Africatoday 61 4 1
Africatoday 61 4 1
REFERENCES
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Love and Sex in Islamic Africa:
Introduction
Corrie Decker
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periods and from a variety of disciplinary and interdisciplinary approaches.
The articles in this special issue of Africa Today speak to the diversity of
interpretations among workshop participants and that of the communities
and individuals featured in their work. They point to continuities in the
Islamic experience of love and sex over time and through space and therefore
add texture to scholarly debates about universal human experiences of love
and sex.
africa TODAY 61(4)
bride priceprecluded the existence of romantic love. Even in the most con-
servative Islamic communities that systematically practiced arranged mar-
riages, however, Africans often exhibited a great degree of freedom in making
decisions based on emotional attachment. The production of philters, for
example, indicates the extent to which people attempted to control their
choices in marriage and love through magic (Cole 2009; Graeber 1996; Parle
and Scorgie 2012; Wilson 2012). At the same time, works such as Love in
Africa (Cole and Thomas 2009) challenged the universality of certain notions
of romantic love. The introduction of Western cultural ideals about love and
marriage, along with other factors, resulted in new forms of expression and
partnership during the twentieth century, but these were not simply repro-
ductions of European practices. In colonial Africa, young people were espe-
cially adept at reconciling familial expectations with their own modern
ambitions and desires. For example, in the 1950s and 1960s, young lovers in
Zanzibar incorporated the symbolism of popular Hindi romance films into
their stories of courtship (Fair 2009). Further reassessment of African tradi-
tion in the context of postcolonial globalization has provided a plethora of
options for analyzing and expressing desire and devotion. The distribution
of romance novels in Northern Nigeria, for instance, has brought about new
feminist approaches to love, romance, and womens position in an otherwise
conservative Islamic society (Whitsitt 2003).
The Arabic term ishq, used widely in Islamic writing across Africa,
conveys notions of love, desire, and the wish to possess the object of desire.
Some Islamic scholars and, especially after the tenth century, Sufi mystics
associate ishq with love for God. It denotes a deeper, more passionate love
than the Quranic term mahabba, the more common term for love in con-
temporary Arabic literature, but both can be used to describe love for God
and romantic love (Abrahamov 2003; Lewisohn 2008; Kennedy-Day 2003).
The fact that divine and romantic love can be expressed in a term that con-
veys everything from a general devotion to a carnal obsession reminds us
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that in many African Muslim communities, ones love for or from another
human is considered a reflection of ones love for God. In some West African
communities, for example, Quranic phrases are key components of love
amulets (Mommersteeg 1988). The workshop and the papers that emerged
out of it were concerned primarily with romantic attachments, rather than
filial, platonic, or divine love, but the connection to religious sentiment
cannot be forgotten.
3
about marriages. Elisabeth McMahon, in her analysis of taboo relationships
between upper-class women and men of lesser means in colonial Zanzibar,
Corrie Decker
points to the hidden transcript of love as the subtext in these cases. Both
works analyze love beyond standard social and economic discourse into
the realm of affect, where love is a fluid but powerful force, which shaped
religious and social experiences.
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and possess Muslim schoolgirls in Zanzibar. The veil is a powerful symbol of
the control of womens sexuality and the secrecy of sex and love in Islamic
communities, but it provides a platform on which these conventions can be,
and have been, subverted.
Whether transgressing Islamic gender restrictions or challenging other
social limitations with regard to race, ethnicity, class, or religion, stories
of forbidden love are as elusive as they are titillating. Marriages and affairs
africa TODAY 61(4)
white females impossible during this period (Etherington 1988; Keegan 2001;
McClintock 1995). Crossing the boundaries between colonizer and colonized
LOVE AND SEX IN ISL AMIC AFRICA: INTRODUC TION
was not the only, or even in some cases the primary, manifestation of sexual
transgression in colonial Africa. The love affairs that Elisabeth McMahon
examines were problematic precisely because they challenged the racial,
ethnic, and class hierarchies that reified the islands social hierarchy.
In Islamic Africa, sex is a powerful secret, shared between forbidden
lovers, protected by the marital bedroom, and always posing a threat to ones
honor and status if exposed. This secrecy, closely linked to the gendered
public/private distinction, is thus at the heart of much work on love and
sex in Islamic Africa. Scholarship by Signe Arnfred (2007), Sheryl McCurdy
(2006), and Katrina Daly Thompson (2011) explores ways in which women
employ their expertise in sex and manipulate prevailing discourses on
sexuality to subvert this gendered relationship of power. Not surprisingly,
secrecy is the central theme in studies of homosexuality. Given that mar-
riage is often considered a social obligation and love and sex private matters,
homosexuality has often been relegated to the latter in African communi-
ties (Gaudio 1998). The primary difference between the West and Africa
with regard to the politics of homosexuality is that, whereas the gay rights
movement and reactions to it have shaped much of the discourse on homo-
sexuality in recent decades in the West, sexual identity politics have not
been a prominent feature of most African societies. We should not assume,
however, that ones sexuality had no bearing on ones personal identity or
psychological well-being (Epprecht 2008:98). The discourse on homosexual-
ity in Africa is shifting rapidly and dramatically. Sylvia Tamale (2007) and
others argue that today, many Africans find a sense of empowerment in the
international gay rights movement (Munro 2012; Mutua 2011). In this col-
lection, the question of whether or not homosexuality is a public concern
lies at the center of Claudia Bhmes analysis of the Tanzanian film Shoga.
The interplay between exposure and censorship of the film sparked an array
of responses, locally and globally; ultimately, Boehme argues, it brought this
previously taboo topic into public debate.
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Secrecy is a defining feature of discourses on HIV, regardless of the
religious context (Beckmann 2010; Whyte, Whyte, and Kyaddondo 2010).
Corinne Squire (2007) points to ways in which South Africans have dealt
with not only the stigma and physical reality of being HIV positive, but also
how many people have found solidarity and agency through speaking about
their status. When one decides to reveal this secret and to whom she or he
can speak are questions pregnant with social consequences. This threat
5
as a reflection of the interpersonal dynamics informing ones willingness to
tell the secret of her status.
Corrie Decker
The central tensions here are not only the social consequences of the
public exposure of seemingly private actions, but the fact that transgres-
sions, and discourse about them, exist in public spaces, just as public identi-
ties often shape intimate relationships. Sexuality is in fact not private, but
always present in public discourse and the everyday public actions of men
and women. The metaphor of the veilas that which marks and conceals
the objects of sexuality and the secrecy of sexhelps us understand the
complex and often contradictory terms on which Muslims negotiate secrets
about love and sex in their public and private lives.
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about African promiscuity in attempting to present new perspectives on
love and sex in Africa (Ahlberg 1994; Caldwell, Caldwell, and Quiggin
1989; Nnaemeka 2005; Shell-Duncan and Hernlund 2000; Thomas 2003).
Oyrnk Oyewm (1997) blames this misunderstanding of African sexu-
ality on the imposition of Western concepts of gender and social differ-
ence. Western discourses on gender, she argues, reify embodiment, even
though this biologization . . . of social difference is by no means uni-
africa TODAY 61(4)
versal; understanding love and sex in Africa can emerge only from studies
grounded in the local milieu, rather than based on universal findings made
in the West (Oyewm 1997:9, 16). Reconceptualizing the body and gender
within African contexts opens the door for discourses that occur outside
the parameters of Western epistemologies. Marc Epprecht (2008), Evan
Mwangi (2009), Sylvia Tamale (2011), and many others (including Arnfred
2004; Falola and Amponsah 2012; Gaudio 2011; Murray and Roscoe 1998;
6
Veit-Wild and Naguschewski 2005) have decentered the West as the primary
reference point in studies of gender, sex, and love in Africa.
LOVE AND SEX IN ISL AMIC AFRICA: INTRODUC TION
Public debates about sexuality are windows into the religious, social,
economic, and political forces at play. The papers in this special issue high-
light the Islamic component of our case studies, not to privilege this angle
over others, but to do as Oyewm asksto ground these cases in their local
contexts. Research on love and sex that takes into account the ways in which
Islam informs peoples sexual practices and ideologies of intimacy offers
unique perspectives on and proposals for addressing HIV/AIDS, inequalities
based on sexual identities and practices, and other social issues (Amory 1998;
Becker 2007; Becker and Geissler 2009; Beckmann 2009; Murray and Roscoe
1997; Svensson 2009). The papers in the workshop reminded us that religious
belief and praxis do not always affect every aspect of Muslim peoples lives
and that, at the same time, Islam often greatly affects non-Muslims living
in Muslim communities. Rather than belief per se, Islamic culture, space,
and practices influence individuals actions and behaviors. We are reminded
by Jean Danglers work here that Islamic cultures of love and sex expanded
beyond predominantly Islamic regions and helped shape concepts of love
and sex across non-Muslim societies in Europe, Africa, and Asia. From the
fetishized sexuality of Zanzibari schoolgirls in seclusion to the ways in
which HIV-positive Hausa women lived dangerously by having nonmarital
sexual partners unaware of their HIV-status, the attitudes and behaviors
of the girls and women in Deckers and Rhines articles existed within the
framework of Islamic gender norms regardless of their religious orientations,
and as McMahon and Bhme demonstrate, same-sex and unequal unions
challenged the religious parameters that define the boundaries of marital
and sexual relationships.
Sexuality may include:
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other issues[,] including pleasure, the human body, dress,
self-esteem, gender identity, power[,] and violence. It is an
all-encompassing phenomenon[, which] involves the human
psyche, emotions, physical sensations, communication,
creativity[,] and ethics. (Tamale 2011b:1112)
We embrace this approach to love and sex as we take into account interper-
7
ized schoolgirl flirting with a colonial official, the Muslim filmmaker craft-
ing his message about morality, and the stigmatized HIV-positive woman in
Corrie Decker
search of empathy.
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