ;
connected with the Pelasgians of Greece, 97 Babylonian

Asi, Egyptian

influence

in,

91

Aryan invasion

lonians in, 126 ; in

95
continuance of Mycenaean
of,

post-Mycenaean period, 273

culture in, 63
Assyrian conquest of Cyprus, 261 ; influence in Lydia. 275
Atabyrion, name Semitic, 228
Athene, Trojan, image of the, 300
Athenians, Pelasgic blood of the, 203
;

Athens, successive settlements

ment

period,

in

12;

at,

ib.

at,

48

prae-Mycenaean

Mycenaean period, 282

early

Atnana, see Yatnana

Attica, Dorians in, 41,

commerce

of,

settle-

in post-Mycenaean

256

n.

"Augural Table's of Sargou I.," 317

the DouoleAxe, origin of the Greek word for the, 198, n.
of the
headed, 293
symbol of Zeus of Labranda, ib.
Mycenaean Zeus at Knossos, 294
;

BAAL-HAMMON,

230, n. 3

117; in Syria, ib.

iDflnence of, in Asia Minor, 91, 120, 315

Babylonian

civilization,

in Palestine, 118;.

supposed influence

influence of, on
on early Egyptian culture, 197, n. i
Mycenaeans, 114; on Mycenaeans, 120; in Crete, 139
Badira, chief of the Tchakarai at Dor, c. 1050 B.C., 135, n.
Bagaios, Aryan god of Asia Minor, 95
of,

prae

"

"

Base- Ring
ware, 72
"Beehive-Tombs," 29
Bin Tepe, Mycenaean vase- fragments from, 124
Black Sea, Mycenaean relations wilh the, 215 date of
in the, 254
;

colonies-

" BoatVases," Egyptian, 150

ib*
(Pteriou), 114 ; supposed Babylonian colonists at,
antiquity of, 319 ; Assyrianizing sculptures of, 91, 124;
attribut ;d to tt.e Kheta, 91 ; probable la;e date of 115, 124

Boghaz Koi
319

INDEX

328
Dos-Eyuk,

prae- Mycenaean

settlement

at, 97, n.

Britomartis, see Diktynna

knowledge of, originated in Babylonia? 196; Sumerian

and Assyrian words for, 197, n. in Egypt, 196, 197, n. i;
Mycenaean knowledge of derived from Babylonia? 122;
fibula from
first appearance in ^Egean lands at Troy, 24
Amorgos, 23, 25 -working in Mycenaean period, 28 Age,
European civilization of the, 191

.Bronze,

False-necked

("Bridle-cups,"

.Biigelkannen

Vases, a

Mycenaean vase-form), 186 from Egypt, xxiv., 60,

.Building, knowledge of in prse-MycenEean period,
Mycenaean period, 29
;

typical

61, 186

24

Bull-gods, unknown to the Semites, 230 Mycenaean, ib.

Burial-customs, difference between those of Mycenaean

in

Homeric Greeks,

Burraburiyash, king of Babylonia, date

of,

Semites
early culture of, 115
" Chalcolithic " culture in
Greece, 192

in, ib.

CANAAN,

Chalkis, early

and

81

commerce

of, 256,

58

260

Chthonic worship Pelasgian, 298

Cilicia, 139

Cist-graves, prse-Mycenaean, 25 ; see Island-graves

Civilization, European, not of oriental origin, 201
to

development of, given

Greek, first development

20

in the

Greek

first

impulse

islands, ib.

of, prae- Aryan,

202

never isolated,

see Mycenaean, Egyptian, etc.

continuity of, 281
Coinage, Lydian invention of, 275; ^ginetan, 286; Pheidonian,287
date of, 218, 254
Colonies, Greek, 253
;

in prae-Mycenaean period, between Greece and the

East, 109 ; route of via Cyprus, 1 10 ; precarious nature of,

Commerce,

in Mycenaean period,
114 between Greece and Egypt, 144
between Greece and Egypt, 168; between Cyprus and
between
Egypt in the hands of the Phoenicians, 169
;

Greece and the West, 219; Phoenicians in prse-Mycenaean

period, 225
early Greek, 255
Commercial Leagues, 255
<Jopper, knowledge of working independent in Europe and the
East, 195 ; Assyrian word for, 197, n. ; in Cyprus, 195 ; at
in Greece during prae-Mycenaean period, 25
Troy, 23
Age, of Hungary, 192 ; of Greece, 194
;

INDEX

329

Corinth (Ephyra), subordinate to Mycen, 289 rise of, postMycenasan, ib. Phoenician traditions at, 290 commercial
greatness of, founded by Phoenicians? 291
early commerce
of, 256, 260
;

Costume, Mycengean, 277

Craniological evidence, 103
Cremation, among the Haunebu ? 314 in Homeric Greece, 6
Cretans attack Egypt (?), c. 1200 B.C., 177, 182; legendary ex;

peditions of the, to Sicily and Italy, 211 Megara, ib. Ionia,

first essay the direct route to
Egypt, 269 at Cyrene,
;

ib.

270

piracy of the, 214

commercial

inactivity,

270

Crete, geographical position of, 109, 209 importance of, in early

Greek history, 183 ; theory of direct communication of,
;

with Egypt in prae-Mycenaan period, 144, 154; connected

one of the earliest seats of Mycen;ean culnot certainly known to the Egyptians in the
ture, 206
indirectly, 156;
;

early

Mycengean period, 212; the people included

in

the

Keftiu-name, 165 legendary connection of, with the Troad,

211
in later Mycenaean period, 213
thalassocracy of, ib.
;

in post-Mycenroan period, 212

Dorians

214

in,

art in, 202

in,

228, 231

permanence and persistence of Mycenaean

artists of, 252

Phoenicians

political disappearance of, 214

Cuneiform script of Babylonia, used in Palestine, 139 Cilicia,

ib.
Cyprus (?), ib. inner Asia Minor, 315 not farther west,
;

138
Cups, Mycenfean metal, from Vaphio,
from Egypt, 53, 54
54, 55

33, 34,

54

from Cyprus,

Cuttlefish, the, in

Cyclades,

the,

Mycenaean design, xxviii.

mentioned in Homer, 241

not

Karian inhabitants

of,

Lelegic and

242

"

"Cycladic (proto-Mycena'an) remains, 28

from Asia
Cj linder-seals, late Babylonian from Cyprus, 63
Minor, showing Mycen;van influence, probably made in
Phoenicia or Cyprus, 311
;

Cypriote

art,

265

derived from a
n., 238, 265
princes of the Vllth cent. B.C.,

syllabary, 141,

pictographic script, 265

262

Cyprus, prse-Mycenrean tombs in, 26

prse-Mycena'an inhabitants of, 97
geographical position of early settlements in,
ib.
connected Greece with Egypt and the East in prse;

Mycemean

probably unknown to the early

315; copper mines of, 195; Mycen;ean

period, no, 157

Babylonians,

113,

INDEX

330
period in, 131
the East, 182
B.C.,

322

the chief mediator between Greece and

still

foreign

names

ward development

of, 64,

261; Semitic influence

262

for,

139,

163

in

Mycenaean culture

late survival of

in,

Xlth

cent.

63

back-

in,

in post-Mycenaean period,
266
262; Assyrian conquests of, 261,.
;

Cyrenaic style of vase-painting, 250

Daanau, see Danauna

Dsedalids, 252
Daggers, copper, used in prse- Mycenaean period, 25
Dagon, Philistine god, 134 n.
Daktyloi, 230
Damasos, king of Kurion, 673 B.C., 262
Damusi, king of Kartikhadasti (in Cyprus) 673 B.C., 262

see Danauna
22, 175
Danauna (Daanau, Danuna Aaraot), settled on Palestinian*
coast c. 1400 B.C., 1 76 attacked Egypt c. 1200 B.C., 175
Daphnian style of vase-painting 250

Danaans,

Dardenui
Date,

Kheta

(Aapdavoi), 96, allies of the

of pne-Mycenaean

c.

1300

B.C., 172

of

Mycemoan

DE MORGAN, on prehistoric Egyptian antiquities, 15

DB KOUGE'S identification of the Northern invaders

of Egypt, 4

probable,

culture, 75

culture, 49

Delos, 242 colonised from Crete ? 243

Delphic oracle connected with Crete, 243
:

Demeter, Pelasgic worship

of Phigaleia, 204, 298
Demons, Mycenaean, 295

of,

298

connected with Artemis,

ib.

Dictasan Cave, table of offerings from. 147, 155

discoveries in,
294
Diktynna ("The Dicta^an": Briiomartis, Aphaia), Pelasgic
;

goddess, in Crete, 204

identical with Artemis,

il>.

meaning

of name, 295

Diomed, kingdom

of,

284

Dionysos, 239 late worship

Thracian deity, ib.
;

Dipylon, art of the, 36

see

of,

298

not Semitic, 239

Aryan.

Geometrical

Dmetor, Cyprite prince, 261

Dolichocephalous tribes, 104
Dorian invasion, 41, 221, 249, 250
culture, 42

overthrows Mycenaean

INDEX

33,

Dorians the iron-using people of the Geometrical

period, 41
in Crete, 214
in Rhodes and Asia, 221
Attica, 41, n.
DUMMLER, on the "Cist-graves," 17
Dusares, Nabat;ran vine-god, 239
;

in

relations of with Greece in pras-Mycemean period, 143

theory of direct communication of, with Crete in pne-

EGYPT,

144, 154; communication via Delta-tribes

158: Palestinian tribes, 157 and Cyprus,
proto-Mycena>an vases from, 28, 74 direct communi-

Mycenrcan period,
(Haunebu,
ib.

q.v.).

cation

of,

with Crete in Mycenaean period

181

of with Greece in Mycena>an period, 161, 168

Palestine and Syria, 118; influence of, ib.

connection

Empire

of,

in

in Mycenaean
lands, 167
suzerainty over ^Egean lands mythical, 166
cessation and renewal of communication of, with Greece,
;

297, 268

the

direct route to, opened, 269

Odyssey,

269

renascence

of,

in the Jliad, 268

270

Greeks

in,

in,

temp.

Amasds, 323
Culture of African
art, see Art
Chronology, 56
pottery, &c. of prehistoric
(indigenous) origin ? 197, n. i
and archaic periods compared with prae-Mycensean pottery,.
seals compared with Cretan seals, ib.
&c., 150
designs in

Egyptian

Mycenaean

art, 58, 59,

60

Eio (lo) venerated at Gaza, 320

Elymians, 218, 219
Eretria, early commerce of, 256
League of, ib.
Esarhaddon, king of Assyria, conquers Cyprus, 262
Eshmun, Phoenician deity, 232
Eteokretans, 86 language non- Aryan, 87 connected with the
;

Lykians, ib.
Etewandros, king of Paphos 673 B.C., 262
Etruscans, of Pelasgic race? 102; in ^Egean
henians
Euboic standard, 288
Eutnolpids, 239, n.

174;

see Tyrr-

Europa-myth, 231
Eurynome, Pelasgic

deity

of

Phigaleia,

form

of

Artemis,.

298

EVANS, Mr. A. J., on relations between Egypt and Crete,

on Cretan seat-stonos, 147: Knossian discoveries of,
on Mycemean religion, 301

145

140;.

INDEX

332

21;

Evidence, archaeological,
historical position of

scheme

of, for dating,

Mycenaean culture, 78

for

76;

craniological,

103 geological, 65 of tradition, xi.

in
Excavation, trustworthiness of results of, in Egypt, 14
Cyprus, 1 6 in Greece, 17
Eyuk, sculptures of attributed to the Kheta, 91, 319 antiquity
;

of,

319

FALSE-NECKED Vases, see Bilgelkannen

FARNELL, Mr., on anthropo- and theriomorphism
religion,

Ifemale deity, nude prae-Mycenrean, no, 293

draped Mycenaean, 293
JFibulte

in

Greek

299

(Brooches), in Mycenasan period,

nude

30

Oriental,

in Geometrical

period, 39

Firnissmalerei (Varnish-painting), xxi, xxii, 28

Mycenaean period, xxii.

Flying-fish, the, in Mycenaean design,

invention of in

xxii.

Fresco-painting in Mycemean period, 28; of Egyptian origin,

at Knossos, 165,
at PhyLCkope, 28, n., 202, n. i
168, 187
212
;

Furnace, iron-smelting, forms of used in Europe, Egypt,

of Cretan deities at, 320

GAZA, veneration

Gem -engraving

in

Mycemean

&c.,

called Minoa,

200

ib.

period, 29; of Babylonian origin,

122

Genealogical arguments, trustworthiness of, 82

Geographical situation of Greece, 107
Geological evidence of date, at Thera, 65
"Geometrical" art (of the Dipylon), 36, 247; culture, 36;
vases found in Cyprus imported,
theories as to origin, 37
38 n in the West imported, 259
Glass in prae-Mycena?an graves, of Egyptian origin, 26 Bilgelkannen in Egypt, xxiv.
;

Gold known in proto- Mycenaean period, 194 knowledge of, came

from Asia Minor, ib. Greek, Assyrian and Sumerian words
;

for, ib. n. 3

use of in Mycenaean period, 28

Golenischeff Papyrus (of Uenuamen), 320

"
*'
Great or " Greatly Green," see Uatch-uer
Griffin,

the winged, in

Mycemean

design, of Egyptian origin,

INDEX
Gurob in Middle Egypt, settlement of foreigners at,
temp. Dyn.
XIX. (c. 1400-1200 B.C.) Mycenwan vases found at, ib.
people not necessarily Mycenamns, 171
;

G-yges, king of Lydia, 271, n.

HAGIA PARASKEVE in Cyprus, prae-Mycenrean tombs of, 26, n, i

Hagios Onouphrios in Crete, prae-Mycena^an deposit at, evidence
of, 71,
<X\tos

156

seal-stones from, 147

yepw, 298

Hallstatt, culture of, 40

of Babylonia,

c. 2200 B.C., 118

Hathaba, queen of a city in Alashiya (Cyprus ?), c. 1050
ffattt (gdtg), see Kheta

Hammurabi, king

B.C.,

321

Haunebu, the, 158

Hekate, form of Artemis, 297
Heliadai of Rhodes, 230
"

Hellenes," 203

Hellenic spirit in art, &c./y&.

Hellespont, Mycenaean connection with the, 215

Hera, Aryan goddess (?) 205 at Argos and Knossos,
Heraclid dynasty of Lydia, 275
Heraios, king of Soloi 673 B.C., 262
;

ib.

Herakleids, Return of the, 41, 221

Herakles, the Tyrian, in Thasos, 227, 229
Heraldic element in Mycena?an art, 120 inspired by Babylonian'
influenced Phrygian art, ib.
influence, 121
;

Hissarlik, 23

see

Troy

the " Hittite Question" unsolved,

"Hittites," the, 91, 122, 273
122
of,
writing
language of, probably non- Aryan,
123
art of Assyrian origin, 124
95, n. 2
supposed Mycenaean
:

influence on, 311

antiquity of 317, 319

Homeric poems, 222 culture,

Horned deities, 230, n. 3
;

see Kheta

39, 8t, 223

Hu, in Egypt, praa-Mycena-an vase from, 70

Hu (or Nekht), early king of Egypt, see Semerkhat

"Hymn

of

Amen,"

163, 165

"
Hypothetical character of Mycenaean

lACCHOS, 239
Mycenaean remains from, 50

lalysos,

"

conclusions, 22

Mycena'an inhabitants,.

127

lantanai, Egyptian

name

for Cyprus, 163 n.

INDEX

334

lapygians, 219
lardanos, river, name Semitic
"
"
"
fauna," see Yevanna

228

"Iberian" ethnological type, the, 104 Pelasgic race probably

belonged to, 'tb.
Iconic religion in Mycenaean period, 300
Idols, nude female, marble (prae-Mycenaean) from the island
from Cyprus, no; leaden, from Troy, 112,
graves, 25, no
300 earthenware (late) from Cyprus, 1 10 from Babylonia,
in; draped earthenware (Mycenaean) from Mycenae, &c.,
293 ; prae-Mycenaean and Mycenaean not of Semitic origin
but represent the non-Semitic goddess of Asia Minor,
identical with Ehea, Artemis, &c., 112
Idomeneus, Cretan hero, 213
;

'Iep6s yd/j-os, the, at

Knossos, 205
Ikausu, Philistine kiiTg, 134 n.
Iliad, Egyptian evidence for date of the, 268
" Illumination of
Bel," Assyrian series of omen-tablets, 317
Imbros, Phoenicians, in, 227
Importation of Mycenaean vases into Cyprus, &c., 313
Inlaying, Mycenaean metal, 189

Swordblade

see

Ino, 232
lolkos,

Ionian

importance of in Mycenaan period, 215, 283

based on Mycenaean, 247

art,

lonians, early settlements of, 126

strong Pelasgic element in,
203 in Mycenaean period, 125 in Lykia, 130; in Cyprus,
;

known

to the Easterns as

Yawan, q.v., 128

knowledge of in Mycenaean period, scanty, 7, 28 ; objects
from Troy and Mycenae, 199. 200; came to Greece from the
North, 198 introduced by the Dorians, 200 in Geometrical
128, 131

Iron,

period, 39

in

Egypt, 198

"
Jshmela, Assyrian deity, named erroneously read Shamela," 322
Island graves (cist-graves prae-Mycensean) of the Cyclades, 25,
64 stones (Mycenaean gems), 295
;

Islands, the Greek, importance of in history of

Greek civilization,

201

Ismenos, river, 233

Italian art, chronology of early,

235
Italy, primitive culture

Mycenaean culture
culture in, 260

of,

in,

27
218

322

Phoenician influence on

Mycenaan

influence on, 217 ;

influence of renascent Greek

INDEX

335

Itanos, 228

Homeric kingdom
in, 220
Ivory objects in cist-graves, of Egyptian origin, 26

Ithaka, Mycenrcan fortress

JADE axe from

of,

258

Troy, 108

Jerabls, probable date of sculptures of, 115

KABEIEOI, Phoenician
223

deities,

worship

of,

at Boeotian Thebes,

at Samothrace, 227

Kadmeians not Phoenicians,

Kadmos, legend of, 232

232, 233

Kahun

in Middle Egypt, prte-Mycenrean and

proto-Mycensean
vase-fragments from, 28 potter's marks from, 155
Kalakisha (QalaqiSa Ki\4/ces), allies of the Kheta, c. 1300 B.C.,
;

172
of, 256, 282 ; excavations at, 256 n. i
Kalopsida in Cyprus, pra-Mycenaean tombs at, 26 n. i
Kam^rais in Crete, proto- Mycenaean vase-fragments from, 20
Kameiros, excavations at, 43 Phoenician influence at. 44, 229
Kamikos in Sicily, legendary Cretan expedition against, 211, 218

Kalaureia, League

Karnpos, Mycenaean statuette from, 276

Kandaules, name Aryan, 93, n. 4

Kaphtor, 134, 162

Kara-Eyuk, in Cappadocia, early
from, 124
Karians, the, 217
Leleges, 241

Mycenaean vase-fragments

in JSgean, 240, 242

theories respecting,

Karnak Seal, the, 74, 149

KARO, G., on chronology

connection

of,

with

ib.

of early Italian art, 322

Karthaia, 228
Katreus, son of Minos, 213
Keftiu, 161

meaning

of name, 165

not Phoenicia, 162

Asia

ambassadors
coast, Cyprus, and Crete, 56, 164, 165
from, to Thothmes III., 161 ; introduced by Phoenicians,
168
people of, Mycenaean, 54; of Crete, 212; Keftian

Minor

names, 321
Keisos (Keissos, Kissos), king of Salamis 673 B.C., 262
Kephallenia. Mycenaean tombs in, 220
Khata'anah in Lower Egypt, foreign graves at, 69, 314
Mycenaean vases from, 69
Khatti, see gattg (Kheta)

prae-

INDEX

336

Klieta (ffaitg, gate), the, people of Eastern Asia Minor, Armenia,,

and N. Syria, fought against Egypt from XVIth to XlVth

consideredcent. B.C., 91 ; identified with the Hittites, 123

to be the people of Kyuk and Boghaz Koi, 91, 319 ; antiquity
of, 319
apparently belonged to the non- Aryan race of Asia
;

Minor, 91, 95 n. 2 ancestors of Armenians, 95, n. 2

Khuenaten (Akhenaten, Amenhetep IV.), king of Egypt, 52
;

of,

date

58

Khutaten (Akhenaten), city of king Khuenaten, the modern Tell

el-Amarna, q. v.
Kinyras, king of Paphos, 261
Kissos, see Keisos
"
Kleinasiatisch," term, 101
Knossos, Mycenaean palace

at,

date

210; frescoes

of,

of,

54, 62,.

165

Kolophon, early Greeks at, 273 n. i.

Kore, Pelasgic worship of, 298
Korkyra, date of colonization of, 255
Korobios, 270
Jue, 128

n. i

Kydones, 86 n.
Kydonia, ^Eginetan colony at, 286 n. i
Kyklopes venerated at Corinth, 290
Kythera, pra-Mycenaean (?) vase from, 74
Phoenicians at, 228, 231, 234
at, 228
Kyzikos, date of foundation of, 254

Aphrodite-worship,

LABRANDA, Zeus of, 294 same name as Aaptpwdos, ib.

Labyrinth (" Place of the Double-Axe"), the, at Knossos, 231, 294.
Lachish, primitive pottery from, 98
Lampsakos, name, 227 n. 4
Lead, known to prse-Mycenaeans, 193
Leagues, Kalaureian, Eretrian, Chalkidian, 256
Legend, trustworthiness of Greek, 82 of Egyptian settlers in
Greece, 4
Lelantine War, 257
;

Leleges,

the,

98,

217; settled in Europe and Asia, 98, 243;

99; connection

primitive inhabitants of ^Egean islands,

with Karians and Pisidians, 99, 100, 241

mentioned as
Pidasa by the Egyptians (?), 100 ; belonged to the Pelasgic-race, 99
;

INDEX
Lemnos, commercial importance
238 Phoenicians at, 227
from, 174
Lesbos, Phrygians in (?), 238
of,

217 Mycenaean inhabitants

supposed Etruscan inscription

of,
;

Libya, theories of prae-Mycenaaan

and, 148, n. 2, 152
Lion-Gate of My cense, 120

Luka(Lukki;
Kheta

c.

mentioned

Au/a'ot),

337

c.

connection

1400

88;

the

allies of

1300 B.C., 172

Lycians, see Lykians

Lycian language, 90
Lydians not mentioned by Egyptians,
ideas of Semitic origin of the, 94
relations of, with
;

Lydian kingdom, 275

93
Assyria, 276
;

B.C.,

between Crete

Lykians (Luka, Lukki), mentioned by Egyptians c. 1400 B.C.

under their Greek name, 88; native name, 87 language of,
non- Aryan, 90 connection of, with Crete, 87
;

Lykos, Ionian hero of Lykia, 130

MAEONIANS (Maunna ?),

93

Maionia, 95

Makar, supposed Pho3nician name, 227, n. i

Maket-tomb, the, evidence of, 51, 60
Manetho, 19 trustworthiness of, 57
Marine deities, Mycenaean, 297 of prae-Mycen;oan origin
motives in Mycenaean art, xxi, xxviii, 202
Marna, Philistine deity, 320
;

"Marseilles Vase," the, xxviii

allies of the Kheta
(Muo-oi), 96

Masa

Masliauaslta,

Libyan

Mavnna

possibly

B.C.,

(?),

c.

298

1300 B.C., 172

tribe, 179

Matoves, 96; allies of the Kheta

172

Medeia, venerated at Corinth, 290, n. 2

" Mediterranean "
race, 104
Meino (Minos), venerated at Gaza, 320
Melian style of vase-painting, 45, 250
Melikertes, 290
Melos, proto-Mj^cenaean culture in, 27
Menelaos, route of, to Egypt, 269

Menidi (Acharnai), Mycensean tomb

at, 36, n.

Menkheperrfi-senb, tomb of, at Thebes, 53

Meriones, Cretan hero, 213, 218

Mermnad dynasty

(?),

of Lydia, 275

<\

1300

INDEX

338

Messapians, 218, 219

Metal- working
European knowledge of, not derived from the
East, 193 development of, in Egypt, 198 in Babylonia, 196
Midas, 274
Mi\77<na> reixos, date of foundation of, 27 1
;

Miletos, early

commerce

of,

256; with Egypt, 271

Milyans, 93

Minoan

thalai-socracy,

209;

date

of,

Minoan and

212;

210,

Mycenaean princes connected, 213

Minos, 209 venerated at Gaza, 320
Minotaur, legend of the, 250; not Ph(nician, lb.
Minyans, the, 215 commercial importance of the Minyan
284 n. at Lemnos, 238
Mita, king of Muski, identified with Midas, 274
;

cities?

Mitinti, Philistine king, 134 n.

styles of art, combining

Mixed

Mycensean and Geometrical with

Oriental motives, 45

Momemphis,

battle of, 323

Money, invention of, 275

Monte Albano and Sesto Calende, primitive tombs at, 26, n. 3
MONTELIUS, Prof. on knowledge of iron in Egppt, 198 n. 2 on
on chronology of early
early Egyptian civilization, 197 n. i
;

Italian art, 323

Mummification, in Mycensean Greece, 6

Mutterrecht, in Lykia and Crete, 87, n. 3
Mycenae, 6 objects of Phoenician appearance from, 229
"
"Mycensean archaeology, uncertainty of, I
see.
Art
Art,
a local Greek development, ib.
Civilization, 28
;

Greek

*'
called
Achaian,"
Pelasgic origin, 83
of
the
of
Greek
So
this,
phase
European Bronze
meaning
Age culture, 191 causes of development of, 193 probable

spirit

of,

36

of

continued existence of, in Asia, 38

long duration of, 132
Thalassocracy, date of the, 213

Mycena'ans at Platasa, 291

Mysians (,l/*a), 96 Aryans, ib.
1200 B.C., ib. still in Thrace
;

in Cyprus, 63, 131, 264

mentioned by Egyptians,
Homeric times, ib.

c.

in

early Semitic Babylonian king, 113

supposed to have conquered Cyprus, ib.
Nasui, Keftian name, 321

NAKAM-SIX,

erroneously

INDEX

339

Naturalism in Egyptian art, 184

Naukratite style of vase-painting, 250
Nauplios, 213
Naxos in Sicily, date of foundation of, 255
Nekht (or Hu), see Semerkhat
Nereus, a Pelasgic deity ?, 298

"New

Kace,"

15,

150

Northern invaders of Egypt, 4

tribes, relations of. with Egypt,

171; their geographical position, 178; name-forms, ib. ;
ethnic terminations explicable by means of Lycian, ib. ; i.e.
they mostly belonged to the Pelasgic stock, ib. ; general
conclusions with regard to them, 179 not traders, 180
;

Nure, Cypriote town, 264, n.

OBSIDIAN, used in prae-Mycenaeau period, 25

Odyssey, the, Egyptian evidence for date of, 269
(Edipus, 232
Oinotrians, 218
Oligarchs, the aristocratic, 253
Onesagoras, king of Ledra, 673 B.C., 262
Orchomenos. 215, 283; ceiling of "Tomb of

Minyas"
Egyptian design of, 168 probable date of, 60
Origins of Mycenaean civilization Pelasgic, 83
Oriental elements in Mycenaean polity non-existent, 280
1 88

at,

59,

Orientalizing styles of art, 43, 251

Oueeienin, see Uinin

Owl-headed"

PALESTINE,

idols,

probably non- Semitic, 98

Semitic inhabitants of, 115; their

earliest inhabitants of,

ib.

Pelasgic?,
culture,

293

early

ib.

Pamphylia, early Greek element in, 130

Pangaios, Mount, Phoenicians at, 227
Paros, early commerce of, 256
Pedasa, Pedasos, Lelegic town-name, 99, 243
connected with nonPelasgi, the, 83 not necessarily Aryans, 86
Aryan population of Asia Minor, 97 with the Leleges, 50,
;

of Italy, 103; Mycenaean civilization

at Argos, 283
100
"
proper,"
exclusively ascribed to, by RIDGEWAY, 79 ; Pelasgi
in Asia, ib.
in
Northern
and
in
islands,
244
Thessaly
;
243
;

Crete, 245

INDEX

340

Pelasgic race of the E. Mediterranean, 97, 102

97
Pelopids connected with Asia Minor, 120

prae-Mycenaeans,

PETRIE, Prof. W. M. F., on the "New Race," 15; on supposed

"
Libyan-Cretan connections, 148 n. 2; on the Boat- Vases,"
on
date
of
the
Maket-tomb,
150
51
;

Phaleric style of vase-painting, 45

Pheidon, kingdom of, 284 ; date of, 287 n. 2

introduces

money

from JSgina, 287

Philistines (Pulesatha), the, 133 ; of Cretan (Pelasgic origin), 134,
214 attacked Egypt in Xllth cent. B.C., 134 no trace of
;

civilization

Mycenaean

among, ib.
Phoenicia, 119; no Mycenaean objects from, 138
Phoenician influence at Mycenae in late period, 229, 136, 138
ships, xxix, 136, 170
commerce, 136 art, 137 influence on
Greek civilization, 237
;

Phoenicians, the, activity of, in XYth cent. B.C., 136 ; in Egypt,

168, 183; in Cyprus, 132, 261; middlemen between My-

cenaeans and Egyptians, 169 ; in the Homeric poems, 225

in the JEgean, 138, 226, 229, 234; in Rhodes and Crete,
in the
228 ; at Corinth, 290 ; in Greece generally, 236
;

West, 235
Phrygians, the, Aryans, 95
kingdom of, 274 civilization of,
probably akin to (he Mycenaean, ib. ; in Lesbos ?, 238
fresco
Phylakope, in Melos, settlements at, xi, 27, n., 202, n. i
at, 1 88
;

Piarisheps (Piari), battle

of, 4
Pictographic writing, Mycenaean, no connection of, with Hittite
script proved, 123 ; independent systems of, 141
Pictographs, Cretan, 146; date of, 211 ; Cypriote, 238, 265
Pi das a (Pisidians), 100; allies of the Kheta c. 1300 B.C., 172;
= Leleges ?, 100

PJEHL,

Prof.,

on use of iron in Egypt,

198, n. 2

Pillar-worship, in Mycenaean religion, 301

Pinarutau or Pinaltau, a Keftian land, 321
Polity, Mycenaean, 280

a Pelasgic deity ?, 298

from Palestine
Pottery, primitive, of the First City of Troy, 23
98; Egyptian, of pre-dynastic and archaic periods compared

Poseidon, 297

with prae-Mycenaean,
Prae -Mycenaean

culture,

73,

150

10,

23

Pelasgie, 84, 102, 104

in

Cyprus,

71

race,

83

INDEX

34 i

Praisos, inscription of, 87

Prasiai, importance of, in

Mycenaean period, 282 n.

Primitive antiquities, 9
Propontis, date of colonies in the, 254
"
"
Protocorinthian
of Ionian
style of vase-painting, 45, 251
in ^gina, ib. ; ware, 275
in Sicily, 259, 255
origin, 251
;

Protomce, of bulls, 52, 53

Proto-Mycenaean period, xi. culture, 27

Psammitichos I., king of Egypt, 271 n.
;

vases from Egypt, 28, 74

i

Pterion (Boghaz K6i), capital of district of Pteria in Cappadocia,

-see
Boghaz Koi
Pulcmtha (Philistines), attacked Egypt, c. 1200 B.C., 134
Purple-fish, the, in Mycenaean design, xxi, xxviii

Purple-fishery, in the /Egean, 228

Pythagoras, king of Chytroi, 673 B.C, 262

Pytheas

(?)

king of Nure, 673

B.C., 262

Qalaqisa, see Kalakislia

RAMESES
in

III.,

tomb

king of Egypt, date

of,

60

Mcjelkanncn depicted

of, ib.

REICHEL, Dr., on Mycenaean religion, 302

"
REINACH, M. S., on nude goddesses, 112 on Hittites," 123
at
tomb
Thebes, 53
of,
Rekhmara,
Mycenaean evidence from
;

the, ib.
Religion, Mycenaean, 281, 293; not aniconic, 300;

theriomor-

Greek, prae-Hellenic elements in, 204

phism in, 295
Mycenaean elements in, ib., 281
Renascence, of Greek culture, 252 of Egyptain art, 270
;

Rhea, Mycenaean worship of, 297

Rhegium, date of foundation of, 255
Rhesos, 238
Rhodes, Mycenaeans

Rhodians

in, 127,

230

Phcunicians

in, 228,

229

in Egypt, 272

RIDGEWAY, Prof., on Mycenaeans, 79

ROBERTSON SMITH, the late Prof., on Dionysiac worship, 239
"Royal Road," the, overland trade-route through Asia Minor,

H4
SADI-AMIA, foreign

official at

Samlath, Phoenician deity

(?),

Gurob, 171
240

INDEX

342

Samos, name Semitic, 227 ;' early commerce of, 227, 235, 256, 272
Samothrace, Phoenicians in, 227
Santorin (Thera), date of eruption at, 313
Sardinians, not Sordino, q.v., 220 no Mycenaean relations with
not mentioned in the Epos, 245
the, ib.
;

I.
(Shargani-shar-ali Sarru-kinu), king of Agade, early
Semitic Babylonian king, 113; erroneously supposed to
have conquered Cyprus, ib., 314; ''augural tablets" of, 317
j
Sargon II. (Sarru-ukin), king of Assyria, conquers Pha nicia

Sargon

and Cyprus, 261

Sarpedon, emigrated from Crete to Lykia, 87
Satyrs, Mycenaean, 296
from lalysos, 50
Scarabs, evidence of, 314 ; from Mycenae, 49
from
from Kameiros, ib.
from Hagios Onouphrios, 71
Khata^anah, 69, 314 from Enkomi, 313 from Etruria, 50
Scheria, 258 n. i
;

SCHLIEMANN'S

discoveries, 5

Sculpture, Mycenaean, 28
Sea-routes from Greece to Egypt, rid Crypus, 128
Crete to Egypt, 269
Seals, Egyptian, 148

Cypriote
cTTjyuara

Semele,

(?),

from

-stones, Cretan, 146

\vypa, 237

name Aryan, 240

Semempses,

earth-goddess,

ib. n.

not "Euph-

ib.

ratean,"
"

direct

cylinders, Babylonian, from Cyprus, 63

311

see

Semerkhat
see Semerkhat

Sem-en-Ptab,"

Semerkhat (Hu or Nekht), early Egyptian king (Semempses), 74

Semitic population in Palestine, 98, 106 civilization (see Baby;

influence of, in Egypt, 118; in Asia Minor, 91

language of Babylonia (Assyrian), use of the, 119
lonian),

"
Senwosret," #ee Usertesen
Sesto Calende and Monte Albano, primitive tombs at, 26, n. 3
Khakalasha (tiakalasa
invaded Egypt
Sagalaosians), 179
;

c.

1250 B.C., 173

Shamela, see Ishmela

Shard ina (Sardina

B.C., 173

Shashank

III.,

Sardians), xxvii, 96

not Sardinians, 220

king of Egypt, scarab

of,

invaded Egypt

c.

1250

from Enkomi, 313

Geometrical and ProtoCorinthian vases from, 259; legendary Cretan expedition

Sicily,

to,

Mycenaean vases from, 218, 259

211

INDEX

343

Sidon, capture of, by the Philistines, 135 n.

Silver, known to the praa-Myc6means, 193
Siniddinam, Babylonian governor of Syria, <. 2200 B.C., 118
Sinope, date of foundation of, 254
Sintians, 215, 238

Siphnos, mines of, 228

Slate reliefs, archaic Egyptian, 152, 320
Solymi, the, 92

Spearheads, tanged copper, used in prae -Mycenaean period, 25

on Egyptian scarabs,
Spiral designs, on Cretan seal-stones, 147
154 in Egypt under the XVIIIth Dynasty, 156 n.
;

Statuette, Egyptian, from Knossos, 154, 320

Steatopygous figures, 293

Stone implements, from the First City of Troy, 23
of dwellings, 26
female figures, 25, no

boxes in form

Survivals of Mycenaean religion, 281

Svastika, not Babylonian, 300

Swordblade, Mycenaean
1

68,

states,

ih.

with Egyptian design,

inlaid,

58,

60,

88

Swords, unknown in pne-Mycen;ean period, 25

Sybaris, foundation of, 256
Syllabary, Cypriote, 141 n.

Synchronisms, 58
Syracuse, date of foundation

of,

255

TABLETS for writing, clay, from Crete, 139, 140

Tahuti, Egyptian ''Governor of the Isles of the Very Green,
temp. Thothmes III., 166
T'akarai, see Tcliakarai
Talos, legend

of, 230
Taphians, 219, 236, 259
Tarhundaraus (Tarkhundaraush), king of Arsapi

(q.v.)

in

XVth

cent. B.C., 139

TavpoKadd\l/t,a, Egyptian, 152, 190
Mycemean, 153
Tcha, early Egyptian king, 74
Tchakarni (T'akarai; " Zukkala "
Teimpoi ?), the, attacked
of Cretan origin?, 177;
Egypt in Xllth cent. B.C., 175
closely connected with the Pulcxaiha, q.v., 135; settlement
of, on the Palestinian coast, 135 n., 177
piratical ships of,
;

1050 B.C., 321

Tchet-Khensn-auf-finkh, Bilgelkanne
C.

of,

62

INDEX

344
Telchines, 230

Teleboans, xee Taphians

Tell el-Amarna, in Middle Egypt, 52
Khuenaten's city and
art of, 185
palace at, ib.
Mycenaean remains from, 52 ;
Mycena'an (?) group of lion and bull fighting, from, 303
;

Tell el-Yahudiyeh, in Lower Egypt, Biicjelkannen from, 61

Tell es-Safi, in Palestine, Mycensean remains from, 134

Temesa (Tempsa), 259

Tenos, original seat of Poseidon-worship?, 298
Termilai, see Lykians

Teukrians (Tchakarai ?), 176; in Crete?, 177

Thalassocracy, Cretan, 210 Mycensean, 213 ; Phoenician, 234
Thasos, Phoenicians in, 227 date of Greek colonization of, 254
Thebes, Egyptian, in Iliad, 168, n. 3
- Bceotian,
improbability of Phoenician settlement at, 233
;

War

of the

82, 233
Theory, general, of origin, &c., of early

Thera, proto-Mycensean settlement

(see

Seven against,

in,

Greek
27

civilization,

Phoenicians

206
228

at,

Santorin)

Theriomorphism in Mycemean religion, 231, 295, 300

Thii, Queen, 184 (-see Amenhetep III.)
Thothmes III., king of Egypt, Mycenrean culture contemporary
with, 55
date of, 51
Thracians, 238 culture of, akin to Phrygian, 240 influence of,
on Greek civilization, 238 ; in Boeotia ?, 239, n. i
;

Throne-worship

(.')

in

Mycenrean

religion, 301

170; invaded Egypt <. 1250 B.C.. 173; identification

of with " Eastern Tyrsenians " doubtful, 174 with Etruscans

Thuli-xlui,

impossible, 175

possibly Tarsians,

ib.

Tiryns, 5

Tirynthians at Platrea, 291

Toreboi, Lydian tribe, 174
Cecil, on Egyptian chronology, 57 ; on Mycenaean
evidence from Tell el-Amarna, 52 on " Boat- Vases." 150
Trade-routes, Greek, 255
Tradition, Greek, 79; continuous literary, in Egypt, 18
Transylvania, and Cyprus, supposed prehistoric relations between

TORE, Mr.

195, n. 2

" Treasure of
Priam," the, 16
Tree-worship in Mycenaean religion, 301
TrnnnU (Tep/uActt), see Lykians
Trojans, pne-Mycensean, not

Aryan Phrygians, 96

INDEX

345

Second City, 24; prte-Mycenajan, 10

and MANATT'S
lake-dwelling theory of, 22

Troy, First City of, 12, 23

TSOUNTAS, Prof.,
"
Mycenaean Age,"

ib.

Tyrrhenians (Tyrsenians) of Italy (Etruscans), legendary connection of, with Lydia, 102; " kleinasiatisch " traits in,
Ib. ; of
said, however, to have entered
Pelasgic race ?, ib.
not mentioned in the Epos, 245
Italy from the North, 103
no trace of in Greece in Mycenaean times, ib. pirates, in
;

early classical times, ib.

Eastern, identified with the TkuirsUa, q.v., 174
as to their existence, 175

doubt

Uaghasha

(Waajaia; fatot), 175,177; attacked Egypt in

Xllth cent. B.C., 175
erroneously identified with the
Oscans of Italy, ib.
Udtch-uer, the "Great Green" or "Greatly Green" (''Very
Green") Egyptian name for the Mediterranean Sea, 54;
"
"
see
Very Green
Uenuamen, Egyptian envoy, c. 1050 B.C., 321 adventures of, in
Phoenicia and Cyprus, ib.
;

Uinin (Oueeieniri), late-Egyptian

name

for the Greeks, 128

Unity of Greek culture. 281

Usertesen Egyptian royal name of the Xllth Dynasty,
320; read "Senwosret," 320
;

143,

VAPHIO, gold cups from,

33, 34, 46
Varnish- or glaze-painting (Fimissmcderei), invention of, xxii
Vases, proto- Mycenae an, fragments from Egypt, 74, 152
fragment with name of Usertesen I., 143 ; Egyptian, imitating
a Mycenaean foi'm, 186 ; Greek, technique of, xxii ; stone
;

"

vases from Crete and Egypt compared, 150

Very Green," the see Uatch-uer; "Isles of the,"
;

Vine-god, Aryan, 239

VIRCHOW,

Prof.,

unknown

to the Semites,

144, 166

ib.

on prehistoric Egyptians. 152

on origin of

bronze-making, 197

Waasa$a, see UasUaxha

Warrior-gods, supposed Mycenaean figures
Welchanos (feXxavos), Cretan deity, 204

of,

307

West, the, Mycenaean relations with, 217; Mycenaean remains

INDEX

346

in the Odyuey,
257
ignored in the Iliad, 258
Phoenicians in, 235 Greek colonies in, 255
"
White slip " ware, Cyprian, xxv, 72
Writing, Mycenaean (see Pictographs), 140 ; use of tablets in,
in,

ib.

ib.

local systems of, 141

n.

155, n.

probable Egyptian influence on, 141,

Yatnana, Assyrian name for Cyprus, 163, n. i

Ydwdn (Yavnd; lacwes), Semitic name for Greeks, 128
"

"

Yevanna" ("launa"), supposed Egyptian name

doubtful, 129

Yivana," supposed

Maunna

to be read

= Ydwdn

(?),

for lonians

q.v.

an erroneous reading, 129

ZALMOXIS, Zamolxis, Getan earth-deity, name Aryan,

Ze (Zet) = Tcha, q.v.
Zeus, Pelasgic deity, 205

in Crete,

ib.

Karian, 293

BALLANTYNK, HANSON
London
Edinburgh

Printed by

&

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Co.

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