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SORCERY
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A aeSORCERY
A sorcerer mumbles a spell over a
photograph of a seriously ill girl, and she is
cured. Another sorcerer sticks pins in a wax
doll, and his distant victim screams. Pre-
Posterous? Certainly that’s what we were
taugbt, but a mass of evidence has accumu-
lated suggesting that we were wrong, that
these things may Gccur, and occur in
accordance with rationally determined
principles. In this persuasively argued book,
J. Finley Hurtey gives serious consideration
to the possibility that old-fashioned strike-
dead-and-blind sorcery is a reality.
The power to influence the thoughts, dreams
and actions of others at great distance is one
of the oldest “facts of nature’ known to man
and this book gives a clear expasition of why
we should regard sorcery as a very real
phenomenon. It shows that old-fashioned
sorcery, the casting of spells that heal or kill,
can be a rational and effective procedure in
harmony with the modern, scientific world-
view. A few scientists have recognized this,
but their evidence has never been treated in
detail — until this book,
 
 
 
 
It draws from scientific studies in many areas
— perception, creativity, biofeedback.
dreams, telepathy, psychosomatic reactions
—to marshal the fascinating case histories and
experiments that put sorcery in a surprising-
ly modern perspective. Without abandoning
rationality, the reader can understand how a
spell is cast and why it works: the impli-
cations are absorbing and perhaps frightening.
£14.00 netSorcery
J. Finley Hurley
 
Routledge & Kegan Paul
Boston, London, Melbourne and HenleyFirst published in 1985
by Routledge & Kegan Paul ple
9 Park Street, Boston, Mass. 02108, USA
14 Leicesier Square, London WC2H 7PH, England
404 S1 Kilda Road, Melbourne,
Victoria 3004, Australia and
Broadway House, Newtown Road,
Henley-on-Thames, Oxon RG9 1EN, England
Set in Linotron Times
by Injorum Lid, Portsmouth
and printed in Great Britain
by T.l. Press (Padstow) Ltd, Padstow, Cornwall
Copyright © J. Finley Hurley 1985
No part of this book may be reproduced in
any form without permission from the
publisher, except for the quotation of brief
passages in criticism
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Hurley, J. Finley.
Sorcery.
Bibliography: p.
Includes index
1. Magic. 1. Title
BFIGH.H87 1985 133.43 8413310
British Library CIP data also available
ISBN 0-7102-0292-XContents
Note on sources
Introduction
   
Sorcerer’s reality
Minds within minds
Thoughts in flesh
Perceptive trances
The unconscious sense
The sum is sorcery
Ascientific grimoire
Spoor of the shaman
Adifferent world
WersuEeune
Key to principal sources
Principal sources
Index
141
194
210
213
226Introduction
A sorcerer mumbles a spell over a photograph of a seriously
illlittle girl, and she is cured. Another sorcerer sticks pins ina
wax doll, and his distant victim screams. Preposterous balder-
dash? Certainly that’s what we were taught, but a mass of
evidence has accumulated suggesting that we were wrong,
that these things may occur, and occur in accordance with
scientifically determined principles.
We must now seriously consider the possibility that old-
fashioned strike-dead-and-blind sorcery is a reality.
A growing number of scientists working in certain special-
ized fields are doing exactly that, and they have occasionally
admitted as much. Ronald Rose, an anthropologist, is one of
these: He wrote that ‘magic has its reality, for E.S.P. is real,
the powers of suggestion and hypnotism are real. . .' Jule
Eisenbud, a psychiatrist at the University of Colorado, is
another. He wrote that the ability of some people to influence
the thoughts, dreams, and actions of others at great distances
‘must be one of the oldest “facts of nature” known to man.”
Indeed it is. But the scientists who know it to be a fact have
never divulged the details of the information and reasoning
that led to its recognition. On the contrary, they have
observed an implicit conspiracy of silence on the subject no
less thoroughly than Victorians observed the one on sex.
Why? Because sorcery has been regarded, at least until recent
times, as the paragon of superstition and the antithesis of
Science — a reputation it once shared with flying machines. In
the view of many nineteenth-century scientists it could be
nothing else. After all, popular opinion then held that their2 Sorcery
age had discovered all the laws of the universe, and in 1887
‘one of its distinguished spokesmen, Pierre Berthelot, smugly
declared, ‘From now on there is no mystery about the uni-
verse.’ And no sorcery either.
Times have changed, but even the scientists who now admit
sorcery is possible say little about it. They vaguely refer to a
large body of knowledge, as Rose did, and assume that we can
bridge the gaps and make the necessary inferences. Like the
playwrights of another day, they suppose we know al] the
wanton gambols that will take place when the light goes out,
the door closes. But few of them are likely to have any details
to give. Preoecupied as they are with a particular set of facts in
their special fields, they seldom view, except in hazy outline,
the ensemble of facts constituting sorcery. Besides, it’s not
their job, and perhaps a survival instinct tells them to let
sleeping dogs lie - for they are very large dogs.
I have attempted in this book to bridge the gaps and rouse
sleeping dogs by reconstructing the thinking of scientists such
as Rose that led them to admit that ‘magic has its reality.’ In
reconstructing their reasoning and the evidence that leftthem
little choice, we shall not only see that sorcery is a legitimate
dimension of the Western world-view, but also discover how
a spell is cast and why it works. Still. we must begin where
they did, at the beginning, and follow the evidence, case
histories and experiments, like patient detectives. And, as in
a mystery, the pattern will not emerge at once. The first five
chapters consequently say little about sorcery directly, but
they nevertheless provide information essential to under-
standing it when it does appear, full-fledged and undisguised,
in later pages.
The first chapter in particular may seem remote frozt
sorcery owing to its concern with the world of everyday life:
how we perceive it, experiment with it, and explain it. This
concern is necessary because an outmoded materialism - a
philosophical legacy of the last century that assumed the
universe to be a kind of clockwork = still colors our thinking
even today. And since it's an anachronism wholly at odds with
sorcery (as well as modern physics), it is desirable at theIntroduction 3
outset to examine briefly the current scientific conclusions
about the nature of reality.
Chapter 2 begins in earnest an exploration of the uncon-
scious mind, which appears to harbor an intelligence of its
own, one able to plan and carry out complex tasks, and one
that often seems indifferent or even hostile to the conscious
mind and the body they share. The significance of its inde-
pendence will become apparent when we witness its ability to
shape what we consciously see, feel, remember, think, and
believe. The powers of the unconscious, moreover, are not
limited to the mental sphere. Chapter 3 reviews evidence that
they may also affect the body for good or ill — to heal or kill.
‘These unconscious processes are central to an understanding
of sorcery and what it can accomplish. The world of the
unconscious is the world in which the sorcerer moves, and its
powers are the ones he seeks to manipulate. To ask what
sorcery can do is to ask what the unconscious can do. And
that, as we shall see, is a very great deal.
Yet the unconscious does not always act on its own. Fortu-
nately for sorcerers, it will sometimes hear and obey orders
from other minds. That compliance, regularly occurring in
hypnosis and other trance states, is the subject of Chapter 4.
Any of the mental and physical effects described in the
previous two chapters can, in principle, be brought under
hypnotic control. Nor is that al. The evidence argues that a
person can be hypnotized without his knowledge and against
his will, and that he can then be made to do things contrary to
his conscious wishes . . . and the smell of brimstone grows
stronger.
‘For E.S.P. is real. . .’ Chapter 5, which discusses tele-
pathy — extrasensory contact between minds — adds the final
element needed to complete an understanding of sorcery.
Here we shall find that telepathy, too, is essentially a process
of the unconscious and subject to its laws. And with the
discovery that a person’s unconscious can receive and act ona
telepathic message that never penetrates conscious aware-
ness, we are well on the way to rediscovering the sorcery that
so bemused our seventeenth-century ancestors.
Through Chapter 5 we shall be considering data that will,
when assembled, make sorcery a comprehensible and reason-4 Sorcery
able aspect of reality, These data are assembled in Chapter 6,
but the chapter goes beyond showing that spells are theoreti-
cally possible and reports instances in which undoubted. sor-
cery has been performed, and not only by rattle-shaking
shamans but by scientists - including a Nobel Laureate.
The remaining chapters will attempt to answer some of the
many questions that naturally tickle one’s curiosity after
learning that sorcery exists—such as the obvious one: How to
do it? Chapter 7 outlines the principles of sorcery and their
application in the light of the scientific findings previously
examined. No ‘secrets’ are withheld. It also contains suffi-
cient nuts-and-bolts instruction to enable the adventurous to
begin experimenting with simple spells: healing, charming a
lover, making life unpleasant for eneaties. . .
Admittedly, only a small part of sorcery is touched on in
these pages. The specialists (and sorcerers of course) will also
recognize even that part has been somewhat over-simplified.
But it is a beginning, and the principles derived in Chapter 7
are valid, though some of them will require future modifica-
tion. Sorcery is entirely too large a subject to be exhausted by
a single book,
Sorcerers, of course, have not idly waited for their art to be
understood by Western science, and medicine men, pow-
wowers, cunning men, clever men, shamans, power doctors,
and witches have been casting spells for millennia. Chapter 8
looks at the techniques, paraphernalia, and theories of tradi-
tional sorcerers to see whether they parallel those derived
from scientific sources and, more important, whether we
have anything to learn from them.
The final chapter is frankly and perhaps outrageously
speculative. Given that sorcery is possible, what are the
ramifications? Certainly sorcery could be used for more than
curing diseases, arousing passions, and the other concems of
the village sorcerer. Has it been? Could it perhaps be an
unsuspected force in history, a spectral hand behind world
affairs? A number of strange clues suggest it, and as an
imaginative exercise, we shall follow them.
The argument advanced here is scientific in that it’s based on
the experiments and observations of scientists, many ofIntroduction 5
whom are leaders in their fields, and not on the rickety
suppositions of cranks. But [ hardly need to point out that
some of these experiments and observations have not gone
unchallenged by one group or another, Because science no
longer pretends to arrive at absolute truth, probably nothing
in science is or can be final, and no doubt most of what passes
as scientific fact finds its critics, with the vigor of their
criticism proportional to the emotion aroused. Proof that is
lucid, even overwhelming, to one scientist may not be con-
vineing to another. Nonetheless, more often than not we
benefit from the ensuing controversy - for without those who
refuse to believe what others believe, we might still be tossing
babies to Moloch.
The role of genetics in determining behavior, for example,
is one of the many issues currently at the center of heated,
often vitriolic debates. And even today, more than a century
after Darwin, some scientifically trained people continue to
deny evolution, though they are familiar with the evidence
supporting it. Finally, that some stout-hearted souls are net to
be cowed by any evidence whatever is illustrated by the
International Flat Earth Research Society, which maintains —
what else? — that the earth is flat. Charles Johnson, its presi-
dent, said that membership is growing because ‘people are
coming out of the closet on this.’
Sorcerers, on the other hand, have preferred to remain in
the closet. Magic can and has gone its own occult way, but it
also passed beyond the pale of Western understanding. The
aim of this book is to coax sorcery back within the pale by
showing that civilized people can understand it without aban-
doning their world-view or sacrificing their scientific atti-
tudes.
Ifpeople understand sorcery, however, many will try it. Of
those who try it, some will get results, and a few may have the
talent and persistence to become stars. If genuine sorcery
thus ceases to be genuinely occult and is practiced widely, we
shall soon have ample confirmation that we have been look-
ingat only one half of existence and had better busy ourselves
with the other half. Quite apart from its practical aspects,
sorcery teaches that human beings are more than the chemic-
als that compose them or the bodies that confine them - a6 Sorcery
lesson needing emphasis at a time when computers are
shrinking us to ciphers.
J offer no apologies if this book encourages the practice of
sorcery. Sorcery in itself is as morally neutral as x syringe -
which may be charged with heroin as easily as penicillin.
Obviously a few will use it for illicit purposes, some already
do, but most will not. It’s a poor argument that sorcery should
be suppressed because scoundrels will abuse it. Anything of
value may be misused, including medica) science. Several
hundred thousand people in advanced Western nations prove
it by dying each year because they were given the wrong
medicine, and a like number perish from neediess surgery,
which seems to indicate that we are far more likely to be killed
ina medical accident than in a traffic accident. Despite that, it
doesn’t occur to us to suppress medicine. We clearly cannot
afford to, Neither can we afford to suppress sorcery. [t is the
medicine our world needs.
Michael Edwardes, a historian, acknowledged that need
when he recently wrote: ‘At the beginning of the scientific
revolution, magic and the new science were allies. . . It is
time for magic and science to be allies again, before science
and the technacratic society destroys us al].’
The day has arrived to try Edwardes’s prescription.Chapter 1
 
Sorcerer’s reality
Peter Dowdeswell’s gullet is remarkable. Dowdeswell is
alleged to have drunk two pints of beer in a shade over two
seconds. At a more leisurely rate he can down ninety pints in
three hours — without becoming in the least intoxicated.
Angus McAskill was as outstanding in his own way. He was
nearly eight feet tall and lifted things. But he hurt his back on
the fluke of a one-ton anchor he had hoisted above his head
and had to seek less strenuous work. He found it with
Barnum’s circus where he allowed Tom Thumb, about thirty
inches tall, to dance on his hand. Barnum could certainly have
found a place for another oddity: a woman whose sense of
smell was so acute she could identify the person who had last
slept on a freshly laundered pillowcase —she probably had few
visitors and no guests. And Professor Aitken, an Edinburgh
mathematician, could give the square root of a hundred-digit
number as soon as he heard it. He coutd also recall a thousand
numbers read to him and repeat them instantly forwards or
backwards. Of course we know that people differ enormous-
ly, yet in addition to the striking individual differences there
are many, by far the largest number, too subtle to meet the
eye or qualify for the circus. These subtle differences never-
theless often baffle scientists as much as Barnum’s wonders
baffle yokels.
Why should we be concerned with the likes of Angus
McAskil!? Because the world of sorcery is the world of
people, and we shall meet many with unusual talents, dis-
eases, and experiences in the following pages. Before we
consider the evidence they provide for sorcery, however, we8 Sorcery
must know something about human beings as experimental
subjects and the problems that balk scientists who study
them. And we have just seen examples of one of the first and
most perplexing obstacles to the scientific study of human
beings: individual differences. Those as obvious as Dowdes-
well’s drinking arm can tell us much about human potential,
but more often they simply confuse matters.
Medical researchers, among the most beleaguered, have
long known that people respond differently to the same drugs
~ or diseases. Poliomyelitis, to mention one, left many of
those exposed to it unaffected; among those whe succumbed,
the disease may have been so mild as to have gone unnoticed.
But for others it was a body-breaking killer. And some who
suffer the last stages of a terminal illness, whose life expectan-
ey has dwindied to days, may suddenly recover against all
credibility and for no apparent reason.
Not only is each person different, but no single person
remains exactly the same from one moment to the next.
Bodily processes fluctuate in time with internal rhythms or
cycles, which again bear the inevitable mark of individuality.
The menstrual cycle is probably the most evident of these,
and one so often heralded by a potpourri of distressing
symptoms. About 60 percent of all women experience some
noticeable changes four or five days before the menses begin.
Some become jittery; others may suffer weeping spells, verti-
go, insomnia, or even nymphomania. Some develop respira-
tory ailments, others smart at the recurrence of chronic
symptoms, such as those of ulcers or arthritis, and all are
more fiable to contract viral and bacterial infections. These
are also the days of the month in which women commit most
of their crimes = including suicide — and meet with the most
accidents. For many women the menstrual period is quite
entitled to its sobriquet ‘the curse.”
Certainly physicians or psychologists cannot ignore the
menstrual cycle in their patients or subjects ~ or in them-
selves. Although the way in which experimenters affect their
experiments is discussed later, we might digress to note that
menstruating experimenters may exert a strange influence on
their subjects. Pliny, in his Natural History, remarked that
menstruating women will sterilize seeds, wither plant grafts,Sorcerer's reality 9
and dry up plants and flowers. Research has disclosed that
Pliny was not snuffling about in classical flimflam. It’s a fact
that freshly cut flowers wilt within twenty minutes after being
handled by certain women during the first few days of their
periods. The blood, tears, or perspiration of menstruous
women will also inhibit the fermentation of yeast; indeed, the
women’s touch alone may cause wholesale destruction of
yeast plants. Female biologists, and bakers, need not wonder
that some of their experiments may not turn out the same as
those of their male counterparts.
Of course all human reactions are not determined solely
from within. People are open systems engaged in a constant
exchange with their environment. The body is a sea of
extremely complex chemical reactions and sensitive to the
many thousands of chemical substances constantly flowing
through it. But the body is aiso an electrical device, and the
brain the most complicated one we know. Ben Franklin's
famous kite showed there was plenty of electricity in the air,
especially in storms. Could it affect the brain? We once
thought people felt exhilarated at the end of a thunderstorm
because the storm itself was exciting and the air cleaner, more
bracing. But we now know that its invigorating qualities result
from an excess of negative electricity in the air. Positive
electricity, on the other hand, may disagreeably affect sus-
ceptible people. And it is the positive electricity associated
with the infamous ‘witch winds,’ such as the Sharav of the
Middle East or the Foehn of Germany, that has made them so
unpleasant - provoking everything from impotence to vio-
lence.
We know sunspots disrupt our electromagnetic environ-
ment with blasts of static. Can they, like the witch winds,
instigate aberrant behavior? Surveying 28,642 patients admit-
ted to psychiatric hospitals in New York, Friedman found
admissions burgeoned on days when the magnetic observa-
tory reported strong activity. A similar study of over 5,500
accidents in Rhur coal mines showed that most of the acci-
dents happened on the day following a spurt of solar activity.
And another investigation discovered that traffic accidents
jumped as much as four times above average on days after a
Solar flare.10 Sorcery
The sun is not the only celestial power, The ocean tides
demonstrate that the moon’s gravitation strongly grips the
earth. And the moon has a magnetic influence as wel - the
high points coinciding with the new and full moons. It would
be odd if people, other than lovers and poets, were untouched
by it.
That was obviously on Edson Andrews’ mind when he
gathered detailed records of his tonsillectomies from 1956
through 1958, slightly more than a thousand. The ‘bleeders’
were patients whose bleeding required unusual contro! dur-
ing their operations or, later, their return to surgery for
post-operalive treatment. He discovered the dates of the
bleeding problems were significantly correlated with lunar
phases: 82 percent took place between the first and last
quarters of the moon with a marked peak at the full moon. He
also found the same pattern among patients hospitalized with
bleeding stomach ulcers, ‘These data have been so conclusive
and convincing to me,’ Andrews said, ‘that ] threaten to
become a witch doctor and operate on dark nights only,
saving the moon-lit nights for romance.”
The sensitivity of epilepsy to lunar phases has been ra-
mored since ancient times. The frequency of seizures increase
at the full moon and, to. a somewhat lesser extent, at the new
moon. And the moon’s link with insanity, of course, has
always been a part of folklore - which research now confirms,
The number of patients admitted to mental hospitals actually
does peak at the new and full moons. Other studies have
shown that the fruits of madness also peak at these times.
Lieber and Sherin at the University of Miami School of
Medicine analyzed 4000 murders committed from 1956 to
1970 and found an explosive increase in their numbers at the
new and full moons. The murders at these lunar phases also
tended to be more cruel and gruesome than those committed
on other days. Nor do people spare themselves. A related
study by Paul and Susan Jones of Case Western Reserve
University found that the suicide rate rose by 43 percent
during the new moon.
We have seen that electromagnetic blasts of sunspots incite
everything from traffic accidents to psychiatric hospital
admissions. And because sunspot intensity fluctuates with anSorcerer's reality 11
11.1-year cycle, its effects on people should mirror that
thythm. Tchijevsky discovered it does. He constructed an
“Index of Mass Human Excitability’ based on the incidence of
wars, revolutions, riots, population movements, and other
‘unsavory signs of human excitability. And on applying it over
a period of 2,422 years, he found that the episodes of human
excitability crested every 11.1 years with metronomic regular-
‘ity, The psychic epidemics coincided with peaks of solar
activity 72 percent of the time and with low points only 28
percent of the time.
Nature also pulsates with a multitude of other cycles whose
origins are unknown. And an individual cycle is frequently
distorted, augmented, or dampened by the action of other
cycles. These environmental cycles then interact with the.
body's internal cycles to create a tangled, changing web of
forces that bewilders science. Although we may know little of
these: baffling cycles, we nevertheless know enough to make
practical use of them: When the moon waxes full, sunspots
flare, and a witch wind blows, women suffering premenstrual
tension should be treated gingerly, very gingerly.
Because a number of cycles may interact, we must expect
certain unusual configurations to occur regularly but only
over great periods of time. Perhaps that contributes to the
illmesses and manias that appear, endure, and then vanish.
Classic hysteria - grande fystérie such as Charcot encoun-
tered at the Salpétriére — appears to have been common in the
nineteenth century and before. Now it’s a rarity. Anything
resembling it on a psychopathic ward today will attract
psychologists as a two-headed cow attracts rustics. The dis-
appearance of classic hysteria has never been satisfactorily
explained, but we may now at least suspect that a cycle, or
collision of cycles, may have contributed to that and similar
mysteries. Each period may be marked by a singular com-
bination of forces that leaves its imprint on human beings and
their history.
Individual differences, biological rhythms, and environ-
mental forces, however, account for only a few of the myriad.
threads in the snarled skein of influences that makes each
person, at each time and place, unique - and a difficulr
experimental subject. And until science is able to identify and12 Sorcery
control all the forces that impinge on and shape human
responses, which is likely to be never, it follows that a human
experiment can never be exactly repeated. People are of
course sufficiently alike for some experiments to yield similar
results ~ most of the time. But the more subtle and complex
the phenomenon investigated, the more elusive and unpre-
dictable it will be in ‘identical’ experiments, And the unpre-
dictability of anything human grows in proportion to the
mind’s involvement in it.
A cannonball is a dependable subject that will obligingly
repeat its acceleration, more or less, no matter where or when
or by whom it is dropped. Moreover, it reliably drops and
seldom floats away or refuses to budge at all. But human
subjects, alas for those who study them, are not as obliging -
even when they try their best at tasks they delight in,
The human penile erection is a well-known phenomenon
that unfortunately cannot be summoned on command and is
one that finds a laboratory and inquisitive spectators uncon-
genial. Analien scientist interested in studying human sexual-
ity, unless his subjects are gonad-driven adolescents, might
easily conclude that penile erection is a myth and concoct
absurd hypotheses to account for successful reproduction.
And human scientists who conduct like experiments without
regard for their subjects’ sensibilities may simply conclude
that it’s something beyond scientific proof. Not all nature
thrives in a laboratory.
The subject’s mind clearly may be of importance in an
experiment, but so is the experimeater’s. We once believed
the scientist merely acted as an observer, an emotionless
machine, recording data in a manner that would in no way
bias the outcome of his experiment. But evidence has
burgeoned which indicates a scientist’s beliefs and expecta-
tions modify his experimental results — that is, in short, he
tends to find what he expects to find.
Rosenthal has performed a number of elegant experiments
that confirm that surprising outcome. In one famous study,
which has been repeated by many investigators in different
settings, he randomly divided elementary school pupils into
two groups, similar in ‘every’ respect (intelligence, grades,
sex, ethnic background). He then told their teacher that oneSorcerer's reality 13
group was composed entirely of ‘fast’ learners and the other
of merely average ones. Within a year the performance of the
pupils in the ‘fast" group dramatically surpassed that of the
‘average’ group.
Teachers have no monopoly on that curious influence. Jan
Ehrenwald, a psychoanalyst, noted that patients in
psychotherapy tend to have dreams consonant with their
therapists’ theories; that is, a patient wilf dream what his
‘therapist expects him te dream. Ehrenwald observed that if a
therapist changed his theories, he often found his patients’
dreams changed to conform to his new theory. And a
psychiatrist, William Sargant, added that not only dreams
change but also symptoms. If a patient changes therapists, he
changes symptoms. And we now have a guide for choosing a
therapist: pick one whose theories call for the mildest symp-
toms and the swiftest recovery.
That influence surfaces in many human activities. An
athlete (and his coach) attempting a record may be regarded
as conducting an experiment on each trial. And an athletic
record people once believed beyond achievement was the
four-minute mile; elaborate physiological explanations were
even devised to prove it. Then, perhaps by accident, Roger
Bannister overturned the record and the proofs in 1954 by
running the mile in less than four minutes. Now that it was no
longer impossible, hundreds of men broke four minutes
within the next few years, and today it is unusual if any
important mile is not run that fast. People had the same old
bodies, but they were filled with new expectations,
‘These puzzling events are not accounted for by experimen-
ters cheating or systematically accumulating errors in their
favor -something more mysteriousis going on. And since any
worthy mystery demands a name, Rosenthal has aptly named
_ this one the ‘Pygmalion effect.’ Several hundred studies have
by now confirmed that this disquieting effect is genuine, that
experiments do indeed tend to turn out asscientists think they
will.
The mind plays an unexpected part in scientific experiments
and seems able to bring about the reality it seeks. But the
Teality we perceive is in all cases brought about by the mind,14 Sorcery
or rather by its unconscious reaches. Even the trivial slice of
sensory experience nature grants us does not project into
consciousness some pristine image of what is ‘Out There.’
The skimpy range of energies our sense organs receive are all
converted by the nervous system into electrical impulses,
themselves indistinguishable and the same whether from the
eye, ear, nose, or tongue. Colors, sounds, and odors them-
selves are not carried to the brain by nerves, but merely their
underlying energy pulses. ‘The difference of the things we
experience depends not on what “touches” the sense organs,’
said Sir John Eccles, ‘but only the rate at which the pulses
flow, and the places wishin ake brain that they reach.’ Thats,
sound, color, and taste are all the same thing as far as the
nerves are concerned,
What would happen if nerves were rerouted? Could one
see sounds or touches? Could a drop of lemon juice on the
tongue ‘sound’ like an explosion? Yes; called ‘synesthesia,’ a
variety of cases has been reported. A Romanian researcher
found that people who see colors when they hear sounds (one
of the commonest forms of synesthesia) see them in a precise
manner. He was able to measure to the millimeter the size of
the colored patches they saw associated with specific sounds.
And sometimes it is a useful ability. One subject was a
professional singer whose eyes more keenly perceived sounds
than his ears. If he sang a false note without detecting it by
ear, the accompanying patch of color shewed him the mis-
take. For him it was innate, but perhaps something similar
can be learned. One investigator trained herself to have
quasi-synesthetic visions. Working with playing cards, she
tried to train her sense of touch to distinguish each card, And
by using small cues, like smoothness, she was eventually able
to identify them all, But as she became more familiar with the
experiment, she lost all consciousness of the means, touch,
that enabled her to identify the cards and saw their pictures.
The brain, in some unknown manner, transforms a barrage
of nondescript electrical impulses into our diverse experi-
ences of space, form, substance, color, sound, odor, and
taste. The cerebral ‘computer’ organizes these into wholes,
perceptions, according to its programming. There is no doubt
that what we perceive as Out There is fabricated by uncon-Sorcerer's reality 15
scious programs. But how that is accomplished, like most
mental activity, remains a mystery.
Nor does the cerebral computer passively await whatever
energy impulses the sense organs selectively transmit.
Spinelli and Pribram recorded the electrical activity of cells in
the frontal cortex while projecting an image on the retina.
They found the patterns to which the retina responded could
be altered by the brain. That is, the brain can program what
the eye sends to it in the first place.
‘These programs are not only able to control sensory input,
but appear able to use that input just as they please, choosing
from it as. a painter chooses colors from his palette or ignoring
it altogether and producing perceptions to suit themselves.
Yet in our day-to-day life that hierarchy of programs func-
tions so smoothly and reliably that we seldom have reason to
suspect its existence. And we tend to think of the eye asa kind
of camera obscura that obediently and faithfully reports the
external world.
The mind is very stubborn about seeing things as it believes
them to be. If one were to wear special goggles that inverted
the image falling on the retina — turning the world upside
down — after a period of confusion the world would be seen
Tight side up again, even though the image on the retina
remained unchanged. Or if one were to wear colored glasses,
the world would assume the hue of the glasses, but if one wore
them continuously, objects would resume their ‘natural’ col-
ors, though the wave length of the light striking the eyes was
unchanged. Thus, despite the kaleidoscopic bombardment of
the senses, the mind strives for constancy, to perceive what it
knows. And these constancies are shaped very early in life,
within the first few months, and the programs that insure
them are strongly resistant to change. We perceive, it seems,
what we learned to perceive when young.
A tachistoscope is one of the devices used to expose
unconscious programs in action. It is essentially a projector
with a high-speed shutter capable of flashing pictures or
messages for precisely controlled durations, from exposures
far too quick for the eye to see to exposure times of any
desired length. The device acquired some notoriety a few
decades ago when it was surreptitiously used to flash messages,16 Sorcery
such as “Drink Coca-Cola,’ over the regular feature film
at theaters. Although the messages were too brief to be
seen consciously, the sale of products so advertised was said
to have wonderfully increased during intermissions. These
demonstrations of ‘subliminal perception’ show that the un-
conscious mind can perceive — and act on — things the con-
scious mind cannot. But all perceptions occur first in the
unconscious; there the raw sensory data are processed into
perceptions which may or may not be given to conscious
awareness.
Perceptions of which we are unaware may still determine
those of which we are aware, as shown in an experiment
performed by John Lilly. When he exposed people to a single
word recorded on a repeating tape-loop in high-fidelity En-
glish, he found they would hear it as a number of different
words. Lilly exposed three hundred subjects to ‘cogitate’ for
periods of fifteen minutes to six hours and discovered they
heard it as more than two thousand different words. He then
presented alternatives visually but subliminally while they
listened to the repeating word on the tape. Although the
subjects were not aware of seeing the word, they nevertheless
‘heard’ it on the tape. That is, people clearly ‘heard’ what was
visually suggested to their unconscious minds. He found that
90 percent of what subjects ‘heard’ on the tape could be
programmed in that manner. Other studies have shown that
not only sounds, but perceptions arising from all our senses
and even our yaunted powers of reason can be similarly
manipulated.
And in these sneaky but simple techniques to program
behavior, we have caught the first glimpse of clearly uncon-
scious processes that will later prove to be of signal value to
sorcery.
The unconscious can also create. perceptions without sen-
sory organs = or even without the sensory projection areas of
the brain. People who have lost that part of the brain pre-
sumed responsible for vision are blind in an absolute sense.
The peripherally blind have lost the use of their eyes, but
these, the centrally blind, have lost the visual areas of the
brain. The peripherally blind, according to Lhermitte, see
darkness with spatial properties. But the centrally blind seeSorcerer’s reality 17
nothing at all, neither space nor darkness. They may nonethe-
less remain unaware of their handicap because of hallucina-
tions. Lhermitte mentioned a patient with deep lesions of the
visual cortex who was convinced he saw his wife at her usual
tasks. He saw fowl scratching about in the barnyard and
would reach out to touch and feed them. These are not simply
memory images from some other part of the brain. Lhermitte
said the centrally blind can distinguish quite well between a
memory image and a hallucination. The first is seen “by the
mind,’ but the second stands solidly outside the body as
external and objective. These observations indicate hallu-
cinations may no more follow the normal channels of the
brain than those of the senses — a strange enigma, neurologi-
cally speaking.
Fully developed hallucinations may also occur without
neurological problems and become a convincing part of the
ordinary waking environment. Morton Schatzman, a London
psychiatrist, reported the case of Ruth in which a woman felt
persecuted by a hallucination of her father (who was living in
another country). Although she knew he wasn’t actually
there, he seemed entirely real to her. She smelled his odor
and heard the sound of his footsteps and the rustle of his
trousers as he walked. And when he talked she found it
difficult to hear what real people were saying. He appeared to
her as a solid figure who blocked her view of objects behind
him. Indeed, Schatzman found that her brain did not react to
astimulus, such as a strobe light, that ordinarily evoked a
fesponse when her ‘father’ was interposed between them.
Ruth was later able to exert a measure of control over her
hallucination and even learned to create ‘apparitions’ of other
people — including those of Schatzman and herself.
Of course we all regularly experience something of the
hallucinatory process when we dream. And the content of our
dreams exposes the perversity of the unconscious and its
contempt for our wishes, Our dreams are not always pleasant
and the people in them behave, if anything, more unpredict-
ably than they do in life. Samuel Johnson was annoyed by
dreams in which he found himself in repartee with an anta-
gonist of superior wit. ‘Had ] been awake,’ he said, ‘I should
have known that I furnished the wit on both sides.’18 Sorcery
Although it seems we must refer to a person’s unconscious
as ‘his’ as a matter of convention, should Dr Johnson have
said that he furnished the wit on both sides? Certainly he
didn’t mean what we usually mean when we say ‘I,’ Charles
Leland, the folklorist, acknowledged that his ‘Dream Artist’
was a very different person: ‘We are not sympathetic,’ he
said.
If this affer-ego were a lunatic, he could not be a more
thoroughly uncongenial inmate of my brain than he often is.
Our characters are radically different, Why has he a mind so
utterly unlike mine? His tastes, his thoughts, dispositions,
and petty peculiarities are all unlike mine. If we belonged to
the same-chub, I should never talk with him.
‘Leland’s point is important. The unconscious expresses a will
‘of its own - it is not a robot blindly and mechanically
processing information, And as the case of Ruth shows, it
may sometimes hear and accept commissions.
The hallucinatory process, the dream artist, lies very close
to the final stage of perception in which the unconscious
displays its version of reality to our awareness. Hallucina-
tions, then, are not essentially different from ordinary
perceptions at that level. Both are products of the same art
department and what we perceive to be reality is in any event
a construction of the unconscious. That does not mean we
must abandon ourselves to the allures of solipsism (though a
respectable philosophy), but it does mean that we may create
reality as much as discover it. We shall and perhaps must
retain the conviction that an Out There exists, but we have no
idea how much it contributes to our perceptual world. We can
at best hope that we have a good simulation of it,
The Janding gear rumbles down and locks as an airliner
descends through a dense fog at night; the pilot can see
nothing beyond his instrument panel. No matter. He reduces
power, addsa few degrees of flaps, and sips coffee. An image
of the runway glows before his eyes. Although lacking a
multitude of details — the tufts of grass sprouting from the
cracks in the tarmac, smoke from a nearby factory, a prowling
cat — it is sufficiently accurate for him to land smoothly. HeSorcerer's reality 19
didn’t see the ‘real’ runway, of course, but a computer
simulation.
Other than living eyes may peer at these simulations.
Touching the blackness of space, an [CBM sees where it is
and where it is going. fts vision, though far sharper than an
eagle’s, also lacks details. [t does not see the little gir) in a
jelly-stained pinafore lugging a patient tabby; she is as non-
existent for the [CBM as she wil] soon be for us.
Our simulation is painted by a three-pound computer, the
brain, programmed on ancient African savannas. It was more
than adequate for the life of a club-swinging predator, but we
have discovered that it, 100, lacked details. Several thousand
years ago Aenesidemus of Cnossos warned that the senses
cannot be trusted to reach truth, and many have said the same
thing since. But we had little practical choice except to
consider our perceptual world as corresponding at all impor-
tant points with ‘reality.’ And that correspondence served
quite well for ordinary human activities in a world scaled to
human dimensions; it even drew the map that guided the
scientific adventure until the beginning of the twentieth cen-
tury. Then we found, small surprise, that the callow measures
derived from our bodies and senses were inadequate to span.
the stars or capture nature at her atomic core.
One of the most obstinate aspects of our simulation is its
staunch insistence that there is of necessity something irre-
ducibly solid and tangible about the world, and one that
science escaped only in this century. It led directly to the
concept of substance, matter, which Isaac Newton reduced to
its mathematica! expression in the first of science’s theoretical
triumphs. His equations appeared to bind the matter of the
tiniverse into a single, harmonious whole. Well, almost.
Newton's elegant theory was based on gravity, which post-
ulated action at a distance — an absurd ‘occult’ notion in the
eyes of his less mystical contemporaries. And there was also
the small problem that his formulations argued that the
universe should collapse on itseif. Newton supposed it didn't
because God prevented it.
The first of the great theories had thus introduced an
incomprehensible, ‘occult,’ proposition. Ji was the first point
at which our ancient ability to explain everything out of pure20 Sorcery
reason miscarried, the first time we encountered something
that could not be understood as we always supposed we could
understand things ~ as many still long to understand them.
But Newton's equations worked, and with time science man-
aged to forget that a scheme se severely logical, so abundantly
proved and practical, rested firmly on the inconceivable. And
with that touch of amnesia, the full light of day fell on a
mechanical world in a clockwork universe.
Although the clockwork universe was sought, paradoxical-
ly, for what were ultimately theological reasons, theology
ceased to trouble scientific speculation. The century had
arrived that would enthrone matter and Thomas Hobbes was
its apologist. In his Leviathan he wrote: ‘That which is not
body is no part of the universe, and because the universe is all,
that which is no part of it is nothing, and consequently
nowhere.’ Hobbes’s proclamation admits no compromise,
and it charms people still. Of course Hobbes had not the least
idea what matter was — he knew far less of it than theologians
thought they knew of angels. His assertion was simply the
incantation of a new creed.
For over two centuries Hobbes’s creed was science’s. Then,
shortly after 1900, a revolution was ignited by Planck and
Einstein that would banish ‘substance,’ that unintelligible
heart of materialism. Science had reduced matter to atoms,
which at first seemed as substantial as so many little stones.
‘Then atoms were reduced to particles~ and nature spratig her
surprise. Einstein showed that matter and energy were essen-
tially the same thing, and that the one could be changed into
the other ~ thus the atomic bomb. Although we acknow-
ledged energy in our simple days, it was regarded not as
substantial in any sense, but as the motion of substantial
particles, Yet if matter can be converted into energy, obvious-
fy the notion of substance is almost exhausted. Substance,
body, was by definition and our primitive understanding an
ultimate that could certainly not be reduced to anything
#0 tenuous as energy, which was after all not a ting, but
the property of 2 thing.
If any feeble life remained to substance, de Broglie deli-
vered its death stroke. In 1924 he penned equations showing
that a ‘material’ particle could behave as a wave. That imSorcerer's reality 21
aginative leap, verified experimentally three years later, won
de Broglie the Nobel Prize in 1929. His formulations were
further developed into wave mechanics by Schrédinger,
Dirac, Heisenberg, and others. But when particles revealed
their wave nature the game was over and substance was
exposed as an illusion having no more fundamental tangibility
than Ruth’s spectral father. “The external world of physics has
thus become a world of shadows,’ Sir Arthur Eddington said.
‘In removing our illusions we have removed substance, for
indeed we have seen that substance is one of the greatest of
our illusions. . .’
Some may feel they were robbed of the idea of substance by
asleight; that although matter waves are impalpable, they are
nevertheless in some sense objective physical entities that still
suggest something of substance, however ghostly. There was
no sleight. Atomic particles are waves in a multidimensional
space having nothing to do with the space we perceive. These
waves are described as waves of probability with no material
existence whatever. Schrédinger wrote that they are ‘com-
pletely immaterial waves; as immaterial as waves of national-
ism, depression, or “streaking” that sweep over a country.’
And Planck simply called them waves of knowledge.
After considering the evidence, von Neumann, one of the
greatest of modern mathematicians, concluded that the con-
cept of objective reality had evaporated. That leaves only
subjective reality, or something beyond description.
When the physical view of the universe became completely
non-material with modern physics, it encountered something
that has always been considered the quintessence of immater-
ality: consciousness, mind. Perhaps we should have expected
such a dénouement when we found the physical world was
built of incorporeal waves of knowledge or probability. A
wave of knowledge, after all, requires a knower. And Karl
Marbe, a mathematician and philosopher, discovered many
years.ago that probability arose from the mind. Now what had
been the purview of philosophers became a vital issue for
physicists as well. ‘It may be useful to give the reason for the
increased interest of the contemporary physicist in problems
of [philosophy],’ wrote Eugene Wigner, Nobel laureate. ‘The
treason is, in a nutshell, that physicists have found it impossible22 Sorcery
to give a satisfactory description of atomic phenomena
without reference to the consciousness,’ That is not some
semantic twaddle that a positivist can reduce to gibberish.
Wigner was stating a fact of physics.
‘{tis nota long step,” said Einstein, ‘from thinking of matter
as an clectronic ghost to thinking of it as the objectified image
of thought.’ Sir James Jeans agreed: “The concepts which now
prove to be fundamental to our understanding of nature. . .
seem to my mind to be structures of pure thought, incapable
of realization in any sense which would be described as
material.’ Elsewhere Jeans concluded that
in brief, idealism has always maintained that as the
beginning of the road by which we explore nature is mental,
the chancesare that the end also will be mental. To this
present-day science adds that, at the farthest point she has
so far reached, much, and possibly all, that was not material
has disappeared, and nothing new has come in that is not
mental.
Eddington, in a now famous passage, stated it even more
baldly:
Realizing that the physical world is entirely abstract and
without actuality apart from its linkage to consciousness,
we restore consciousness to the fundamental position
instead of representing it as an inessential complication. . .
To put the coriclusion crudely - the stuff of the world is
mind-stuff. . , The mind-stuff is not spread in space and
time; these are part of the cyclic scheme ultimately derived
‘out of it.
In recent years Wigner observed that ‘it will remain remark-
able, in whatever way our future concepts may develop, that
the very study of the external world Jed to the conclusion that
the content of consciousness is an ultimate reality.’ Von
Weizsicker phrased it more poetically: ‘Man tries to pene-
trate the factual truth of nature, but in her last unfathomable
reaches suddenly, asin a mirror, he meets himself.” St Francis
anticipated him: ‘What we are looking for is what is looking,”
These conclusions of modern physics bear an obvious
resemblance to the tenets of ancient Eastern philosophies,Sorcerer's reality 23
such as the Vedanta (which Schrodinger studied). And the
resemblance is more than superficial, as Lawrence LeShan
and others have shown — a turn of events that would have
been inconceivable a hundred years ago.
Nineteenth-century surgeons often bragged that they had
never discovered a soul in all the bodies they dissected.
Twentieth-century physicists, in dissecting the universe,
however, have failed to find a body. And old-style rock-
kicking materialism perished with substance. Not a shred
remains that science has not obliterated. As a fundamental
explanation for anything it is now infinitely more absurd than
the bawdy antics of Jupiter or the peregrinations of the Easter
Bunny, Yet, like Frankenstein’s monster, annihilated time
and again, it still staggers back to thrill Bolsheviks, a good
Many social scientists, and too many biologists. It even lured
several generations of ‘psychologists’ into pretending there
was no mind to study.
It is a mystery how anyone could have ever supposed that
that which knows is somehow less real than that which is
known. And today if one is uncomfortable with some form of
dualism, which is practical despite its intellectual shabbiness,
modern science appears to permit no alternative to idealism.
The clockwork universe has in any event run down, and the
hoary metaphysics that propelled it lies in ashes. But the
mental world, whose vagaries we shall now explore, has not
lost its reality, and it is the sorcerer’s reality.
Atthe Oxford Relativity Conference in 1974, John Wheel-
er, a theoretician at the forefront of the new physics, peered
into the future of science and said: ‘There may be no such
thing as the glittering central mechanism of the universe. . .
Not machinery but magic may be the better description of the
treasure that is waiting.”
Indeed it may.Chapter 2
 
Minds within minds
Machines running in the mind. Nikola Tesla, the electrical
wizard and Edison's contemporary, was reportedly able to
design and ‘build’ machines in his mind, with their parts
specified to the thousandths of an inch, and let them ‘run’
there unattended as he went about other business. Months
Jater he could dredge up the images of these machines from
his unconscious, where they had continued to operate, stop
and dismantle them, and then inspect their parts for wear.
If we are to understand sorcery, we must become familiar
with the often strange and remarkable powers of the uncon-
scious, for they are to sorcery what phenomena such as
metabolism and the immune response are to biology.
Although we briefly touched upon them in the last chapter in
discussing the dream artist and the cerebral computer, from
now on they will occupy center stage.
The term ‘cerebral computer,’ as Tesla demonstrated, may
be something more than a metaphor; his mind coufd run
simulations as well as or better than the lastest generation of
supercomputer. Of course when many of us think of compu-
ters, we think of their ability to perform numerical caicula-
tions in a flash. The one in the unconscious also manages that
quite well. Truman Henry Safford, a ten-year-old Vermont
boy, was observed in the last century by Rev, H.W. Adams
who asked him to square 365,365,365,365,365,365 in his
head. Adams wrote:
He flew about the room like a top, pulled his pantaloons
over the tops of his boots, bit his hands, rolled his eyes in hisMinds within minds 25
sockets, sometimes smiling and talkin, ig, and then seeming
to be in agony until, in not more than one minute, said he:
133, 491, 850, 208, 566, 925,016, 658, 299, 941, 583, 225.’
Although some of the calculating prodigies are of outstand-
ing intelligence, as were Gauss and Ampére, others are des-
cribed as little better than idiots — hence the name ‘idior
savanr often applied to them. Johann Dase, one of the latter,
could multiply two eight-digit numbers in a matter of seconds
or two forty-digit numbers in minutes. Dase was slow-witted,
but his talent earned him a grant from the Academy of Sciences
at Hamburg for mathematical work. And in twelve years he
compiled a table that would have taken most people a life-
time. In the days before electronic computers, calculating
prodigies were more than curiosities.
However the calculating prodigies perform their feats, and
they seldom have the least idea, it is through a process
nothing like our own conscious struggles, which is illustrated
by their ability to carry on a conversation or busy themselves
with other things as they carry out their computations. And
most of the calculating wonders have their gift for only a few
years in childhood.
Of course prodigies grace activities other than calculation.
Mozart began playing the harpsichord at age three and had
written two minuets by five and a symphony by eight. He
could hear a melody played once and reproduce it flawlessly.
Or he could hear a complex, lengthy composition and later
transcribe the entire score from memory. Mozart’s memory is
certainly an enviable asset fora musician, yet it is unrelated ta
musical genius and is sometimes possessed by mental defee-
tives, such as Thomas Bethune.
Thomas Bethune was a blind, mentally defective slave
belonging to Colonel Bethune. Although Tom had not prac-
ticed, he astonished the colonel with his ability to reproduce a
piece of music after hearing it once, sitting down at the piano
and playing it through, note for note and error for error,
precisely as he had heard it. The colonel, na fool, soon
Tealized that Tom was worth far more on the concert stage
than in a cotton field. And by the time Tom was seven the
colonel had prepared him for his debut, which launched a26 Sorcery
career that would take them on concert tours round the
world,
The colonel added to Tom's repertoire by having famous
musicians play for him, and every note became so fixed in his
memory that he could unhesitatingly reproduce whatever
they played. And Tom could finally play nearly five thousand
compositions spanning the full range of music played by the
virtuosos of his time. Tom's memory for sound extended to
words as well. He was alleged to be able to repeat, without
inissing a syllable, a fifteen-minute discourse of which he
understood nothing. He could also parrot songs in foreign
languages after hearing them once, and not only their words
but their style and expression. His ‘linguistic’ ability, how-
ever, did not reflect intelligence: his vocabulary remained
rudimentary.
Do the prodigies have minds that record information better
than others, or do they have superior access to what is in their
memories? The solution appears to lie not in memory, but in
memory retrieval - which is a very different thing. We saw
that in subliminal perception the unconscious records sensory
impressions that never become conscious, but that doesn't
prevent their influencing behavior, which is routinely demon-
strated by experiments in which subjects are exposed to a
series of words tachistoscopically flashed on a screen so
briefly they cannot be seen — at least consciously. Amongst
neutral words the experimenters may mix in emotionally
arousing four-letter obscenities (or they were in days past).
The subjects are not aware of seeing anything at all, but
instruments can detect an emotional arousal when a four-
letter word is presented. That shows the unconscious is ever
vigilant and constantly attends to all sensory impressions,
even those nat consciously perceived. But the unconscious
did more than receive raw sensory data; it perceived and
understood a message that was not delivered to conscious-
ness. The interesting question that now arises is, Wharis it that
understood? Something did. That question wil] arise again
and again. And the answer, as it evolves, will unveil the
sorcerer’s collaborator in all his spells.
But does the unconscious remember everything? The evi-
dence indicates that it does. It suggests that the unconsciousMinds within minds 27
never forgets the smallest detail of anything, any raw data, it
has ever perceived. And there are ways to probe this primary
memory:
‘The eighty-third brick I laid that morning on August
eighth, back in forty-nine, had a chip knocked out of one
corner,’ mused John, a master bricklayer. Fred, who was
John’s hod carrier at the time, reflected for a moment and
added, “That was the last brick laid before our morning coffee
break.’
Those of us who can't remember a short shopping list must
be amazed at their conversation. Surely these are not ordin-
ary human beings, everyday bricklayers. They are. The in-
satiable thirst of the unconscious for detail can sometimes be
revealed by, among other methods, hypnotism. Fred and
John are hypnotized. Bricklayers could remember while
hypnotized thirty or forty features of a single brick they had
laid ten years earlier, and the accuracy of their recall was.
verified by checking the actual brick. That aspect of the
unconscious, and hypnotism, has naturally attracted the in-
terest of policemen. A witness who merely glanced at a car’s
license number, for example, has it engraved on his uncon-
scious even if he doesn’t recall seeing the car, let alone its
license number, and hypnotism can occasionally uncover it.
Martin Reiser trained a group of Los Angeles policemen in
*hypnoinvestigation’ for that very purpose, and he said that in
many cases it has successfully elicited critical evidence obtain-
able in no other way.
These memories are not localized in the brain, though part
of their retrieval system may be. Wilder Penfield, the eminent
neurosurgeon, is one whose investigations led him to the
conclusion that the unconscious retains every experience in
its entirety - sights, sounds, smells, and the emotional re-
sponse to them. Penfield usually operated with his patients
under a local anesthetic so they could remain alert and
cooperative while he used an electrode to search for the
diseased part of the brain. And during one operation he
accidentally discovered that electrical stimulation of the cor-
tex sometimes caused his patient to relive episodes from early
life. One patient experienced, as though physically there, her
Mother and brother talking in their living room from a time28 Sorcery
long past. Penfield noted that the experience unfolds progres-
sively, rather like a film strip that registered all those things
the person once perceived.
As long as the electrode is held in place, the experience of a
former day goes forward. There is no holding itstill, no
turning back, no crossing to other periods. When the
electrode is withdrawn, it stops as suddenly as it began.
It consequently appears possible not only to recall all the
details of anything ever experienced, and to the fullest ex-
tent, but to relive them. We have no reason to suppose that
only certain memories are selected for total recording; it is
more likely an automatic function of the unconscious that in-
differently treats all input the same, whether it’s the loss of
virginity or the loss of a button. Why, then, is that marvelous
theater closed to us? Nature has a ready answer. If people —or
animals — had absolute recall they would continuously relive
the most pleasurable experiences of their lives. Lilly found
that a monkey with a microelectrode implanted in the sexual
pleasure center of its brain, which it was at liberty to stimu-
late, would quiver with nearly continuous orgasms for sixteen
hours a day. Rats with electrodes similarly placed would
ignore food, even if hungry, and stimulate themselves two
thousand times an hour for twenty-four consecutive hours. If
mankind's goal is happiness, not simply its pursuit, we have at
last found it. The strange fact that none of us have had micro-
electrodes implanted to tickle our joy centers, a harmless pro-
cedure, must mean that we think there is a purpose for us
beyond wallowing in pure bliss - at least until we’ve had a
taste of it.
But an ability to relive the past, however much old men
may wish it, is inimical to survival. People would perpetually
relive their profoundest orgasm to the neglect of further sex
and their obligation to the species (why bother when the best
is instantly available?); plants would not be gathered and no
one would keep a watchful eye on the saber-toothed tiger
lurking nearby. And a species with that gift would probably
become extinct with the generation that possessed it. Com-
pared with the heavenly Xanadus offered by perfect recall,
the dreams of opium addicts are pallid and innocent.Minds within minds 29
Nature wisely prevented us from remembering too much or
too well, yet all the information locked away in the uncon-
scious is not useless, as we shall see, but can and does play a
vital part in our intellectual processes — which is one of the
best arguments for a broad education of which almost every-
thing is nevertheless ‘forgotten.’ Ideas that ‘pop’ into one’s
head, even those that shake the world, are not fortuities, but
have their provenance in the archives of the unconscious.
Creativity, more than any other attribute, distinguishes hu-
man beings from beasts and computers. But it is one of the
most mysterious of all psychological phenomena and unques-
tionably one of the most important. Without it we would still
be unclad troglodytes with only chance caves for shelter.
Creativity is one of those elusive, capricious human abilities
that certainly exists, as footprints on the moon affirm, but it is
untamed and whimsical, and cannot be commanded.
The moment of insight, the flash from the unconscious, is
the main characteristic of creative work. And it resembles the
flash of understanding that makes a joke funny. A sudden
laugh is a minor creative act. Poincaré also saw the creative
flash as an esthetic event. He thought that a mathematician’s
unconscious forms myriads of combinations, but only those
harmonious — elegant — will be offered to consciousness. That
isareasonable conjecture; the unconscious artist that creates
the phenomenal world is clearly attending to esthetic rules.
And Poincaré thought scientific creativity, no less than artis-
tic, is governed by them. More recently Hofstadter at Indiana
University has also hypothesized that the processes under-
lying all creative achievements are fundamentally the same.
And the Newtons as well as the Michelangelos are inspired by
beauty.
Sometimes the flash succeeds in penetrating a more or less
ordinary waking state, though to succeed it often depends on
an affinity with some trivial event, such as the water level in
his bath that prompted Archimedes's ‘Eureka! or the falling
apple that caught Newton's eye. But since creativity is an
unconscious phenomenon, one would expect to find it break-
ing through to awareness during altered states of conscious-
ness when the external world dims and the mind turns upon30 Sorcery
itself, which is exactly what happens — as Barbara Cartland is
happy to verify. A best-selling author of romantic fiction with
more than two hundred books to her credit, she said that she
goes into a ‘trance’ and lets her unconscious do the work. And
work it does, writing a novel a week. Cartland supposes her
stories are composed unconsciously before entering her
trance because they are so finished that she merely needs to
dictate them.
Any writer must envy Cartland’s compliant unconscious,
yet the nature of her trance is disappointingly vague. Sleep,
on the other hand, is an altered state of consciousness familiar
taall. And sleep too has befriended the author. Robert Louis
Stevenson dreamed many of his tales, especially when he was
short of money and needed a story ta sell. His ‘brownies’ gave
him better tales in his dreams, he said, than he could fashion
for himself. They coutd also tell him a story piece by piece, as
a serial, and keep him ignorant of where they aimed. Dr
Jekyll and Mr Hyde was one of the brownies’ products. And
in a similar horrific vein, Mary Shelley dreamed one night,
when in her early twenties, the central themes of her novel
Frankenstein.
The unconscious is not only a consummate raconteur, but
also an inventor, as Elias Howe discovered. After years of
frustration over his failure to perfect a sewing machine, Howe
dreamed (according to one version of the story) that he had
been captured by savages who dragged him before their king.
The king gave him an ultimatum: produce a sewing machine
within twenty-four hours or die by the spear. Howe failed to
meet the deadline and saw his executioners approaching.
But, as the spears rase to pierce him, his fear vanished when
he noticed the spearheads had eye-shaped holes in their tips.
Awakening with the insight that the eye of the sewing-
machine needle should be near its point, he rushed to his
workshop to make a model. And the blessings of ready-to-
wear Were soon upon us.
Nor does the unconscious neglect science. Friedrich yon
Kekulé, a great nineteenth-century chemist, had a dream of
swirling atoms in 1865:
My mental eye, rendered more acute by repeated visions ofMinds within minds 31
this kind, could now distinguish larger structures, of
manifold conformation: long rows, sometimes more closely
fitted together, all turning and twisting in snake-like
mation. But look! What was that? One of the snakes had
seized hold of its own tail, and the form whirled mockingly
before my eyes. As if by a flash of lightning I woke.
Kekulé had tried for many years to find the molecular struc-
ture of benzene without success, But his unconscious did not
fail and presented the solution to his dreaming consciousness
inits customary symbolic form — which he fortunately under-
stood, The dream made him realize that benzene is a closed
carbon ring, a discovery of enormous importance to chemis-
Savages and snakes. Why does the unconscious use such a
roundabout way to tell the dreamer what he needs to know?
Why not tell him directly? Sometimes it does and may even.
furnish an instructor who gets right to the point, as it did for
Herman Hilprecht, professor of Assyrian at the University of
Pennsylvania, who was visited one night by a forty-year-old
priest of ancient Nippur. Hilprecht had worked late one
evening in 1893 trying to decipher the cuneiform inscriptions
on two fragments of agate, found in the ruins of a temple, that
he believed were Babylonian finger rings. He thought one
fragment belonged to a particular period but the other was a
puzzle.
Fatigued, Hilprecht went to bed about midnight still preac-
‘cupied with the rings. As he slept, the priest appeared and led
him to the treasure chamber of the temple of Bel where they
entered a small windowless room containing a large wooden
chest and, scattered on the floor, scraps of agate and lapis
lazuli. Here the tall, thin priest revealed his mission:
The two fragments which you have published separately
Upon pages 22 and 26, belong together, are not finger-rings,
and their history is as follows: King Kurigalzu (circa 1300
B.C.) once sent to the temple of Bel, among other articles
ofagate and lapis-lazuli, an inscribed votive cylinder of
agate. Then we priests suddenly received the command to
make-for the statue of the god Ninib a pair of earrings of
agate. We were in great dismay, since there was no agate as32 Sorcery
raw material athand. Inorderto execute the command
there was nothing for us todo but cut the votive cylinder
into three parts, thus making three rings, each of which
contained portion of the original inscription. The first two
rings served as earrings for the statue of the god; the two
fragments which have given you so much trouble are
portions of them. If you will put the two together you will
have confirmation of my words, But the third ring you have
not yet found in the course of your excavations, and you will
never find it.
The priest then disappeared and Hilprecht awakened at once
to tell his wife the dream so that he wouldn’t forget it. ‘Next
morning — Sunday — { examined the fragments once more in
the light of these disclosures,’ he said, ‘and to my astonish-
ment found all the details of the dream precisely verified
...’ Here we see the unconscious not only as a scholar and
inveterate dramatist, but as an individual. It has assumed the
role of a distinct personality, an ancient priest, to disclose its
knowledge in the most exact possible manner. Leland would
not have been ashamed to acknowledge Hilprecht’s dream
artist. But the creation of seemingly independent personali-
ties is a common ploy of the unconscious — it creates them
every night in our dreams — and sometimes, as we shall see,
that is a source of mischief.
These events suggest that even alter the unconscious has
solved a problem, made a discovery, it may have difficulty in
communicating its discovery to consciousness, which hints
that creative people may not possess any greater fundamental
creative ability than others, only a greater openness to
messages from the unconscious. These stories of snakes,
priests, and savages also tell us that the unconscious must be
primed with a great deal of knowledge before it rewards us
with insights. There is no free lunch.
Creative insights rise to consciousness very much as though
they come from some alien source. As Thackeray said in the
Roundabout Papers: ‘1 have been surprised at the observa-
tions made by some of my characters. It seems as if an occult
power was moving the pen.’ Remarking on that strange:Minds within minds 33
   
 
  
  
   
   
  
  
   
  
   
  
   
  
  
  
    
  
   
    
  
   
 
ion, Keats said that he had ‘not been aware of the
of some thought or expression’ until after he had
citten it down when it then struck him with astonishment
d seemed rather to have been written by someone else.
hers have also confessed their talent was not strictly theirs:
ge Sand said that in her work ‘It is the other who sings as
ces, well orill.’ And George Eliot likewise said that in her
writing something ‘not herself’ took possession of her
that she was merely its instrument. The disquieting trend
these examples is concluded by Blake who wrote, in
ing his poem Milton ‘I have written this poem from
te dictation, twelve or sometimes twenty or thirty
ines at a time, without premeditation, and even against my
il.’ (Italics added.)
ay and Sand remind us of what every novelist
ys: characters do not always behave as their author
nded but have a penchant for developing their own roles —
ying ones larger or smaller than, or even different from,
F their author had planned. Like Hilprecht’s priest, they
nay display a will of their own. And sometimes, not content
nove in dreams or on the periphery of awareness, they step
dly into waking life. Sir Francis Galton was informed by a
ist that she once saw the main character in one of her
¢s come through the door and glide towards her. Dickens
nd Sand also had characters that were occasionally external-
and spoke to them.
ilprecht’s priest appeared only once, and in a dream. Yet
entities from the unconscious may establish more en-
g relations with consciousness, as in the strange history
4 nce Worth. ‘Many moons ago I lived. Again I come.
ence Worth my name.’ That quaint message spelled out
Ouija board in the early 1900s began a remarkable
y career for Mrs Pearl Curran, a St Louis housewife
an elementary education. She read little, except for a
novel or a magazine, and her knowledge of history was
ntary — she thought Henry VIII was beheaded for
. Nor had she traveled abroad. Nevertheless, over a
of nearly twenty-five years ‘Patience Worth’ wrote
s of words drawing on historical themes — seven
s, a number of short stories, and thousands of poems.34 Sorcery
After a time Mrs Curran dispensed with the Ouija board
because she could ‘hear’ Patience’s voice in her mind. Now
Mrs Curran was able to take dictation. She wrote rapidly and
the manuscripts she produced were never revised or cor-
rected, And when she resumed writing a particular work, she
picked up exactly where she left off in the previous session.
Switching easily from one to anather, she worked on several
different manuscripts simultaneously,
It is difficult to believe that such slapdash habits could lead
to anything of merit, but her works were roundly applauded
by critics and ‘near great’ to ‘greater than Shakespeare’ were
used to describe them, We may not share in that admiration
today, but we may concede that Mrs Curran's scanty educa-
tion and limited abilities would have seemed inadequate to
explain the work of the Patience Worth personality.
Although she was a poser for investigators of the time, we ate
net as astonished by her as were her contemporaries because
we know the uncenscious can be amazingly creative with its
store of knowledge. We may be impressed by the ingenuity
funneled through Patience Worth, but we are not entirely
mystified by it. Mrs Curran, of course, thought she was
communicating with a wholly separate, if disembodied, per-
son. The evidence, on the other hand, would not permit that
explanation even for those otherwise favorable to it. Though
few may enjoy Mrs Curran’s success, many more authors are
visited by ‘ghost’ writers than one might suppose.
Still, the behaviour of these ‘entities’ raises a peculiar ques~
tion; Are they conscious? Admittedly, we haven’t the least
idea what consciousness is in terms of any ‘objective’ criteria,
but we shall see that they may be, at least in the same sense
that we impute consciousness to anyone other than ourselves.
Now we may return to Blake’s disturbing portent ‘and even
against my will.’ These entities may not only disagree with
consciousness, they may even impose their will on it, But
whether independently conscious or not, these incursions of
the unconscious at times strongly resemble the popular idea
of possession. Mrs Curran was not possessed, according to
the ordinary definition of the term, anyway, yet guestssuch as
Patience Worth have been known to kidnap their hosts.
‘One victim was a young woman jilted by a laver to whomMinds within minds 35
she remained passionately attached. Although he had ended
all association with her, she persisted in believing that he was
still in love with her. A short time later she developed
involuntary movements of her hands and fits of sobbing
without discernible reason. Then, as a family member looked
on, she said she was possessed by her former sweetheart's
spirit. While ‘possessed’ she imitated his words, speech man-
nerisms, and gestures; and afterwards she held conversations
with his spirit, which would either speak through her mouth
or speak to her with an ‘inner voice,” such as the one that
whispered to Mrs Curran. Occasionally the ‘possessing spirit’
scribbled messages through her hand that resembled her
sweetheart’s writing.
The alternate personality, possessing entity, may not be
content with seizing a mere organ or two, but may insist on
the whole body and evict its usual tenant. And a common
instance of that appears in somnambulism — sleepwatking.
Somnambulism occurs in about 5 percent of the population
and more often among children than adults. It is sometimes
linked to psychomotor epilepsy and is related to amnesia,
fugue, and multiple personality. Indeed, somnambulism is a
kind of fugue. Somnambulists seem to behave in a more or
less conscious, rational way, certainly manifest some sort of
personality, and then have amnesia for the episode, Fugue
differs only in that it isn’t particularly associated with sleep
and its victim exhibits a degree of consciousness and purpo-
sive action that renders it indistinguishable from an ordinary
waking state — but not with the original personality intact. In
somnambulism, on the other hand, the level of awareness
appears lower, though maundering somnambulists are aware
of their surroundings and will reply if spoken to. Fugue also
differs in that it may last for prolonged periods, whereas
‘natural’ somnambulism seldom lasts for more than half an
hour. Still, their differences are quantitative, as we can see in
the experience of Ansel Bourne.
An explosive sound jarred Ansel Bourne to wakefulness.
As dreams gave way to daylight, he was nonplussed to find
himself in a strange bed in a strange room. Disoriented, he
went to the window and was frightened to see an unfamiliar
street. His last memory was of leaving his home in Coventry,36 Sorcery
Rhode Island, during January 1887, for a routine business trip
to Providence. Ansel anxiously opened the door to investi-
gate his peculiar situation and was greeted by a stranger who
said, ‘Good morning, Mr Brown.’ When ‘Mr Brown’ replied
that he was not Mr Brown, but Ansel Bourne, that he was in
Providence and not Norristown, and that it was January and
not March, the stranger, Mr Earle, reasonably concluded that
Mr Browa was out of his mind and sent for a doctor. Subse-
quently reunited with his family, Ansel remained very con-
fused about his singular adventure. He remembered nothing
at all of the eight weeks he had been ‘A.J. Brown’ who had
opened a small business in Norristown, Pennsylvania.
William James heard of Bourne’s experience and won-
dered if the memory of it could be recovered through hypno-
sis. Bourne agreed to be hypnotized and went to Boston
where James conducted the investigation. James discovered
that while hypnotized Bourne recalled his life as A.J. Brown,
but in that condition knew nothing of Bourne. As Brown he
said that he was born in Newton, New Hampshire, July 8,
1826 — Bourne was born in New York City, July 8, 1826.
Brown, then, constructed a different history for himself
which he accepted as valid.
Bourne’s experience lies at the extreme of the continuum
beginning with insight. The unconscious may speak to crea-
tive people through sudden flashes or symbolic dreams.
Authors have sensed an alien source for their work and have
been surprised by their characters’ independence. And for
Professor Hilprecht the unconscious created a distinct entity
to communicate with him, even though in a dream. But
Patience Worth was an entity that insinuated herself into
waking life, and with Ansel Bourne the personality emerging
from the unconscious took over. These odd usurpations may
not be commonplace, but neither are they rarities. And, as we
shall see, these uninvited guests sometimes have companions.
Multiple personality resembles a chaotic fugue, as the case
of Miss Beauchamp illustrates. Christine Beauchamp, a
twenty-three-year-old college student, came to Morton
Prince for an assortment of ills: headaches, insomnia, bodily
pains, and persistent fatigue. During the course of her treat-
ment, Christine developed four different personalities thatMinds within minds 37
alternated from time to time, often from hour to hour, and
her memories altered with each change. Prince remarked,
 
Isay different, because although making use of the same
__ body, each, nevertheless, has a distinctly different
f character; a difference manifested by different views,
beliefs, ideals, and temperament, and by different
acquisitions, tastes, habits, experiences and memories.
 
  
   
    
  
 
   
   
 
 
 
| Sally, the impish personality, delighted in playing pranks on
Christine, the original Miss Beauchamp. One of her pranks
| exploited Christine’s terror of spiders. One day Christine
| found a small box in her room, neatly wrapped as though a
_ Present, and opened it. Six spiders ran out. Sally had gone
into the country to gather them as a surprise for Christine.
_ Sally did no more than play pranks, but Dr Jekyll’s savage
_ alter ego was fictional only in particulars. Thelma Moss
| feported the case of an attractive but drab young married
| woman, Ellen, who had been admitted to the Neuropsychiat-
Tic Institute of the University of California at Los Angeles for
headaches, blackouts, and suicide attempts. One day her
therapist arrived for their session to find a mischievous, witty
young woman who knew all about Ellen and detested her.
‘The intruder, Letty, enjoyed taking control of Ellen's body,
‘buying clothes Ellen would never buy, and having ‘fun.’ But
‘the critical attitude of the second personality went beyond a
few light-hearted pranks and — like Mr Hyde - dabbled in
_ murder. Letty tried to kill Ellen during one of Ellen's black-
‘outs by rushing into the middle of a busy highway and
‘leaving’ Ellen there to save her own life. Shortly after Letty
 tevealed herself, a third personality appeared that was even
| more hostile than Letty; she threatened to kill the therapist
and may have made one serious attempt to carry out her
‘threat. The newcomer, curiously, was totally insensitive to
pain.
__ Maltiple personality is hardly an ordinary psychological
‘disorder, but Moss reported that over the next twelve months
_ three additional cases appeared on the wards of the Neurop-
_ Sychiatric Institute. A great many cases have been published
"inthe scientific literature, with some manifesting more than
4 dozen distinct personalities alternating in a jumbled38 Sorcery
Sequence ~ to inflict blackouts on the primary personality
that lasted for months, sometimes for years, and sometimes
for life.
We generally regard our egos as the unique and supreme
lords of our bodies, yet the unconscious is a regicide that may
replace them with usurpers of its own making. It is able to
create entities with minds of their own and is also, as we shall.
shortly learn, heir ta a few whom our ancestors knew as gods.
These entities seem to be actuated by secret, unsuspected
purposes, purposes that may sometimes be repugnant or even
hostile to our conscious wishes,
Maurice Maeterlinck shared Leland’s uneasiness with
these stealthy denizens of the psyche and remarked on the
strange and whimsical nature of the unknown entity within us
that ‘seems to live on nothing but nondescript fare bortowed
from worlds to which our imtelligence as yet has no access.’
But not everyone is disturbed to learn that an unknown kingis
enthroned beyond our ken. Aldous Huxley for ane:
Personally | find it extremely comforting to think that I
have somewhere at the back of my skull something whichis
absolutely indifferent to me and even absolutely indifferemt
to the human race. I think this is something very satisfying,
that there is an area of the mind which doesn’t care about.
what I am doing, but which is concerned with something
quite, quite different.
The sorcerer would agree with Huxley; he, too, is especially
Satisfied that that ‘something’ at the back of the skull is
absolutely indifferent to him and to the human race. It is his
ally and accomplice.
‘There is a related phenomenon that appears akin to multi-
ple personality, priests of Nippur, and characters with a saucy
disregard for their author's wishes. It is not uncommon to find
two or three people, usually in a family, whe share a delusion,
For many months Jule Eisenbud studied a group of such
people, living in a rural area, who were troubled by a visitor,
Becky, that behaved much like a traditional ghost, Becky was
‘seen’ by two of the group, ‘heard’ by five, and ‘felt’ by five.
Sometimes two or more of them simultaneously experienced
Becky's visits through several senses. Becky was neverthelessMinds within minds 39
| the joint unconscious elaboration of the group. Eisenbud,
| hardly narrow-minded about such matters, wrote, ‘There was
| iio evidence whatsoever that this extremely well- |-organized,
| visible, audible, and in other ways experienceable entity had
| any existence apart from these persons,’ For this group Becky
| was a pathological accident, but others have deliberately
_ produced such ‘entities.’ Whatever else these peculiar events
| tellus, they at any rate intimate that group hallucinations are
| possible.
The weird distortions, incongruities, and generally bizarre
| incidents that characterize dreams are examples of ‘primary
| process’ thinking. It forms a language often and fluently
_ employed by the unconscious, but one very poorly under-
| stood. We recognize it in Pharoah’s dream of the seven fat
| and seven lean kine that Joseph interpreted. And another
| ancient example is attributed to Alexander the Great who
| was troubled by a dream during the seige of Tyre (7yros in
| Greek) in which he saw a satyr (satyros) dancing on a shield.
| Hissoothsayer noticed that the dream sprang from a pun if he
| interpreted it to mean Tyre would fall, since satyros could also
mean sa Tyros (‘Tyre is yours’). Hardly a reckless interpreta-
tion, considering that it was Alexander's dream. But we see
| the same process perfusing the dreams of scientists, inven-
i tors, and authors.
The unconscious may express itself to consciousness in
primary process, but we find it difficult to believe the uncon-
scious thinks in it. The computational powers of the uncon-
| scious and its ability to unravel abstruse problems would seem
| to require a more rigorous language than that of vague,
| ambiguous symbols, snakes swallowing their tails. One either
| se a precise vehicle for its logic in which only its
‘conclusions are framed and given to awareness in primary
pres, or one must conclude the unconscious does in fact
_ think in that enigmatic idiom and admit that its dancing satyrs
_ are far more sophisticated than we ever imagined. Perhaps its
E “Myths are a streaming of knowledge from beyond space-time
"that efudes our vainglorious logic as the end of a rainbow
| eludes and teases a searching child. Ernst Cassirer argued
i that beneath both language and myth lies an unconscious40 Sorcery
‘grammar’ whose laws are not those of logic. He pointed out
that this prelogical ‘logic’ is not an undeveloped state of
rationality, but something fundamentally different, and that
it has great power to direct even our most critical thought.
A beaver colony builds its dams and ponds and lodges by the
beavers working in concert, which they can do only if the
colony has enough beavers, as Europeans found out, After
the European beaver was hunted nearly to extinction for its
fur, only a few tiny colonies remained and they built nothing
at all. For centuries Western Europe had neither beaver dams
nor lodges until the French government protected the beavers
in the Rhone Valley. Slowly their population increased over
several decades until, finally, the beavers resumed their
architectural labors. After a lapse of centuries beaver ponds
and dams again dotted the tributaries of the Rhdne River.
And they were not in the least different from the works of
their American cousins five thousand miles away.
Whether animals are conscious is moot, but they certainly
have something that corresponds to the human unconscious.
The fevel of a beaver’s mind that attends to the housekeeping.
chores — pulse, respiration, digestion — may also swallow upin
forgetfulness the sunny days of youth and the parental lodge.
Yet beneath that lies a level of instinctive knowledge, com-
mon to all beavers, that teaches how to fell trees, build dams,
and mate. Sir Alister Hardy called the inherited ‘knowledge’
thus shared by a species its ‘psychic blueprint.’ It emerges
from a coliective or racial unconscious.
Do human beings share a collective unconscious? If so, we
should expect it to be much more subtle and mazy than in
sitipler animals and suspect its specific manifestations would
be shaped by experience. Many scientists, Hardy among
them, think we have such an unconscious and a growing
amount of evidence, albeit queer, appears to admit no other
view. Although the possibility that mankind has inherited a
body of unconscious knowledge should snare scientific atten-
tion, research into the matter is unfortunately discouraged
today. Even so, ethological findings clearly demonstrate the
existence of a collective unconscious among our mammalian
brethren. And we are mammals in good standing.Minds within minds 41
Carl Jung, one of the most original psychological theorists
and an early investigator of the collective unconscious, Te-
ported the case of a man hospitalized for paranoid schi-
zophrenia while in his early twenties. In his thirties, when
Jung saw him, he was described as a strange mixture of
‘intelligence, wrong-headedness, and fantastic ideas.’
Although he was very disturbed and suffered frequent hallu-
cinations, he also enjoyed quiet periods in which he was
allowed to go unattended in the corridor. One day Jung found
him there, staring out the window at the sun and moving his
head from side to side in a peculiar manner. ‘He took me by
the arm,’ Jung related, ‘and said he wanted to show me
something. He said I must look at the sun with eyes half shut,
and then I could see the sun’s phallus. If 1 moved my head
from side to side the sun-phallus would move too, and that
was the origin of the wind.’ Their strange conversation took
place in 1906. When Jung was later engrossed in mythological
studies in 1910, he discovered a book, part of the Paris Magic
Papyrus, thought to be a liturgy of the ancient Mithraie cult.
Ttconsisted of a series of visions, instructions, and invocations
one of which Jung recognized with a shock:
Andlikewise the so-called tube, the origin of the
ministering wind. For you will see hanging down from the
disc of the sun something that looks like a tube. And
towards the regions westward it is. as though there were an
infinite east wind. But ifthe other wind should prevail
towards the regions of the east, you will in like manner see
the vision veering in that direction.
Jung’s patient was committed in 1903. His vision was in
1906, and the Greek text of the liturgy was first edited in 1910,
These dates were too far apart, Jung thought, for the patient
twhave picked up the theme for his vision from reading on his
‘own or by mind-reading (from Jung). He noted that in certain
medieval paintings the tube is actually shown as a sort of hose,
Teaching down from heaven to Mary, through which the Holy
Ghost descends in the form of a dove. Jung pointed out that,
as is known from the Miracle of Pentacost, the Holy Ghost
‘was originally conceived of as a mighty wind, He concluded,
‘I cannot, therefore, discover anything fortuitous in these42 Sorcery
visions, but simply the revival of possibilities of ideas that
have always existed, that can be found again in the most
diverse minds and in all epochs. . ." We were, perhaps,
correct in assuming that the contents of the human collective
unconscious would be more varied, complex, and colorful
than anything afforded by beavers.
But we need not await the visions of psychotics to descry
these shades wavering on the horizons of mind. Masters and
Houston pioneered the investigation of psychedelic sub-
stances and tiade regular expeditions into the ‘mythic’ mind,
the region of the collective unconscious glimpsed by Jung’s
patient, before governments, in their eternal frights, declared
scientists were neither intelligent nor responsible enough to
experiment with them. Under the influence of psychedelics in
acontrolled environment, their subjects were able to move in
unconscious realms ordinarily closed. Masters and Houston
noted that some of their subjects said (relevant to Jung's
observations) they felt the wind stands to man in a kind of
tuler-tuled or even God-man relationship. They experienced
the wind as ‘God’s breath’ or ‘nature’s exhalations.’ They
continued the parallel by perceiving the sun in a ‘distinctly
antique aspect’ and describing it as a direct life-giving princi-
ple that contains a sense of penetration — thus the phallus.
Some female subjects experienced the sun’s penetration as
sexual and spoke of the sun as a ‘cosmic lover.’
Most of the themes of ancient mythologies visited their
subjects. In over two hundred psychedelic subjects, 67 per-
cent experienced images of ancient Greek, Roman, Meso-
 
cia
|
potamian, Egyptian, and similar religious rites. Only 8 per-
cent experienced imagery of contemporary religions. The
ancient gods and myths, apparently an inheritance, still reside
in the unconscious. Jung called them ‘archetypes’ and ab-
served that they seemed independent, behaving quite as
though they had an intelligence and will of their own, Yet how
are these phenomena to be explained except in the same way
that a beaver builds a dam exactly like those of his ancestors:
when no such dams has existed for centuries?
It would be remarkable if these archaic symbols, myths,
and entities served no purpose whatever except to turk in
remote regions of the mind fer the amusement of psychedelicMinds within minds 43
voyagers, contemplatives, psychotics, and others who have
tumed aside from ‘reality.’ Well, then, what do they do?
We may think of the unconscious as a many-roomed mansion
of meandering corridors where monsters roam, chambers
where hidden things are kept, halls where gods hold revel,
towers where mathematicians meditate, and Freudian hidy-
holes where the jetsam of our personal lives collects. But it
may well be that it is rather a doorway that opens not to rooms
but fo endless space. If, as suggested by physicists such as
Eddington, Schrédinger, and Wigner, the universe is ulti-
mately mental, the unconscious may represent the contact of
our individual minds with the ‘mind-stuff’ composing the
| mniverse. Or it may be, as Costa de Beauregard proposed,
coextensive with the universe.
| The unconscious is described by a variety of terms, often by
"those which suit some narrow concern of the writer. And it is
feferred to so frequently and casually that it has become
| humdrum. It clearly is not. The term ‘unconscious’ as used
| here generally encompasses all the regions of mind that are
| not conscious, including the collective unconscious and the
| mythic mind. But it remains a poor, shop-worn term that
conveys little hint of the majestic worlds ranging beyond
| consciousness. When this uncharted space is referred to
| without restriction, it might be better designated the ‘chtho-
| nic’ mind (a thing, not an un-thing). ‘Chthonic,’ derived from
the Greek for ‘earth,’ refers to the dark, primitive, and
| mysterious, and to the underworld of spirits and gods. It
| seems aptly to characterize the larger, neglected dimensions
| of mind, and its rather bizarre spelling serves as a reminder
| that it does. The term will be used from time to time to
E emphasize that the unconscious spoken of here is far more
| than the banal dustbin of repressed sexual fantasies and
forgotten trivia that finds its way into dinner-table chatter, It
an awful and abyssal deep on which our awareness floats
like a tiny, fragile boat on a voyage to an unknown shore.
| And it is one the sorcerer must learn to navigate.Chapter 3
Thoughts in flesh
A brick curved through the air towards a young coast guards-
man’s head. He saw it coming, in seeming slow motion, but
couldn't dodge and was struck above the left eye. After
recovering consciousness he could not see, But he wasn't
blinded by the brick — at least not in the way one might think.
An examination at the United States Marine Hospital in New
York disclosed no physical reason for his loss of sight. It was
as though he suffered a kind of amnesia for sight alone, that
his unconscious had erased vision but left his sensorium
unaffected. His unconscious, on the other hand, was unim-
paired and hypnotism was able to recover what he saw while
“blind,”
We have observed the immense power of the chthonic
mind over consciousness. And in this chapter we shall see that
its power over the body is no less, beginning with cases suchas
the coast guardsman’s in which the distinctions between
mental and physical symptoms are blurred. His affliction,
hysterical* or conversion blindness, is not a rare curiosity but
a relative commonplace. One large medical clinic, treating
3000 general medical patients a year, found 18 percent of its
patients suffered conversion symptoms.
Everyone is familiar with ‘butterflies in the stomach,’
tension headaches, and similar physical responses to anxiety
‘or stress. Even if anxiety is entirely unconscious, it can still
“Hysteria” is a scientific term for a group of related disorders that includes gone
version reactions, amnesia, fugue states, and multiple personality, The term is
used here only in its scientific sense, which has nothing in common with ifs
popular usage.Thoughts in flesh 45
exert pressure that may escape in physical symptoms - con-
version reactions — which assume many and protean forms,
such as deafness, blindness, seizures, tics, tremors, numb-
hess, or paralysis, But a conversion reaction, converting
anxiety into some symptom or bodily pain, does not involve
physical damage to the body. It is a condition in which the
mind acts on the mind alone and not on the body ~ though it
seems to. In conversion blindness, as in the coast guardsman’s
case, nothing is wrong with the eyes, optic nerve, or brain.
And if the underlying emotional conflict is resolved, dispell-
ing the source of anxiety, sight is restored. Though their
problems are not physical, conversion patients are not pre-
tending; their pains or other symptoms are quite real to them
and may be completely disabling.
Although the psychological causes of conversion reactions,
the ‘dynamics,’ are often complex and obscure, fortunately
for the purposes of illustration, some are transparent. A
young man provided one example when he got a toothache
almost halfway through his wife's first pregnancy when she
was hospitalized for a complication. His dentist failed to find
any reason for it and painkillers had little effect. The tooth-
ache persisted until his wife was discharged from the hospital,
whereupon it vanished. But it returned during her labor and
didn’t cease hurting until the baby was born. A great many
men on the threshold of fatherhood suffer from so-called
couvade symptoms as their wives approach childbirth, and
toothache is a common one. Investigators think that may be
because of a widespread belief that pregnancy affects a
mother’s teeth, as reflected in the old saying, Forevery childa
tooth,
Can the unconscious, however, prevent as well as inflict
pain? A psychotic girl answered that question by calmly
tearing her eyes from their sockets. When a horrified witness
asked if it hurt, she replied: ‘Not at all. They just popped out.’
Shattuck told of a schizophrenic patient who gave an even
more decisive answer by wrapping herself in a blanket and
setting it afire. She was found two hours later sitting con-
tentedly on the floor. The charred bones of her legs were
exposed and severe burns covered her trunk and hands. She
nevertheless spoke pleasantly, asked to be left where she was,46 Sorcery
and discussed philosophically whether the lack of religious
beliefs was a matter of importance in her condition. Repe-
atedly denying that she was in any pain, she remained cheer-
ful and argumentative for half an hour. But when she was
lifted with difficulty from the smoldering floorboards, she
complained of pain in her shoulders - the only unburned part
of her body — and died a few minutes later.
The mind’s ability to eliminate pain is not confined to
strange psychoses, but may become commonplace among
ordinary people in extraordinary situations. While attending
wounded soldiers at Anzio during the Second World War,
Henry Beecher was astonished to find only a quarter of the
severely wounded were sufficiently troubled by pain to ask
for relief. Beecher thought that perhaps it was because: the
war was over for them.
Some people have learned to control the normally uncon-
scious process that suppresses pain, which has permitted a
few chronic pain patients to resume a normal life. C. Norman
Shealy described a concentration technique that enabled 84
percent of these patients to reduce their pain 50 percent or
more, and 20 percent of them achieved total relief after an
average of four weeks, even though most had been invalids.
But not many have learned to harness the pain-suppressing
process as well as Jack Schwarz, which he proves by noncha-
lantly shoving a six-inch sailmaker’s needle through his arm
or the palm of his hand without a twinge. He does not have
hypalgesia, a dangerous medical condition that would make
him impervious to pain, but finds pain as unpleasant as
anyone unless he prevents it. He has demonstrated his envi-
able ability to a number of medical groups and was the subject
of an investigation by Elmer Green at the Menninger Clinic
that we shall look at shortly.
Toy racing cars whiz about their track — accelerating, slowing,
shooting the curves, and crossing. The ‘drivers’ controlling
them sit motionless, watching. Their hands touch nothing.
They are operating the cars with their brain waves alone. That
is one of the more theatrical experiments of biofeedback
research, an area of investigation that has attracted wide-Thoughts in flesh 47
spread attention in recent times and may, at least in part,
explain Jack Schwarz’s abilities.
‘We have seen what a little electricity can do to the brain,
but the brain also produces electricity. And the electrical
activity of its thousands of millions of cells may be detected by
electrodes attached to the head. An electroencephalograph
(EEG) can amplify and record that electrical activity as brain
waves. The ‘drivers’ controlled their cars in the above experi-
ment by producing alpha waves (about ten cycles per second).
The more alpha waves they produced, the faster their cars
moved. Usually, of course, more respectably scientific lights
or tones are used instead of toy racing cars, and a subject
learning to control his alpha waves will recognize his success
when a light goes on. The light translates the task of controll-
ing brain waves of which he is unconscious into a task of which
he is conscious. The subject learns, somehow, to keep the
light on for longer and longer periods; that is, he learns to
produce alpha waves. But he is no more aware of how he does
it than of how he moves his finger. He just does it. Conscious-
ness supplies the goal; the unconscious performs the work,
which it alone knows how to do. In a similar way the many
involuntary processes of the body - such as heartbeat, blood
pressure, temperature, and the electrical activity of the skin -
can be revealed to consciousness by physiological monitoring
instruments and to some extent brought under conscious
control.
One of the most astonishing discoveries of this research is
that the mind can control a single cell among the sixty million
millions composing the body. And the stimulation of a single
cell can bring about large-scale effects. Yeta single cell in the
human body is as seemingly anonymous as a grain of sand ona
beach; consciousness does not know where it is or even what
it looks like. But the unconscious does. And Barbara Brown,
physiologist and dean of biofeedback research, commented
on what that entails:
The microsystems that are necessary both to conduct and
not to conduct a nerve impulse are biochemical in nature. If
an individual activates one cell at will, then heis also
affecting the internal chemistry of the cell at the same time.48 Sorcery
More remarkably, he is simultaneously turning off the
electrochemistry of tens of hundreds of other cells which
must be suppressed in the process of isolating a single cell
for activation.
If that ability were fully realized, she noted, even genetic
engineering could, in theory, be brought about solely by
mental control. That is, the mind could manipulate the stuff
of life itself and, among other things, direct the course of
evolution. Perhaps it already has.
The pinpoint accuracy with which the mind can influence a
single cell and its chemistry has provocative implications for
medicine. Brown added:
The fact that many and diverse cellular processes are
involved in bio-feedback hint another future for its ability
tocontrol complex patterns of body activities effectively,
one that may one day be used to control one’s own
endocrine or metabolic life. Perhaps never to grow old or
infirm.
That a prominent, knowledgeable and serious, if enthusias-
tic, scientist suggests that we have stumbled on the key to
eradicating disease and aging - the attainment of physical
immortality~ must be one of the more arresting news items of
recent times. But we shail see ample evidence that her
speculations are not as overweening as they may at first
appear,
Biofeedback is in its infancy, but it has already been used
to treat more than fifty major ills of the mind and body as
successfully as, if not more successfully than, conventional
treatments. The ailments that respond to biofeedback ther-
apy range over the spectrum of those that people suffer,
emotional and physical. ‘The trick in biofeedback is to get the
consciousness out of the picture,’ Brown said. ‘Let the in-
formation pour in, arid {et whatever mental giant resides in
the great unconscious use that information to put our body's
activities aright without our conscious interference.’ Brown
added, ‘The patient, with some latent capacity of his mental
Processes, possesses the magical therapeutic powers to rid theThoughts in flesh 49
body of the excesses of inappropriate reactions or misdirected
physiology.’ We shall see much more of this ‘mental giant.’
The victim of a conversion reaction feels ill because of
underlying psychological stress, but his body remains physi-
cally undamaged. Although biofeedback readily demons-
trates that the mind can physically affect the body, that was
recognized in ancient times and discussed by Galen in the
second century. Any illness, we now know, may have a
number of contributory components: allergens, germs or
viruses, genetic predisposition, and psychological stress. And
illness in which the body is physically affected and the psycho-
logical component is paramount, its principal or exclusive
cause, is called ‘psychosomatic.’ As time passes, an ever-
widening number of human ills are being acknowledged as
either psychosomatic or involving marked psychosomatic
elements — including cancer. Unlike conversion reactions,
psychosomatic illness can ravage the body and kill.
Illnesses of psychological origin are common; so common
that in the aggregate they surpass in frequency those arising
from all other causes combined. In one representative study
of a thousand patients referred to the diagnostic clinic at
Mount Sinai Hospital in New York, investigators found that
81 percent had emotional problems as the bases of their
complaints and that 69 percent had no physical problems at
all. About the same percentage will be found in the typical
family doctor's waiting room.
When the pressure is great enough, something must give.
In one famous experiment nine women sought help for
habitual abortion (a condition, often psychosomatic, in which.
a woman has had at least three miscarriages without ever
having gone to term). They were ‘forced’ to carry their babies
to term by an operation to prevent cervical dilation. But as
their pregnancies progressed, three became sufficiently dis-
turbed to enter psychotherapy. They were the lucky ones,
After delivery five of the remaining six women became
psychatic. Deprived of their accustomed psychosomatic re-
lease, miscarriage, their minds caved in. These women con-
sciously wanted children and were willing to try anything to
have them. But their unconscious minds did not agree.50 Sorcery
Because it is so often a source of anxiety, one would
ruefully expect sexual functioning to be a favorite target of
psychosomatic nastiness. And so it is. Menstrual problems
are generally psychosomatic, as are frigidity, impotence, and
so many others that we can be surprised at the birth rate - if
not the divorce rate.
Men have fewer sexual functions to disrupt than women,
but those they have the psyche strikes with a vengeance.
Impotence is psychogenic 95 percent of the time, and certain-
ly most men who have survived adolescence know the devilry
inarestive mind. Butit is somewhat surprising that sterility is
frequently psychogenic as well. Palti of Hadassah University
said there is litile doubt that male sterility may result from
emotional stress acting on sperm production and cited the
case of Chris. Chris was a mild-mannered, diffident man
without sexual experience before his marriage. He wanted
children but failed to have any after seven years of regular
sexual relations. Why? Chris's physician found that his sperm
‘was normal during or just after his wife's menses — when it is
well known that women are usually infertile and fusty couples
eschew sex anyway. But two weeks later, when she
approached a fertile period, Chris produced semen without
living sperm. One must be impressed with the knowledge,
cunning, and economy of effort displayed by the unconscious
in doing precisely what is needed at the exact time to achieve
its goal, and no more.
The feminine psyche is no less cunning. We saw that a
woman’s unconscious could produce abortion if it objected to
children, but it can also clamp the Fallopian tubes closed
during ovulation to prevent the egg’s fertilization in the first
place, Other women may unconsciously avoid pregnancy by
becoming ill or (actually) very tired at their fertile times. Still
others will simply fail to ovulate at all. The frequent occurr-
ence and perversity of psychogenic sterility is revealed by how
commonly the wife of a childless couple becomes pregnant as
soon as they adopt a child.
Illnesses are not always what they seem. Nor are accidents.
One of the leading investigators of psychosomatic illness,
HF. Dunbar, needed a group of patients with other problems
to use as controls in her research. Because Dunbar assumedThoughts in flesh 51
that anyone could break a bone, she began to select fracture
patients as controls, But she was surprised to find they
averaged four serious accidents each with, in many instances,
the same arm or leg broken repeatedly. The accidents, then,
were not just accidents. Dunbar had in fact uncovered a new
psychogenic ‘illness,’ accident proneness — and one of the
most lethal. People killed in accidents, Dunbar found, had
usually worked up to the fatal injury through several lesser
ones. Accident proneness has since been identified by many
investigators as one of the most clearly defined as well as
deadly psychogenic disorders.
The skin is unusually vuinerable to emotional stress, and even
baldness may be a psychosomatic symptom in some cases.
The victim may lose hair in patches or become totally bald,
losing even his eyebrows. Lubowe and Cohen noted that a
sudden shock often precedes the condition, such as the loss of
a loved one, an accident, or a financial reverse. A large
number of other skin problems are frequently psychosomatic:
pruritus, eczema, psoriasis, and neurodermatitis are among
the more common. But’some are decidedly odd.
One such oddity is painful spontaneous bruising. It usually
affects women and is signaled by a sudden pain in some part of
the body. A lump appears and then discoloration as blood
tises to the surface. Sometimes the victim bleeds through the
skin; it does not generally break, but the blood seems to ooze
up through the hair follicles. And the resulting bruises may be
guite large and even disabling.
Again the cause — if not the how — is often clear. One
woman suffered spontaneous bruising on the back of her
hand after she had stifled an impulse to hit someone who was
irritating her. As she walked away she felt a burning sensation
and saw the back of her hand turning black. A second bruising
occurred when she was about to scold her son for a careless
accident. When she saw him covered with bandages, howev-
er, she become tense and was stung by a burning sensation on
the back of her leg. A red lump slowly developed into a huge
black-and-blue mark that required her hospitalization.
Obermayer cited the more dramatic experience of the
sister of a soldier condemned to run the gantlet; that is, to52 Sorcery
run stripped to the waist between lines of soldiers ordered to
strike him on the back.
At the hour assigned for the punishment she felt, when at
home with her family, the sensation of the wounds her
brother was receiving. In an ecstatic state, moaning and
groaning, she fainted and was placed in bed. It was.
discovered that she bled from wound-like lesions on her
back.
If a lash swung in the mind leaves stripes on the back,
dream figures may be dangerous. So a man discovered after
he heard his mentally ill daughter crying out. Entering her
room, he found her struggling in seeming terror, though still
fast asleep, Later she called for her sister as blood streamed
from her right eye and ear. She was fully awake but had no
idea why she was bleeding. Mitchell, who was studying her
illness (multiple personality), hypnotized her and she was
then able to remember that during the night a ‘nasty man’ had
attacked her and hit her on the head with a hammer.
Here we can see the existence of bodily processes that can
account for stigmata. John Evelyn in the seventeenth century
reported on aserving maid who fell into a convulsive fit. After
the maid revived, Evelyn saw that her arm was ‘poudred with
red Crosses, set in most exact & wonderfull order.’ These
slowly faded but were replaced by sets of other crosses, and
always in a uniform pattern, But generally stigmata reveal
their religious nature more directly and mimic the wounds of
Christ on the cross. Theologians, incidentally, do not usually
suppose there is anything miraculous about it.
More than three hundred stigmatics have been recorded
over the centuries, but except for St Francis, there are only
three reliable reports of men among them - ail in the present
century. Padre Pio was perhaps the most famous. His wounds
appeared during prayer in the second decade of this century.
The thirty-four-year-old friar suddenly cried out and fell
senseless to the floor, bleeding from his hands, feet, and side.
A physician reported that the lesions on his hands were
covered with a fine, pink membrane — without fissures,
swelling, or inflamation - that exuded nearly a glassful of
blood and water daily. Stigmatics typically bleed during theThoughts in flesh 53
Easter period (and the stigmata are consequently called the
‘Easter bleeding syndrome’ at times), but Padre Pio’s wounds
never disappeared and bled copiously while he celebrated
Mass. Although many stigmatics have shown unquestioned
signs of having suffered hysterical disorders at some time in
their lives, Padre Pio apparently did not — but a curious event
in his earlier life is suggestive. As a novice at Benevento he
occasionally ran a very high fever and special measurements
found his blood temperature at 112°F
The Easter bleeding syndromes not restricted to the clergy
or Catholics. Cloretta Robertson, a ten-year-old Protestant
girl in Oakland, California, became stigmatic over a
nineteen-day period before Easter in 1972. Early and Lifs-
chultz investigated and found that blood appeared on her
palms, feet, right side, and chest. There was no damage to the
skin. Cloretta’s stigmata appeared to have been precipitated
by a television film of the Crucifixion she saw four days before
the blood flowed. Here, beyond quibbling, is one instance of
television’s having influenced a child.
If the mind can cause bleeding, then it should be able to
staunch it. Jack Schwarz, who painlessly shoves huge needles
through his arms, is luckily one of those with such a mind. As
Schwarz began the first trial with a needle during his demon-
stration at the Menninger Clinic, Green asked, ‘Will it
bleed?’ It bled for about fifteen seconds, ‘Now it stops,’ said
Schwarz, and it stopped. Green than asked him to prevent
bleeding on the next trial. Schwarz complied and even though
the needle passed through a small vein he didn’t bleed when it
was removed. The wounds closed as Schwarz withdrew the
needle, leaving two small red spots and no detectable bleed-
ing beneath the skin. The puncture site was not discolored the
next day and in twenty-four hours one of the holes had
disappeared. In seventy-two hours both had vanished.
Although Schwarz has skewered himself hundreds of times,
his skin remains smooth and unblemished.
Schwarz demonstrated control not onty of pain and bleed-
ing but also of infection. The needles he uses receive no
special attention, occasionally fall to the floor, and are often
dirty — sometimes deliberately so - but his wounds do not
become infected. ‘Infection is not possible,’ Schwarz said,54 Sorcery
‘because my mind will not allow it.’ Pharmaceutical com-
panies would fall on evil days if his abilities were more
common: he need not spend money on Band-Aids, aspirin,
antiseptics, or antibiotics - the mainstays of medical con-
sumerism. It is possible, however, for others to learn the
trick.
As the needle penetrates his flesh, Schwarz’s brain waves
immediately slow to an alpha rhythm. Is that the mechanism?
If so, others may learn to duplicate Schwarz’s feats through
biofeedback training. With that hypothesis in mind, Pelletier
found a subject who already had excellent control over
autonomic functions. And after training in the production of
alpha waves, he too was able to pierce his biceps with a stout
needle without pain or bleeding.
The extraordinary swiftness with which his wounds heal
indicates that Schwarz has gone beyond the elimination of
pain, bleeding and infection. The control he evinces over his
body’s tissues also appears to confer a degree of immunity to
fire. He may not be able to relax ia a furnace like Schadrach,
but he is able to press burning cigarette to his skin for as long
as twenty seconds without harm. Green reported that
Schwarz plunged his hands into a large brazier of burning
coals and picked up a double handful which he carried about
the room. When the coals were dumped on newspapers, the
papers burst into flames. But Schwarz’s hands, examined
before and after the demonstration, bore no marks of the fire.
As with the soldiers at Anzio, unexceptional people in
exceptional situations sometimes manifest these queer ta-
lents. Berthold Schwarz, a psychiatrist, observed members of
the Free Pentacostal Holiness Church when ‘saints’ of the
church in a religious frenzy, underwent ordeals by fire,
strychnine, and poisonous snakes. Schwarz witnessed a ‘saint’
who ‘turned to a coal fire of an hour’s duration, picked up a
flaming “stone-coal” the size of a hen’s egg and held it in the
palms of his hands for sixty-five seconds while he walked
among the congregation.’ Schwarz, bravely using himself as a
control, could not touch a piece of the burning coal for even
less than a second without being blistered.
The control of bleeding and infection, and the rapid healingThoughts in flesh $5
of wourids, suggest the chthonic mind may have powers to
heal noless than to kill and maim. It does, and that can be seen
to occur routinely in the use of placebos. A placebo (meaning
‘shall please’ in Latin) is a sugar pill or some pharmacologi-
cally inert substance incapable of producing an effect by
chemical or biological means. Nevertheless, it has long been
known that a placebo could sometimes cure even intractable
illnesses — the ‘placebo effect’ — and it remains one of the most
potent ‘drugs’ in the pharmacopeia. Physicians of the
nineteenth and earlier centuries did achieve cures with their
nostrums and leeches, but only because of the placebo effect.
Medicine had little else for thousands of years; with few
exceptions, drugs were either pharmacologically worthless or
injurious,
Because any drug, even a real one, can produce the placebo
effect, a clinician testing a new drug will give half his subjects
the experimental drug and the other half a placebo of identic-
al appearance, Today these experiments are usually con-
ducted ‘double-blind,’ a procedure in which the observers do
not know which subjects received the drug and the subjects
do not know that some of them have been given placebos.
That way the experimenter hopes to equalize all the nonspeci-
fic elements of the study, such as the added attention and the
desire to please the doctor. The only presumed difference
between the two groups of subjects is the presence or absence
of the trial drug.
In a study of Mephenesin’s effect on anxiety, for example,
the drug was found to produce such adverse reactions as
nausea, palpitations, and dizziness. Were these merely the
expected unpleasant side effects? A placebo was substituted
for the drug and it produced identical reactions in an identical
percentage of doses. One patient developed a rash after
taking the placebos that disappeared immediately after he
stopped taking them. And another actually collapsed in
anaphylactic shock when she later took the real drug.
Placebos are perhaps best known for relieving pain, a job
they do rather well. Over two decades ago Henry Beecher, a
Harvard anesthetist, reviewed fifteen clinical studies and con-
cluded that placebos reduced severe pain by half in 35 percent
of over a thousand patients. Evans reviewed eleven double-56 Sorcery
blind studies published since Beecher’s report and also found
that placebos reduced severe pain in about the same percen-
tage of nearly a thousand patients. A placebo, then, cuts pain
in half for about one person in three. And what Jack Schwarz
does can be unwittingly duplicated, in part, by others who
simply swallow a large purple placebo,
Placebo analgesics perform well when it is considered that
even the most powerful analgesic does not necessarily elimin-
ate pain, but may merely succeed in reducing it to tolerable
Jevels for some and not at all for others. Three patients out of
twelve typically gain no relief from anything. Neither a
placebo nor a standard dose of morphine helps these unfor-
tunates. Five of the twelve will greatly benefit from morphine
but little or not at all from a placebo. The remaining four —
one third of the patients —will have their pain reduced equally
well by either morphine or a placebo, The placebo respon-
ders, moreover, have a strong advantage when they take
other painkillers because they are more responsive to them.
‘One study found that a standard dose of morphine was only
54 percent effective for patients insensitive to placebos, but
95 percent effective for placebo responders. Here we see that
the placebo effect may accompany and augment the pharma-
cological action of a ‘real’ drug.
Evans found that a placebo is 56 percent as effective as
morphine. But amazingly, he discovered that it is also 54
percent as effective as Darvon and 54 percent as effective as
aspirin—though the drugs vary greatly in potency. Thatis, the
degree of relief obtained from a placebos a stable percentage
of the relief expected from a specific dose of some comparison
drug ~ regardless of what that drug is. How does a placebo
know which is which?
The efficacy of a placebo, then, is directly proportional to
the apparent efficacy of the active drug the physician thinks
he is using. When he assumes the drug is strong, the placebo
effect is strong; when he thinks it is mild, the placebo effect is
also mild. That is a singular result and one difficult to recon-
cile with the way we think our world operates. We shall return
to it later.
Most investigators have assumed that a placebo is a form of
suggestion. Evans disagreed. He emphasized that carefulThoughts in flesh 57
studies have failed to find any relation between suggestibility
and sensitivity to placebos, though of course he acknow-
ledged the importance of suggestion in making a placebo
more efficacious, A placebo pill, we know, should taste
slightly bitter; it also works better if it is large and purple or
brown, or small and red or yellow. Two work better than one
and a placebo injection is usually more effective than a pill or
capsule. When hypodermic needles were introduced about a
century ago, physicians noticed that injections of plain water
appeared to control pain as well as morphine. Yet after an
initia) burst of excitement the novelty wore off and the
procedure became little more effective than other placebos.
But not all placebo needles are hypodermic. Stephen Berk
and his associates performed an experiment with forty two.
sufferers of tendonitis or bursitis of the shoulder. All the
subjects thought they were receiving orthodox acupuncture
treatment, but only half did; the other half were given a
placebo treatment (the needles weren’t stuck in the right
places). The investigators found that nearly 70 percent of all
subjects reported some relief, and the placebo group im-
proved as much as the acupuncture group. They also found
that neither the subjects’ conscious beliefs nor expectations
before treatment had any effect on the outcome. Their results
also confirmed Evans’s findings in showing no relation be-
tween improvement and tests of suggestibility given before
the experiment.
A ‘new’ placebo, as any new drug, seems to be affected by
the well-known decline effect. Trousseau said in 1833, “You
should treat as many patients as possible with the new drugs,
while they still have the power to heal.’ Though he didn’t
know it, Trousseau was actually speaking of placebos, since
with two or three exceptions no drugs in 1833 had the power
to heal any other way. But genuine drugs and procedures also
tend to be the most successful, sometimes fantastically so, in
their earliest trials and in the hands of their discoverers.
Later, as others explore their use, their potency declines until
it reaches some stable leve] or the drugs are abandoned.
A heartbreaking example of that is found in the work of
William Coley. In 1894 he reported curing cancer patients
with injections of Streptococcus erysipelatus. And for the next58 Sorcery
forty-five years Coley and physicians associated with him
cured almost half of over eight hundred patients with proved
cancers. But others did not obtain his results, and after his
death in 1936 his therapy disappeared. If his therapy was a
placebo, he showed that a placebo can cure 50 percent of
cancer patients in the right hands. If it was a ‘real’ treatment
that was simply eroded by the decline effect, we are still
troubled by a mystery. Yet it may be that the placebo effect
can combine in some unguessed-at synergistic way with ‘real’
medicines to produce results not otherwise obtainable.
The placebo effect is not limited to pills and injections, of
course, but can be seen ina variety of procedures. Dr Perkins,
an American physician practicing in London during the late
1700s, introduced what he called ‘metallic tractors.’ Used in
pairs, metallic tractors were two small pieces of magnetized
metal that were moved gently about the afflicted part of the
body to cure most of the ailments known to man. That the
tractors cured could not be doubted, but Dr Haygarth, an
eminent physician of Bath, suspected the cures were effected
by the power of ‘imagination.’ Anticipating methods of future
centuries, he and Dr Falconer made wooden tractors, which
they painted to resemble the steel ones, and used them to
treat patients. The fake was exposed. Haygarth discovered
that wooden tractors would permit the crippled to walk just as.
well as those of steel. And the tractors were laughed out of
England.
Science triumphed. Those who had been freed of pain and
disease were now compelled to return to their suffering.
Medicine had committed itself to the principle that legitimate
cures could result only from the knife or chemicals or leeches,
and those who could not be cured by these were honor bound
‘to suffer. The astonishing power of ‘imagination’ to heal wasa
signal for neither its deliberate use nor investigation. And it
remains largely neglected today.
A few enlightened physicians now and then made detiber-
ate use of the placebo effect. One amusing case of centuries
past was told by Dean Granville. A man in Provence, France,
was depressed and convinced that he was possessed by a devil
(an illness that seems to be recovering popularity). His canny
doctor visited him in the company of a priest and a surgeonThoughts in flesh 59
and a bat in a bag. The doctor explained to his patient that a
slight operation would cure him, Prayers were said and the
surgeon made a small incision in the man’s side, Then the
doctor having held the bat in readiness as the incision was
made, released it to flutter about the room and cried out,
‘Behold, there the divel is gon.’ The man was cured. The
same man in the hands of a psychologist or psychiatrist
nowadays would undergo lengthy, expensive treatment and,
as likely as not, would still be annoyed by his devil.
It must not be supposed that placebos are effective only
against pain, ‘imaginary’ illnesses, or disorders pigeonholed
as entirely or predominantly psychosomatic. Shapiro wrote
that ‘placebos can have profound effects on organic illness,
including incurable malignancies,’ Steven Black told of an
African with skin cancer, definitely diagnosed by biopsy at
the Lagos General Hospital, who was cured by a witch
doctor’s Gintment. The ointment was sent to Londen for
analysis and found to contain nothing but soap and wood ash.
Whatever spells the witch doctor may have mumbled over it,
of course, did not emerge in the analysis,
We have witch doctors in the West too. Bruno Klopfer
reported the case of Mr Wright who suffered a general-
ized and far advanced malignancy, lymphosarcoma, that
resisted all treatment. Mr Wright had huge tumors the size
of oranges lodged in his neck, armpits, groin, chest, and
abdomen. His spleen and liver were also enormously enlarged,
and several liters of fluid had to be drained from his chest
every other day. Mr Wright was often on oxygen and, in his
physician's opinion, would soon die, probably within two
weeks.
Mr Wright had not lost hope, however, although his physi-
cian had none. The newspapers had reported a new cancer
drug (Krebiozen), and he heard that the clinic treating him
was one of the facilities chosen by the American Medical
Association for its evaluation. But Mr Wright was too near
death to be included in the experimental group. New drugs,
after all, are seldom tested on the hopeless. Nevertheless,
avhen the drug arrived Mr Wright was so insistent in pleading
for his ‘golden opportunity’ that his physician, Philip West,
did not have the heart to exclude him - though he acted60 Sorcery
against his own judgment and the rules of the evaluation
committee.
Mr Wright received his first injection on Friday. Dr West
did not see him until the following Monday, when he ex-
pected him to be moribund or dead. But on Monday he was
pleasantly shocked to see Mr Wright ambling cheerfully
about the ward. The excited physician rushed te examine the
other patients who had received their injections at the same
time. His hopes crashed. They were either unchanged or had
changed for the worse. For Mr Wright, on the other hand, the
tumors ‘had melted like snow balls on a hot stove’ and were
now half their original size. Mr Wright was given his subse-
quent injections by the puzzled physician and within ten days
was discharged from the hospital with little sign of disease.
No longer in need of oxygen, be was breathing normally
and took off in his airplane to fly at twelve thousand feet
without discomfort, an altitude at which oxygen is recom-
mended,
Mr Wright, obviously no bumpkin, continued to follow the
medical news and became alarmed when it began to appear
that his life-saving drug was worthless. As the dismal reports
persisted, he relapsed into his original condition and returned
to the hospital to die.
Dr West, who also knew the drug was ineffective, decided
he had an opportunity to perform an important experiment,
one that could not hurt and might possibly help his patient.
He now knew that Mr Wright was a splendid placebo reactor,
for he knew that what was essentially a placebo had previous-
ly cured him, He told Mr Wright not to believe the newspap-
ers, an easy matter for a man of his evident intelligence,
because the drug was in fact very promising. When his patient
asked why, then, he had relapsed, Dr West told him the drug
deteriorated on standing, but a new ‘super-refined, double-
strength product’ would be delivered the following day. Mr
Wright's gloom vanished. The next day he was given his
promised injection, but now it was plain water. West reported
that his patient’s recovery from the second ‘terminal’ condi-
tion was even more dramatic than the first. The tumors
evaporated and, glowing with health, he resumed flying. And
Philip West had shown his colleagues they should try aThoughts in flesh 61
‘super-refined, double-strength product’ on their hopeless
patients — some of them might be Mr Wrights.
Again Mr Wright was symptom-free for over two months.
Then the American Medical Association announced to the
press that the drug he had taken, and thought he had taken,
was useless in the treatment of cancer. Within a few days of
that dreadful news Mr Wright was readmitted to the hospital
where he died in less than two days. Had he not been so fond
of reading, he might be alive still, And perhaps cancer has
been so remorselessly fatal because we have believed it is.
Mr Wright’s belief seemed to affect his disease. But what of
the physician’s? Francis Bacon in his Sylva Sylvarum (1626)
described how to heal a sick gentleman by faith:
First pick out one of his servants who is naturally very
credulous; while the gentleman is asleep, hand the servant
some harmless concoction and tell him that it will cure his
master in a certain space of time. The [energies] of the
servant, made receptive by hiscomplete faith in your
medical powers, will be powerfully stamped with the image
of this future cure; they will flow out and similarly stamp the
[energies] of his master, also in a state of receptivity
because he is asleep.
Bacon not only recognized the efficacy of a placebo, but also
the rather surprising circumstance that it’s the healer’s belief
that is important (the ‘healer’ being the one who actually
administers the medicine), We saw that when a physician
thought he was using a powerful drug, but unknowingly used
a placebo, he got a powerful effect — regardless of what his
patient thought, But if the physician thought he was using a
weak drug, he got a weak effect. The physician as an indi-
vidual determines what a placebo will do, and different
physicians may even get contradictory results. Bernard Grad
of McGill University wrote of two investigators who mea-
sured the gastric secretions of healthy people in response to
an oral placebo. The first as consistently got a 12 percent
increase in gastric acidity as the second did an 18 percent
decrease.
Grad said that ‘the first person who must have faith is the
physician or healer, and this is more important than the62 Sorcery
patient having the same faith.’ A striking example of that was
provided by a physician conducting experiments with a severe
asthmatic. He found that a certain new drug was helpful but a
placebo was not. Unknown to him, however, the drug com-
pany had substituted a placebo for the active drug. Both
‘drugs’ were placebos, yet the only one that worked was the
one the physician thought was genuine. The positive results
he secured, then, were entirely a consequence of his own
belief and not the patient’s.
There are thus two placebo effects: The first is exogenous,
arising from the healer; we have met it earlier as the Pygma-
lion effect, the effect that leads to an experiment’s turning out
as the experimenter expected. The second is endogenous,
arising from the patient’s belief or expectation. Of course the
two effects may be often difficult to separate in practice, since
they usually work together, but they are different and the
distinction will prove useful.
A physician may deliberately use a placebo, knowing it to
be a placebo, and obtain cures — if he believes that a placebo
can cure, as did Philip West or Granville’s doctor with a bat in
a bag. Or if the physician feels his belief is unsteady, he may
follow Bacon's advice and have his potion administered by
someone who does not doubt its effectiveness. Of course a
physician may enlist the aid of others in awakening the
placebo effect even when he knows quite well a placebo will
cure. Hippolyte Bernheim, a noted French physician of Nan-
cy, placed a bottle of water in full view in the room where he
received patients. After examining the children brought to
him, he pointed out the bottle to their mothers and told them
it was a potent remedy that would certainly heal their chil-
dren. And he took care to keep them in the room for some
time to create a general atmosphere of belief in the medicine.
He gave details of twenty-six cases of children with various
infantile maladies, varying in age from nineteen days to
thirty-three months, except for one child age five. In several
cases ordinary medical treatment had failed. But Bernheim
had only one failure; nineteen were cured and six improved.
In three suffering eye problems he had them bathe their
eyelids with the water as well as take it internally. We are not
likely to think a nineteen-day-old infant is susceptible toThoughts in flesh 63
verbal suggestion or, for similar reasons the (endogenous)
placebo effect. Most of the children, then, must have re-
sponded to the Pygmalion effect originating primarily with
their parents who had been primed by Bernheim.
Physicians, we see, are clearly not the only ones who may
elicit the Pygmalion effect. And it is reasonable to suppose
the effect may flow from all those about the patient - which
intimates that nurses should be more effective when they
question neither the omnipotence of physicians nor the infal-
ibility of chemistry. Perhaps we err in educating them.
‘Faith’ and ‘belief,’ by the way, have no religious connota-
tions as used here. Preachers, priests, holy men, holy wells,
holy shrines and images, prayers, relics, and ‘special agents of
God’ have undoubtedly produced genuine cures - even of
grave illnesses, Yet those who profess to worship an almighty
God should find a hint of blasphemy in the notion that these
cures are obtained through his intervention. An almighty
God could quite as easily restore severed heads or missing
eyes as he could cure asthma. That does not appear to happen
(which is not to say that it could not). So if a patientis cured by
water from a ‘holy’ well or a big purple pill, we shal! assume
that God does not particularly sanction either and that the
Pygmalion and placebo effects are active in both instances.
The placebo meets all the criteria of a true wonder drug and
has proved effective in all the ills of mankind. And it may
conceal the germ of a panacea. Unfortunately it is erratic,
working for some patients some of the time, and for some
physicians some of the time, but not for others. Still, if it
works at all, it should be possible to make it work better and
more predictably. Despite its medical potential, however, the
placebo has not stirred up much scientific interest and its
boundaries remain unsurveyed. Perhaps it is ignored because
it insults the spirit of chemistry pervading medicine, or
perhaps because its active ingredient seems to lie in some
paranormal gloaming. And, obviously, there is little profit in
sugar pills. But the principal reason is no doubt that such an
investigation is not an investigation of a pill at all, but of the
chthonic mind.
Ifa placebo heals, it can also kill. The coroner of the City of64 Sorcery
Baltimore, R.S. Fisher, remarked that people died every year
of absurd suicidal gestures — merely scratching their skin, for
example, or taking a few aspirin tablets. And Wolf noted the
similar marvel that 85 percent of the people who die of snake
bite do not have enough venom in their blood to kill them.
These people appear to die because they expect to.
A lethal placebo may also tick away like a time bomb.
Cannon told of a young African who unknowingly break-
fasted on wild hen while staying with a friend. Several years
later when his friend asked him if he would eat wild hen, the
other answered that he couldn’t because it was taboo. His
‘friend’ laughed and pointed out that he had eaten it before
while at his home. On hearing that he began to tremble and
died within twenty-four hours.
As with other placebos, the lethal ones need not be some-
thing taken internally, Carl Schleich saw a patient who was in
a very confused state and wanted Schleich to amputate his
arm. After pricking it with a pen, he became obsessed with
the fear that he would die of blood poisoning if his arm wasn’t
removed straight away. Several surgeons had already re-
fused, as Schleich was of course compelled to do. The pa-
tient’s wound was trivial, but he could not be convinced that it
was. And when he died the following morning an autopsy
revealed no cause.
A placebo of any description obviously neither heals nor kills
by its own virtue; that is an act of the chthonic mind. A
placebo is merely a method, a simulacrum of ordinary medi-
cine, toinveigle the chthonic mind into bestowing a favor. Itis
simply the medical version of a broad range of things, includ-
ing holy wells, that can stimulate the mind to act on the body.
Alexis Carrel, Nobel laureate in medicine, accompanied a
group of patients to Lourdes in the carly 1900s. Among them
was Marie Bailly, a young woman in the final stages of
tubercular peritonitis, a diagnosis confirmed by two other
physicians, Tubercular lesions riddled her lungs and skin; the
infection had spread to the lining of the body cavity and
Carrel expected her to die at any moment, certainly within a
day or two. Yet when she was taken to the Grotto, he
observed an extraordinary transformation. Her pulse andThoughts in flesh 65
breathing rapidly returned to normal; her distended abdo-
men began shrinking to its normal size, and color tinged her
livid, emaciated face. That evening he examined her thor-
oughly in the presence of three other physicians. There was
no doubt about it. She was completely cured.
These events have prompted a few bold physicians, such as
Carl Simonton, to seek more reliable ways to coerce the mind
into healing. He has his cancer patients go through a medita-
tion and self-healing ‘ritual’ three times a day. They relax,
then visualize their cancer and the action of the body's
defense mechanisms. Simonton said histecovery rate is statis-
tically much higher than would result from radiation therapy
alone. He described the case of a man, age sixty-one, with
extensive cancer of the throat who had been given a 5 percent
chance of recovery. The man’s weight had plunged to
seventy-five pounds and he couldn’t take solid food. But with
meditation therapy he recovered. Understandably enthusias-
tic about the technique, he then used it on his arthritis - to
eliminate that as well. Sex was next. After suffering impo-
tence for many years he resumed regular sexual intercourse
following only ten days of Simonton’s meditation therapy. A
veritable ¢lixir of life, at least for him. It would be interesting
to know what he meditated on afterwards.Chapter 4
 
Perceptive trances
School in the Philippines can be as dull as elsewhere and
boredom is always an incitement to pranks. A boy yawned
and decided to break the buzzing monotony with a shrill,
abrupt shout. Moments later the teacher, a young woman,
began undressing before her pupils. The rascal who had
shouted was now slowly unbuttoning his shirt, deliberately
and with mischief aforethought. And the teacher was imitat-
ing him — but not willingly. Like a number of Filipinos, she
was subject to data, a trance state brought on by a startling
sound in which susceptible people will compulsively imitate
actions they see or words they hear. That reaction to startle is
sufficiently widespread in the Philippines for the headhunters
of Luzon to have turned it to practical use. They developed
sharp, piercing cries to startle their victims into a brief
paralysis that made gathering trophies a less hazardous sport.
The two previous chapters set forth evidence that a per-
san’s unconscious can affect his body and conscious mind in
innumerable ways. It has the ability to cure, though whimsi-
cally, everything from impotence to cancer, or it may cause
blindness, sterility, bald heads, or death, And in addition to
composing poems and solving problems, it can create delu-
sions, hallucinations, and false memories - or sweep the
conscious personality from the body and install another in its
place.
In this chapter, with Jara pointing the way, we shall look at
one of the most potent means for one person to sway that
‘mental giant’ residing in the unconscious of another, the
sorcerer’s ally that is indifferent to the human race.Perceptive trances 67
Spontaneous trance states of heightened suggestibility are
common among many primitive peoples throughout the
world. But they are not confined to remote countries or
obscure tribes; we perceive in /ata the characteristics of
hypnosis, which were known to the civilized nations of anti-
quity. Atleast one ancient Egyptian papyrus exists, stemming
from early dynastic times, that describes recognizable hypno-
tic induction procedures, And Thelma Moss, a University of
California psychologist, reported the remarkable hypnotic
powers of a Peruvian Indian, an inheritor of an ancient
tradition, who ‘felled a Ph. D. anthropologist to the floor like
a rag doll’ without a word or gesture, but with his cyes alone.
Yet whatever knowledge of hypnosis existed in the West
vanished until rediscovered by Mesmer in the late eighteenth
century.
Mesmer had a very limited understanding of the trances he:
produced, but he practiced the rudiments of hypnotism with a
rococo showmanship that attracted wide attention. Mesmer,
a physician, developed his technique to treat illness and,
probably because it was successful, it naturally incited an
acrimonious and determined attack by his colleagues, The
establishment, preoccupied with the science of leechcraft,
knew that mesmerism was a humbug. And a governmental
commission ‘investigated’ the phenomenon to report in 1784
that it was all ‘imagination’ — just as with the metallic tractors.
That was not an explanation, of course, but an effort to
explain it away. The same commission, by the way, had two
years previously announced that meteors were impossible
because there were no stones in the sky. But whether or not it
was imagination, Mesmer’s ‘animal magnetism,’ continued to
cure,
The Marquis de Puységur became fascinated with the
reports of these cures and persuaded Mesmer, for a consid-
eration, to teach him how they were accomplished. Puységur
was then delighted to find he was able to relieve several of his
servants of toothaches. He was attempting to treat another
servant, twenty-three-year-old Victor Race, for a mild case of
pleurisy and was making the required passes with his hands
when, to his surprise, Victor fell into what appeared to be a
deep sleep. But it was a sleep of no ordinary kind ~ Victor68 Sorcery
began talking. And that was the first reported occurrence in
the West of induced somnambulism. * The strange condition
captured Puységur's interest and he began its exploration.
Puységur probably deserves the credit for introducing hyp-
notism to the West. And by 1825 he and the other early
magnetizers had discovered most of the phenomena of what is
now hypnosis. Clark Hull noted that nothing new of any
importance has been discovered since. Puys¢gur borrowed
from Mesmer and called it ‘animal magnetism,’ but that
simply reflected the fashion of his age to supply at least
something resembling 4 mechanical explanation for every-
thing. The idea of an ‘electric fluid’ was popular at the time
and was evoked to explain a variety of ills, such as cholera, for
which a ‘miasmatic electric effluvium’ was the favored ex-
planation. One physician asserted that just as thunderstorms
turned milk sour, atmospheric electricity could turn bodily
fluids acid and thus cause cholera. Trenchant logic, but
‘animal magnetism’ proved to be a poor choice that irritated
the establishment instead of appeasing it, though the word in
vogue today, ‘hypnotism,’ is scarcely better.
One of the earliest findings was that magnetism could make
any desired part of the body insensitive to pain. Its anesthetic
value would seem to have been of obvious importance,
especially in surgery, before the days of chemical anesthetics.
And a few did perceive its value. As early as 1797 Dubois
amputated a breast while his patient slumbered in a magnetic
coma and other operations followed sporadically over the
years. In 1842, for example, W.S. Ward demonstrated that
magnetic anesthesia could make surgery painless. But his
Teport was stricken from the minutes of the Royal Medical
Society on the grounds that his patient was a fraud. The
operation, incidentally, was that of having his leg cut off at the
thigh.
With these attitudes it isn’t surprising that the first large-
scale demonstration of magnetic anesthesia took place
beyond the pale of Western censure. James Esdaile, a Scot-
 
* ‘Somnambulism,’ which in other contexts means ‘sleep-Walking,’ is a term for a
very deep stage of hypnosis in which the subject may appear to be awake and
behaving normally. The somnambulist, however, is nonetheless profoundly
hypnotized and will exhibit most of the deep trance phenomena.Perceptive trances 69
tish surgeon practicing at a large charity hospital in India
during the middle 1800s, performed 261 major operations
and thousands of minor ones on patients anesthetized by
magnetism. The operations often lasted three hours or more
and included amputations, the removal of tumors, as well as
the cleaning of abcesses and other painful procedures. Only
sixteen deaths occurred — these were not from surgery — and
the wounds healed with unusual rapidity (as they appear ta
heal among people who are able to control pain). That was an
astonishing record in the years before sterile techniques and
undreamed of antibiotics. Even today surgery has a death
rate that may be as high as 2 percent. Nevertheless, his
confreres predictably denounced him as a quack and dismis-
sed his patients as ‘determined imposters.’ Esdaile described,
in gory detail, an operation in which he removed a large
tumor from one determined imposter’s head, After a bravura
performance of pretending peaceful sleep while large parts of
his face and head were sliced, he impishly feigned recovery as
Esdaile was suturing the incisions and denied any memory of
pain or discomfort. We can pardon Esdaile for being taken in
by these crafty Indians who, for inscrutable reasons, joined
by the thousands in a conspiracy to deceive them.
Today it is difficult for us to see what all the pother was
about. Hypnotism has become a widely if seldom used ther-
apeutic tool that has attained a humdrum respectability. Even
the American Medical Association pronounced it to be a
legitimate medical technique and Parliament enacted the
Hypnotism Act to control its use. Indeed, hypnotists now
have an establishment of their own that works as hard as any
to root out and punish heretics, Although no single theory of
hypnosis has achieved consensus = that is, we have no idea
how it works — hypnosis is now viewed as one of many possible
altered states of consciousness, And it may turn out that a
umber of these states now subsumed under ‘hypnosis’ are
qualitatively different despite their superficial resemblance;
they may even be as distinctly individual as those who experi-
ence them. Yet if the fundamental nature of hypnosis eludes
us, just as all other mental phenomena, we have still learned a
good deal about it,70. Sorcery
Hypnosis may be brought about by suggestion as well as by
other means, but most investigators agree: that hypnosis and
suggestion are not identical. Regardless of how it is brought
about, however, hypnosis is a state in which suggestion has its
most powerful effect. Nevertheless, suggestion alone can be
surprisingly effective without evident hypnosis. Bernheim
cited cases in which he easily caused non-hypnotized subjects
to believe they had been either witnesses to a crime or victims
of one; they were absolutely sure of their suggested memories
and would swear to their truth in court - a possibility that
should disturb judges.
But in hypnosis the efficacy of suggestion is much more
pronounced. Even bodily functions normally beyond con-
scious control can be manipulated, The stomach contractions
of hunger can be eliminated by suggesting to a hypnotized
subject that he has had a large meal. Similarly, the heart can
be speeded up or slowed down and the amount of blood
circulating in any one limb can be increased. And if the
subject ‘drinks’ suggested water, a corresponding increase in
urinary output follows (with the water drawn from the body's
tissues).
Sometimes the responses are more puzzling. A hypnotized
subject was given a concentrated sugar solution and told it
was only distilled water, and his blood sugar level did not
increase. In a seemingly related experiment Platonov re-
versed the old stage trick of making subjects drunk on plain
water by giving them large quantities of alcohol and keeping
them sober, both while hypnotized and afterwards. And it
was likewise found possible to prevent the toxic effects of
massive doses of morphine.
The hypnotic control of bodily fluids clearly has many
practical applications. One was found by Forel and Bramwell
who wete able to cause or stop menstruation and regulate its
duration and intensity. That raises the possibility of controll-
ing conception by hypnotism — which has been done. Erskine
remarked that sterility could also be produced hypnotically
and added that abortion could be produced as easily.
If a child arrives anyway, hypnotism still has its uses.
Although Esdaile reported that he was able to stop the
secretion of milk by hypnotism, Braid did the opposite. HePerceptive trances 71
hypnotized a patient who was nursing her child and suggested
the secretion of milk would increase in one breast. She didn’t
recall the suggestion after awakening, but she did complain of
a feeling of tightness and tension in the breast indicated. Her
husband then told her what Braid had suggested. She was
doubtful because her child was fourteen months old and the
milk had nearly disappeared. Nevertheless, her breast quick-
ly became engorged with milk—and her figure embarrassingly
lopsided. More for cosmetic than nutritional reasons, Braid
hypnotized her again and suggested the other breast would
also increase its secretion of milk. She was then able to nurse
her child for another six months with a supply of milk,
symmetrically distributed, more abundant than ever.
It is clear that hypnotism can produce psychosomatic reac-
tions — even the more unusual ones, such as spontaneous
bruising. V. Bakhtiarov at the surgical clinic of the Saratov
Medical Institute in 1928 deseribed an experiment in which a
hypnotized subject was given a suggested blow to the fore-
arm. Several hours later a bruise appeared. Even the related
stigmata can be produced. An Austrian peasant girl was
under treatment by Alfred Lechler for hysteria. On Good
Friday in 1932 she was greatly affected by pictures depicting
the suffering and death of Christ. That evening Lechler gave
her the hypnotic suggestion that wounds would develop in her
feet and hands. And moist wounds appeared during the night.
Further suggestions deepened them and also brought about
tears of blood, the Crown of Thorns, and an inflamed,
sagging shoulder,
The skin’s sensitivity to suggestion has been shown in a
variety of ways. The hypnotic production of blisters is a fairly
common experiment and Frank Pattie has cited a number of
examples. In one representative experiment an investigator
touched a hypnotized subject lightly on the arm with an unlit
match and suggested that a blister would form. After waking
the subject, two observers watched his arm continuously.
Three minutes later his skin had reddened where it was
touched and in six minutes more a flabby, thin-walled blister
the size of a bean appeared.
Even if the body fails to carry out a suggestion in a direct
physiological manner, it may still be indirectly accomplished72 Sorcery
by ‘fakery.’ Jolowicz reported an attempt to hypnotically
induce a blister on aa entranced subject's right forearm. But
nothing happened at the time and the subject did not recall
the suggestion. Several days later, however, she ‘accidentally’
scalded herself while making coffee and was blistered on the
exact spot suggested. Accident proneness, as we saw, may be
highly specific.
The body is clearly sensitive to hypnotic suggestion, and
consciousness is no Jess so. We have already seen examples of
the use of hypnotism in recovering memories, but it may also
suppress or change them. We saw that through suggestion
alone Bernheim could cause subjects to ‘remember’ fictitious
events they would swear really happened to them. And it is
possible to make a good subject forget his own name and
address, or even to make him believe he has quite different
ones — which happened spontaneously to Ansel Bourne when
he became A.J. Brown, In response to hypnotic suggestion a
good subject will not recognize his best friends or will warmly
greet a stranger he is told is a friend.
The senses may also be manipulated by hypnotic sugges-
tion. Black gave hypnotized subjects the direct suggestion
that they would not be able to hear a tone at the frequency of
575 cycles per second. In later tests they showed no physiolo-
gical startle reaction to the tone when it was suddenly blared
at high volume. They were also unable to feel a tuning fork
vibrating at the same frequency when it touched their skin.
Vision may be similarly affected and suggestion can bring
about myopia, color-blindness— complete with afterimages in
the appropriate complementary colors — or blindness. In one
study of hypnotic blindness, Loomis found that subjects not
only said they could not see, but their brains no longer reacted
normally to bright light. An entranced subject may also be
made blind to specific things. If he is given the suggestion or
posthypnotic* suggestion that a certain person is no longer in
the room, the person will disappear. And the subject will
*Posthypnotic suggestions are thase given to an entranced subject that are in-
tended to take effect after he has awakened from trance and is in his ordinary
conscious state. The suggestion is usually scheduled to take effect on the
Securrence of some word or signal that is part of the suggestion, such as "Your foot
will itch when you hear the word “tiger.”Perceptive trances 73
experience a negative hallucination, not seeing what is there.
The unconscious artist who paints the picture of the external
world takes the suggestion, eliminates the person from the
picture, and fills in the background with the same convincing
strokes that it used to create the entire visual world of
Lhermitte’s patient. That can cause some puzzling experi-
ences for the subject. If someone hands the ‘invisible’ person,
say, a glass of wine, it will seem to the subject that it’s
suspended in midair.
Positive hallucinations, seeing what is not there, can also be
induced by hypnotic suggestion and may be very convincing
to those who experience them. Activating the same mechan-
isms that caused Ruth to be harrassed by a hallucination of
her father, hypnotism can create hallucinations in the trance
State or, posthypnotically, in the waking state. And in the
waking state, as in the case of Ruth, these may blend in
flawlessly with the ordinary waking environment. George
Estabrooks, an authority on hypnotism, commented on a
“pet’ polar bear he conjured up as a hallucination that later
became-something of a nuisance. At first Estabrooks was able
to bring about the hallucination at will and enjoyed mater-
ializing it for himself during idle hours. But after a while the
bear began to appear spontaneously, without being called,
and fell into the unpleasant habit of turning up in unexpected
places and dark corners at night (how like chthonic crea-
tures). Even though he knew it was a hallucination, it was
nevertheless a very real bear to him and it eventually became
unnerving. And with Estabrooks’s bear we see that sugges-
tions made to an entranced subject may remain fully active
while he is later in a normal state of consciousness. We may
also see a little of the process that summoned the disturbing
entity Becky, the ‘ghost’ that annoyed the group studied by
Eisenbud.
Carl Jung reported an incident that took place when he was
demonstrating the therapeutic use of hypnotism to a group of
medical students. His patient was a middle-aged woman who
had been afflicted with a painful paralysis of the left leg for
seventeen years. Jung customarily asked his patients for a
brief history before inducing hypnosis. This one obliged too74 Sorcery
well and dilated on her condition in garrulous detail. Jung
finally interrupted her: “Well, now, we have no more time for
so much talk. I am now going to hypnotize you.” Jung had
scarcely said the words when her eyes closed and she fell into
a deep trance without ‘any hypnosis at all.’ Nonplussed and
becoming increasingly uncomfortable as twenty students
waited for the demonstration to begin, Jung decided to simply
awaken her, To his discomfiture, it required ten minutes.
The woman finally came to, giddy and confused. Jung said
to her, ‘Iam the doctor and everything is all right.” At that she
cried out, ‘But I am cured!’ threw away her crutches and
walked. Flushed with embarrassment, Jung told the students,
‘Now you’ve seen what can be done with hypnosis.’ He
actually had not the slightest idea what had happened, but the
woman had in fact been cured. That is the stuff of miracles.
‘What was a contretemps to a scientific audience would have
been evidence of supernatural power to rustics. A good many
gurus have set up shop with far poorer credentials.
Hypnotism has been used to treat a large number of human
ills, including one of the most seemingly trivial, warts. In one
study fourteen patients with longstanding warts all over their
bodies were given the suggestion that the warts on one side of
their bodies would vanish. And in five weeks they were gone.
Warts may be a paltry matter, except to those who have them,
but the implications of their hypnotic removal are not paltry.
Lewis Thomas pondered the implications: ‘I have been
trying to figure out the nature of the instructions issued by the
unconscious mind,’ he said, ‘whatever that is, under hypno-
sis. It seems to me hardly enough for the mind to say, simply
get off, climinate yourselves, without providing something in
the way of specifications as to how to go about it.’ And
because warts are caused by a virus, we face an additional
complication. ‘If my unconscious can figure out how to
manipulate the mechanisms needed for getting around that
virus,’ he said, ‘and for deploying all the various cells in the
correct order for tissue rejection, then all I have to say is that
my unconscious is a lot further along than T am.’ He saw that
the unconscious had to control intricate processes ‘beyond
anyone's comprehension,’ and that it must be a ‘cell biologist
of world class’ able to sort through the various kinds of cells,Percepitive trances 75
all with different functions, to mobilize the right ones and
exclude the wrong ones for the specific task at hand.
Thomas did not hesitate to put his finger on the crax of the
matter, and Barbara Brown’s ‘mental giant’ becomes even
more clearly a ‘who’: ‘Well, then, who does supervise this
kind of operation?” he asked. ‘Someone’s got to, you know.
You can’t sit there under hypnosis, taking suggestions in and
having them acted on with accuracy and precision, without
assuming the existence of something like a controller.’
Although Thomas thinks it would be wonderful if we had any
idea of what went on when a wart is hypnotized away, he is
rather uneasy about what is going on. ‘Some intelligence or
other knows how to get rid of warts,’ he said, ‘and this is a
disquicting thought.’ But that issue is not confined to hypno-
sis; it also Jurks in psychosomatic reactions, biofeedback, and
anumber of other phenomena discussed so far. It is only that
investigators usually avoid confronting the preblem of how
the unconscious does what it does and ‘who’ in the uncon-
scious directs it. ‘Someone’s got to, you know.’ And that
someone appears to be completely unconcerned with human
values.
The ‘controller’ in the unconscious may be persuaded to do
more than cure warts, however remarkable even that may be
toa biologist. Cioppa and Thal reported on a ten-year-old girl
who suffered a juvenile rheumatoid arthritis that didn’t re-
spond to conventional treatment. Her ankles and knees were
so grossly swollen she had to use a wheelchair. After all else
failed, her physicians decided to try hypnotism. She was
wheeled to her second hypnotic session unable to walk and
understandably depressed. Yet four hours later she rode her
bicycle without pain. The swelling in her knees and ankles
quickly subsided and she was able to resume a normal life,
free of arthritis.
Well, it might be argued, arthritis is a capricious disease
that has been cured at one time or another by a variety of
things, even copper bracelets. Perhaps cancer is a better test.
Elmer Green reported the case of a man dying with bladder
cancer; metastatic tumors were scattered throughout his body
and he was considered hopeless. But since he was a good
hypnotic subject, hypnotism was used in an effort to contro]76 Sorcery
his pain. It then occurred to his physician that he would be a
good patient for an experiment in blood control. Because of
urinary complications a catheter had been inserted, and the
blood-and-urine mixture in the transparent catheter gave an
immediate indication of the amount of bleeding in the cancer-
ous area, The physician thought that if, by using hypnosis and
visualization techniques, he could cut off the blood supply to
the tumor, he could reduce the bleeding and perhaps starve
the tumor at the same time. Except for the overt use of
hypnotism, his approach resembles the one adopted by Car!
Simonton discussed previously.
Soon after he made the attempt blood disappeared from
the urine and bleeding had almost entirely stopped within a
week. The patient's health improved to the extent that he was
permitted to go home for a week. Unfortunately, on his
return to the hospital a ward physician accidentally killed him
with a cystoscopic examination. An autopsy disclosed that the
bladder cancer had shrunk to the size of a golfball and the
metastatic tumors had vanished.
Yet the unconscious is more than a cell biologist of world
class, as a sixteen-year-old boy with Brocq’s disease proved.
Except for his head, his entire body was covered with a black,
horny layer of sealy ‘skin.’ It was as hard as a fingernail and so
brittle that it cracked and bled on any attempt at bending.
These cracks became infected and, compounding his misery,
surrounded him with a stench. He had been born with his
condition - it is hereditary. And since the victims of the
disease have it throughout their lives, their lives are usually
short. It was considered incurable until 1951.
In that year, as a last resort, the boy was referred to A.A.
Mason of the Queen Victoria Hospital in London for hyp-
notherapy. The first hypnotic session concentrated on the left
arm. A week later the scales had sloughed off the arm to leave
it soft and pink, Mason repeated the procedure, shifting his
attention from one part of the boy’s body to another, And
after several months of this his patient was able to live a
normal, symptom-free life.
Barbara Brown thought that through biofeedback it would
‘be possible for ‘genetic engineering’ to take place by mental
control. Her expectations are realized in the hypnotic cure ofPerceptive trances 77
Broeq’s disease. For Brocq’s disease is genetic - the reason it
was regarded as incurable. But in the boy's case hypnotic
suggestion either changed his genetic instructions or over-
tuled them, which adds up to the same thing. Nor was his cure
unique: other congenital disorders have also yielded to hyp-
notism. And we must recognize that the unconscious can
manipulate the fundamental processes of life.
Tn addition to warts, cancer, arthritis, and congenital dis-
orders, hypnotism has been successfully used to treat nearly
all human ills, though seldom with the dramatic outcome that
bewildered Jung. Butit is not yet the great cure-all for human
woes. Like placebos, it doesn’t always work. It may fail to
heal even good subjects, those able to enter a deep trance,
and it may occasionally bring about cures in relatively poor
subjects. If hypnosis is fickle, however, that is what we have
come to expect of unconscious processes.
Hypnotism may be an uncertain therapy, but some obsta-
cles to its medical use were reduced by the finding that many
patients with medical emergencies are already in a trance
state that physicians may use to their advantage. ‘Inemergen-
cy situations of exsanguinating hemorrhage we have, in hyp-
nosis,’ said David Cheek, ‘a tool which can be of lifesaving
value, It is easy to hypnotize such subjects for they are often
in hypnosis already.’ Cheek successfully stopped massive
bleeding in childbirth with only a few suggestions ‘under the
assumption that the patient was already in trance.’
L.S. Wolfe exploited these trances for surgical purposes.
He reported seeing a seventeen-year-old-boy on the operat-
ing table awaiting an emergency appendectomy. Noticing
that the boy was ‘obviously in a spontaneous trance,’ Wolfe
shook a few drops of alcohol in a small beaker of soap and
rubbed it on the boy’s arm saying, ‘I want you to notice that
within fifteen seconds this medicine will make your entire
body completely numb.’ That was the one and only sugges-
tion made and he was not given any premedication. The boy
remained alert and chatted while his inflamed appendix was
removed.
Wolfe used direct verbal suggestion together with a
placebo. But sometimes the peculiarities of the placebo may
carry the decisive part of the suggestion. Harold Johnson78 Sorcery
reported a method used by Dr Yang, a Honolulu physician, to
treat people who thought they were victims of a kahuna, a
Hawaiian sorcerer. Because that ‘illness’ is often fatal, Yang
would pessimistically inform the terrified patient that he
would probably die, but there was a powerful remedy that
sometimes worked and was at least worth trying. Yang then
gave him three methylene blue tablets and said that if (and he
wasn’t hopeful) his urine turned blue, the spell was broken.
The traumatized and presumably hypnoidal patient's urine
naturally turned blue, and he was saved.
Ofcourse suggestion need not be either oral or direct, anda
placebo can be any chance object. Barker reported that
during the Second World War a Western physician accompa-
nied another physician, Captain Chaudhuri, who was wise in
the ways of native medicine. On a forest path in Burma they
came upon a cluster of people about a man lying on the
ground. He had been stung by a scorpion; his leg was swollen
and he seemed in great pain. Captain Chaudhuri took the
stub of a red crayon from his pocket and drew a circle round
the man’s wound, then stepped back to light a cigarette.
Before he finished smoking, the injured man was up; he
seemed free of pain and the swelling had visibly diminished.
Not a word had been spoken.
Although sometimes helpful to the physician, the height-
ened suggestibility of people undergoing a trauma occasional-
ly has unpleasant consequences. Platonov told of a young
man who said he suffered impotence because at age thirteen
he fell off a horse and injured his testicles. The patient
recalled that his grandmother cried, while he was injured,
that he would be impotent —a direct verbal suggestion. At the
age of eighteen he was having sexual relations when he was
startled by a loud noise in an adjoining room. His erection
wilted and couldn't be regained. The idea of impotence of
course passed through his mind and he then remembered his
grandmother's warning. His next attempt at sexual relations
was a disconcerting failure that persuaded him his grand-
mother was right. Despite a lusty nature, he remained impo-
tent until, six years later, his problem was solved in a few
hypnotic sessions.
Sometimes completely silly remarks become powerful sug-Perceptive trances 79
gestions, Platonov related the bizarre problem of a young
woman who complained of an overwhelming desire to bark
like a dog. Her barking was disastrous for her social life — and
no doubt intimidated cats — but the urge to bark became even
stronger when she was alone. Her strange compulsion
emerged a month before, after she was frightened by a dog,
that had bitten her. During her fright she recalled hearing that
‘those who are bitten by a dog begin to bark.’ In her trauma-
tized condition that foolish saying became a direct suggestion
that forced her to bark almost constantly - until the odd
compulsion was eliminated in a few hypnotic sessions.
Almost any remark may become a suggestion — except
those originating with the person himself. The unconscious
appears much more resistant to suggestions made by its own
conscious pole, which is why self-hypnotism and autosugges-
tion are seldom able to achieve the results of ordinary hypnot-
ism. Wherever the words came from, however, these inci-
dents show that a few of them lying about in the unconscious
may surface years later during a time of stress, of heightened
suggestibility, to assume the form of direct suggestions. That
should alert physicians, nurses, and others who deal with
people in reduced states of consciousness to be careful of
what they say. But we should all be cautious of our tongues
and recognize that, at the right time, a word can kill or have
other long-range effects as astonishing as they are unpleasant.
Of course some people know that and choose evil words
deliberately. R.J.W. Burrell of Capetown told a medical
audience in Detroit that he saw an old woman cast a spell ona
man. ‘ “You will die before sunset,” she said. And he did.’ An
autopsy disclosed no cause of death. Probably the witch's
threat was a sufficient trauma for her Bantu victim who then
died just as people die of snakebites lacking the venom to kill
= assuming, that is, that no spell was cast.
William Sargant, a psychiatrist who made an extensive study
of hypnoidal states, noted the variety of experiences that may
increase suggestibility, such as fright, anger, frenzy, excite-
ment, sexual orgasm, sleeplessness, confusion and hunger —
many of which are deliberately used for trance induction. He
said that in a hypnoidal state a person's ‘previous intellectual80 Sorcery
training and habits of rational thought have no influence in
preventing the acceptance of ideas which he would normally
find repellent or even patently nonsensical. . .” After irra-
tional beliefs have been accepted, he added, they may then
‘tive cheek by jowl with rational and critical thinking about
other topics.”
Sargant investigated religious groups round the world that
exploit these techniques to gather docile converts, from
congregations wracked by the Holy Ghost to those possessed
by Voodoo gods. He observed that one may be brainwashed
even with foreknowledge of what is taking place. ‘I myself
was sometimes affected by the techniques I was observing,’
he said, ‘even though I was on my guard against them. A
knowledge of the mechanism at work may be no safeguard
once emotion is aroused and the brain begins to function
abnormally.’ Ifa scientifc specialist in brainwashing is vulner-
able, what of the average person?
Atlively fundamentalist religious meetings, those in which
the services become increasingly frenetic with people suffer-
ing convulsions and ‘speaking in tongues,’ Sargant noted, the
worshipers enter hypnotic states that persist for some time
afterwards, And the flock’s lingering suggestibility following
the services has not gone unnoticed. Men in need of a casual
orgasm solicited women as they left these meetings and
found them agreeable to any adventure. But if the same
women were approached later by their former partners for
another tumble, the women indignantly denied any interest.
As well they might ~ their previous coupling, after all, was a
form of rape.
Whatever doubts may have remained about the power of
cults to ensnare minds (through suggestion) must be laid to
rest with the nine hundred victims of Jonestown's mass
suicide — who drank poison prepared by an accredited physi-
cian. No other explanation offers itself for their immolation
of themselves and their children en masse simply because
their paranoid leader was irked by a politician. That heca-
tomb is a monument to a total slavery that may explain more
of history than we care ta think about.
J.B.S. Haldane scarcely understated the situation when he
said:Perceptive irances 81
Anyone who has seen even a single example of the power of
hypnosis and suggestion must realize that the face of the
world and the possibilities of existence will be totally
altered when we can control their effects and standardize
their application.
We have seen that suggestibility may vary with circumst-
anees. It may, among other things, be enhanced by injury,
religious frenzy, sexual excitement, and anesthesia. In fact, a
few whiffs of chloroform, far less than can induce sleep, may
bring about a heightened state of suggestibility. Indeed, sleep
itself may enhance suggestibility.
Some part of the mind remains alert to the external world
while consciousness roams in dreams, and a mother may hear
her infant’s slightest whimper even though she sleeps undis-
turbed as airliners thunder overhead. Since what every
mother knows cannot be accorded scientific recognition,
however, Ian Oswald of the University of Edinburgh gave
this common knowledge its cachet of experiment. He played
alengthy tape recording of fifty-six names called out one after
the other in various orders to sleeping subjects. He disco-
vered that the slow brain waves of sleep were most disturbed
by the subject's own name or that of someone important to
him. A male subject on ‘hearing’ his sweetheart’s name,
although he slept soundly, would exhibit violent oscillations
in his brain waves and a huge change in his skin’s electrical
resistance.
If a sleeping subject can ‘hear’ names, he may also hear
suggestions. In one sleep laboratory experimenters whis-
pered suggestions to sleeping subjects, such as ‘Whenever
you hear the word “blanket,” you will feel cold until you pull
up the blanket’ or “Whenever you hear the word “itch,” your
nose will itch until you scratch it.’ Unlike the lively response
to certain names, an EEG indicated no change in the brain
waves of quiet sleep as the suggestions were made, and the
subjects didn’t recall them on awakening. Nevertheless, on
the following night they responded to them, and one con-
tinued to respond five months later. That was, however, nota
new discovery. Coué recommended long ago that parents use82 Sorcery
the technique to improve their children’s health and conduct.
Obviously if a sleeping subject can act on suggestions, he is
also open to those intended to increase suggestibility itself;
that is, to induce a hypnotic state. Estabrooks said that it is
easy to approach sleeping subjects and turn them into som-
nambulists and ventured that about 20 percent were amen-
able to the procedure. Bernheim earlier commented that it
could be done and added that people who talk in their sleep
and answer questions are particularly susceptible. Hypnoidal
states, then, far from being exotic, are natural and common-
place.
That should overturn the popular myth that a person
cannot be hypnotized without his knowledge. And we saw,
moreover, that people are entranced without their know-
ledge when traumatized or in a religious frenzy. Hypnosis
may also steal over those who are merely witnessing a hypno-
tic induction, or it may occur when the effects of suggestion
are only being demonstrated. Simply making suggestions to
test a person’s susceptibility to hypnosis may sometimes
result in a deep trance the operator had no intention of
inducing and the subject did not in the least expect
Another erroneous idea is that people can’t be hypnotized
against their will. Clearly if people are hypnotized without
their knowledge, they may be hypnotized whether they ‘will’
it or not. But can people who know what is being attempted
and actively resist be hypnotized? Yes, and hypnotists have
several dodges to accomplish it, including deception. Simeon
Edmunds told of a subject hypnotized against her will by the
hypnotist’ telling her, untruthfully, that her tea had been
hocused with a powerful hypnotic drug and that she was
becoming aware of its influence. After five minutes she was in
a deep trance.
Wells noted that although it is easier to hypnotize a co-
operative subject, it is also possible to hypnotize a person
against his will and while he actively resists:
 
I have insisted that they [his subjects] should resist each
hypnotic command to the full extent of their ability, since I
am not satisfied with the success of hypnosis except as the
subject becomes helpless to resist.Perceptive trances 83
Wells added that scoffers and skeptics are often the best
subjects, for their belief that they are insusceptible is no
deterrent and may even be an advantage.
If people can be hypnotized without their knowledge and
even against their will, another popular notion is also in
jeopardy — that a hypnotized person will not do anything
contrary to his fundamental wishes or ethics. That is refuted
by people who die of suggestion; obviously few of them
consciously want to die. Besides, our knowledge of psycho-
somatic reactions and other devilries brewed in the uncon-
scious should banish any idea that it is governed by the
Golden Rule. These observations of course raise the possibil-
ity of using hypnotism for criminal purposes, a possibility that
has been largely ignored by science — but not, as we now
know, by intelligence agencies. Estabrooks said the FBI
knows all there is to be known about criminal hypnotism, and
the CIA has recently been found equally up to date.
Liégeois caused hypnotized subjects to commit a variety of
‘crimes’ in an experiment by simply telling them to - without
resort to subterfuge. A subject would, for example, fire a
pistol at her mother on Liégeois’s command. He estimated
that about 4 percent of the population would obey overtly
criminal suggestions. And Wells said that he ‘found it less
difficult to bring about criminal acts in unwilling subjects
through hypnotic methods than to bring about hallucinations
and anesthesia sufficient for surgical purposes in willing
subjects. . .’ He remarked that ‘any hypnotist who cannot
succeed in such experiments is simply admitting that he has
not yet learned an adequate hypnotic technique.’ Wells
emphasized that ‘the whole point as to the essential nature of
hypnosis is missed unless the fact is recognized that even so
extreme a phenomenon as real crime against the will of the
fully forewarned subject can be produced by means of it.’ He
observed that a thousand failures because of poor technique
or poor subjects do mot discount the efficacy of adequate
techniques used on suitable subjects. The criminal hypnotist,
moreover, could prevent conflict in his subjects by conjuring
up suitable hallucinations and delusions. He could also pro-
duce amnesia in the subject for everything said to him and for84 Sorcery
the fact that he had ever been hypnotized. And he could
conclude with a posthypnotic inhibition against anyone else's
hypnotizing him.
ft might be argued that a subject in an experimental
hypnotic crime recognizes it is an experiment and that a
genuine crime would not be permitted, Lingering doubts
could be swept away only by showing that genuine crimes
have been committed by means of hypnotism, - something
obviously impossible in a scientific setting. Straightforward
murder ill suits the academic temper. But if hypnotism has
been used to commit real crimes, at feast by a hypnotist who
isn’t a fool, they will be very difficult to detect. Evidence of
genuine crimes, then, will not be common — even if such
crimes are. Yet a few have been unearthed. And a number,
mostly sexual, were reported by nineteenth-century investi-
gators. Moll, for example, cited several; among them the case
of Lévy, a randy dentist of Rouen, who was sentenced to
prison for sexually assaulting a magnetized girl while she
occupied his dental chair. The crime is curious because the
girl’s mother was present but didn’t observe anything unusual
taking place.
Instances of criminal hypnotism have also been reported in
our own time. In Copenhagen a man strolled into a bank in
1951, took a pistol from his briefcase and, scorning stealth,
fired a warning shot at the ceiling. After attracting respectful
attention, he threw the briefcase on the counter and deman-
ded the cashier fill it with money. The cashier, Kaj Moller,
hesitated and the robber promptly killed him. To show he
wasn’t fooling, he also shot the manager. But the Viking spirit
apparently lives on in Danish bankers; another employee did
succeed in sounding an alarm and the robber fled, threatening
to kill anyone who got in his way. No one did.
But the police caught him a short time later as he was about
to enter a building. Inside, they found a drunken old woman
who told them the man they had arrested, Pelle Hardrup, was
a friend of her nephew, Bjérn Nielsen, who was away in the
country with a nightclub dancer, The police learned that
Nielsen was a habitual criminal who had served a term in
prison for robbery ~ where he met Hardrup. Although Har-
drup had been confined for political reasons and not for aPerceptive trances 85
traditional felony, he nevertheless insisted that his friend had
nothing to do with the robbery. And after the police had
Hardrup in custody, they found he had robbed another bank
a year before. A confirmed bank robber? The police were still
not satisfied.
Hardrup’s behavior after his arrest was so patently abnor-
mal that he was examined by a police psychiatrist. Hardrup,
who suffered hallucinations and paranoid delusions, said he
had committed the crime at the command of a ‘good angel’ or
‘guardian spirit’ for the benefit of a secret and illegal political
organization — a motive that would have been consistent with
his character. But apart from his delusions, he revealed little
except that he had no accomplice. The case nevertheless had
other eccentricities that led Geert Jorgensen, the psychiatrist,
to suspect Hardrup’s psychosis was not entirely natural. His
suspicions gained credibility when an anonymous informant
called the police to report that he had been in prison with
Hardrup and Nielsen. He said Nielsen was a hypnotist who
had gained complete control of Hardrup and added that
although Hardrup may have held the gun, he was undoubted-
ly under Nielsen’s control.
Jorgensen had already noticed Hardrup's steadfast denials
that Nielsen was implicated in the robbery seemed wooden
and repetitious. And when a specialist, Max Schmidt, asked
Hardrup what he knew of hypnosis and whether he had ever
been hypnotized, Hardrup became disturbed and replied that
his ‘good angel’ would not permit him to answer. His ‘good
angel’ told him when to remember.
Paul Reiter, a leading Danish psychiatrist, consultant to
the Ministry of Justice and an authority on hypnotism, was
asked for assistance. He found Hardrup impossible to hypno-
tize for the first few months and suspected that posthypnotic
suggestions prevented it. Finally, almost a year after the
robbery, Reiter succeeded in overcoming the barrier and
could entrance Hardrup with a word, Now it was possible to
uncover the details of what had happened. And he discovered
‘that both crimes as well as Hardrup’s psychosis were hypnoti-
cally induced by Nielsen, who was later found guilty and
sentenced to life in prison.
Crimes committed by means of hypnotism may be rare, but