Constructing Ethnicity: Creating and Recreating Ethnic Identity and Culture

Author(s): Joane Nagel

Source: Social Problems, Vol. 41, No. 1, Special Issue on Immigration, Race, and Ethnicity in
America (Feb., 1994), pp. 152-176
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 ConstructingEthnicity: Creating and
Recreating Ethnic Identity and Culture*
JOANE NAGEL, University
ofKansas

Identityandculture aretwoofthebasicbuilding blocksofethnicity. Through theconstructionofidentity

andculture, individualsandgroups attempttoaddress theproblematics ofethnicboundaries andmeaning.
is bestunderstood
Ethnicity as a dynamic,constantly
evolvingproperty ofbothindividualidentityandgroup
organization. Theconstruction ofethnic and culture
identity is theresult ofbothstructure and agency-a
dialectic
playedoutbyethnic groups andthelarger society.
Ethnicity is theproductofactions undertakenby
ethnicgroups as theyshapeandreshape their andculture;
self-definition however, is alsoconstructed
ethnicity
byexternalsocial,economic,andpolitical andactors
processes as they shapeandreshape ethnic and
categories
Thispaperspecifies
definitions. several
waysethnicidentityandculture arecreatedandrecreated inmodern
societies.
Particular attentionispaidtoprocesses
ofethnic identityformation andtransformation, andtothe
purposesserved bytheproduction ofculture-namely, thecreation ofcollectivemeaning,theconstructionof
community through mythology andhistory,andthecreation ofsymbolic basesforethnic
mobilization.

Introduction

Contrary to expectationsimplicit in theimageofthe "melting pot"thatethnicdistinc-

tionscouldbe eliminated in U.S. society,theresurgence ofethnicnationalism in theUnited
Statesand aroundthe worldhas prompted socialscientists
to rethinkmodelsof ethnicity
rootedin assumptions abouttheinevitability ofassimilation.'Instead,theresiliency of cul-
and religiousdifferences
tural,linguistic, amongpopulations has led to a searchfora more
accurate,lessevolutionary meansofunderstanding notonlytheresurgence ofancientdiffer-
encesamongpeoples,butalso theactualemergence ofhistoricallynew ethnicgroups.2The
resulthas been thedevelopment ofa modelofethnicity thatstressesthefluid,situational,
and dynamiccharacter
volitional, ofethnicidentification, and action-a model
organization,
thatemphasizesthesocially"constructed" aspectsofethnicity,
i.e.,thewaysin whichethnic
boundaries,identities, and cultures,are negotiated, defined,and producedthroughsocial
interactioninsideand outsideethniccommunities.3
According to thisconstructionistview,theorigin,content, and formofethnicity reflect
thecreativechoicesofindividuals and groupsas theydefinethemselves and othersin ethnic
ways. Throughtheactionsand designations ofethnicgroups,theirantagonists, politicalau-
and economicinterest
thorities, groups,ethnicboundaries areerecteddividing somepopula-
tionsand unifying others(see Barth1969;Moerman1965, 1974). Ethnicity is constructed

* I wish to thankRichardAlba, Stephen Cornell,JimHolstein,Carol A.B. Warren,and NormanYetmanfortheir

helpfulcommentson an earlierversionof this paper.
1. The failureof the Americanmeltingpot is a qualifiedone. As Alba and Logan (1991) point out, some groups,
particularlywhites,have "melted"quite well. Despite the maintenanceof a kind of social or symbolicethnicityamong
white groups,white ethnicitydoes not generallyinvolve high levels of ethnicexclusivenessor ethnicgroup affiliation.
2. An ethnic group can be seen as "new" or "emergent"when ethnicidentification, organization,and collective
action is constructedaround previouslynonexistentidentities,such as "Latino" or "Asian-American."An ethnicgroup
can be seen as "resurgent"when ethnicidentification, organization,or collectiveaction is constructedaround formerly
quiescent historicalidentities,such as "Basque" or "Serbian" (see Yancey,Erickson,and Juliani 1976).
3. See Bergerand Luckmann (1967) and Spectorand Kitsuse (1977) fordiscussionsof the social constructionist
model; see Holstein and Miller (1993) foran assessmentof the currentstate of social constructionism.

152 SOCIALPROBLEMS,
Vol.41,No. 1,February
1994

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 Ethnicity 153
Constructing
out ofthematerialoflanguage,religion, culture,appearance,ancestry, or regionality.The
locationand meaningof particular ethnicboundariesare continuously negotiated, revised,
and revitalized,bothby ethnicgroupmembersthemselves as wellas by outsideobservers.
To assertthatethnicity is sociallyconstructedis notto denythehistorical basisofethnic
conflictand mobilization.4 However,a constructionist view of ethnicity poses questions
wherean historical viewbegsthem. Forinstance,to arguethattheArab-Israeli conflict is
simplyhistorical antagonism, builton centuries ofdistrust and contention, assertsa certain
truth,butitanswersno questionsaboutregionalorhistorical variationsin thebasesorextent
oftheconflict,or abouttheprocessesthrough whichitmightbe ameliorated.In fact,schol-
ars have assertedthatbothIsraeliand Palestinian ethnicidentitiesare themselves fairlyre-
cent constructions, arisingout of the geopolitics of WorldWarII and the Cold War,and
researchers have documented thevariouscompeting meaningsoftheArab-Israeli conflictin
Americanpoliticalculture.5
to viewblack-white
Similarly, antagonism in contemporary Americansocietysimplyas
based in history-albeita powerfuland divisivehistory-isto overlookthe contemporary
demographic, political,social,and economicprocessesthatpropup thisethnicboundary,
reconstructingit,andproducing tensionalongitsborders andwithinthetwoboundedethnic
groups.6Forinstance, Lemann's(1991) studyofthepost-World WarII demographic shiftof
AfricanAmericansfromruralto urbanareas and fromthe Southto the Northrevealsa
reconfiguration of the black-white ethnicboundaryin northern and southerncities.This
migration magnified urbanethnicsegregation, stratified
blacksociety, increasedinterethnic
tensions,promotedethnicmovements amongbothblacksand whites,and produceda black
urbanunderclass.All of thesechangesreflect thedynamic,constructed character ofblack
ethnicityin U.S. society.7
Sinceethnicity is not simplyan historical legacyofmigration or conquest,but is con-
stantlyundergoingredefinition and reconstruction, our understanding of such ethnic
processesas ethnicconflict, mobilization, resurgence, and changemightprofit froma recon-
siderationofsomeofthecoreconceptswe use to thinkaboutethnicity. Thispaperexamines
two ofthebasicbuildingblocksofethnicity: identity and culture.Identity and cultureare
fundamental to thecentralprojectsofethnicity: theconstruction ofboundariesand thepro-
ductionofmeaning.In thispaper,I attempt to answerseveralquestionsabouttheconstruc-
tionofidentity and culture:Whatare theprocessesbywhichethnicidentity is createdor
destroyed, strengthened orweakened?To whatextentis ethnicidentity theresultofinternal
processes,and to whatextentis ethnicity externallydefinedand motivated? Whatare the
processesthatmotivate ethnicboundary construction? Whatis therelationship betweencul-
tureand ethnicidentity?How is cultureformed and transformed? Whatsocialpurposesare
servedbytheconstruction ofculture?Ratherthancastingidentity and cultureas prior,fixed
aspects of ethnic here are
organization, they analyzed emergent, as problematic featuresof
ethnicity.By specifying severalmechanisms by whichgroupsreinventthemselves-who
theyare and whattheirethnicity means-I hope to clarify and organizethegrowinglitera-
turedocumenting theshifting, situational
volitional, natureofethnicity. NextI examinethe
construction ofethnicidentity, followedbya discussionoftheconstruction ofculture.

ofgroupsalongethniclinesforcollective
as theorganization
4. I defineethnicmobilization action.
5. See Gerner(1991); Plascov(1981); Gamson(1982). Layne (1989) also describesthe construction
of a
Jordanian in thedecadesfollowing
nationalidentity duringKingHussein'srulebeginning
WorldWarI, and especially
in 1953.
6. The use oftheterm"ethnicgroup"ratherthan"race"or "racialgroup"to describeAfricanAmericans is not
intendedto discountthe uniqueimportance of coloror raceas a basisfordiscrimination
and disadvantage in U.S.
society(and elsewhere).However,thearguments aboutethnicityI putforthherearemeantto applyto all racialand
ethnicgroups,whetherdistinguished bycolor,language,religion,or nationalancestry.
(1991);James(1989);Massey(1985);MasseyandDenton(1993);Morris(1984).
7. See Wilson(1987); Burstein

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154 NAGEL

ConstructingEthnic Identity
Ethnicidentity is mostcloselyassociatedwiththeissueofboundaries.Ethnicbounda-
riesdetermine who is a memberand who is notand designatewhichethniccategories are
availableforindividualidentification at a particular
timeand place.Debatesovertheplace-
mentofethnicboundariesand thesocialworthofethnicgroupsare centralmechanisms in
ethnicconstruction. Ethnicityis createdand recreated as variousgroupsand interests
put
forth competing visionsoftheethniccomposition ofsocietyand argueoverwhichrewardsor
sanctionsshouldbe attachedto whichethnicities.
Recentresearchhas pointedto an interesting ethnicparadoxin theUnitedStates.De-
spitemanyindications ofweakeningethnicboundariesin the whiteAmericanpopulation
(due to intermarriage, languageloss, religiousconversionor decliningparticipation),a
numberof studieshave showna maintenance or increasein ethnicidentification
among
whites(Alba 1990;Waters1990;Kivisto1989;Bakalian1993;Kelly1993,1994). Thiscon-
tradictorydualismis partly due towhatGansterms"symbolic whichis "character-
ethnicity,"
ized by a nostalgicallegianceto thecultureoftheimmigrant or thatoftheold
generation,
country; a loveforand pridein a tradition thatcanbe feltwithouthavingtobe incorporated
in everydaybehavior"(1979:205). Bakalian(1991) providesthe exampleof Armenian-
Americans:
ForAmerican-born Armenian
generations, is a preference
identity andArmenianness
is a state
of
mind....Onecansayheorsheis an Armenian without Armenian,
speaking an Arme-
marrying
withArmenians,
nian,doingbusiness toanArmenian
belonging church, Armenian
joining volun-
or participating
taryassociations, in theeventsandactivities bysuchorganizations
sponsored
(Bakalian1991:13).
Thissimultaneousdecreaseand increasein ethnicity
raisestheinteresting
question:How can
peoplebehavein wayswhichdisregard ethnicboundarieswhileat the sametimeclaiman
ethnicidentity?Theansweris foundbyexamining ethnicconstructionprocesses-inpartic-
ular,thewaysin whichindividualsand groupscreateand recreate theirpersonaland collec-
tivehistories,
the membership boundariesoftheirgroup,and the contentand meaningof
theirethnicity.

EthnicBoundaries
Negotiating
Whileethnicity is commonly viewedas biologicalin theUnitedStates(withitshistory of
an obdurateethnicboundarybased on color),researchhas shownpeople'sconceptionof
themselves alongethniclines,especially theirethnicidentity, to be situationaland change-
able (see especiallyWaters1990,ChapterTwo). Barth(1969) first convincingly articulated
thenotionofethnicity as mutable, arguingthatethnicityis theproductofsocialascriptions, a
kindof labelingprocessengagedin by oneselfand others.According to thisperspective,
one's ethnicidentityis a composite oftheviewone hasofoneselfas wellas theviewsheldby
othersaboutone's ethnicidentity.As theindividual(or group)movesthroughdailylife,
ethnicity can changeaccording to variations
in thesituations and audiencesencountered.
Ethnicidentity, then,is theresultofa dialecticalprocessinvolving internaland external
opinionsand processes,as well as the individual'sself-identification and outsiders'ethnic
designations-i.e.,whatyouthinkyourethnicity is,versuswhatthey thinkyourethnicity is.
Sinceethnicity changessituationally, theindividualcarriesa portfolio ofethnicidentitiesthat
are moreor less salientin varioussituations and vis-a-visvariousaudiences.As audiences
change,the socially-defined arrayof ethnicchoicesopen to the individualchanges. This
producesa "layering" (McBeth1989) ofethnicidentities whichcombineswiththeascriptive
character ofethnicity to revealthenegotiated, problematic natureofethnicidentity.Ethnic

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 Ethnicity 155
Constructing
boundaries, and thusidentities,are constructed byboththeindividual and groupas well as
by outsideagentsand organizations.
Examplescan be foundin patterns ofethnicidentification in manyU.S. ethniccommu-
nities.8For instance,Cornell(1988) and McBeth(1989) discussvariouslevelsof identity
availableto NativeAmericans:subtribal (clan,lineage,traditional), tribal(ethnographic or
linguistic,reservation-based,official),
regional (Oklahoma,California, Alaska,Plains),supra-
tribalorpan-Indian (NativeAmerican, Indian,American Indian). Whichoftheseidentities a
nativeindividualemploysin socialinteraction dependspartlyon whereand withwhomthe
interaction occurs.Thus,an American Indianmightbe a "mixed-blood" on thereservation,
from"Pine Ridge"when speakingto someonefromanotherreservation, a "Sioux" or
"Lakota"whenresponding to theU.S. census,and "NativeAmerican" wheninteracting with
non-Indians.
Pedraza(1992), Padilla(1985, 1986), and Gimenez,Lopez,and Munoz (1992) note a
similarlayering ofLatinoorHispanicethnicidentity, againreflecting bothinternaland exter-
nal defining processes.An individual ofCubanancestry maybe a Latinovis-A-vis non-Span-
ish-speaking ethnicgroups,a Cuban-American vis-A-vis otherSpanish-speaking groups,a
Marielitovis-A-vis otherCubans,and whitevis-A-vis African Americans.9 Thechosenethnic
identityis determined bytheindividual's perception ofitsmeaningtodifferent audiences,its
saliencein different socialcontexts, and itsutility in differentsettings.Forinstance,intra-
Cubandistinctions ofclassand immigration cohortmaynotbe widelyunderstood outsideof
theCubancommunity sincea Marielito is a "Cuban"or"Hispanic" tomostAnglo-Americans.
To a Cuban,however,immigration cohortsrepresent important political"vintages," distin-
guishingthosewhose lives have been shapedby decadesof Cuban revolutionary social
changesfromthosewhoselifeexperiences havebeenas exilesin theUnitedStates.Others'
lackofappreciation forsuchethnicdifferences tendsto makecertainethnicidentity choices
uselessand sociallymeaningless exceptin veryspecific situations.It underlines theimpor-
tanceofexternalvalidationofindividualor groupethnicboundaries.
Espiritu(1992) also observesa layeringof Asian-American identity.Whilethe larger
"Asian"pan-ethnicidentity represents one level of identification,especiallyvis-A-vis non-
Asians,nationalorigin(e.g.,Japanese,Chinese,Vietnamese) remainsan important basisof
identification and organization bothvis-A-vis otherAsiansas well as in the largersociety.
LikePadilla(1985, 1986),Espiritu findsthatindividuals choosefroman arrayofpan-ethnic
and nationality-based identities,
depending on the perceivedstrategic utilityand symbolic
appropriateness of the identitiesin different settings and audiences. She notesthe larger
Asian-American pan-ethnic boundaryis oftenthebasisforidentification wherelargegroup
sizeis perceivedas an advantagein acquiring resources orpoliticalpower.Howevershealso
observesthat Asian-American pan-ethnicity tendsto be transient, oftengivingway to
smaller,culturally distinctnationality-based Asian ethnicities.
Waters(1991) describes similarsituational levelsofethnicidentification amongAfrican
Americans.She reportsthatdark-skinned Caribbeanimmigrants acknowledge and empha-
size colorand ancestrysimilarities withAfricanAmericansat some times;at othertimes
Caribbeansculturally distinguish themselvesfromnative-born blacks. Keithand Herring
(1991) discussthe skintonedistinctions thatexistamongAfrican Americans, withthe ad-
vantagesand highersocialstatusthataccrueto thosewho are lighterskinned.Thiscolor

8. TheexamplesherearedrawnfromAmerican groups, butthelayeringofidentityis notuniqueto theUnited

States. Similarlevelsof ethnicidentificationhave been observedaroundthe world. See Horowitz(1985), Young
(1976),and Enloe (1973) forotherexamples.
9. Theracialself-definitionoftheHispanics an interesting
represents exampleofthenegotiated and constructed
character ofethnicity.In 1980 and 1990,nearlyhalfofrespondents who identified
themselves as "Hispanic"
on an
ancestry item,reported theirraceas "other,"
i.e.,theydidnotchooseanyofthemorethana dozen"races"offered in
theCensusor Current Population Surveyquestionnaires(e.g.,black,white,American Indian,Japanese,Chinese,Fili-
pino,Vietnamese, etc.) TheCensusBureaurecodedmostofthemas "white"(U.S.BureauoftheCensus1980,1990).

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156 NAGEL

consciousness appearsto be embracedbyblacksas well as whites,and thusdemarcates an

internalas well as externalethnicboundary.
WhiteAmericans alsomakeethnicdistinctions in varioussettings, variousaudi-
vis-a-vis
ences. Theysometimesemphasizeone of theirseveralEuropeanancestries(Waters1990;
Alba 1990);theysometimes invokeNativeAmerican lineage(Beale 1957;Quinn1990);they
sometimes identifythemselves as "white,"orsimplyassertan "American" (Lieberson
identity
1985). Thecalculations involvedin whiteethnicchoicesappeardifferent fromthoseofother
ethnicgroups,sinceresources targetedforminoritypopulations aregenerallynotavailableto
whites,and maynotdirectly motivate individuals
to specifyan ethnicity
basedon European
ancestryor "white"-ness.In thesecases,whiteethnicity can take the formof a "reverse
discrimination"countermovement or "backlash"againstthe perceivedadvantagesof non-
whites(Burstein1991). In othercases,whiteethnicity is moresymbolic (Gans1979),repre-
sentinglessa rationalchoicebasedon materialinterests thana personaloptionexercisedfor
social,emotional,or spiritualreasons(Waters1990;Fischer1986).

ExternalForcesShapingEthnicBoundaries
Thenotionthatethnicity is simply a personalchoicerunstheriskofemphasizing agency
at theexpenseofstructure. In fact,ethnicidentity is bothoptionaland mandatory, as indi-
vidualchoicesare circumscribed by theethniccategories availableat a particular
timeand
place. Thatis,whilean individual canchoosefromamonga setofethnicidentities, thatsetis
generally limitedto sociallyand politically definedethniccategories withvarying degreesof
or
stigma advantage attached to them. In some cases, the array ofavailableethnicitiescanbe
quiterestricted and constraining.
For instance,whiteAmericans have considerable latitudein choosingethnicidentities
basedon ancestry.Sincemanywhiteshavemixedancestries, theyhavethechoiceto select
fromamongmultipleancestries, or to ignoreancestry in favorof an "American" or "un-
hyphenated white"ethnicidentity (Lieberson1985). Americans ofAfrican ancestry,on the
otherhand,areconfronted withessentially one ethnicoption-black.Andwhileblacksmay
makeintra-racial distinctions basedon ancestry or skintone,thepowerofraceas a socially
defining status in U.S. society makes these internal differences ratherunimportant in interra-
cial settingsin comparison to thefundamental black/white colorboundary.'0
The differences betweentheethnicoptionsavailableto blacksand whitesin theUnited
Statesrevealthelimitsofindividual choiceand underline theimportance ofexternalascrip-
tionsin restricting availableethnicities. Thus, the extent to which ethnicitycan be freely
constructed byindividuals or groupsis quitenarrowwhencompulsory ethniccategories are
imposedbyothers.Suchlimitson ethnicidentification canbe officialor unofficial.
In either
case,externally enforced ethnicboundariescan be powerful determinants ofboththecon-
tentand meaningofparticular ethnicities. Forinstance,Feagin's(1991, 1992) researchon
the day-to-day racismexperienced by middle-class blackAmericansdemonstrates the po-
tencyof informal social ascription.Despitethe economicsuccessof middle-class African
Americans, theirreports ofhostility, suspicion, and humiliation inpublicand privateinterac-
tionswithnon-blacksillustrate the powerof informal meaningsand stereotypes to shape
interethnic relations(see also Whitaker1993).
Ifinformal ethnicmeaningsand transactions can shapetheeveryday experiences ofmi-
noritygroups,formalethniclabelsand policiesare even morepowerful sourcesofidentity
and socialexperience.Official ethniccategories and meaningsaregenerally political.As the
statehas becomethe dominantinstitution in society,politicalpoliciesregulating ethnicity

10. Despitethepracticeof "hypodescent"(Harris1964) or the "one droprule"in theclassification

of African
Americansas "black,"Davis(1991) showsthatthroughoutU.S. history,therehas beenconsiderable and
controversy
ofthemeaning
reconstruction and boundaries
associated
withblackness.

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 Ethnicity 157
Constructing

shape ethnicboundariesand influence

increasingly patterns ofethnicidentification.
There
are severalways thatethnicity is "politically
constructed,"i.e., the ways in whichethnic
boundaries,identities,cultures,are negotiated,defined,and producedby politicalpolicies
and institutions
(J.Nagel1986): byimmigration policies,byethnically-linkedresourcepoli-
cies,and bypoliticalaccessthatis structuredalongethniclines.

Immigration andtheproduction ofethnic Governments

diversity. routinely reshapetheirin-
ternalethnicmapsbytheirimmigration policies.Immigration is a majorengineofnew eth-
nic groupproduction as today'simmigrant groupsbecometomorrow's ethnicgroups(Hein
1994). Aroundtheworld,immigrant populations congregate in bothurbanand ruralcom-
munitiesto formethnicenclavesand neighborhoods, to filllabormarketniches,sometimes
providing neededlabor,sometimes competing with native-born workers, to specializein par-
ticularcommodity markets, and as "middlemen.""Whether byaccidentor design,whether
motivated byeconomics, orkinship,
politics, immigrant groupsareinevitably wovenintothe
fabricofethnicdiversity in mostoftheworld'sstates.
It is also through
immigration thatbothdomestic and foreign policiescan reshapeethnic
boundaries.The growingethnicdiversity and conflict
in Franceand Britainare directlega-
ciesofboththeirsuccessesandfailures at colonialempire- building.In manyotherEuropean
states,suchas Swedenand Germany, economicratherthanpolitical policies,inparticular the
importation ofguestworkers to filllaborshortages, encouraged immigration. Theresulthas
been the creationofpermanent ethnicminority populations.In the UnitedStates,various
Cold Warpoliciesand conflicts (e.g.,in SoutheastAsiaand CentralAmerica)resultedin im-
migration flowsthatmake Asiansand LatinAmericansthe two fastestgrowingminority
populationsin the UnitedStates(U.S. Census1991). Politicalpoliciesdesignedto house,
employ,orotherwise regulateorassistimmigrant populations can influence thecomposition,
location,and classpositionofthesenew ethnicsubpopulations.'2 Thusthepoliticsofimmi-
grationare an important mechanism in thepoliticalconstruction ofethnicity.

Resource andethnic
competition group formation. Immigration is nottheonlyarea in which
politicsand ethnicityareinterwoven. Official
ethniccategories are routinely usedbygovern-
mentsworldwide in census-taking (Horowitz1985),andacknowledgment oftheethniccom-
positionofpopulations is a regularfeatureofnationalconstitutions (Maarseveenand van der
Tang 1978; Rhoodie1983). Such designations can serveto reinforce or reconstructethnic
boundariesby providingincentivesforethnicgroupformation and mobilization or by
designating particularethnicsubpopulations as targetsforspecialtreatment. Thepoliticalrec-
ognitionofa particular ethnicgroupcan notonlyreshapethedesignated group'sself-aware-
ness and organization, but can also increaseidentificationand mobilization amongethnic
not
groups officially recognized, and thuspromote new ethnicgroup formation.Thisis espe-
ciallylikelywhenofficial designationsare thoughtto advantageor disadvantage a groupin
someway.
Forinstance,in India,theprovision ofconstitutionallyguaranteed parliamentary repre-
sentationand civilservicepostsformembersof the "ScheduledCastes"or "Untouchables"
contributed to theemergence ofcollectiveidentityand thepoliticalmobilization ofUntouch-
ables fromdifferent languageand regionalbackgrounds; one resultwas theformation ofan
Untouchable politicalparty, theRepublican Party(Nayar1966;Rudolphand Rudolph1967).
Thisaffirmative actionprogram produceda backlashand a Hindurevivalmovement, mainly
amonguppercasteIndianswhojudgedUntouchables to have unfairpoliticaland economic

11. See Cohen (1974); Bonacich (1972, 1973); Fernandez-Kelly(1987); Lightand Bonacich (1988); Portes and
Rumbaut (1990); Sassen (1988, 1991).
12. See Yetman (1983, 1991); Pedraza-Bailey (1985); Horowitz (1985); Light and Bonacich (1988); Whorton
(1994).

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158 NAGEL

advantages(Desai 1992). Suchbacklashes arecommonaroundtheworld.In Malaysia,con-

stitutional provisionsgrantingpoliticaladvantagesto majority Malaysprompted numerous
protests fromnon-Malays-mainly Chineseand Indians(Means 1976). In manyofthenew
republicsoftheformer SovietUnion,nationalist mobilizations arebuiltas muchon a back-
lash againstRussiaand localRussians(who comprisea significant partofthepopulationin
mostrepublics)thanon a stronghistoric patternof national identity.'3In theUnitedStates,
whiteethnicself-awareness was heightened as desegregation and affirmative actionpro-
gramsgotunderwayin the1960sand 1970s. Theresultwas a whiteanti-busing movement,
and a "legalcountermobilization" and culturalbacklashagainstaffirmative action(Rubin
1972; Burstein1991; Faludi 1991). AmericanIndianshave also been the targetsof white
backlashes,mainlyagainsttreaty-protected huntingand fishing rightsin the PacificNorth-
west and the northernGreatLakes region(Adamsand La Course 1977; Wright1977;
Kuhlmannforthcoming).
Official ethniccategoriesandpoliciescanalso strengthen ethnicboundaries byserving as
the basisfordiscrimination and repression,and thusreconstruct themeaningofparticular
ethnicities. Petonito(1991a, 1991b)outlinestheconstruction ofboth"loyalAmerican" and
"disloyalJapanese"ethnicboundaries duringWorldWarII, a processwhichled to theintern-
mentofthousandsofJapanese-Americans. Similarly,violencedirected towardIraniansand
MiddleEasterners in theUnitedStatesincreasedwhenAmericanembassystaff weretaken
hostageduring the Iranianrevolutionin 1980 and attacks againstIraqisand Arab-Americans
escalatedduringthe 1991GulfWar(Applebome1991). In theformer case,official actionsof
the Carteradministration, suchas requiringIraniannationalsin theUnitedStatesto report
forphotographing and fingerprinting,
contributed to an elevationof ethnicawarenessand
tendedto legitimate theharassment ofIranians.In thelattercase,official U.S. militaryhos-
tilitiesagainstIraq "spread"intoU.S. domestic politics,
prompting attacks on Arab and Iraqi
"targets" livingin theUnitedStates.
Politicalpoliciesand designations have enormouspowerto shape patternsof ethnic
identification when politicallycontrolledresourcesare distributed along ethniclines.
Roosens(1989) attempts to tracetheriseofethnicity and ethnicmovements in thecontem-
porary United States. He arguesthat the mobilization ofethnic groups in the UnitedStates
has paralleledthedevelopment oftheU.S. welfarestateand itsracialpolicies:
Therewerefewadvantages
intheUnitedStates...ofthe1930stodefineoneselfvisibly
as a member
oftheSicilian
orPolishimmigrant Whenoneconsiders
community. thecurrent
North
American
situation,however,one concludesthatethnicgroupsemergedso strongly
because ethnicity
brought advantages(Roosens1989:14).
peoplestrategic
Padilla's (1985, 1986) descriptionof the emergenceof a Latino ethnicityamong Mexicans
and PuertoRicansin Chicagoin responseto cityprograms
focusedon Hispanics,
is consistent
with Roosens's analysis. Anotherexample is Espiritu's(1992) account of the emergenceof
Asian-Americanethnicidentityas a strategyto counterofficialpolicies thoughtto disadvan-
tage smallerAsian nationalitygroups. Similarly,the whitebacklashesdescribedabove repre-
sent one response to exclusion from what are seen as ethnically-designatedrightsand
resources.
The observationthat ethnic boundaries shift,shaping and reshapingethnic groups ac-
cordingto strategiccalculationsof interest,and thatethnicityand ethnicconflictarise out of
resourcecompetition,represent majorthemesin thestudyofethnicity (see Banton1983).
Barthand his associates(1969) linkethnicboundariesto resourceniches.Whereseparate
nichesare exploitedbyseparateethnicgroups(e.g.,herdersversushorticulturalists),
ethnic

13. This is more the case in the southern republics,such as Tadzhikistanor Uzbekistan,than in formerlyin-
dependent republicssuch as in the Baltics-Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania-where national identitiesare more historically
firmlyfixed (see Allworth1989).

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 Ethnicity 159
Constructing

tranquility prevails;however,nichecompetition (e.g.,forland or water)resultsin ethnic

boundaryinstability due to conflict
or displacement (see also Despres1975). Examiningla-
bormarkets, Bonacich(1972) and Olzak(1989, 1992)haveshownhowinformal job compe-
tition among different ethnic groups can heightenethnic antagonismand conflict,
strengthening ethnicboundariesas ethnicity comesto be viewedas crucialto employment
and economicsuccess.Hannanarguesthatthepursuitofeconomicand politicaladvantage
underliestheshiftin ethnicboundariesupwardfromsmallerto largeridentities in modern
states.'4Thus,in electoralsystems, largerethnicgroupsmeanlargervotingblocs;in indus-
trialeconomiesregulated bythepoliticalsector,and in welfarestates,largerethnicconstitu-
enciestranslate intogreaterinfluence(see also Lauwagie1979 and B. Nagel1986).
Thisresearch paintsa pictureofethnicity as a rationalchoice(Hechter1987a).According
to thisview,the construction of ethnicboundaries(groupformation) or the adoptionor
presentation ofa particular ethnicidentity (individualethnicidentification), can be seen as
partof a strategy to gainpersonalor collectivepoliticalor economicadvantage.'5For in-
stance,Katz (1976) reports thecreationofraciallyrestrictive craftunionsbywhitesettlers in
SouthAfricain orderto gainan edgein labormarketcompetition and createclassdistance
fromcompeting blacklaborers.Such competitive strategiesnotonlyprovideethnicadvan-
tages,theystimulate and groupformation.
ethnicidentity An exampleis "whiteness" which
Roediger(1991:13-14)arguesemergedas an Americanethnicity due to theefforts ofwork-
ing class (especiallyIrish)whiteswho soughtto distancethemselves and theirlaborfrom
blacksand blackness;by distinguishing their"freelabor"from"slavelabor,"theyredefined
theirworkfrom"whiteslavery"to "freelabor."

Politicalaccessandethnic
groupformation. The organization ofpoliticalaccessalongethnic
linescan also promoteethnicidentification and ethnicpoliticalmobilization. As Brassnotes,
"the state. . .is not simplyan arena or an instrument of a particularclass or ethnic
group.. .thestateis itselfthe greatest prizeand resource,overwhichgroupsengagein a
continuing struggle"(1985:29). Muchethnicconflict aroundtheworldarisesoutofcompe-
titionamongethniccontenders to controlterritoriesand centralgovernments. Thecivilwar
in theformer of
republic Yugoslavia is a clearexample of ethnic politicalcompetition(Hod-
son, Sekulic,and Masseyforthcoming).'6 The long-standing grievances ofthevariouswar-
ringlinguistic and religiousgroupstheredid noteruptintocombatuntilthe SovietUnion
liftedthe threatofintervention in the late 1980sand openedthe doorto thepossibility of
ethno-political The
competition. resultwasan armedscramble forterritorybasedon a fearof
dominationor exclusionbylarger,morepowerful ethnicgroups.
In the UnitedStates,theconstruction ofethnicidentity in responseto ethnicrulesfor
politicalaccesscan be seenin thenationaldebateoveraffirmative action,in thecomposition
ofjudicial(judges,juries)and policy-making bodies (committees, boards),and in the en-
forcement oflawsdesignedto enddiscrimination orprotect minorities (see Gamsonand Mo-
digliani1987). For example,the redistricting of U.S. congressional based on the
districts
1990 censusled to ethnicmobilization and litigationas African-American and Latinocom-
munities, amongothers,soughtimproved representation in thefederalgovernment (Feeney

14. Examples are fromthe town-based Oyo or Ilorin to Yoruba linguistic,regional identityin Nigeria (Laitin
1985); fromvarious regional or linguisticUntouchablegroups into an organizednational partyin India (Nayar 1966);
fromChicano or Puerto Rican to Latino or fromCherokee or Apache to NativeAmericanin the United States (Padilla
1986; Cornell 1988).
15. See also Hechter (1987b, 1992); Hechterand Friedman (1984); Hechter,Friedman,and Appelbaum (1982);
Banton (forthcoming).
16. The distinctionbetween "ethnic"and "national" groups is the subject of much definitionand debate in the
social sciences. I use the termssynonymously,thus "ethnic"group includes religious,linguistic,cultural,and regional
groupswith claims to politicalrights,sovereignty,or autonomy. See Connor (1991), Hobsbawm (1990), Smith (1986),
and Gellner (1983, 1987) fordiscussionsof nationalism,ethno-nationalism,and ethnicity.

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160 NAGEL

concernbasedon theimportance
1992). Similarly, ofethnicpopulationsizeforrepresenta-
tionand resourceallocationled AsianAmericans to demandthattheCensusBureaudesig-
natenineAsiannationality groupsas separate"races"in the 1980and 1990census(Espiritu
1992; Lee 1993).1'

EthnicAuthenticity
and EthnicFraud
ethnicresourcedistribution
Politically-regulated and politicalaccesshave led to much
discussionaboutjustwhatconstitutes legitimatemembership in an ethnicgroup,and about
which individualsand groupsqualifyas disadvantaged minorities.For instance,Hein
(1991:1) outlinesthedebateconcerning theextentto whichAsianimmigrants to theUnited
Statesshouldbe seento be ethnic"minorities" withan "historicalpattern ofdiscrimination,"
and thuseligibleforaffirmativeactionremedies.In universities,concernedwithadmissions
practices,financial
aid and
allocation, non-discriminatory employment and representation,
thequestionofwhichethnicgroupsfulfill affirmative actiongoalsis oftenansweredbycom-
mitteeschargedwithdefining who is and is not an official
minority group(see Simmons
1982).
Discussions aboutgroupeligibility areoftentranslated intocontroversies surrounding
individual need,individualethnicity, andethnic proof.Themulti-ethnic ancestry ofmany
Americans combines withethnically-designated resourcesto makechoosing an ethnicity
sometimes decision.In someinstances,
a financial individuals
respond toshifting ethnicin-
centivestructures (FriedmanandMcAdam 1987,1992)byasserting minority statusoreven
changing theirethnicity.
Ethnic switching (Barth1969)to gainadvantage canbe conten-
tiouswhenresources arelimited. In manycases,particularly thoseinvolving individualsof
mixedancestry, thedesignation ofa resource-endowed ethnicityforpublicorofficial pur-
posescanelicitsuspicion andchallenge. Forinstance, Snipp(1993)reports concern among
Native American educatorsabout"ethnic fraud" intheallocationofjobsandresources desig-
natedforAmerican Indianstudents; thisconcern was reflectedin theinclusion ofethnic
fraud amongthetopics ofdiscussion ata recent nationalconferenceonminority education.8s
Indeed,questions ofwhois IndianorLatinoorblack'9areoftenraisedandoftenare
toresolve
difficult onewayortheother.Evenwhenancestry canbe proven, questions can
ariseaboutthecultural depthoftheindividual's (Washeorsheraisedona reserva-
ethnicity
tionorinthecity?DoesheorshespeakSpanish?), ortheindividual'ssocialclass(Washeor
sheraisedin theinnercityorin thesuburbs?). to questions
Solutions ofauthenticity are
oftencontroversial and difficultto enforce. Forinstance,thefederal government has at-
tempted tosetthestandards ofethnic proof inthecaseofAmerican Indianart.TheIndian
ArtsandCrafts Actof1990requires thatinorderforartwork tobe labeledas "Indianpro-
duced," theproducer mustbe"certified as anIndianartisanbya [federallyrecognized] Indian
tribe"(United StatesStatutesat Large1990:4663).Bythislegaldefinition, artists ofIndian

17. On the 1990 census formtherewere actually 10 Asian nationalitygroupsdesignatedas separate races. They
were: Asian Indian, Chinese,Filipino,Guamanian,Hawaiian, Japanese,Korean, Samoan, Vietnamese,and OtherAsian
or PacificIslander. Asian Americangroupswere concernedthatifthe term"Asian" were used in the census race item
(Item number 4: "What is thisperson's race"), thatmany Asian Americanswould not markthe choice, and the result
would be an undercountof the Asian-Americanpopulation (Espiritu1992).
18. In an October, 1993 conferencesponsored by the American Council on Education in Houston (American
Council on Education 1993), JimLarimore(AssistantDean and Directorof the AmericanIndian Programat Stanford
University)and Rick Waters (AssistantDirectorof Admissionsat Universityof Colorado, Boulder) presenteda session,
"AmericanIndians Speak Out AgainstEthnicFraud in College Admissions."The session was designed to "identifythe
problemand its impacton the AmericanIndian community...[and to] discusseffectiveinstitutionalpracticesfordocu-
mentingand monitoringtribalaffiliations"(Larimoreand Waters 1993).
19. An example is when individualswho are not of African-American ancestry,such as dark-skinnedAsians or
native-bornAfricans,are counted as "black"or "minority"forsuch purposesas demonstrating compliancewithaffirma-
tive action hiringgoals.

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 Ethnicity 161
Constructing

ancestry cannotproduceIndianartunlesstheyare enrolledin orcertified byofficiallyrecog-

nizedtribes.Theacthas thusleda numberofIndianartists to seekofficial
tribalstatus(some
have refusedto do this)and has also servedto excludesome recognized AmericanIndian
artistsfromgalleries, museums,and exhibits(Jaimes1992;KansasCityStar1991).20Similar
on who can sell Indianartand whereit can be sold have caused bitter
local restrictions
divisionsamongAmericanIndiansand otherminority communities in theSouthwest(Ev-
ans-Pritchard 1987).21
In sum,theconstruction ofethnicboundariesthroughindividualidentification, ethnic
groupformation, informalascriptions, and official ethnicpoliciesillustrates the ways in
whichparticular ethnicidentitiesare created,emphasized, chosen,or discardedin societies.
As theresultofprocessesofnegotiation and designation, ethnicboundarieswax and wane.
Individualethnicidentification is strongly limitedand influenced by externalforcesthat
shape theoptions,feasibility,and attractiveness ofvariousethnicities.
As we have seen above,researchspeaksfairly clearlyand articulatelyabouthow ethnic
boundariesare erectedand torndown,and theincentives or disincentivesforpursuing par-
ticularethnicoptions.However,theliterature is lessarticulate aboutthemeaning ofethnicity
to individualsand groups,about the forcesthatshape and influencethe contentsof that
ethnicity,and aboutthepurposesethnicmeaningsserve.Thisrequiresa discussionofthe
construction ofculture.
Cultureandhistory are thesubstanceofethnicity. Theyarealso thebasicmaterials used
to constructethnicmeaning.Cultureand history are oftenintertwined in culturalconstruc-
tionactivities.Botharepartofthe"toolkit"-asSwidler(1986) calledit-used to createthe
meaningand interpretative systems seento be uniqueto particular ethnicgroups(see Ton-
kin,McDonald,and Chapman1989). Cultureis mostcloselyassociatedwiththe issue of
meaning.Culturedictates theappropriate and inappropriate contentofa particularethnicity
and designates thelanguage,religion, beliefsystem, art,music,dress,traditions,and lifeways
thatconstitute an authenticethnicity. Whilethe construction ofethnicboundariesis very
mucha saga ofstructure and externalforcesshapingethnicoptions,theconstruction ofcul-
tureis morea tale ofhumanagencyand internalgroupprocessesofculturalpreservation,
renewal,and innovation.The nextsectionexploresthewaysin whichethniccommunities
use cultureand history to createcommonmeanings, and to launchsocial
to buildsolidarity,
movements.

ConstructingCulture
In hisnow classictreatise
on ethnicity,
Fredrik
Barth(1969) challenged
anthropologyto
moveawayfromitspreoccupation withthecontentofculture,
towarda moreecologicaland
structuralanalysisofethnicity:

20. The entireIndianartauthentication processhas beencriticized as havingas itsprimary purpose,a wayof

guaranteeing thevalueofartformainlynon-Indian artownersand purchasers. Mythanksto C. MatthewSnippfor
bringing thisto myattention.
21. Theimportance andmeaningofofficial recognitionas a basisforindividualethnicity,ethnicgroupformation,
andethnicmobilization is byno meansuniquetoNativeAmericans ortotheUnitedStates.Wherea particular ethnic-
ityis especially
stigmatizing,ethnicconversions (or"passing")oftenoccur.Forexample,Schermerhorn (1978) reports
a commonformofethnicswitching inIndia-religious
conversion, whenHinduUntouchables convert toIslaminorder
to escapeuntouchability. Also in India,the British
colonialpreference forSikhmilitary recruits,led to manySikh
conversions inordertoqualify(Nayar1966). Lelyveld (1985)discusses thephenomenon ofindividualsofficially
chang-
ingtheirraceunderSouthAfrican apartheidregulations(see also Adamand Moodley1993). Official recognitionor
resources tiedtoparticularethnicgroupscanprompt notonlyindividual, butalsoethnicgroupformation andmobiliza-
tionas well.Burstein (1991) documents a whiteethniclegalcounter-assault againsttheperceived ethnicadvantages of
American minority populations.In Canada,thepassageofpoliciesfavoring theuse oftheFrenchlanguagein Quebec
duringthe1970sand 1980sledto ethnicorganizational formation andprotests amongnon-French-speaking Canadian
ethnicgroups,suchas thoseofItalianand Portuguese descent, who feareddisadvantage or exclusionunderthenew
languagepolicies(Murray1977;Lupul1983).

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162 NAGEL

.. .ethniccategories
providean organizational thatmaybe givenvarying
vessel amountsand forms
ofcontentindifferent socio-cultural ... .Thecritical
systems focusofinvestigation
fromthispointof
view becomesthe ethnicboundary thatdefinesthe group,not the culturalstuff
thatit encloses
(Barth1969:14-15[emphasis mine]).
Barth's quarrel was not withthe analysisof culture,per se, but withitsprimacyin anthropo-
logical thinking. In fact,by modernizingBarth's "vessel" imagery,we have a useful device
forexaminingthe constructionof ethnicculture: the shoppingcart.We can thinkof ethnic
boundaryconstructionas determiningthe shapeofthe shoppingcart(size, numberofwheels,
composition,etc.); ethnicculture,then,is composed of the thingswe put into the cart-art,
music, dress,religion,norms,beliefs,symbols,myths,customs. It is importantthat we dis-
card the notion that cultureis simplyan historicallegacy; cultureis nota shoppingcartthat
comes to us already loaded with a set of historicalculturalgoods. Ratherwe constructcul-
ture by pickingand choosing items fromthe shelves of the past and the present. As Barth
remindsus:
... whenone tracesthehistory
ofan ethnicgroupthrough time,one is notsimultaneously..
.tracing
thehistoryof"a culture":theelementsofthepresentcultureofthatgrouphavenotsprungfrom
theparticularsetthatconstituted
thegroup'scultureat a previoustime"(Barth1969:38).

In other words, cultures change; they are borrowed,blended, rediscovered,and reinter-

preted. My use of the shoppingcartmetaphorextends Swidler's (1986) culturaltoolkitim-
agery. Swidler argues that we use the culturaltools in the toolkitin our everydaysocial
labors; I argue that we not only use the tools in the toolkit,but that we also determineits
contents-keeping some tools already in the kit,discardingothers,adding new ones. How-
ever, if cultureis best understoodas more than mere remnantsof the past, then how did it
get to its presentstate-how did the cartget filled,and why? What does culturedo?
Culture is constructedin much the same way as ethnic boundaries are built, by the
actionsof individualsand groupsand theirinteractionswiththe largersociety.Ethnicbound-
aries functionto determineidentityoptions,membershipcompositionand size, and formof
ethnic organization. Boundaries answer the question: Who are we? Culture provides the
contentand meaningof ethnicity;it animatesand authenticatesethnicboundariesby provid-
ing a history,ideology, symbolicuniverse, and systemof meaning. Culture answers the
question: What are we? It is throughthe constructionof culture that ethnic groups fill
Barth's vessel-by reinventingthe past and inventingthe present.

Cultural ConstructionTechniques

Groups constructtheirculturesin many ways which involve mainlythe reconstruction of

historicalculture,and the construction
of new culture. Culturalreconstruction techniques in-
clude revivalsand restorationsof historicalculturalpracticesand institutions;new cultural
constructionsinclude revisionsof currentcultureand innovations-the creationof new cul-
turalforms. Culturalconstructionand reconstruction are ongoinggroup tasksin which new
and renovatedculturalsymbols,activities,and materialsare continuallybeing added to and
removed fromexistingculturalrepertoires.22
Culturalrevivalsand restorationsoccurwhen lostor forgotten culturalformsor practices
are excavated and reintroduced,or when lapsed or occasional culturalformsor practicesare
refurbishedand reintegratedinto contemporaryculture. For example, formany, immigrant
and indigenous ethnicgroups' native languages have falleninto disuse. Effortsto revitalize
language and increase usage are oftenmajor culturalreconstruction projects. In Spain, both

22. Fora detaileddiscussion

ofcultural see Nagel(1994).
construction,

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 Ethnicity 163
Constructing
in Cataloniaand theBasque region,declining use ofthenativetongues(Catalanand Eus-
kera,respectively)due to immigration and/orCastilianSpanishdomination, has spurredlan-
guage education and
programs linguistic renewal projects(Johnston 1991; Sullivan1988).
In theUnitedStates,thethreatened loss ofmanyNativeAmericanlanguageshas produced
similarlanguagedocumentation and educationprograms, as wellas thecreationofcultural
centers,tribalmuseums,and educationalprograms to preserveand revivetribalculturaltra-
ditions. Study and instruction in culturalhistoryis oftena centralpart of cultural
reconstruction.
Culturalrevisionsand innovations occurwhencurrent culturalelementsarechangedor
whennew culturalforms orpractices arecreated.As partofU.S. authorities' varioushistori-
cal efforts
to destroyNativeAmericanculturesbyannihilation or assimilation,manyIndian
communities and groupsused culturalrevisionand innovation to insulateculturalpractices
when theywereoutlawedbyauthorities. Champagne(1989, 1990) reports thattheAlaska
Tlingitsrevisedtraditionalpotlatch practices,incorporatingthem into Russian Orthodoxor
Protestantceremonies to concealtheforbidden exchanges.Prucha(1984) reports a formof
culturalinnovation to protect theuse ofpeyotein American Indianreligious rites.Thecrea-
tionoftheNativeAmericanChurchimbeddedpeyoteuse in a syncretic, new Indian-Chris-
tianreligious thusprotecting
institution, under
practitioners the FirstAmendment oftheU.S.
constitution.Such culturalcamouflagein the formof religioussyncretism is reportedin
manysocieties,particularly thosepenetrated bymissionaries operatingundergovernmental
auspices.23
Thesevariousculturalconstruction techniques,and othersthatwillbe described below,
servetwo important collectiveendswhichwillbe thefocusofthe remainder ofthispaper.
Theyaid in theconstruction ofcommunity and theyserveas mechanisms ofcollective mobil-
ization. Culturalconstructions assistin the construction of community when theyact to
definetheboundariesofcollective identity,establishmembership generatea shared
criteria,
symbolic vocabulary,and definea commonpurpose.Culturalconstructions promotecollec-
tivemobilizationwhentheyserveas a basisforgroupsolidarity, combineintosymbolic sys-
temsfordefining grievances and setting agendasforcollective action,and providea blueprint
or repertoireoftactics.

The CulturalConstruction
ofCommunity
In Imagined BenedictAndersonarguesthatthereis no moreevocativea
Communities,
symbolofmodernnationalism thanthetomboftheunknownsoldier.Theillustrative power
ofthisiconlies in thefactthatsuchtombs"areeitherdeliberately emptyor no one knows
who liesinsidethem"(Anderson1991:9)-thus,theyareopento interpretation and waiting
to be filled.The constructionofculturesuppliesthecontentsforethnicand nationalsym-
bolicrepositories.Hobsbawm(1983) refers to thissymbolic workas "theinvention oftradi-
tion"-i.e., theconstruction
orreconstruction ofrituals,practices,beliefs,customs, and other
culturalapparatus.Accordingto Hobsbawm,inventedtraditions servethreerelatedpur-
poses: a) to or
establish symbolize socialcohesion or groupmembership, b) to establishor
legitimize status,and authority
institutions, relations,or c) to socializeor inculcatebeliefs,
values,orbehaviors(1983:9). Bythisanalysistheinvention oftraditionis verymuchakinto
whatCohen (1985) calls"thesymbolic construction ofcommunity."
The construction ofhistory and cultureis a majortaskfacingall ethnicgroups,particu-
larlythosethatarenewlyforming orresurgent. In constructing culture,thepastis a resource
usedbygroupsin thecollective questformeaningandcommunity (Cohen1985:99). Trevor-
Roperprovidesan exampleoftheconstruction ofa nationalculture:

23. For example, see Whiteman (1985); Salamone (1985); Sanneh (1989); and Taber (1991).

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164 NAGEL

Today,whenever Scotchmen to celebrate

gather theirnational theyassertitopenly
identity, by
certain national
distinctive apparatus.Theywearthekilt,wovenin a tartan whosecolourand
pattern their'clan';andiftheyindulge
indicates inmusic, theirinstrumentis thebagpipe.This
apparatus,to whichtheyascribe is in factlargely
greatantiquity, modern.... Indeedthewhole
concept ofa distinct
Highland culture
andtradition is a retrospective
invention.Before
thelater
yearsoftheseventeenth century,theHighlanders
ofScotland didnotform a distinct
people.They
weresimply theoverflow ofIreland(Trevor-Roper1983:15).
OtherscholarsconcurwithTrevor-Roper's assertionsabouttheconstructed characterofScot-
tishidentity and culture(Chapman1979; Prebble1963). However,the fictiveaspectsof
Scottishethnicity in no waylessenthereality ofScottish nationalism in GreatBritain, partic-
ularlyduringitsheydeyduringthe 1970sand early1980s.Duringthattime,Scottishand
Welshnationalism combinedwiththeescalating violencein Northern Irelandto represent a
majorpolitical and economic threat to theintegrityoftheUnitedKingdom.24 Indeed,despite
itsinventedorigins,Scottishnationalism contributed to a majordevolutionofpoliticalau-
thority to theBritishCelticstates(Mercer1978;Davies 1989; Harvie1977).
Fornewlyforming ethnicand nationalgroups,theconstruction ofcommunity solidarity
and sharedmeaningsout of real or putativecommonhistoryand ancestryinvolvesboth
culturalconstructions and reconstructions. Smithrefers to ethnicand nationalgroups'"deep
nostalgia for the past"that results in effortsto uncover or,ifnecessary, inventan earlier,
ethnic"goldenage" (1986:174). Forinstance, Karner(1991) describes thereconstruction of
Finnishculturalhistory(folklore, music,songs)by Swedish-speaking Finnishintellectuals
duringthemobilization forFinnishindependence.Similarly, Kelly(1993) discussestheef-
fortsofLithuanian-Americans to learntheLithuanian languageand to reproduce Lithuanian
foods,songs,dances,and customsillustrating theprocesswherebypeopletransform a com-
mon ancestry(whetherby birthor by marriage)intoa commonethnicity.25 And in their
homeland,Lithuanians themselves are embarked on a journeyofnationalreconstruction, as
decades of Russianinfluenceare sweptaway in an effort to uncoverreal and historical
Lithuanianness.
The importance ofculturalconstruction forpurposesofcommunity buildingis notlim-
itedto thecreationofnationalunity.Culturalconstruction is especiallyimportant to pan-
ethnicgroups,as theyareoftencomposedofsubgroups withhistories ofconflictandanimos-
ity. For instance,Padilla (1985) discussesthe challengesfacingMexican-Americans and
PuertoRicansin Chicagoas theyattempt to construct bothLatinoorganizations and an iden-
tityunderpinned by theassertionofcommoninterests and sharedculture-a commonality
thatis sometimes problematic. Espiritu(1992) also documents thetensionssurrounding na-
tionalityand culturaldifferences in theevolutionofan Asian-American pan-ethnicity.
One strategy usedbypolyethnic groupsto overcomesuchdifferences and builda more
unifiedpan-ethnic community is to blendtogether culturalmaterialfrommanycomponent
grouptraditions.AbouthalfoftheAmericanIndianpopulationlivesin urbanareas (U.S.
CensusBureau 1989). UrbanIndianshaveborrowedfromvarioustribalculturesas wellas
fromnon-Indianurbancultureto construct supratribal or"Indian"culturalforms suchas the
powwow,theIndianCenter,IndianChristian churches, Indianbowlingleaguesand softball
teams,and Indianpopularmusicgroups.In theurbansetting, tribaldifferencesand tensions
can be submerged in thesepan-Indianorganizations and activities.26
Buildinga culturalbasisfornew ethnicand nationalcommunities is nottheonlygoal
prompting culturalreconstruction. Culturalconstruction is also a methodforrevitalizing

24. Given the location of Britain'sNorthSea oil holdingsoffScotland's coast.

25. An interestingaspect of Lithuanian-Americanethnic renewal is what Kelly calls the "ethnic pilgrimage,"
where Lithuanian-AmericansvisitLithuaniato learn firsthand about theirethnicrootsand to participatein buildingthe
new independentstate and nation (Kelly 1994).
26. See Hertzberg(1971); Weibel-Orlando(1991); Steele (1975); Whitehorse(1988); Clark (1988).

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 Ethnicity 165
Constructing
ethnicboundariesand redefining the meaningof ethnicity in existingethnicpopulations.
The Christmas season celebrationof Kwanzaaby African Americansis an exampleof the
dynamic, creativenatureofethnicculture, and revealstherolescholarsplayin culturalcon-
struction.Createdin the 1960sbyProfessor MaulanaKarenga,Kwanzaais a seven-daycul-
turalholidaywhichcombinesAfricanand African-American traditions(Copage 1991).27
The reconstruction and studyofculturalhistory is also a crucialpartofthecommunity con-
struction and
process again shows the importance of academic actorsand in
institutions cul-
turalrenewal. Examplescan be foundin the recentemergenceof variousethnicstudies
programs (e.g.,Latino,American Indian,African-American, AsianStudies)established in col-
legesand universitiesaroundtheUnitedStatesduringthepastthreedecades(Deloria1986).
Such programs ofa renewedand legitimated
are reflective interestin ethnicityand cultural
diversity.Theseprograms, as wellas classesin oralhistory and ethnicculture,serveas im-
portantresourcesin culturalrevivalsand restorations.28

and EthnicMobilization
CulturalConstruction
Culturalconstruction can also be placedin theserviceofethnicmobilization. Cultural
renewaland transformation are important aspectsof ethnicmovements.Culturalclaims,
icons,and imageryare used by activists in the mobilization process;culturalsymbolsand
meanings are also produced and transformed as ethnic movements emergeand grow.While
thereis a largeliterature on thestructural determinants ofethnicmobilization,29recentso-
cial movementresearchreflects increasedinterest in thenatureofsocialmovementculture
and theinterplay betweencultureand mobilization (see Morrisand Mueller1992). An ex-
aminationof thisliterature offers insight into the relationshipbetweencultureand ethnic
mobilization.
Forinstance,Snow and hisassociatesarguethatsocialmovement organizersand activ-
istsuse existingculture(rhetorical devicesand varioustechniquesof"framealignment") to
makemovement goals and tacticsseem reasonable, just, and to
feasible constitu-
participants,
encies,and politicalofficials (Snow et al. 1986; Snow and Benford1988,1992). Forexam-
ple,nucleardisarmament movement leadersresponded to questionsaboutthehopelessness
of opposinga military-industrial complexbenton the production of nuclearweaponsby
a
drawing parallel between the elimination ofnuclear weapons and the abolitionofslavery-
namely,the successof abolitionism was achieveddespitean equallydauntingopposition
(Snow et al. 1986). Thus,bydrawingon availableculturalthemes,thediscoursesurround-
ingmovementobjectivesand activism is morelikelyto recruit members, gainpoliticalcur-
rency,and achievemovementgoals.
Gamsonand his associatesdocumenttheideationalshifts and strategiesused bymove-
ments,policymakers, and opposition groupsto shapedebates,defineissues,and to paintthe
mostcompelling portraitofeach side'sclaimsand objectives(Gamson1988, 1992; Gamson
and Modigliani1987; Gamsonand Lasch 1983). For instance,Gamsonand Modigliani
(1987) arguethatthechanging cultureofaffirmative actionresultsfroma struggle overthe
definition ofequality, justice,and fairness, as variouspoliticalactorsframetheissuesin com-
petingways,e.g.,affirmative actionas "remedial action"versus"reverse discrimination."The

27. Tanzanian-bornMaulana Karenga is professorand chair of Black Studies at the Universityof Californiaat
Long Beach.
28. The use of historicalor anthropologicalresearchby ethnicgroups engaged in reconstructionprojectshas its
pitfalls.These centeron the accuracyand objectivityof such academic work. Recent research"deconstructing"histori-
cal and contemporaryethnographies(Wagner 1975; Clifford1988; Cliffordand Marcus 1986; Geertz 1988) has been
aimed at revealingthe voices and viewpointsof researchersimbeddedin "objective"reportsof theirsubjects' social and
culturalorganization.
29. See Enloe (1973); Hechter (1975); Young (1976); Nagel and Olzak (1982); Brass (1985); Horowitz (1985);
Olzak (1992); A. Smith (1992).

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166 NAGEL

rhetorics, counter-rhetorics, and rhetorical shifts

characterized in thisresearchare common
to all socialmovements, including ethnic movements. They reflecttheuse ofculturalmate-
rial and representations in a symbolicstruggle overrights, resources,and the heartsand
mindsofconstituents, neutralobservers, and opponentsalike.
The workofSnow and Gamsonillustrates theuse ofexistingculturebymovementor-
ganizersand activists, and showsseveralformsof culturalreconstruction, wherecultural
symbolsand themesare borrowedand sometimesrepackagedto servemovementends.
Thereis anotherwayin whichculturalconstruction occursin movements-where protestis
a crucibleof culture.For instance,Fantasia(1988) describesa "cultureof solidarity" that
arisesout ofactivism. Culturesofsolidarity referto theemergence ofa collective conscious-
nessand sharedmeaningsthatresultfromengaging in collectiveaction.Ethnicmovements
oftenchallengenegativehegemonicethnicimagesand institutions by redefining themean-
ingofethnicity in appealingwaysorbyusingculturalsymbols to effectively
dramatize griev-
ancesand demands.
Examplesoftheconstruction and reconstruction ofhistory and culturein orderto rede-
finethemeaningofethnicity can be foundin theactivities ofmanyoftheethnicgroupsthat
mobilizedduringthe civilrightsera of the 1960sand 1970sin the UnitedStates. During
theseyears,a renewedinterest in Africancultureand history and thedevelopment ofa cul-
ture of blackpride-"Blackis Beautiful"-accompanied African-American protestactions
duringthecivilrights movement.Thecreationofnewsymbolic forms andtheabandonment
of old,discredited symbolsand rhetoric reflected theefforts ofAfrican Americans to create
internalsolidarity and to challengethe prevailing negativedefinitions of blackAmerican
ethnicity.For instance,theevolutionof racialnomenclature forAfrican Americanscan be
excavatedby a retrospective examination ofthenamesoforganizations associatedwithor
representing theinterests ofblackAmericans:theNationalAssociation fortheAdvancement
ofColoredPeople,theUnitedNegroCollegeFund,theBlackPantherParty, and theNational
Councilof African-American Men, Inc. The fluidity of namesforotherAmericanethnic
groupsreflects similarshifts in constructed ethnicdefinitionsandrevisedmeaningsassociated
withevolvingcollectiveidentities:fromIndiansto AmericanIndiansto NativeAmericans;
fromSpanish-Surnamed to Hispanicsto Latinos.30Such changesin ethnicnomenclature
werean important partofthediscourseofcivilrights protest,as werechangesin dress,new
symbolic themesin art,literature, and music,and counterhegemonic challengestoprevailing
standardsofethnicdemeanorand interracial relations.31
The expropriation and subversion ofnegativehegemonic ethnicdefinitions and institu-
tionsis an important waythatcultureis usedin ethnicmobilization aroundtheworld.Brit-
ish conceptionsof "tribe"and "tribal"shaped many of theircolonialpolicies,such as
geographic administrative boundaries, educationpolicies,and hiringpractices.Thesetribal
constructions werereshapedbyAfricans intotheanti-colonial ethnicpoliticsofa numberof
African states(Melsonand Wolpe1971;Young1976). Forinstance, Wallerstein (1960) and
Iliffe(1979) documentthemobilization ofvarious"tribal"unionsand associations intona-
tionalistmovements forindependence in manyAfrican countries.In India,similarsubver-
sion of colonialculturalconstructions designedto facilitate Britishdominationoccurred.
Cohn (1983) arguesthatthepompand ceremony oftheBritish ImperialAssemblage and the
ImperialDurbarsin nineteenthcenturyIndia were expropriated by Indian elites,who

30. See Martin(1991), Stein (1989), and T. Smith(1992) fora discussionofshiftingnomenclatureamong African
Americans. My thanksto Norm Yetman forraisingthe issue of evolvingnomenclature.
31. See Cleaver (1968); Carmichaeland Hamilton (1967); Willhelm(1970); Lister(1968).

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 Ethnicity 167
Constructing

indigenizedand institutionalizedthisinventedtradition,incorporating itintothesymbolism

and idiomofan independent Indianpolitics.32
This"turning on itshead" ofculturalsymbolsand institutions can be seen in theways
use culturein theirproteststrategies.
ethnicactivists The tacticsused in ethnicmovements
relyon thepresentation, and sometimes thereconstruction, of culturalsymbolsto demon-
strateethnicunity,to dramatize injustice,or to animategrievances ormovementobjectives.
For instance,Zulaika(1988), Sullivan(1988), and Clark(1984) reportthe use of various
culturalsymbolsand conventions byBasquenationalist groups,noting, forinstance, thecen-
tralsymbolicimportance ofdemandsforBasquelanguagerights, althoughfewerthanhalfof
theBasquepopulationspeakstheBasquelanguage.TheRedPowermovement forAmerican
Indianrightsduringthe 1960sand 1970sdrewitsmembership frommainlyurbanIndians
froma varietyof tribalbackgrounds. The movementcreateda unifiedpan-Indiancultural
frontby borrowing culturalformsfrommanynativecommunities (e.g., the teepee,eagle
feathers,the war dance,the drum). Red Powerrepertoires of contention-asTilly(1986)
calledthem-also employed a rhetoricalanddramaturgical culturalstylethatreflectedmove-
mentleaders'sensitivitytotheplaceoftheAmerican IndianinAmerican popularcultureand
history.The AmericanIndianMovement(AIM) was especiallyskilledin the use of such
symbolicdramaturgy, as illustrated in the followingdescription of an AIM-sponsored
counter-ceremony in 1976:
Custer Mont.Today,
Battlefield, onthewind-buffeted hill...whereGeorge Armstrong Custermade
hislaststand,about150Indians from various
tribes
danced joyouslyaroundthemonument tothe
Seventh Cavalry dead.Meanwhile, attheofficial
National Parks
Service ceremonyabout100yards
away,anArmy bandplayed... .Just
as theceremonygotunderway, a caravanofSioux,Cheyenne,
and otherIndiansledbyRussellMeans,theAmerican IndianMovement leader,strodeto the
speakers'platformtothepounding ofa drum.OscarBearRunner, likeMr.Means,a veteran ofthe
1973takeover ofWounded Knee,carried a sacred
peacepipe(Lichtenstein 1976:1-1).
The above exampleshowsthe interplay betweenpre-existing culturalformsand the new
uses to whichtheyareputin ethnicmovements. Whatwe see is theNationalParksService's
effortsto commemorate the "official
story"(Scott1990), and theAmericanIndianMove-
ment'schallengeto thishegemonicinterpretation of history.Both groupsemployedthe
symbolicparaphernalia availableto them,drawnfromsimilarstrandsof Americanhistory
and culture,butused in opposingways. By recasting thematerialofthepastin innovative
ways, in the serviceof new politicalagendas,ethnicmovements reforgetheirown culture
and history and reinventthemselves.

Conclusion

At thebeginning ofthispaperI poseda numberofquestionsaboutethnicboundaries

and meaning,inquiring and ethnicgroupformation,
intotheforcesshapingethnicidentity
and the uses of historyand cultureby ethnicgroupsand movements.My answershave
emphasizedtheinterplay betweenethnicgroupactionsand thelargersocialstructures
with
whichtheyinteract.Justas ethnicidentity resultsbothfromthechoicesofindividualsand
fromthe ascriptions of others,ethnicboundariesand meaningare also constructedfrom
withinand fromwithout, proppedup byinternal
and externalpressures.Forethnicgroups,
of
questions history, membership, and culture
are theproblematicssolvedby theconstruc-
tionprocess.Whetherethnicdivisionsare builtupon visiblebiologicaldifferences
among

32. A lessliberating
butcommoncultural construction
techniqueusedin ethnicmobilization
is thedemonization
ofopposition
orvillification ethnicgroupsincivilwars,pogroms,
andgenocides (e.g.,againstArmeniansinWorldWarI
Turkey,againstJewsin WorldWarII Germany, againstMuslimsin post-Soviet
Yugoslavia).

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168 NAGEL

populations or restuponinvisible culturaland ideationaldistinctions,theboundaries around

and themeaningsattachedto ethnicgroupsreflect pure socialconstructions.
Yetquestionsremain.Whatis driving groupsto construct and reconstruct ethniciden-
tityand culture?Whatis itaboutethnicity thatseemsto appealto individuals on so funda-
mentala level? Fromwhatsocialand psychological domainsdoestheimpulsetowardethnic
identification originate?Whyis ethnicity sucha durablebasisforgrouporganization around
the world? If ethnicity is in parta politicalconstruction,why do the goalsof some ethnic
activistsfavorequal rights, whileothersdemandautonomyor independence?Otherques-
tionsremainaboutthe socialmeaningof ethnicity. How are particular meanings(values,
stereotypes, beliefs)attachedto differentethnicgroups,and bywhom? Whatare theimpli-
cationsof thesedifferent meaningsforconceptions of socialjustice,intergroup relations,
politicalpolicy? Concomitantly, how does ethnicstratification (materialand ideational)
arise? Can constructionist explanations ofethnicityaccountforpersistent prejudiceand dis-
crimination, particularlywhereraceor colorare involved?To theextentthattheconstruc-
tionistmodelemphasizeschange,how shouldwe understand intractableracialand ethnic
antagonism and stratification?
Thesequestionscomprise notonlyan agendaforfuture research, theyarealsowarnings.
Whileethnicboundariesand themeaningsattributed to themcan be shownto be socially
constructed, theymustnot,therefore, be underestimated as socialforces.In fact,the con-
structionist model constitutes an argumentforthe durability, indeedthe inevitability,of
ethnicity in modernsocieties.As such,itrepresents a challengeto simplehistorical, biologi-
cal, or culturaldeterminist modelsofhumandiversity.

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