CHAPTER - VII

RELIGION. RELIGIOUS PRACTICES AND WOMEN

DIVERSITY IN RELIGIOUS BELIEFS

Assam is a land of diverse religions,

beliefs, and cults. Mahapurishiya Bhagawati Dharma or

neo-Vaishnavism which is the major' religion of Assam

today developed only in the early part of the sixteenth

1
century as a response to the Indian Bhakt i movement.

Before this, Saivism and Saktism were the most popular

religions in this land. There were, however, worship of

Vishnu or Suryya (Sun God) and prevalence of Buddhism

also, but these were minor cults.

Before the emergence of these

institutionalised religions, there might have prevailed

some primitive form of religion, whose nature can only be

guessed but not definitely ascertained. As pointed out by

B.K. Kakati, traces of Buddhism or any other religion

could not be traced out, which could have supplanted the

primitive form of religion. However, in course of time,

the non-vedic or tribal religions also took

institutionalised character and later when they came

into contact with vedic or Brahmanic religion and

culture, some of their elements got modified, reformed or

sometimes even extinguished. Thus from the assimilation

of Aryan and non-Aryans cults, the religion that had

1. B.K. Kakati, Purani Kamrupar Dharmar Dhara, Kamrup

1955, pp.lOff.
 (242)

developed in Assam, is termed by the author of the Yogini

2
Tantra as 'Kairataja' .

Tribal beliefs : Tribal belief in Assam, as it

had been elsewhere in the world, consisted of fetishism,

3
head-hunting, animism. Belief in reincarnation, ancestor

worship, influence of heavenly bodies, magic and sorcery

4
and such other practices also widely prevailed. These
beliefs and practices were accepted in the worship of

Siva and Sakti, which mixed with; Vajrayana form of

5
Buddhism led to the rise of Tantrikism in Assam.

Saivism - Saivism or the worship of Siva was

possibly the earliest form of institutionalised religion

in Assam. That Siva was originally a tribal deity is

indicated by the fact that the Bodos has worshipped a

tribal God called Siyraj Bathau. The Kacharis also

worshipped Ghar Bura who was akin to Sivraj Bathau. All

the kings of ancient Assam were worshippers of God Siva.

For instance, Bhaskaravarman [C594-606 AD) made

friendship with Harsha^ardhan being inspired by his

devotion to God Siva. Harjaravarmana (C815-835 AD), a

powerful king of the Salastambha dynasty built the lofty

temple of Hetukasulin (a tribal God identified with God

Siva) in his capital at Harapeswara identified with modern

2. Ibid, p.11
3. P.C. Choudhury, O p . c i t . , p.388
4. N.K. B a s u , O p . G i t . , p . 2 2 7
5. Ibid
6. S.N. S a r m a , O p . C i t . , p . 1 9 0
 (243)
7
Tezpur. Vanamalavarmadeva (c 835-865 AD) another king of

this dynasty, rebuilt the Hetukasulin temple and made

Q

gifts of land and dancing girls to this temple. Gunabhiram

Barua in his history of Assam states that in western

Kamrup there reigned a king named Jalpesvara, who built

the temple of Jalpesvara (now in Jalpaiguri) and who used

9
to propagate Saivism. The Avantya Khanda of the Skanda-
Purana also speaks of a king named Jalpa, who with the

advice of Vaisista Worshipped an Anadi Linga and finally

10
merged in the 1inga which came to be known as Jalpesvara.

The Kalika Purana states that long before the

advent of Naraka into Kamrupa, the land was reserved by

Sambhu for his own domain. 11 '

During this time, the

Kiratas inhabitated this country and it is narrated that

these aboriginal kiratas were under the protection of

Siva, because it has been said that they were expelled to

the eastern sea with the consent of Sambhu. 12 Siva as the

tutelary deity ofthe kiratas, fought with Arjuna of the

Mahabharata in the guise of Kirata, i.e. Bhagadatta. 13

That Siva v/as a tribal God of indigenous origin

can be inferred from the legends associated with the

7. P.O. Choudhury, Op.Git., p.216
8. Ibid, p.218, Tezpur Grant, v.24
9. G.R. Barua, Op.Cit., p.32
10. B.K.Kakati, Mother Goddess Kamakhya, Gauhati,1961,pp.l2,13
11. I b i d , p.13
12. Ibid, p.14
13. B.K. Kakati. Purani Kamrupar Dharmar Dhara, p.52
 (244)

with the founders of various states of medieval Assam.

For instance, it is learnt from the Kachari Buranji that

the wife of Manik, the progenitor of the Kachari gave

birth to a cat conceived through God Siva in the guise of

14
a Sanva_sj. . In the same Buranji it was stated that

Mahadeva (Siva in the guise of a Kachari co-habited with

a deodhani. who gave birth to a child and later on, he

was named as Bisarpatifa, who founded the Kachari

Kingdom. 15 Likewise,' Biswa Singha, the founder of the

Koch Kingdom was born from the union of Mahadeva and the

wife of one Haria Mandal. That Saivism was fully

developed during medieval period can be seen from the

various names with which God Siva was associated. He was

named Parameswara, Mahesvara, Isvara, Mahavaraha,

Adideva, Sambhu, Sankara and Prajadhinatha. The names of

Hatakasulin, Hara, Kamesvara, Gauripati, Pasupati,

17
Somanath etc. are connected with various Siva myths. Hei

is also described in the records as using his weapons

Khatvanga, Parasu, Pinaka and Sula. His vehicle is a

bull, Sasikala shines on his forehead and he has a girdle

of the lord of snakes. He resides on the peaks of the

mountain Kailasa. He is the lord of Gauri having Ganges

18
on his head.

Siva was also worshipped by the people in his

phallic emblem Linga, which is set with an upright

pillar of rod of stone erected on a pedestal calFed Yoni.

14 . Kachari Buranji, p. 1
15. Ibid, p.9
16. Deodhai Assam Buranji p . 174, S a d a r Amin, Asam B u r a n j i , p . 2 7
17. B . K . B a r u a , A C u l t u r a l H i s t o r y of A s s a m , p p . 1 6 3 , 1 6 4
18. Ibid, p.164,165
 (245)

The Yogini Tantra staes that the number of 1ingas in

Kamrupa exceeds a million. 19 From the numerous relics and

ruins of Siva temples found in the nook and corner of the

state, the prominence of Saivism before and during the

the medieval period can be clearly; unflerstood.

Sakt i sm - With a tribal base in the society,

the worship of male deities could not have gained grou'nd

without due honour to their female counterparts. The

tribes worshipped, both' male and female deities and

amongst some of them, female deities had even a preponderant

position. The Kacharis worshipped a Goddess called

Moinou , or Ghar-Buri . who was the consort of their God

Ghar-Bura and whose worship was supposed to bring good

20
harvest. The RabH"a"S"ia section of the Bodo Kacharis

worshipped a male God called Rishi along with his consort

21
Charipak. This primordial God and Goddess of the non-
Aryan tribes were accepted in Hinduism as Bura Gosain and
Buri-Gosaini.

The Khasis before they migrated to the

neighbouring hills worshipped a Goddess called Kamoi or

22
Kamet. The Bodo Kacharis worshipped a Goddess named
23
Kamakhi or Kamalakhi. It is possible that Kamakhya is

only a Sanskritised form of the another Goddess Kamoi or

19. Ibid, p.165 ' ~
20. B.Narzi.Boru Kacharir Samaj Aru S a n s k r i t i . Gau hati,1966 ,p.251
21. B.C. Gohain.Human Sacrifice and Head Hunting in Northeast India
India, Gauhati, 1977, p.89
22. B.K.Kakati, Purani Kamrupar Dharmar Dhara, p.24
23. Bishnu Rabha Rachanawali, ( e d . ) . Bishnu Rabha Suarani Samiti,
Nalbari, 1982, p.64
 (246)

Kamet or of the Bodo Goddess Kamakhi or Kamalakhl. The

Chutiyas worshipped a Goddess Called Kochaikhat1 with

human sacrifice. The koches worshipped both " .Kamakhya

and another Goddess called Thakurani. The concept of

mother Goddess led to the growth of Saktism, where the

Goddess is worshipped as Sakti or Supreme energy.

According to B.K. Barua, the Sakti cult was considered to

have its centre in Kamrupa with its chief temple at

Kamakhya. Throughout the medieval

leading period the
religion of Assam may be assumed to be Saktism. 25 It is

presumed that the Kalika purana, in which various forms

of Sakti, called Mahamaya, the system of her worship and

different systems of sakt i cult are minutely discussed

was written during the period of the 11th century. Thus

we have ground to believe that Sakt i cult prevailed in

Assam from the period or before the composition of the

Kalika Purana. Many kings of ancient Assam, who were

staunt advocates of Saktism had also wroshipped Sakti.

Thus the Pala kings of Assam worshipped both Hara and

Gauri and the Koches worshipped both Siva and Durga. The

Ahom kings also were votaries of both Saivism and

Sakt ism.

24. Ibid.

25. B.K. Barua, Op. cit . , pp.166, 167.

26. H. Sarma Doloi, Asamat Sakti Sadhana Aru Sakta

Sahitya.Borpeta, 1983, p.44 \

 (247)

Kamakhya is the most holy and famous shrine of

Saktism and with its worship has been associated various

rites, mant ras, and sacrifices. The name of the hillock

where the shrine stands is Nilachal (blue mountain).

According to the Kalika Purana, the genital organ of Sat i

fell here, when her dead body was carried hither and

thither in frantic sorrow by her husband Siva. 'The

mountain represented the body of Siva himself and when

Sati's genital organ fell on it, the mountain turned

blue. The Goddess herself is called Kamakhya, because she

came there secretly to satisfy her amour (kama) with

Siva.'^"^

Sakt i or Devi is worshipped in various other

forms and names like Dasabhu ja-Durga, Surasabhuja-Durga,

Ugratara, Ugrachandra, Jayant i , Kouciki , Kameswari,

Sivadut i, Tripura, Annapurna, Dirgheswari, Dipteswari ,
I
Byaghraswari, Dakhyina Kali , Bhadra Kali , Smasan Kali,
Tara Chandi , Mangal Chandi , Jogadhat ri , Bhairabi , Manasa^.
o o

Si tala etc. Thus, Saktism has been defined by Sir

Charles Eliot 'as the worship of a goddess of many names

and forms, who is adorned with sexual rites and

29
sacrifices of animals or when the law permits of men.'
During the Ahom age, Saktism became a strong

religious culture receiving royal patronage. The Ahom

kings beginning with Siva Singha (1714-1744 AD) became

adherents of Saktism. Land grant inscription of Kamakhya

27. B.K. Kakati, Mother Goddess Kamakhya, p.34

28. H. Sarmah Daloi, Op.Cit.. p.97
29. M. Neog, Religions of the North East, New Delhi,1984, p.105
 (248)

temple of Siva Singha.in 1715 A.D., the erection of the second

temple at Silghat along with its rock inscription by king

Paramatta Singha in 1745 A.D. 30

. the rock inscription of

the Utsava Mandir of King Rajeswar Singha (1759 AD) 31 and

the copper plate inscription of Goddess Kamakhya of King

Gaurinath Singha (1782 A.D.) 32 are clear evidence to the

patronage of the Ahom kings to Saktism. Bor-Raja

Phuleswari who performed Durga worship in her capital

even attempted to make Saktism the state religion.

Vaishnavi sm - It was through Sankardeva and his

disciple Madhavdeva that Vaishnavism became a major

religion in Assam. This worship of Visnu as Adaitya or

monothaism in Assam is termed by the scholars as neo-

Vaishnavism, because records are available in regard to

the worship of Vishnu and his incarnation in this land

from early times and also association of Vishnu Krishna

with Pragjyotisha or ancient Assam is well known. The

latter form of worship, however, was limited in form and

extent. The Kalika Purana indicates the worship of

Hayagriva Madhava, Matsya Madhava and Vasudeva in

different places of Kamrupa. 33 In the Kalika Purana the

30. Prachya Sasanawali, pp.148, 149.

31. Ibid, pp.148, 149.

32. H. Sarma Doloi, Op.Git., p.61

33. Kalika Purana,Chap,81, 82,
 (249)

following five manifestations of Vishnu are mentioned

along with the places where they were worshipped.

(a) Vishnu as Hayagriva killed Jvarasura (Kalika

^urana 81/75) in a place called Manikuta.

(b) Vishnu as Matsya or fish incarnation was

worshipped in the Matsyadhvaja mountain, east

of Manikuta (Kalika Purana 82/50)

(c) Madhava in the form of a Bhairava named

Pandunatha in Raksakuta (Kalika Purana 82/65.).

(d) Vishnu as Boar incarnation in the Citravaha

mountain east of Pandu (Kalika Purana 82/74)

(e) Vasudeva-Visnu_ in the Dikkravasini region

(Kalika purana 83/90)..'^'^

No doubt, in the 12th century and during' the

time of Dharmapala, Vaishnavism came into prominence. 3 5

The name of Gopala Ata's forefathers, as indicated by the
Katha-guru-charita signify the popularity of the Vasudeva

cult in the north eastern region of Assam. The names of

some other forefathers like Basudeva, Harideva of some

Vaishnava saints indicate the prevalence of the Vasudeva

cult in Assam prior to the propagation of Sankardeva of

the new Vaishnavite movement. 37

34. Cf B.K. Kakoti, Mother Goddess Kamakhya. p.68

35. B.K. Barua, Op.Cit.. p.169

36. Katha-Guru-Charita, pp.323, 324

37. S.N. Sarma, Op.Cit.. p.207

 (,250)

A good number of Vishnu images recovered from

the different places of Assam which could be placed

be,tween the 8th and the 14th centuries of the Christian

era, testify clearly that Vaishnavism along with Saivism

and Saktism flourished parallelly in Assam during the

Q ft
first five hundred years of the second millenium A.D^

Buddhi sm- Though Buddhism did not prevail in

the country widely during medieval times, we can not

ignore the trace of this religion wholly. In the reports

of Huen'-Tsang, it is stated that king Bhaskarvarmana

though not a Buddhist, treated equally the Buddhist monks

39
and the Brahmin priests. From this report we have ample

ground to believe that in some way or other Buddhist

influence fell upon the people of Kamrupa. According to

P.C. Choudhury 'Kamrupa became a stronghold of later

Buddhism and this happened at a time when no sharp

distinction remained between Brahmanical .. and Buddhist

40
Gods'. From the visits of the Buddhists of Bhutan and

Tibet and even from Ladakh and south-western China to the

Madhava temple of Hajo named by the Buddhists as

'Mohamuni' and by the Lamas as 'Muni Muni Mohamuni. ' We

38. Ibid, p.208

39. For details, see P.C. Choudhury, Op.Cit . , p.403

40. Ibid, p.404

 (251)

have to believe that in certain periods and possibly

after the visit of Huen Tsang, there was founded a Buddha

41
monastery in Assam which had been ruined later on.

It is held that Mahayana Buddhism propounded

by Nagarjuna in the first century A.D. assumed a new

character on the revival of Brahmanism during the early

Gupta period, which gradually developed into Tantrikism

from the eighth century during the rule of the Pala

Kings of Magadh and Cauda. Images of Buddhas and

Buddhisatavas with their female energies were worshipped

and other Buddhist Gods gradually came in, which

developed into mysticism and sorcery. The magic rites

began to be tolerated by the teachers of spells called

Mantracharyya. Hinduism, ever anxious to imbibe the

spirit of the time, absorbed the Buddhist Tantric rites

42
into its system. Katha-guru-charita speaks of two

Buddhist magicians who practised magic at Belaguri.

In the garden of Sri Sisir Kumar Barua, an
advocate of Uzan
Bazar, Guwahati, a Terrakota Buddha
44
image was unearthed. In the prayer-house (Gosai Ghar)
of Sri Jogabandhu Das of Gauhati, there was a Buddha
image. 45 In the Kirtanaghosa, Sankardeva says that the
Kalki form of God will descend on earth at the end of the
Kol i age and kill the Mlechchas and all the Buddhas and
set the truth. In the ,Kirtan-ghosa,Buddha is taken as one
of the ten incarnations of God. There it is stated -

41. D.N. Sarmah, (ed.), Awahan, 1858, Sak, 8th yr. 3rd issue,
N.K.Mishra, 'Kamrupat Baudha Dharma, p.345
42. Extract from S.K .Bhuyan,Anglo Assamese Relations, pp.190,191
43. Katha-Guru-Charita. p.57
44. N-K. Mishra, 'Loc Cit.,'
45. N.K. Mishra, 'Loc Git'
 (252)

'Buddha Kalki Name Dasa

Akriti dharicha Krishna
. 46
Taju paye Karoho pranama'

We also find that, when Gopala, one of the

disciples of Sankardeva had been to eastern part of

Assam, he was disturbed by the Bauddhas (Tantrlk

47
Buddhists). Janardana Vishnu image at Gauhati below

the Sukresvara hill is generally known as Bodha

Janardana., There is also a tradition that originally a

Buddhist shrine stood where the temple of Goddess

Kamakhya now stands. 48

Tant riki sm - The Tantriks were left handed

worshippers. In their worship, there was no distinction

of caste and creed. They usually performed their

religious rites at night for which they were known as

Rati-khowa or Arit iya. 49 So secret is the practice that

the scholars failed to collect the adequate data for fult

investigation. They were the votaries of five makara -

madya (wine), mansa( flesh), matsya(fish), mudra (parched

grain) and mai thuna (sexual union). 50 A women was

--.worshipped as a living Goddess and all other women had

46. M.. N e o g , (ed), Kirtan Namghosa , , 5th ed. 1967 Gau.

p.684
47. M. Neog, Sankardeva and His Times, p.144
48. M. Neog,Religions of the North East India, p.68
49. For details on the practices of this cult, see, SC, Goswami,
'The Night worshippers' the work of the kamrupa Anusandhan
Saraiti,Gauhati,1920, also A.Guha,Medieval And Early Colonial
Assam, p. 124 ff
50. H. Sharma, 'Asomar Utsab', Asam Gaurav (ed) Asam Gaurav
Editorial Board, Cotton College, .Gauhati;, 1978,p.173
 (253)

free access to the rites. Though the philosophy behind

was high and the ideal was to conquer all the temptations

associated with five makaras mentioned above, in actual

practice, there was much moral degradation which lowered

the prestige of women in society. Tantric writers like

the author of the Yogini Tantra even advocates esoteric

rites for the purpose of gaining Siddhi or salvation. It

enjoins that a maiden of sixteen should be the object of

meditation and describes' what wine and what women are

most suitable for sexual union respectively, and goes to

the extent of permitting sex with every women except

one's mother. 51 Of course, it concludes by interpreting

union as the union of the souls but the esoteric rites

which is permitted to be performed in the temples led to

moral degradation and affected the status of women in the

society.

The vedic Hinduism was connected with

Tantrikism associated with magic and sorcery. Some

serious diseases, pains and wounds, were believed to have

been cured by the mantras. Muslim writers like the author

of the Alamgir=nama and the Bahari|St en-i-Ghaybi opined

that Assam was a centre of magic and sorcery and any

foreigner coming to this place being overpowered by ^he

mantras lost their way home. 52 It is mentioned in the

51. Yogini Tantra. Chapter VI, VV 35-45

52. M. Neog, Purani Asamiya Samaj Aru Sanskrit!, Gau,1971,p.68

 (254)

Darrang Raj Vamsawali that Chilarai cured the mother of

the Sultan of Bengal from snake bite by enchanting

53
mantras. In Sikh religious texts alsot there is mention

of the prevalence of magic and sorcery in Assam.

According to this source. Guru Nanak, the founder of

Sikhi'sm, when visited Kamrupa in the early part of the

16th century fell a prey into the hands of a woman expert

in magic. She tried her best to charm the guru with

54
mantras but failed and ultimately accepted his initiation.

Warden, one of the disciples of Guru Nanak, had been

turned into a lamb by a witch, who was again brought to

the original form by the guru. 55 Deodhai Asam Buranji

also gives reference to a kind of magic cloth. A kiqg of

Burma presented a magic cloth to the king of Nora, i.e.

Mungkong through his daughter-in-law to make him weak and

accordingly, when the king put on the cloth, he lost his

56
invincible strength. During Moamaria Rebellion, Radha

and Rukmini, the two wives of Naharkhora, a Moran leader

were said to have possessed of super natural powers, on

the strength of which they could catch the enemy's

c. 7
bullets in the corners of their chadars.

53. Darrang Raj Vamsawal j.,pp. 526 , 527.

54. M. Neog,~Op.Cit., p.67
55. Ibid,
56. Deodhai Asam Buranji, pp.206, 207
57. G.R. Barua, Op.Git.. p.105,106
 C255)

There was also a belief that at times Goddess

Sitala manifested herself through some woman who had an

attack of small pox. Such woman was said to have Ai-joka

meaning that she became an incarnation of the Goddess.

During this period the woman was said to hay.a behaved,

abnormally and predict future. Such beliefs exist in

Assamese society till today.

Minor religious cults - Some minor religious

cults like the worship of Surya (sun), Agni (fire),

Ganesh, Manasha (Snake) etc. were also widely prevalent

in Assam from the very earliest times.

Sun worship - Worship of Surya (sun) though was

not the main cult of the Hindu Assamese society, yet it

has a remote antiquity. Reference can'be cited that after

taking initiation from the guru (priest),_ the disciples

used to worship, the sun after taking bath. The earliest

reference to Pragjyotisa as a centre of sun worship can

be obtained from the Grihya Sutras. 58 The Sankhyayana

Grihyasamgrha also states that a student should visit the

59
holy place of Pragjyotisha before the sun rises. The

Kalika Purana refers that the Sri Surya mountain of

Goalpara was the main abode of the sun God though the

symbols of -worshipping other Gods are found.

58. P.O. Choudhury, Op.Cit., p.406

59. B.K. Barua, Op.Cit. p.174
 (256)

The prevalence of the system of sun vworship

can better be proved from the exsisting remains of

temples found in Dah Parvatia, Gahpur, Sukreswara, Surya

Pahar, Suaikuchi and other places of ancient Assam.

Originally, the sun was taken as an incarnation of the

great God Vishnu which has later been diverted to

independent worship.

Worship- of Agni (fire) - Agni was also

worshipped as a Sun God from the 6th century onwards.

In the Vedic age also agni was worshipped by the people

as prime God. In Assamese Hindu society even today a

great pile of fire is worshipped on the eve of Magh Bihu

by reciting the slokas

'Agni Prajalitang Bande

chatusbanya sutasanam'

In the performance of a Hindu marriage of Vedic

rites, both the bridegrooms and the bride are to sit by

the side of sacrificial fire called,homa.

Manasha- 'Viforship of Monasha originated from

the worship of snakes. In a certain period of history the

people assumed an exquisite beauty queen of snakes who

was named as Manasa. She is generally identified with the

61. Ibid.

62. Ibid, p.410

 (257)

sister of the Serpent king Vasuki , who was married to

hermit Jarut Karu and became the mother of Astika and

according to the Mahabharata was to save the Nagas from

being exterminated by the snake Goddess.

Generally the worship of Manasa was confinad to

the places of lower Brahmaputra valley. In parts of

eastern Assam, this system was not prevalent in early

times nor it is practised to-day. The Manasa Puja which

is celebrated during the rainy months of Jeth, Ahar,

Sravana and Bhadra (from mid May to mid September) is

still a popular festival in the District of Kamrupa and

64
Darrang. i

Gods Ganesh and Kartikeya are intimately

associated with Siva. Ganesh is worshipped as the

bestower of success and the remover of obstacles. He is

also considered to be the guardian deity of the village

and as such his image is installed in one of the four

quarters of almost every village. In general form, Ganesh

is sculptured as a four handed deity holding in his hands

a_ lotus, his own tusk, a battle axe and ball of rice

cake and having three eyes. 6 5 Generally this puja is

celebrated now-a-days in the months of Aswin or Kartika

(from mid September to mid November).

63. Quoted from B.K. Barua,op.cit, P. 217

64. Ibid, p.218

65. Ibid, p.206

 (258)

Neo - Vaishnavism - It was the neo - vaishnavi sm

which brought profound changes to the AssameseSociely.lt must

be admitted that before the rise of neo-Vaishnavism,

though some religious faiths and beliefs were prevalent,

it was not possible on the parts of the people to get

themselves involved in the religious ceremonies directly

without a priest or guru. This gap was filled by Sri

Sankardeva, the propagator of neo-vaishnavite ideals in

the early part of 16th century.

The basic tenets o^f Sankardeva's religion is

Eksarana/Tiama Dharma or worship of one God only through

prayer. The worship of deities other than Vishnu is

forbidden by him. As there was simplicity in the

religious performances taught by him and equality among

all disciples, so his religion became very popular in the

society. Sankardeva based his teachings primarily on the

Bhagavata Purana. which deals with the life and teachings

of Lord Krishna and hence his creed is also known as

Bhagawat i Dharma. It was based on the principles of Bhakt i

or undivided devotion to God.

To make the tenets of the Bhakt i, cult

understandable to the common people, Sankardeva

translated several Skandhas of the Bhagawata into

vernacular language and wrote many metrical episodes,

dramas and hymns to popularise his creed. He also used

66. S.K. Bhuyan, Anglo Assamese Relations, p.192

 (259)

the media of art, like dance, music, ^.theatrical

performance of devotional plays composed by himself. He

established the community prayer hall known as namghar,

where the members of the village could assemble for daily

or occassional prayers. In his official head quarter at

Bordowa, he first established one such namghar. This

institution became the nucleus of the Valshnjava

organisation and later on along with the Vaishnava

monastery called Satra, this spread throughout the three

states of Assam, Kamrupa and Koch Behar existing in the

Brahmaputra valley at that time.

The door of Sankardeva's religion was opened to

everyone irrespective of one's caste or creed. Amongst

his disciples Govinda was a Garo, Joyram a Bhutiya, Ghand

Sai a Muslim, Paramananda a Wishing, Narahari an Ahom,

Morari and Chilarai, the famous Koch general. Later on,

the plain tribesman like the Kacharis, Koches, Rabhas,

Chutiyas, Wishing, Ahoms, Mataks, Morans etc. were

brought into the Vaishnava fold.

According to Vaishnava teaching, the most

efficacious methods of cultivating the state of devotion

are the acts of listening to (Srj^vana) and chanting

(Kirtana) the names of God especially in the company of

6J_, M.Neog, Sanakardeva and His Times, p.369

 (260)

68
devotees (Satsanga). The Bhagavata Purana and other

sacred Sanskrit texts which were rendered into homely

Assamese verses are chanted during the worship by the

congregation. This part of the service is called nam or

ri.amprasanga^. Every nam has four parts e.g. Bargeet ,.

Ghosha, Kirtana and Upadesha. 69 Like-wise, the neo

Vaishnavism propagated by Sankardeva in the period of our

study rendered significant service in forming a united

and healthy Assamese society.

/
I s 1 am /- As a result of th'S . repeat ed invasions

of the Turko Afghans and the Mughals to Assam, Islam had

entered to this state as early as the 13th century.

Sultan Ghiya-suddin Tughril Khan of -Bengal .invaded

Kamrupa in 1257 AD.and during the period of his stay in

Assam first introduced the reading of the Khutbah in

Assam. Later in 1611A.D.a masjid was built at Garurachal at

Hazo , where Ghyasuddin Aulia died. It was named as Poa

Mecca. In course of the numerous Muslim invasions,

quite a good number of Muslim prisoners were detained

here. They settled in Assam and inter-married Vi^ith the

local people. Their manners and habits were so

indistinguishable from the natives that Shihabuddin

Talish, the chronicler of Mir Jumla's Assam expedition,

68. Ibid, p.218

69. A. Cauti1ie, / The Assamese, London, Dublin, 1984,

pp.138, 139. i
 (261)

remarked that they had nothing distinct but only the

name 'Islam' and that their hearts were more with the non

Muslim indigenous inhabitants than with their co-

religionists of the invading group.

After the end of the Ahom Mughal wars in the

later part of the 17th century, some respectable Muslim

families came and settled in Assam. Ajan Fakir, who came

to Assam during the reign of Gadadhar Singha (1680-96

A.D.}, was the first Muslim saint to instruct the Muslim

population of Assam to enchant the Namaz at the call of

Ajan, 71 for which he was called Ajan Fakir, his real name
71
being Shah Milan. The Ahom kings patronised Islam by

giving rent free g.rants called peerpal for the

maintenance of the Mosques. Ajan Fakir had his dargah at

Charagua near Dikhowmukh. There are other dargahs at

places like Dichang, Simaluguri and Charaideo established

at different times during the medieval period.

Neo-Vaishnavism and the Status of Women - Neo

Vaishnavism had its impact on the status of women and

also on the material life of the people. The Vaishnava

reformers were advanced agriculturists and artisans. They

70. Cf. E.Gait, Op.Cit . , p.149

7 1 . Abdus S a t t a r , Sangmrisanat Asamiya Sanskrit i,
J o r h a t , 19 8 6 , p . 3 3 ; M.Saikia, Assam- Muslim Relation and
i t s Cultural Significance, p.201 ff

72. Ibid.
 (262)

taught people advanced mode of cultivation. They had also

advocated a patriarchal society. At their initiative,

zhuming was giving way to ploughing and as a result,

women lost their main role in cultivation, as ploughing

could not be done'by them. This had indirectly made them

subordinate to man. Vaishnava reformers like Madhavadeva,

who advocated puritanism, considered women as a source of

temptation and tjierefore passed derogatory comments on

women. This is learnt from an incident narrated in the

Katha-Guru-Charita. Once Sankardeva proposed to

Madhavadeva to marry his daughter Vishnupriya.

Madhavadeva flatly refused and requested him not to

repeat the proposal. His attitude towards women can be

gleaned from his following comment.

'Mayamai bisai , posupakhir sari-rate pai

Aka lagi asha bharasa kara nai'

meaning - This is a temptation which existed in the

bodies of birds and animals. I am not hankering after

that. Again

'Bihmai bih bahnit nepelava'

meaning 'please drag me not to the fire of poison and

. 73
pain.
But Sankardeva on his part was some what

liberal in his attitude towards women. He had great

73. Katha-guru-chari ta, p.89

 (263)

respect for his grand mother Khersuti, who brought him

up*. He had also led the life of a householder and did not

encourage celibacy. But he had restriction in giving

initiation to women which is clear from his own statement

made before king Naranarayana, who wanted to get his

initiation. Sankardeva replied that he never wanted to be

guru of the Brahmanas, the Kings and the women. He

perhaps feared that a woman would not be able to observe

the tenents of his religion going against the will of her

husband, as laws laid down by him were very strict.

Sankardeva was sceptical about the independent

entity of women. He thus wrote in Rukmini Haran Kavya

'Swavabate tiri jati, nohe swatantari'

meaning 'independence is not the nature of women' 74

In the chapter of Hara Mohana in the Kirtana,

Sankardeva describes woman as a source of temptation and

hence be avoided.

'Ghor stri maya sarba m'ayate kut-chi t,

Mahamuni g;anoru katekhe hare chit

Darsane kare top, jop, jog bhanga

,75
Jani yajni jone kaminir era isanga'

meaning 'women are the greatest sources of temptation in

all their forms. They can pierce a man's heart at a

74. Rukmini Haran. V.133

75. Kirtana. V.528. p.131

 (264)

single glance and by their very appearance can break his

meditation and disturb his thoughts. Knowing all these

the wise avoids the company of women.

Sankardeva stressed upon the chastity of women

and described a chaste woman or sati as one who had not.

glanced at any person other thaa iier husband. In other

words, he advocated seclusion for women. This is clear

from the story of Radhika sat i narrated in the Katha-

guru-chari ta and some Assamese Buranj is. The story

relates that, when several attempts to build a spur in a

flood affected Bhuyan village went futile, the peopli?

approached Sankardeva. The latter replied that the

attempt would be successful, only if a jar filled with

water to the brim brought by a Sat i or Sant i (meaning a

chaste woman) in a leaked vessel co.uld be put to its

place of foundation. Sankardeva then appeared in the

village and the task was performed by a low casie

(Kaivarta) woman called Radhika. She admitted that she

could not hold all the water in the pot because once

accidently her eyes fell on her husband's elder

7 fi

brother. Radhika was hailed as an ideal woman and

became an example to her fellow sisters.

76. Katha-guru-charita, p.51

 (265)

Vaishnava reformers also taught the tribal

woman, who were never accustomed to veils to cover their

heads at the time of prayer. Gradually all married tribal

women used to cover their heads. In the upper circles,

those women were looked with regards, who were devoted to

their husbands, confined themselves to the four walls of

their homes and spent their times in religious

discussions, Harigati, the wife

Mukunda Ata, a of
77
Vaishanva reformer, was one among such women. Sulochana,
the queen of the Karaata King was also very virtuous. In a

like way , Swargadeo Jayadhaj Singha's mother was

respected by all for her virtuous qualities.

There were women who could evidence their

mental and intellectual calibre and could claim rightly

an honoured position in the Vaishanva order. Most

prominent among them was Kanaklata alias Lakshmi Ai^, who

was the first of the three wives of Chaturbhuj Thakur, a

grandson of Sankardeva. She was a veby accomplished and

efficient lady. She greatly contributed for the

propagation of the Vaishnava faith. She was also the

first woman to become the head of a Vaishnava monastery

who even appointed other persons as superiors. When her

husband nominated Damodara.a minor, as his successor she

77. P. Hazarika ted] Prabandha Saurabh. A.C. Choudhury,

'Bharatiya Siksha Sanskrit Narir Awadan' ; Dibrugarh

1966, P. 123.
 (266)

put Damodara and other disciples under her care. After

her husband's death, Kanaklata, along with some other

female members of her family proceeded to the Ahom

Kingdom and settled at a place near Bardowa, which

78
henceforth came to be known as Ai bhet i . She had

initiated many people of the locality to the vaishnava

faith and deputed twelve disciples, six Brahmins and six

non brahmins to different parts of Assam to propagate the

new faith. The twelve satras, established by these twelve

apostles, came to be known after her name as Kanaka bara

79
janiya satra.

Kanaklata later moved to the north bank of the

Brahmaputra for missionary work. Following Kanaklat^a,

other grand daughters-in-law and also the grand daughters

of Sankardeva established Sat ras. The monasteries

established by the latter were called Sri Sankar Jiyari

Vamsar Satra, meaning 'monasteries founded by

Q rs
Sankardeva's female descendants.'

Again Padmapriya, the daughter of BhavaniPriya

Gopal Ata, is credited to be

the first Assamese Woman
81
PQet , who even composed Bargi t s. The pious lady Dayal,

78. M., Neog, Sankardeva' and this times, pp. 150,151

79 Ibid ' . . ^ , . .

BU,Ibid-,_-p. 15.-1 '- -

SI, A.C. Choudhury ;'Loc.cit
 (267)

wife of Telekrishna, acted as a medhi over one hundred

and twenty queens and could recite in a very sweet tone

82 '
the Namghosa and the Kirtana. Sankardeva's wife Kalindi

Ai also commanded a special position in the Vaishmava

order. She was highly respected by Madhavadeva and al'l

other disciples of Sankardeva. She had survived till she

was hundred and forty years old. At her death bed she had

instructed the assembled Vaishnava apostles to write a

biography of her husband, which was very faithfully done

by them. A copy of this Guruchari t has been preserved in

83
the library of the Gauhati University.

The common women too could evidence their

proficiency in reciting the Vaishnava texts and in

performing Vaishnava hymns. In course of time, this

became an additional qualification for a girl for her

marriage and any woman having that proficiency was

respected by all. It has been mentioned above how a

common woman pointed out to Sankardeva, his omission of

the Vaikuntha Briksha, while he was drawing a scene of

heaven. In the initial stage of the propogation of the

new faith, wives were making their husbands free from

their duties in order to make them enable to attend the

Namkirtana. It is related in thie Kastha-guru - chari t a that

\'l . K.atha-guru-charita , p.6.62

33. M. Neog (ed.) Pabitra Asam, Jorhat , 1960,p 32
 (268)

-an old couple of the village, Sundari, in lov/er Assam,

arranged among themselves that the wife would manage the
I
household duties and the husband would daily attend the
Namkirtana held by Gopal At a and his disciples during

the day times and would recite the verses to his wife in

the evening. One day, however the old man failed to

recite the verses, at which, his wife refused him food

and drink till he would go back and learn the verses. The

poor man then went to the Sat ra and related his plight to

a disciple, who felt pity on him and taught him the

. 84
verses again.-

After the establishment of the namghar women

used to attend prayers there regularly and participated

in the religious dicourses. They also witnessed the

bhaona or religious theatrical performances to get

religious instruction through them. Such popular medias

moulded the temperament and outlook of the people for

spiritual enlightment. It was perhaps for this reason

that theft, robbery and such "oYher cTi'meswere very

unusual in medieval times and Assam gained a reputation

as a land of religious recital and prayer. This

reputation spread as far as Rajputana, so that, v/hen

84. Katha'Guru-Charita, Intro. P-IV,421

 (269)

Raja Ram Singh of Ambar was asked by emperor Auragazeb to

lead an expedition to Assam, he was advised by his mother

and wife to decline the appointment, as it would disturb

85
the religious habits of the people.

It may be noted in this connection that

intelligent ladies in the royal circles sometimes used

the Vaishnava texts to overcome certain delicate issues.

The Borkunwari vor chief consort of an Ahom Swargadeo,

named Sudaipha or Parbaitya Raja (1677-79)A.D:was the

daughter of the then Premier Atan Buragohan. According " to

the customs prevalent in the country, when a queen raised

to the status of Barkunwari, all oflicers and ministers

were to show their respect to her by laying prostrated on

her feet. When her father had to do it like wise, she

felt it very delicate and thought of some means to evade

it. Accordingly, she put a Vaishnava text, Ratnawali,

written by Madhavadev, on a raised tray before her. The

father laid prostrate before it and thereby the queen

eased her filial conscience and satisfied her royal

K w ^86
husband.

85. Sukumar Mahanta Assam Buranji intro. P,xxi

86. S.K. Bhuyan, Studies in the History of Assam, Gauhati,

1965,P,.196
 (270)

Despite all this, it cannot be asserted that

women in general were treated as equal with men in the

Vaishnava order. The apostles of Sankardeva were somewhat

reserved on the point of treating men and women on an

equal footing. Some later apostles went a step further and

treated women as inferior to men. This is more propounded

in the Borpeta Kirtan Ghar. There women are still

prohibited entrance to the prayer hall. They cannot have a

look at the Satra deity and are to. witness the religious

recitals performed there from outside. This is really a

humiliation which the Assamese v/omen till today are

tolerating. But, as stated, women of talent and

intelligence overcame the obstacles placed by religious

beliefs and rites and also by social institutions and

contributed their share to the progress and prosperity of

the country.

Religious Institutions - In medieval Assam there were

religious intitutions like temples, namghars and sat ras

where people could meet for prayer or worship. Before the

Sat ras and the Namghars were set up by Sankardeva and his

apostles, only the temples served as places of worship.

Even after the establishment of these institutions temples

87. It is believed that once Mathura Das' wi f e, v/hile

cleansing the Kirtanghar, had her monthly courses and

thenceforth women are not allowed to enter to it. See

M. Neog,(Edi Pabitra Asam, Gauhati 1991, P. 259.

 (271)

dedicated to Siva, Durga, and Vishnu continued to be built

mainly by the Ahom kings.

Temples - The temples of Ha jo, Kamakhya, Dubi, Umananda,

Biswanath, Dergaon, Numaligarh including those of modern

Sibsagar town which were built in medieval times are

still reflecting the religions life of the Assamese

society of the period. Of these temples many have been

ruined or lying in dilapidated conditions, while

fortunately some are yet in existence. One Biswanath Siva

temple at Tezpur was eroded by Brahmaputra which was

considered to be anterior to the Ahom period. On a small

hill at Negheriting of Dergaon, under Golaghat district

remains of a temple of the same epoch is found. Later

during the Ahom period, a new/ Siva temple was built on the

same site. In Numaligarh, under Golaghat district, some

ruins of a temple are found on Deoparbat or

Deogarhporbat . Near it, a Siva temple was built possibly

during the Ahom period where people are paying homage to

Siva even today. Ahom king Gadadhar Singha [ 1B81-96-A.D)

erected a Siva temple on the Umananda of Gauhati. King

Rudra Singha (1697-1714 A.D) also built Siva temple on

the banks of the Joysagar Tank near Sibsagar. The queens

of Siva Singha (1914-1944 A.D") built temples on the side of

Gaurisagar and Sibsagar tank which were dedicated to Lord

 (272)

Siva. Rudreswar Siva temple of Gauhati was built by

Pramatta Singha (1744-51A.D) . and the temples of

Manikarneswara and Vaisisthasrama were built by king

Rajeswar Singha (1751-69^A.D)

Of the other temples, mention may be made of

Aswakranta, Dergheswari, Haygriva Madhava, Kedar Temple,

Ganesa, Gookarna,. Kameswar, Tukreswar, Sri Surya,

Jalpeswar, Bireswar, Narasingha, Joganath, Bagheswari,

Urbasi, Agastya, Gonemar.Bhugeswar, Siddeswar, Gopeswar,

Kalikapith, Ugratara, Mangalchandi, Nabagraha,

Pingaleswar, Kurmamadhav, Dipteswar, Maheswar, Dharmeswari

^ 88
etc.

Namghar/.- The namghar is a central institute

within a village \or Sat ra where the inhabitants get

together to offer prayers and to discuss socio-religious

and cultural matters. The ends of this hall generally

point to the east and the west. On its eastern end is

constructed at perpendiculars to it, another small hall

whose length roughly equals the breadth of the prayerhall.

89
This small hall is generally known as manikut.

88. Ramdhenu , Sak, 1872, 3rd year 9th issue, B.Handique

'I 1
Asamat Devotar SthanbilakJ P. 666
89. M. Neog, Sankardeva and His Times, P 314
 (273)

The namghar is a large open hall where devotees

can sit together to offer prayers and the manikut is the

sanctum where the thapana containing the religious texts

i.g. the Bhagawata the Kirtan and the namghosha are kept.

The meaning of the term manikut is a treasure house. In

the namghar, the religious texts are considered as

precious as pearls. The thapana is a richly decorated

terraced platform made of wood where the sarais and lamp

stands of different si'zes are kept.

The original type of namghar consists a wide

open hall in the middle and side aisles with rows of

wooden,posts. There is no hard and fast rule in regard to.

the size of the namghar and it is built depending upon the

capacity of the disciples. The namghar, of course, remains

open but it may consist of about three to five rooms. On

the west side of the righthand post, the second pair of

the namghar is taken as the main post

called which is
90
Laikhuta. It is generally kept wrapping with a red apron.

If any Sat radhikar (main preceptor of Sat ra) or Mahanta

attends anyfunction of the namghar he is offered a seat at

the base of the Laikhuta. The main hall of the namghar is

30. S. Raj guru, op.Cit =,,^p-t .264

 (274)

placed on two rows of big sized wooden pillars, A Chhoghdr

is also constructed in small size particularly on the

opposite side of the manikut . This is used on the day of

the performance of Bhaona^.where the make up of the actors

are done. At the gate point of the namghar ^ a two roofed,

small hut is erected known as Bat chora. Though it is not

possible to date the establishment of namghar or sat ra

exactly, it can be safely surmised that some of the

prominent namghar or kirtanghars like those of Borpeta,

Dhekiakhowa at Kakojan (Jorhat) and Athktielia at Golaghat

were founded during Sankardeva's time.

/
Satras // Another institution created by the
(/ o
neo-vaishnavite movement is that of Sat ras which played a

very prominent role in the cultural life of the Assamese

people in medieval times. Originally the term Sat ra vms

used in the sense of sacrifice. But in the neo-vaishnavite

period the word lost its original meaning and came to be

used in the sense of a religious association or sitting

91
where recitation of the Bhagavata Purana took place daily.
Vaikuntha Natha Bhattadeva in his Saranamalika gives the

definition of a Sat ra basing upon the stage of his days

in Assam 'where the sole devotees of the Lord perform pure

91. S. Raj guru, Op . c i t . , p~ 26 7

 (275)

religious rites, whereninefold devotionoa to the Lord

92
prevails day in and day out . As the sat ras played the

part of well organised religious institutions, Vaishnavite

preachers established hundreds of Sat ras in various places

of Assam. On the basis of the Vaishnavite tradition, king

Rudra Singha (1696-1744 A.D) recognised several hundred

Sat ras throughout Jiis kingdom along with various

93
officials . Tlie Ahom kings during theiT rule had also donated

rent free lands to various sat ras. In fact, the four

prominent Satras of Auniati, Dakhinpat, Garamur, Kuruabahi

which had Brahmin pontiffs were founded by the Ahom

kings 94

95
Sankardeva did not establish any Satra himself , it was
done by his chief apostle Madhavadeva himself. Sankardeva's

central religious place was known as Barpeta Than and

there, in the year 1573 A.D, a satra was established there

by Madhavadeva. By the way, twelve disciples of Madhavadeva

established twelve other sat ras in different places,

Harideva, another disciple of Sankardeva, was also one of

92. M. Neog, Religions of the North East India, p. 145

93. S.N. Sarma, A Socio^. Economic and cultural History of
Medieval Assam p. 104.
94. H. Barbarua, op .cit . , p. 510
95. Ibid.
 (276;

the pioneers who largely contributed to the growth of the

Satra institution. Through his consistent efforts many

places of religious activities were turned into Satras.

According to Charit puthi , the first satra.- at Bahari vil-

lage in the present district of Borpeta was established

by Harideva . After this,Maneri, Jagara, Baniakuchi, etc

were established in the then Koch kingdom. In course of

time, numerous satras were set up by his disciples in

97'.
different parts of Assam '-.

In the sat ra institution four principal

parties constitute a community among themselves. They

I.
were the-[l)Sat radhikar who is the head of the Satra (2)

deka satradhikar who ^is the junior .adhikar (3) The

Bhakatas e.g. the devotees who work and remain in the

satra (4) the Sisyas or disciples of the Adhikars who

resided in their own houses. A satra campus had enclosure

9B
wall with four gateways at four sides called karapat.
99-
and four rows of huts called chari hati. At the centre
a-

remains the namghar and to its east remains the manikut.

Prominent of the non-brahmin satras were those

of Bardowa, Belguri, Gangmau, kamalabari, Borjoha,

9b'.G .B .Goswami ,'Sri Hari Deva and the Reform Movements'

Sentinel, 24th May 1990.
97'. G.B. Goswami, Loc. cit.
9 8-. M. Neog, Religions of the North East India, p 143
99'i.. S. Raj guru , op. pit,; p 27 2.
Barpeta, Patbausi, Ganakuchi , Kumarkuchi, Sundaridiya,

Befiia, Madnupur, Baikunthapur etc. At tne intitiative of

Gopaldeva of Bhawanipur twelve satras were first

established at upper Assam, six of them having Brahmin

Pontiffs and the other six having non brahmin pontiffs;

Among these six non-Brahmin satras.Mayamara and Dihing

Satras were most important. Anirudhadeva, disciple of

Gopaldeva, founded, the Mayamara sat ra in 1611 A.D. which

played a very prominent role in the politics of Assam

leading to the Moamaria rebellion, which paved the

downfall of the Ahom kingdom. Of the Brahmin satras, most

noted were those of Mahara, DaKhinpat, Auniati, Garamur

100
and Kuruabahi' . Originally the Barpeta Satra was the

main Sa t ra and it has its fame even today. An oil lamp

lit by Madhavadeva himself is still lighting and this

bont1 (lamp) is called today the Akhay bonti (lamp

101
eternal) . Likewise hundreds of satras and thans were

set up during the medieval period and these institutions

played a very vital role in forming a greater Assamese

society.

The Sat ras were not only places of religious

congegration, they were also centres of learning and

100. B. Handique, Asamat Devotar Sthan Bilak,^ Ramdhenu^

Puh. 1872 Saka, p,666.
101. A.C. Hazarika, Ushabar Rangchora , Shi 1 long 196 3 , P.
100.
 M-278)
"If,

education. The bhakats residing there, got instructions

from the gurus on the religions texts, participated in

the theological discussions, mastered as actors of

bhaonas (theatrical performances on religious themes) and

learnt different arts and crafts. It was thus the Satras.

which moulded the cultural life of the Hinduised Assamese

society in medieval times. To quote Dr. S.N. Sarma 'In

short, the cultural history of Assam in respect of fine

arts and crafts of education and learning and of

literature and fine arts since the beginning of the

sixteenth century till the advent of the British

developed centering round the Vaishnava movement which in

'102
turn found expression through the satra institution'

Pan Indian Culture Continuum - Till the rise

of the neo-Vaishnavite movement in the early part of the

16th century Hinduisation or Sanskritization of the

Assamese society was somewhat limited. It were the

Vaishnava reformers through whose efforts the task was

performed at the grass root level, The contemporary

Hinduised Indian society was then regulated mainly by the

codes of the Manu Samhita. The Hinduised Assamese society

of the period also was naturally influenced by the codes

of the same text as its Indian counterpart.

102. S.N. Sarma, The Neo Vaisnavite movement and the

satra Institution of Assam, p 17 9.
 (^79;

According to Manu 'Women should not be given

independence and they must be kept in subordination day

and night by the males of the family . Although he

adheres to the doctrine of women's inseperabi1ity with

men in religious matters, he assigns a decidedly inferior

place to women. ,He forbids women not only to offer

oblations to the fire but also to recite the vedic

104
hymns -. He asserts 'no sacrifice, no vow, no fast must

be observed by women apart from their husbands 105

Gautama also supports Manu by laying down that 'a wife

is not independant with regard to the fulfilment of 'the

sacred law . Yajnavalkya too is of the opinion that

all the religious rites-'in the case of a woman except

those of marriage must be carried out in silence 107

Sukra, a renowned writer of post epic age, holds women to

be inherently weak and instinctly given to vice. He

attributes the following eight vices to women

'falsehood, inconsistency, deceit, stupidity, greed,

impurity, cruelity and insolence' . Even the epics, the

Ramayana and Mahabharata, were disgraceful of women.

lOd. Manu Samhita, IX - 2, Cf. Indra, Status of Women in

India , p^ 31
104. Ibid, 11-66, IX-96, Gf, Indra, Op.Git., p. 126
105.. Ibid. V 15 5
106. Gautama, XVIII-I, Cf Indra, oprcit, p 126
107. Cf Indra, cp. cit, p 127
108. Sukra 111^183, 6f Indra, op.cit, p 16
 (280)

Thus records a passage in the Mahabharata. 'There is nothing

that xs more sinful than women. Verily the women are the

roots of all evils . Again through the mouth of Bhisma,

it speaks 'woman is the burning fire. She is the illusion

that Daitya Maya has created. She is the sharp edge of

the razor. She is fire. She is verily all these in a

ilo
body' . The Ramayana too makes similar observation 'The

faces of women are like flowers, their words are like the

drops of honey and hearts are like sharp razor, the

interior of them no one can know.'Again, 'there is none

whom a woman sincerely loves. She, for serving her

purpose, does not hesitate to kill even her husband,

Ill-
children and bro'thers'

Such attitude of the law givers and epic

heroes had greatly affected the status of women in Indian

society. The marriageable age was lowered. Further she was

debarred from taking vedic education. She was thus

reduced to the status of a Sudra. As she could be married

when she was a child she could not demand anequal position with

her husband. The Smri tis, therefore, advocated that 'the

109. Mahabharata Anushasan Parva, 38,12,25,29 Cf Indra,

op., cit, p. 12
110 . Ibid 43-22, Cf Indra, op. cit p, 13
111. Bhagavata Skandha, V 1-41, 42 S IX, 14-36 Cf, Indra
0 p.> c i t , p 15
 (281)

husband was the wife's god and her only' duty was to obey

and serve him.^^'^ Adultery on the part of the husband

became more common owing to the custom of child marriage.

But whatever his faults were, he was to be worshipped as

god by his wife, whereas slightest unfaithfulness on the

part of a wife was to be severely punished. Thus he

declared 'though unobservant of approved usage or

enamoured of another woman or devoid of good qualities,

yet a husband must certainly be revered as a god by a

virtuous wife' 113 . Manu has authorised a husband to

inflict corporal punishment on his wife if she refused to

obey him. With a view to guarding and controlling woman,

Manu had declared 'the husband should employ his wife in

the collection and expenditure of wealth, in keeping

everything clean in the fulfilment of religious duties,

in the preparation
of his food and looking after the

household utensils' 114 . It is true that Manu had declared

'woman should be kept in comfort and happiness and

virtues of them should be highly honoured but his general

attitude towards women was one of the respectful distrust

and reverent disbelief' 115

112. A.S. Altekar.The position of Woman in Hindu

Civilization p. 355.
113. Manu Samhita,V-154.also Gautama XVIII-2, of
op-ci t, p. 37.
114'. Ibid IX-II Cf Indra, op-cit , p. 33.
115. Ibid III - 51, Cf Indra op cit, p. 39.
 U82)

To quoto Indra, 'He (Manu) most certainly

treated them as caged birds in the household and regarded

them as unworthy of sharing the serious responsibilities

of men. In his opinion women were ornaments of the house,

who were to be safe and looked after with utmost care and

vigilance. The only duties that they had to discharge

were confined to the four walls of the house. Even in

this limited sphere woman was not an absolute mistresis,

as she certainly was in the vedic times, but a mere

dependent, always subordinate to the male members of the

family - .

The impact of Manu' s code was very wide and

far reaching in the Indian society. It exists even today.

The upper stratum of the Assamese society had also come

under the influence of the Manu Samhita which had its

impact on the commonality. It has been stated in the

earlier chapter that child marriage came into vogue

amongst the Brahmins, which practice existed among them,

till recent times. Widow re-marriage was also discarded

by them. Certain Hinduised tribes like the Koches

imitating the upper class Hindus had also practised child

marriage and discarded widow remarriage. Although such

practices did never become popular,husbands in Assam too

116. Cf Indra, op-cit , pp. 39 ff

 [28i)

asserted their superiority over the wives and tried to

restrict the freedom of women portraying them

raischievious and ficklemin^ed . Thds is gleaned from

certain proverbs running as follows :

'hajaro lao dangar hok

tathapi patar tal

meaning whatever large a gaurd be, it is always covered

by leaves (gaurd here symbblises vi/ife and leaves a husband)

or _ ^
' tirimiri bhatau koa

ei chari j"atir asai -napoa'

meaning a woman, a middle man, a parrot and a crow are

not reliable. Besides the aphorisms of Dak had restricted

woman's free movement and encouraged early marriage and

subordinate status of women to men. One colophon from Dak

states that the downfall of those families are sure who

keep grown up girls in their homes. At another place, he

discourages remarriage of a widow having a male child

which is reproduced as follows :

' Dskar bachan vedar pani

polongS boari gharalai nani

toko banche, muko banche

bhel bh"al khini putekaloi sanche

meaning, Regard the saying of Dak as injuctions of the

Vedas, never admit a woman with a son as a wife into your

 (284)

house. She will deceive both you and me and reserve all

that is best for her son 117 . Again

'Ji Nari b"ariya karay b"at

Yuvati hai behai hat

Jalake pai talake jai

_ \
Pake bole talk nidiba" thai, ' which means that

Dak advises never to give shelter to that woman who

allows a passage through her compound and goes to market

though young and who moves about at her sweet will 11^

Husbands claiming superiority over wives often

treated them as slaves and did not dine together with

them, thinking that if they did so, the wives would

claim equal status with them. Robinson writing in the

early part of the 19th century, made the following

observation on this aspect 'A state of dependence more

humiliating than that to which the weaker sex is here

(Assam) subject, cannot easily be conceived. Like most

women of India, they are denied even the least portion of

education and are excluded from every social circle. They

are even accounted unworthy to partake of religious rites

except in conjunction with their husbands and hence that

remarkatole proof of barbarity, the wife held unworthy to

11.7.i D. Neog, New light on the History of Asamiya

Literature, .Gauhati, 1962, p. 79
118. Ibid, p. 77,
 -'U85)

eat with her husband is also prevalent. The woman in

fact, are in ali respect held in extreme degradation -.

Lakhinath Bezbarua, a reputed literary figure

of Assam, who was also the editor of the famous journal^

Jonaki, which played a very important' role in the growth

of the nationalist ideas in Assam during the days of the

freedom struggle, has portrayed in his well known short

story Bhadori^.how an arrogant and dominant husband often

treated his wife with inhuman cruelty. Bhadari could not

serve meal to her husband, an ordinary peasant, in. time

for not having kitchen fuel. At this he struck her on her

back with a kitchen knife, that was used by Bhadari to

cut fishes and meat and as a result Bhadari had to be

hospitalised

Ideal of Womanhood - All this shows that cha-

stity and devotion to husband were considered as supreme

ideals of womanhood in Assam as elsewhere in India. This

was true not only of the Hindu families but also of some

of their tribal counterparts. At the time of marriage.

119. W. Robinson, op. cit, p. 274

120 .L.N.Bezbarua.Sadhu Kathar Kuki . Gaahati, 1972, p. 14-
17, Bezbarua Granthawaii, voli Ii Sahitya Prakash,

Gauhati 1988, p. 644.

 (286)

the bride was asked to be fully devoted to her husband

and not to do anything that displeased him. In the Ahom

marriage too, the bride was asked to respect her husband

like a god and take care of him more than her own. Some

Vaishnava reformers too advised the womenfolk to treat

their husbands as gods. Thus it is learnt from Katha-Guru-

chari t a that Madhavadeva suggested Sankardeva's wife to

address and treat her husband as 'Gosain' meaning a

God 121 . At the time of initiation, a Vaishnava woman was

instructed by the preceptor to bow her head to her-*

husband every morning considering him a living god. In

the Ahom royal circles too, the wives were to address

their .consorts as Bangahardeota meaning 'the god of the

family'. In the non "Hinduised tribal families, of course,

such ideal of subordination of a wife to her husband was

not there. They were to consider each other as equal and

life long friends and procreate and work together for

material happiness of the family.

The ideal of supreme devotion to husband in

the nobility circle was exhibited by princess Jaymati,

the wife of the king Godadhar Singha (1682-1696AD)and the

mother of the greatest Ahom king Rudra Singha ( 1696-

1714AD).She is still adored as a mahasat i meaning a great

12T . Katha-Guru-Charita, p.88

 [2m)

chaste woman and her death anniversary is still performed

in the early part of the March every year throughout the

Brahmaputra valley as Jaymati Utsab. During the period of

ministerial supremacy (1669-aiA6)in the Ahom rule, when

three successive powerful ministers becoming mad after

power were killing or mutiliating the Ahom princes,

Godapani, whose father, Gobar had once been a king for a

few days during that very period had to conceal himself.

Unable to find out his whereabouts, the king ordered that

his wife Jaymati should be brought to the court and

interrogated. This was done^but Jaymati refused to say

anything about her husband. At this, she was ordered to

inflict " punishment.

The kali Bharat Buranji of Dutiram Hazarika

which is the only source dealing in details about Jaymati

informs us that she was then pregnant and the first

punishment which she had to bear was to get her three

year old daughter killed before her own eyes 122

' . But

Jaymati remained unmoved, she was tortured mercilessly.

The source further informs us that when the sad news fell

into the ears of Godapani, he made a visit to her in

disguise. But Jaymati recognised him and indicated him to

leave that place. Finally, after sustaining inhuman

122, S.K. Bhuyan, ( ed.) Asamar Padya Buranj i i Gauhat i ,1964

pp. 13ff ' ~~ '
 ^^288)

corporal punishment for fourteen days in the Jerenga

field, she breathed her last . The date and the place

of her death has been given in a buranj i, a transcript of

which was obtained by Dr Lila Gogoi. The date of

Jaymati's demise is given there as 13th Chaitra,Thursday,

Saka leOl''"^ , corresponding to 29/30 March 1679 A.D.

Contemporary sources like the Tungkhungia Buranji simply

states that not finding Godapani at home, the kings' men

brought his pregnant wife for interrogation who was

125
eventually tortured to death . As the incident is not

mentioned in the Ahom Buranj i and her name is not given

in Tungkhungia Buranji, a contemporary official

chronicle, there had been some doubts in some circles

rooarj^jj^_a thp h i q t p r 1 c 11V of J 8 vma t j . However, 'it was the

Buranji \recovered by L. Gogoi, mentioned above, which

removes all these suspicions. It also gives her name as

well as the date of her death.

There is another evidence to support her name

as Jaymati. Her eldest son Lai,alias Rudra Singha,

excavated the Jaysagar tank on the place where his mother

123 . I b i d
1Z4. Manuscript recovered by Dr, Lila Gogoi in Jhanji area,folio
No. 84
12 5 . T u n g k h u n g i a B u r a n j i p . 15
 (289]

was tortured to death and constructed the Jaydal on its

bank . Usually temples were dedicated in the name of

some gods and goddess but in the case of Jaysagar and

Jaydol it was completely the reverse. The name of the

tank as Jaysagar and the temple as Jaydol clearly

indicates that Rudra Singha's mother's name was Jaymoti.

Jaymoti is highly adored in Assamese society for her

chastity and self sacrifice, which saved the country from

internal turmoil and led to the accession of the

Tungkhungia line of kings, under whom the Ahom power rose

to its zeni th.

Sadhani, the queen of the Chutiyas, had also

exhibited another splendid example of chastity and

patriotism. Sadhani was the only child of king

Dhi^rnarayan alias Dharmadhaj Pal (c 1500-20AD).Her father

not finding a suitable groom for her organised an archery

contest in which a cowherd^ named Nitai won^ Sadhani,

honouring her father's word, married Nitai, who

subsequently ascended the Chutiya throne taking the name

Nit.i' Pal. His lack of administrative knowledge and skill

encouraged the Ahoms to lead an expedition to the Chutiya

kingdom during the days of Suhungmung, the Dihingia Raja

126. H. Barbarua, Op. cit p<.235

 (290).

in 1523 A.D. Being defeated the Chu t iya king sued for peace

but the victorious overlord would not agree unless the

queen and the family heirlooms of the Chutiyas consisting

of a gold cat and a gold umbrella , said to have been

gifted to them by Kubera, the lord of the wealth, were

surrendered. Sadhani " was - prepared i for none which

led to the resumption of war. When the Ahom soldiers

climbed up the hi 1 l.^Chandagiri , where Sadhani and Nitipal

were taking shelter and wherefrom they were killing a

number of Ahom soldiers by throwing stones and were about

to catch hold of them, Sadhani for the fear of getting

herself fallen into the hands of the enemy and partaking

with her family heirloom, committed suicide by jumping

12R
into the ground from the top of the hill

A ballad called Mainamatir geet relates the

story of unfortunate but devoted wife called Mainamati.

She was the seniormost of the hundred and eighty wives of

her husband, king Manik Chandra, who being bored of her

husband's licentiousness left the home and made her

separate establishments. But when her husband's rule was

12,7 . Deodhai Asam Buranji , p. 200

12'8. Ibid, p 200

 (291)

cut short at the 'gfurse of the providence and misfortune

tjefell him, she came back to his side and moved heaven

and earth for his welfare 129 . ,

Such emphasis on chastity in the upper clas's

homes had some impact .on the commonality. The Vaishnava

reformers being the ardent supporters of patriarchal

families stressed on the chastity of women. This is

evidenced by the story of 'Radhlka Sant1 ' , a Kaivarta

woman, whose chastity was publicly tested by Sankardeva

which had been discussed earlier in this chapter.

Tegiprie Women : Devadasl- The institution of

devada|j^^<5r temple women in A s s ^ has a remote antiquity.

In south India also, this institution prevailed. It is

said that some parents to get their desires fulfilled

while propitating gods pledged to dedicate one of their

daughters for the service of the temple deity. The girl

could not marry but the temple priest and some other

votaries could have sexual relations with her. If she

gave birth to any child, he was taken care of by her

father. The devadasis in Assam were usually called nat is

or temple dancers. The noted temples which had nat is

attached to them were of Negheriting, Singari and

12Q . D. Neog, op. cit . pPi9 3 ff

 (29,Z.]

Rangpur, Pari Hareswala temple of D o b i a n d the Haygriva

Madhat^a t emple at Hajo. Besides^ there were centres in some

villages where girls were imparted training in dance and

music for occasionally performing them in temples and

royal palaces. Of such villages, mention may be made of

Chinatali, Kalugaon and Dergaon. Initially the temple

girls were not looked with contempt by the society. Some

of them were highly accomplished and beautiful. Some of

130
them even composed songs called Nati Nachar git . Bar

Raj a Phuleswari, of Kalugaon was a"dancer attached to the

,Siva temple at Neghriting who was very proficient in

dance and music.

Intitialiy the temple girls led celebale lives

dedicating their body and soul to the temple deity. But

gradually corruption crept into the institution and it

got converted into a sort of temple prostitution. As a

result, people also lost their regard to the institution.

Late Rajani Kanta Bordoloi in his book Rahdai Ligiri has given

a description of this moral degration in the institution

131
of devadasi or nat is . William Robinson too, relating

130. P. Chaliha, "Asamar Nritya Kala", Asam Gaurav,

Edited and published by Asam Gaurav editorial
Board, Deptt of Assamese Cotton College, 1978, p.
401
131. R.K. Bordoloi, Rahdai Ligiri. Gauhati, 1973, p
121. p.p
 (293)

the worship in the Kamakhya temple describes, in brief,

performance of the female temple dancer and the

degradation that has set into the practice. To quote his

words, "During the daily ceremonies of worship performed

before the image, the spectators are very few, and these

led no interest whatever in the mummery giving foreward.

Were it not for those who come to pay a visit of ceremony

to the image, and to present their offerings, the temple

would be as little crowded on festival as on common days,

but as soon as the well knovm sound of the drum is heard,

calling the people to mid-night orgies, the dance and the

song, whole multitude assemble, and the crowd becomes

dense. The women employed to dance and sing on these

occasiojn.. are those consecrated to the temples of whom,

it is reputed there are no less than five hundred. Their

presence, together' with their filthy songs and more

obscene dances form the chief attractions' . Thus there

existed great disparity between ideal and practice.

Hinduism which honoured woman as a mother goddess or a

goddess of prosperity, wealth, learning and the like

not only condemned her as the source of all evils but

also exDioited her under the banner of religion.

System of Sati - IX contemporary Indian

society, particularly of north India, much emphasis was

132. W. Robinson, op. cit; p 258

 (294)

laid on chastity and a woman was encouraged and even

forced to burn herself on the funeral pyre of her

husband. Although national thinkers raised their voice of

protest against it, ascetic ideals were gaining the upper

hand in society and a widow performing Sat i was extolled

as the most glorious examples of supreme self sacrifice.

It v,/as held that a woman performing sat i would recover

her husband from all sins and raise him to heaven to live
13-3
in eternal union with his wife ' . It was for such

extollation that the practice of Sa t i which v;as initially

prevalent among the fighting classes became popular

amongst the Brahmin widows and also among those belonging

13$
to other castes . In case of the death of the kings and

nobles, several women used to ascend their funeral pyre.

Thus when Raja Ajit Singh of Marwar died in 1724, 64

women performed Satis, Again when two rulers of the Nayaka

family of Madura died in 1611 and 162b as many as 400 and

700 women were said to have performed sati. These numbers

may be exaggerated ones, but it is a fact

that a large
136
number ascended the funeral pyre of their husbands

133. op. cit. p 125

134. 'In Mahakosala, the sati stones near Saugar show
that widow belonging to weaver, barber and mason
classes were often becoming satis during 1500-1800
A.D' Cf. Altekar, op. cit, p,130

135. Altekar, op. cit, p 131

 (295)

The custom of sati became very popular only

from 700 A.D when law givers like Angira and Harita

highly extolled it. Later, often widows were forced to

ascend the funeral pyre of their husbands. Medieval

travellers like Mannuci tells us that khatriya women were

burnt against their, wishes and he himself had rescueda

one such woman, who was eventually married to one of his

European friends. . Nicoloconti gives us the economic

reason behind the forced practice of the custom that the

woman would lose her right to St ridhana, if she decided

to survive. On the other hand, there were numerous cases

of voluntary performance of the custom which helped its

long survival.

Although the practice was widely prevalent in

Bengal till it could be abolished by the strenuous

efforts of social reformers and humanists like Raja Ram

Mohan Roy and Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar in co-operation

with British administrators like Lord William Bentinck,

it could not gain any ground in Assam. There is only one

instance of the performance of sati and that was done by

a concubine of king Bhaskarvarman

the reference and
137
appears in a literary work of south India . In a like

136 . Ibid p 135

13?. P.C, Choudhury, op. cit, p. 324
 (296)

way, in the entire medieval period we have a solitary

reference to the practice of Sat i performed by

13 8
Sankardeva's mother . The Yogini Tantra, a 16th

century religious work, enjoins self immolation for the

Brahmin widows and permits to the Vaishnava and Sudra

women too if they voluntered to do it, out of extreme

devotion to their husbands. He

for theprohibits it

unchaste woman and for those having many children 139 . But

we have no source to show that it was ever performed by

any other woman except Sankardeva's mother. The instance,

therefore, is an exception and not a rule. \

The causes for the non prevalence of the

custom are to be found in the socio-economic organization

of medieval Assam. As stated earlier, the ruling

dynasties of Assam and northeast were tribal. In tribal

societies, there is no restriction for widow remarriage.

Even in royal circles, kings used to marry the wives of

the deceased monarchs. It is on record that

Kuranganayani, the daughter of the Manipuri king,

Jaysing, who was married to the Ahom Swargadeo Rajeswar

Singha (17 51-17 6 0 A.B) was accepted as wife by his

138. K.atha-Guru-Charita, p.31

139. Yogini Tantra Chapter-V, VV 302-308, B.K. Kakati,
Purani Kamrupar Dharmar Dhara, pp.80 ff
 (297)

brother Lakshmi Singha (1769-1780 A.D) and later by

Raghab, the Barbarua, of the Moamaria regime . In the

history of the modern Cachar too, we know of queen

Chandraprabha who at the death of her husband , Krishna

Chandra was taken as wife by his brother Raja Govinda

141
Chandra . When widow remarriage was practised in royal

circles, it further strengthened and popularised the

practice among the commonality.

Besides this social attitude, there were also

economic reasons for which sat i could never gain ground

in Assam. In Assam there was no system of dowry among the

common people and therefore the question of taking

1
possession of her dowry or st ridhan by.killing her in the

name of ideology giving it a "religious sanctity did not

arise. Moreover, Assamese women were comparatively more

self dependent than her fellow sisters in other parts of

India. Her proficiency in weaving gave her an occupation

with which she could maintain herself and also the

family. There was also no restriction in movement of

women. Thus a widow could persue a small trade like that

140. Tungkhugia Buranji, pp 55, 7 0

141. The Dimachas however alleged that the marriage was

not according to Gooda boo rites and the orthodox
Hindus, particularly Begalees, condemned the union
of Chandraprabha with her husband's brother and the
widow remarriage was not recognised by Hindu
ethics' J.B. Bhattacharjee, Cachar under the British
Rule in North East India, New Delhi, 1977, p 55
 [298)

of selling arecanut, fish, vegetables, fuels etc and thus

eke out he'r living. Added to this,, there was strong

community feeling amongst the village folk which was

fostered both by community worship of Neo vaishnavism a'nd

the organisation of the village militia by the paiK

system of the Ahoms. Under this social atmosphere a widow

was not the lonely burden of a single family but a

collective responsibility of the whole village, so that a

lonely widow got every help and co- operation from the

members of the village. For all these reasons an Assamese

widow did not think of ascending the funeral pyre of her

husband to become a sat i .

'I* '1" V '^ '<* 'fi *( V V 'p