THE DECLINATION OF MALAYNESS IN SINGAPORE DURING

THE POST-SEPARATION PERIOD

Oummar Nor Aman bin Othman

Pusat Pengajian Asasi dan Bahasa
Universiti Islam Sultan Azlan Shah
super.oummar@gmail.com

Introduction

In the matter of geography, the island of Temasek (Singapore) situated in a

very strategic location in the Malay world. Because of the location, Singapore
had always become the centre for social interaction among the Malays in the
Malay Archipelago. The prosperity of Singapore especially after the coming
of the British on that island gave encouragement to the Malays from Indonesia
and Malaya to move there looking for better prospects for their lives.

Furthermore, the location of Singapore which is close to the Riau

Archipelago gave her an advantage to receive any influence that originated
from the Sultanate. Hence the Sultanate, as noted by many was the centre of
the Malay literary thus, Singapore received the spill-over from the Sultanate
despite the island possesses a high number of non-Malays.

At the same time, Singapore became one of the terminals for the
pilgrims departing for Mecca. This situation had resulted in the influx of
Muslims from Malaya and Indonesia into Singapore before they proceeded
to Mecca for pilgrimage. Some of them worked as labourers in the port of
Singapore to finance the cost to the holy land. Yet, some of them were unable
to raise enough money to facilitate their intention, thus received the ironic
title of Haji Singapura which means Hajj from Singapore.1

From the beginning of the 20th century until the middle of 1960s,
Singapore attracted many young aspirants who came to find better prospects.
As a result of this phenomenon, it made Singapore as a centre of the Malay
world although the social reality in the island did not favour the Malays per
se. This phenomenon has made Singapore so close to the hearts of the Malays
up to this day.
Oummar Nor Aman bin Othman

The Relocation of Centre of Malay Arts and Culture from Singapore to

Kuala Lumpur

It is difficult to find on what reasons made Singapore become the centre of

Malay arts and culture. But it is acknowledged by the mass that the arrival
of Abdullah Munshi as the personal secretary to Thomas Stamford Raffles,
he gave huge contributions towards to establish the momentum in the study
of Malay language and literature. In addition to Raffles extensive dedication
in collecting old Malay manuscript, Abdullahs works contributed to the
expansion of a greater interest in the Malay literature.

During the period of Abdullah Munshi in Singapore, there were many

works which originated from other languages that were translated into Malay.
One of them is Hikayat Binatang which it is believed a translation from an
English book whose authors name he did not mention. Apart from this work,
he continued to dedicate his time to write in Malay and some of his works
were published in Singapore.

The publications of Malay literature since the period of mass

publication were mostly done in Singapore and Penang despite these two
islands having a smaller Malay audience. Especially in the 20th century,
several Malay periodicals like Neracha, Warta Malaya, Lembaga and
Utusan Melayu were published in Singapore. Because of this phenomenon,
it may suggest this situation happened due to the high literacy among the
Singaporeans but practically, if these publications were to consider the Malay
language readers in Singapore, the number was inferior in comparison to the
Malay language readers in the Peninsula. At the same time, the literacy rate
in Singapore somehow was not very much different from that in some major
cities in the Peninsula. In this context, what made most of these publications
operated in Singapore?

To answer this question, Singapore during that period was the only
metropolitan city in the British Malaya. Being the centre of the British
colonialism, Singapore always attracted a large number of people surrounding
her to migrate. Many people from the Peninsula and the Indonesian
Archipelago migrated to Singapore to obtain better prospect. However in

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other cities in the Peninsula, such a phenomenon did not occur. This made
Singapore to become very unique and developed compared to other places.
This trend of migration to Singapore continued even after the separation so
much so that it alarmed the government of Singapore to introduce specific
regulations to control this phenomenon.2

Another reason why many press publications took place in this British
colony (in the Straits Settlement in general) was because of the policy of
less interference adopted by the British towards these publications. In some
of the Malay states, objections and interference from the Malay rulers were
so extensive that some of the publishers relocated themselves to the British
colony, like what happened to Syed Sheikh al-Hady. He found it difficult to
accommodate with the Sultan of Johor when he was appointed as the Syriah
Counsel in the state. Only when he moved to Penang, a British colony, he
was more independent and dynamic in producing his works.

In parallel with the expansion of literature, the development of arts

and motion picture also begin to take place. Before the Second World War
in 1930s, there were efforts to start the motion picture industry by several
Indian entrepreneurs. The first picture, Leila Majnun broke into the local
cinema in 1933. But, it was only after the war ended, the industry started to
consolidate. For almost two decades after the war, Singapore became the sole
producer of Malay films until Merdeka Film Studio started their operation in
1961 at Kuala Lumpur. From 1947 to 1961, Malay Film Production (MFP),
Nusantara Film Company and Cathay-Keris, all these operated in Singapore
were the studios which spearheaded the production of Malay movies. These
studios supplied hundreds of movies to the Malay audience (to Indonesia
and Brunei as well) and many of them has remained evergreen until today.
Especially for MFP, most of their films became a legacy for local movie-maker
and these films provided precedents for the later Malay movies produce by
independent producer.

After the separation, Singapores position as the centre of Malay arts

and culture began to take a setback. The reasons are numerous. Many of these
factors happened naturally but a few factors were stimulated directly from
this political separation. Initially after Malaya gained independence in 1957,

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a number of Malay-based enterprises like the publication of newspapers and

books began to relocate their operation to the newly-independent country.3 The
relocation to Malaya was to support the aspiration of the newly independent
state to have more locally and Malay enterprises and Utusan Melayu was
one of them. In 1958, they moved their main editorial desk and the printing
operation from Singapore to Kuala Lumpur. By coincidence of their relocation,
majority of the Utusans shareholders were derived from UMNO political
elites thus probably the main drive behind the relocation. But, the Utusan
maintained their office in Singapore but the functions were more subordinate
to the headquarters in Kuala Lumpur.

The second reason is as a result to the Singapores separation from the

Federation. Still operating in Singapore after the separation, the publisher
prefers their hostile attitude to the government of Singapore. Once the
introduction by the Singapore government regulation for every press
operating in Singapore to engage Singaporean editorial, the Utusan refused
to bow under this direction. As a result of their refusal, they have no choice
by to cease their operation in Singapore.4 The reason behind this regulation
was to ensure the interest of the newly-formed nation was not jeopardized
with the policy of free press. Because of this regulation, many publications
which have expatriates working at the editorial desk were handed over to
Singaporeans. By having Singaporeans working at the editorial department,
it will tighten the grip of the government to control the press. This regulation
would stifle the role of Utusan as the voice of Malay interests. At the same
time, it would become a tool for the Singapore Government to reach the
Malays. For Utusan, by becoming the tool of Singapore Government would
undermine their Malay agenda and thus conflicting with the governments
policy to promote Singapore for Singaporeans. Soon afterwards, newspapers
published in Singapore could not be imported and sold in Malaysia and vice
versa. It has remained so till this day.5

The withdrawal of Utusan from Singapore had effects. The withdrawal

of Utusan narrowed the Malay community access to the mass media. Prior
to the separation, Utusan was always the frontliner of the Malay community
to voice out their feelings towards the Singapore Government. Fortunately
for Utusan, although the Singapore government practised strict censorship

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towards press circulation in Singapore, Utusan was still immuned from the
actions from the Government. The immunity enjoyed by Utusan provided
some rooms for the Malays to use the press as their mouthpiece against the
government. Coincidentally, the stand taken by Utusan always favoured the
Malays and was hostile towards the Singapore Government and this made
Utusan become the voice of the Malays.

So, when Utusan ceased their publication in Singapore, it left a vacuum

in the Singapore press industry. The Singapore Malay community no longer
had a strong voice to represent them in the Singapore mainstream. Although
Berita Harian was still operating in Singapore until today, their voice carry
is closely align with the governments aspiration. Indeed, the establishment
of Utusan brought lots of sentimental elements among the Singapore Malays.
Singapore Malay Union (SMU) whose roles were very instrumental in
setting up Utusan in 1939 toured around Singapore and some parts of Johor
to sell shares among the Malays to gather enough funds to start the press.6
For SMU, the new press must be the Malay-centric (berjiwa Melayu) and
must be owned by the Malays. Since the publication of Utusan on 29th May
1939, Utusan always maintained its distance identity unlike the other Malay
language dailies. The reports and the articles always provided a higher degree
of Malay centricism.7 When the idea of Malayan Union was mooted to the
Malays and the incident of Maria Hertogh erupted, it was Utusan which acted
to stimulate the awareness and the emotional feeling among the Malays about
these issues. Therefore in the context of the Malays, Utusan had a special
attachment to their heart, not only in Singapore but to the whole Peninsula.

Similar situation can be found in the Malay film industry. Since

Merdeka Film Studio began their operation in 1961, the Malay film market
was no longer a production of the MFP studio and the Cathay-Keris. After P.
Ramlee moved to Kuala Lumpur in 1964, Shaw Brothers gradually moved
their Malay film production to Kuala Lumpur from Singapore.8 By sending
him to Kuala Lumpur, Shaw had an ambition to make this studio as a rival
to their MFP studio in Jalan Ampas. The decision taken by Shaw Brothers
resulted in a series of strikes organized by the studio trade union organization
and the decline of the Malay film industry since the mid-60s. Soon, when
Shaw shut down their MFP studio in 1967, it left only Cathay-Keris as the

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only supplier of Singapore-made Malay movies until 1972.9 But the Cathay-
Keris movies were not at the similar degree with the MFP films in terms of
quality and reception among the audiences.

As a result of this closure, a bulk of MFP movie stars moved to Kuala

Lumpur to resume their acting careers. Their relocation to Kuala Lumpur
provided more dynamism to the Merdeka Film Studio which was previously
known as a B-grade film studio. Cathay-Keris able to survive for several
years to produce Malay films but the decline of the Malay film industry pre-
occupied their survival. Soon, Cathay-Keris ceased their movie production
and devoted more commitment towards film distribuship. The closure of this
studio dismantled the landmark of Singapore as the centre for Malay arts and
culture which she enjoyed since the early 20th century. The role was taken by
Kuala Lumpur and Malaysia. At the same time, with numerous government
initiatives, it provided more attractive outlook for many artistes to make
Malaysia their home.

It is worth to write that during this period, the Singapore Government

was too pre-occupied with several economic issues (like the withdrawal of
British Armed Force and problems of unemployment) and this gave them little
chance to make initiatives to revive the Malay film industry. Coincidentally, the
Malay film industry during that period was in serious decline because of heavy
competition from Indonesia and the technological backwardness of the Malay
film industry.10 As a result, it was impractical to hope that the film producers
or the government of Singapore would revive the Malay film industry.

The Decline of Malay as Lingua Franca

As the centre of Malay arts and culture, Malay language was widely spoken
in Singapore. With the exception of the European community, people in
Singapore at least knew to communicate in basic Malay especially in daily
matters involving the Malays. English was still the official language on
the island and other states in Malaya but the position of Malay was never
marginalized. In Malay vernacular school, the Malay language was taught
as one of the subjects.

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The status of Malay as a language of communication further was

consolidated with the adoption of the 1959 constitution which placed the
Malay language as the national language (Bahasa Kebangsaan) of Singapore.11
Although this step never undermined the status quo of English as the language
of administration, it highlighted Singapores intention of sharing similar
aspiration with Malaya in promoting the Malay language as the national
language.12 At the same time, many official functions which involved the PAP
ministers were conducted in Malay language thus supporting the aspiration
of mendaulatkan bahasa kebangsaan (glorifying the national language), a
trend in the Malay political mainstream.

However, some argue this situation was an effort of the PAP Government
to please the Malayan Government to accept Singapore to be part of greater
Malaya. Prior to the merger, the PAP made every attempt to impart a veneer
of Malayness to Singapore like adopting Malay language as the national
language and a Malay was installed as the Head of State.13 By promoting more
Malayness into Singapore, added with the merger aspiration, these acts of
promoting the Malayness at the same time filled the Singapore Malays with
hope and made them feel secure politically and culturally.14

However after the separation, the status of Malay language as the

national language began to become marginal.15 The special attention to the
Malay language was discontinued after the separation. In return, the Singapore
Government began to promote English as the main medium instruction in
all aspects. Due to the requirement for economic survival, Singapore must
readjust their orientation to be more competitive in the international market.
A good command in English would give accessibility to its citizens of western
enterprise to earn an employment. Despite this setback, Malay remains as
the national language because of the historical consideration. Gradually, the
government started to place the four languages as the official languages for
Singapore (English, Mandarin, Malay and Tamil) which are in line with their
aspiration of multiracial and multicultural Singapore. At the same time, the
government started to reduce the number of Malay vernacular schools and
integrated these schools with the mainstream education which used English as
the medium of instruction. Another factor which stimulated the government
to undertake such action because of the low level of employment among the

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product of the Malay stream had. Their command in English were inferior
because the lack of exposure with other community in the island. This effort
to integrate this educational stream was more serious after the mid-70s when
Singapore was moving forward with their nation building process after their
Independence. With this practice, most Singaporeans are perfectly bilingual
with their mother tongue and English.

The decline in the usage of the Malay language in mainstream

Singapore consequently affected the literature and arts relating to the
language. Throughout this time, Singapore always produced many literary
figures like Harun Aminurrashid. Masuri Salikun, Mohd Ariff Ahmad and
Suratman Markasan. Accompanied with their magnum opus, they received
acknowledgement throughout the Malay literature fraternity. However, the
effect of this separation did not immediately stimulate the decline. Masuri
Salikun when discussing the Singapore Malay literature after the separation,
he maintained that everything was not distinct from the Malaysian Malay
literature. Only after 1970, some elements of transformation started to emerge
in linguistic style and themes.16

This new group of Jamal Tukimin, Yusman Abdul Majid and few others
aligned themselves to a group called Group Gelorasa which emerged as a
counter response to the weakness of ASAS 50.17 After the separation, ASAS
50 lost almost half of its members as a result of this political incident.18
Although ASAS 50 was established in Singapore, many of its members
originated from the Peninsula. The involvement of Malayan citizens in ASAS
50 had showed the organization itself naturally has Malaysian worldview
in their struggle. Members like Asraf, Uthman Awang and A. Samad Said
returned to Malaysia because many of them found a permanent employment
there. Therefore, it made ASAS 50 being held up by organizational problems
to proceed with their activities. This group, though had a need for new orders
which were distinct from pre-separation elements to be established in this
newly independent nation. By establishing a new group of which can stimulate
characteristics of new Singapore, it could somehow divert the trauma of
separation suffered by many Singaporeans especially the Malays.

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Ironically, in contemporary Singapore, it is rather difficult to find

non-Malay who are able to converse fluently in Malay. Even the lyric of the
national anthem are not understood by the majority of the them (especially
for post-independent born) owing to their lack of familiarity with the national
language.19 Indeed, many Singaporeans especially the non-Malays currently
are not even aware that Malay is the national language. Because of the
unfamiliarity of their national language, there was a debate in the early 90s to
change their national anthem to another language. But the government rejected
this proposal because they felt the matter was too sensitive and furthermore,
they argued the lyric of Majulah Singapura is very simple to comprehend
the meaning.

Decline of Malay Educational Stream

Since the beginning of colonialism, British started their project to develop

an educational system which is suitable for the island. Thomas Stamford
Raffles during his presence in Singapore tried to persuade Sultan Hussin to
establish a school for the Malays to earn better education, unlike their parents.
However, the suggestion proposed by Raffles was not enough to convince
Sultan Hussin. But, it was the British who first established the school for
children in 1819. Apart from this school, there were a number of English
educational institutions. Some of these schools were funded by Christian
missionaries and this situation made the Malays quite reluctant to send their
children to these schools.

The Malays were not very keen to send their children to the government
sponsored school instead willing to let their children be educated informally
by sending them to the locally trusted man to teach their children to recite
the Qurn and some basic requirements in daily affairs. However, as early
as in 1834, there was already a formal educational institution using the
Malay language to cater to the needs of education for the Malay community.
However, the participation of the Malays was not very encouraging. It was
reported, only 12 students registered for the first session on that year. The
number increased annually but it was not the same if comparison was made
in with the Chinese and English educational stream.

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Somewhere in 1855, Temenggong Daeng Ibrahim and Governor

Blundell donated $1500 each to establish a school in Telok Blangah and
another school in Kampung Gelam. The school at Kampung Gelam was named
as Sekolah Melayu Abdullah Munshi probably because of his contribution
in promoting education among the Malays earlier. Later in 1884, another
development was achieved by the foundation of a school specially dedicated
for the girls in Telok Blangah. Temenggong Abu Bakar (later Sultan Abu
Bakar) was very generous by allowing some part of his palace to be converted
into classrooms. However, the existence of this school only lasted about two
years because of poor enrolment. 20

From the early 20th century until Singapore attained the status of self-
governing territory, the Malay education was able to grow steadily. The Malay
education received another boost when PAP won the election in 1959. Once
the party won the election, the government led by Lee Kuan Yew launched a
programme to provide free education for all Singapore Malays from primary
to tertiary education. By launching this programme, it could eradicate the
level of education dropout among the Singapore Malays which resulted from
the poverty among them. The pre-Malaysia period for the Malay education
stream was considered as the zenith of Malay education because it was the
first time, the Malay education received huge attention from the government.

During this period, the Singapore Government introduced the Malay

secondary class in 1960 in the government school. The male students were
placed at Sekolah Kota Raja and the female were sent to Sekolah Geylang
Craft Centre. The establishment of these classes in 1960 was in line with the
appeal from numerous Malays organization to fasten the establishment of
secondary level of Malay stream class. Soon, another sixteen classes were
established throughout the whole island after the foundation of these inaugural
classes. By the early 1961, about a year after the establishment, nearly 45
Malay secondary classes were established in Singapore schools. Although
these classes were shared with the secondary English school, nobody was
able to deny that by the establishment of these classes, it signified the rapid
growth of Malay educational stream in Singapore.

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Because of the warm welcome from the Malays, the government moved
one step further by introducing the pre-university classes at the Malay school.
The first pre-university class began at Sekolah Menengah Sang Nila Utama
in 1964.21 The introduction of the pre-university class at the Malay school
during this period was regarded as a very remarkable achievement by the
Malay education activist because they were already conducting their work
since 1963 in order to form the class.

It is acknowledged that the Malay education received a lot of momentum

before and during the merger with Malaysia. Some Malay parents transferred
their children from the English stream to the Malay stream because of the
high prospect posed by the Malay education. Especially in the Peninsula,
the promotion of Malay education done by the government helped to uplift
the status of Malay education and the Malays started to build up their trust
for it. As the result of the educational development in Malaya, the Singapore
Malays followed the trend held by the Malays across the Causeway.

However, things started to change after the separation. The momentum

which was already built up before the separation began to slow down. After
the separation, the Singapore government began to detach their orientation
from Malaya to become a separate nation and one of the areas which the
government tried to adjust were the education and the language among the
masses. As mentioned before in this article, after the separation, the usage of
the Malay language started to decline because the government of Singapores
policy to promote the usage of English instead of the usage of Malay language.
The priority given to English rather than Malay language affected the Malay
educational stream as well.

One of the signs of the decline in Malay educational stream was the
decline in enrolment after the separation. Since English education received
more attention from the government, the Malay education got affected from
this policy. By looking at the enrolment of students in the Malay school like
mentioned below, the situation of Malay educational stream took place can
be understood.

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Oummar Nor Aman bin Othman

Table 1 The number of enrolment in the Malay school in Singapore

POLITICAL ENTITY YEAR NUMBER OF ENROLMENT
1963 5127
Malaysia 1964 4750
1965 4848
1966 5249
1967 3857
1968 3025
Republic of Singapore 1969 2002
1970 1000
1971 876
1972 553
Source: Kamsiah Abdullah, Benih Budiman: Suatu Analisa Sosio-Sejarah Persekolahan Melayu
di Singapura. (Tanjong Malim: Penerbit Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris, 2007), p. 227.

By looking at Table 1, it could seen that there was a steady decline in

the number of enrolment in the Malay education since 1967. By comparing
the enrolment of 1966 (the highest enrolment) and 1972, there was a ratio of
9: 1 from the enrolment in 1966 and the enrolment in 1972. The promotion
from the government for the Malays to send the children to the English school
was stimulated from the lack of accessibility of Malay educational stream
graduates to the job market. The graduates of Malay school usually have low
level of English proficiency as compared to the English school graduates.

Because of the governments policy to promote English education, it

decreased the confidence among the students who were studied in the Malay
school. Although the government continue to support and fund the Malay
school, the support was not at the level before and during the merger. The low
level of confidence among the Malay students in the Malay schools affected
the passing rates in the Malay school.

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 The Declination of Malayness in Singapore during The Post-Seperation Period

Table 2 The number of candidates and the passing percentage of the Malay
school for Malaysia Certificate of Education (MCE) 1963 1969
YEAR NUMBER OF GRADE GRADE GRADE NOT NUMBER % OF
CANDIDATE 1 2 3 PASS OF PASS PASS
1963 1525 25 125 426 914 614 38.70
1964 1482 15 107 522 838 644 43.45
1965 1190 15 74 401 686 504 42.50
1966 1308 6 35 299 955 353 27.00
1967 1470 2 21 257 1185 285 19.40
1968 1216 3 34 276 891 325 26.70
1969 210 0 3 38 169 41 19.50
Source: Sharom Ahmat, Singapore Malays, Educational and National Development in Malay
Participation in the National Development of Singapore, edited by Sharom Ahmat and James
Wong, (Singapore: Eurasia Press, 1971), p. 9.

In the early 1970s, there was an effort to revive the Malay school
proposed by the Singapore Malay Teachers Union (SMTU) to the government.
Looking at the trend of decline within the Malay education, the union proposed
to the government to integrate all educational streams in Singapore into single
educational stream (national stream). The proposal is by having one national
stream with English as the main instruction and Malay language must be
taught as the second language. For the Chinese and Indian students, apart
from these two languages, they would be taught their mother tongue in order
to preserve their community heritage. For the Malays, they will be taught the
subject of Islamic studies22.

Despite numerous attempts and proposals forwarded by a number

of Malay organizations, the situation of the Malay schools did not improve
very much. The continuous decay of Malay education cannot be solved with
the efforts of the government because the Singapore industrial requirement
placed high level of preference for English educated graduates. Without any
significant result although with continuous government support, the Malay
education was heading towards the closure.

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Oummar Nor Aman bin Othman

The decline of intake in the Malay school since 1967 resulted in the
closure of Malay primary school and the integration of Malay secondary
school with the English secondary school in the later years of post-separation
Singapore. Although the pre-university classes continue to exist until 1986,
the situation of Malay educational stream in the decade of 1970s exposed
their reality to the Singapore mainstream that Malay education was no longer
able to sustain with the need of Singapore nation building. Finally in 1986,
the last batch of pre-university classes ended their study and it was that year,
the Malay educational stream closed for good in Singapore.

Uncertainty of Singapore Economic Development: Impact to the Malays

Prior to the separation, Singapore started to enter rapid economic

transformation. But after the collapse of the common market arrangement
with Malaysia after the separation, Singapore started to find new alternative to
proceed with their economic orientation. The mentality regarding Malaya as
the hinterland for Singapore was gradually abandoned by the PAP leadership
after the failed merger.23 From that point, Singapore initiated various policies
to detach themselves from their hinterland.

However, their plan to accelerate their economic transformation

received a huge setback in 1968 when the British Government announced
their intention to review of their east of Suez policy. One of the reviews
was to withdraw from their military base in Singapore. On the perspective
of the British government, maintaining their military base beyond the Suez
Canal was very costly and strategically did not give them long term benefits.
Therefore, the best solution for the British was to abandon their Singapore
base and concentrate their military interest in Cyprus and Hong Kong.

Domestically, they received the announcement negatively. During

that period of time, Singapore was still incapable to defend themselves
independently. Singapore during that period was still in the process of building
their military capabilities and therefore, their defence was greatly relying
on the presence of British military personnel on that island. But the most
serious question on the mind of the government leadership was to maintain
the confidence of the foreign investors to remain on the island beyond the

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 The Declination of Malayness in Singapore during The Post-Seperation Period

British withdrawal. For Lee Kuan Yew and his cabinet, jobs can be created but
the confidence of the investors must be maintained because the vulnerability
of Singapore economy by then to survive alone.24 The local investors needed
time to become more competitive and the capitals were mostly derived from
these foreign investors.

Prior the separation, the PAP Government had begun initiatives to

transform Singapore economic structure in order to maintain the economic
sustainability of the island. The 1959 constitution gave the island the status of
self-governing territory while the British maintaining the authority in defence
and foreign affairs.25 It was common during that period that a territory with
such a status be granted with independence soon. When the PAP formed the
government in 1959, they began to acknowledge the task ahead if the economy
remained stagnant. The British will leave and they must find ways to maintain
their sustainability with or without Malaya. The only way for Singapore was
to venture into mass industrialization. For that purpose, 9000 acres (initially)
of land was allocated for the establishment of Jurong Industrial Estate, where
the previously swampy lands were reclaimed to path way for the construction
of factories. Other swampy area like Toa Payoh and Kallang were included
for the redevelopment project.26

Commonly happen in many nation states, not all Singaporeans attained

the benefits from this economic transformation. The Malays were further
left behind because the profession they were accustomed to were no longer
available. Looking at Table 3, it gives a better understanding of the situation
since the traditional Malay occupations like in the agricultural and fishing
sectors sharply declined after 1965. Moving to the flat provided by the Housing
Development Board (HDB) may sound comfortable for the youth but for the
elders, it was not easy to adjust with this new life. The Malays really missed
their kampong life and some of them required lots of time to adjust with the
new surroundings.27

Losing their old job, they began to seek new ones. But the challenges
were daunting because new skills needed to be acquired. For those who
were unlucky, the job stayed away from them. There were several reasons to
understand this situation. Going into 1970s, the government linked jobs like

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the police and military which were traditionally associated with the Malays
suddenly excluded them from their ranks.28 Because of this scenario, many
Malays were involved in negative activities like drug addiction and other social
illnesses. Looking at this scenario, some argued that the poor outcome of the
PAP in some constituencies (like Geylang Serai and Kampung Kembangan)
in the 1972 General Election was probably because of the protest votes given
by the Malays because they felt that the PAP had abandoned them.

For some quarters of the Malays, losing jobs was not a big deal. Some
of them were not born in Singapore. This section of Malays originated from
Malaya like Malacca and Johor and therefore, they never regarded Singapore
as their home. Singapore in their views was only a place to earn money and
once the job is no longer available, they will move back to their kampong
(hometown) and the land owned by their parents still enabled them to benefit
from it. Some of them who worked with the British army in the Singapore
military base but when the base was closed in 1971, they moved back to their
kampong and because of this reason, it decreased the number of Singapore
Malays in the state demographics.

There were also some other sections of Malays who took the offer given
by the Menteri Besar (State Minister) of Johor. The government of Johor felt
the need to accommodate the Malays who felt their future was uncertain in
Singapore by offering them land.29 The offer sounded politically-motivated
but at least, this was the best way to cool down the uncertainties faced by the
Singapore Malays by providing them alternatives apart from Singapore. While
there was no statistic to indicate how big the migration that took place was,
the perception of such migration among the Malays was very high. Among
the big names that moved to Malaysia after the separation were Ahmad
Ibrahim, Sharom Ahmat and Abdul Hamid Jumat. These personalities made
their names there but later found their final destination in Malaysia.

Because of these economic uncertainties, the standard of living among

the Malays downgraded a few years after the separation. Compared to the
Chinese, the Malays were far behind in terms of income, land ownership
and profession.

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 The Declination of Malayness in Singapore during The Post-Seperation Period

Table 3 The occupation of Malay and Chinese male age 10 and above for the
year 1957, 1970 and 1980 (percentage)
1957 1970 1980
M C M C M C
Professional and Technical 2.8 3.6 4.4 6.7 4.6 8.3
Administrative and Management 0.3 1.8 0.3 2.1 0.8 6.7
Clerical 15.0 11.5 13.9 11.2 13.0 8.5
Sales 3.0 23.8 3.7 20.0 3.1 15.4
Services 13.7 9.0 21.6 7.6 18.0 6.2
Agricultural and Fisheries 10.0 7.6 5.9 4.6 3.1 2.5
Production and Transportation 42.1 42.3 45.4 43.2 53.5 43.2
No Classification 13.1 0.4 4.6 4.8 3.7 9.1
100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Source: Tania Li, Malay in Singapore: Culture, Economy and Ideology. (Singapore: Oxford
University Press, 1990), p. 140.

Table 4 The monthly income of Malay and Chinese male for the year 1975,
1978 and 1980 (percentage)
Income less than $400 monthly Income more than $1000 monthly
M C M C
1975 62.6 67.1 0.8 7.0
1978 75.8 53.3 1.8 8.9
1980 64.1 41.8 2.7 12.9
Source: Tania Li, Malay in Singapore: Culture, Economy and Ideology. (Singapore: Oxford
University Press, 1990), p. 140.

The figures representing the income between the Malays and the
Chinese indicates a clear trend on how far the Malays were lagging behind
the Chinese in the 1970s, after industrialization took place. Probably one
of the reasons was because of the attitude of the Malays themselves who
were too complacent with their lives compared to the other races especially
the Chinese. But, poverty among the Malays was not new. It can be traced
back to the British colonial period. So by looking at this situation, the
poverty and backwardness among the Malays were not solely because of the
post-separation transformation but it is deeply-rooted in the earlier period.

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Oummar Nor Aman bin Othman

Since the Chinese were more competitive and well-prepared to face this
changing situation, they found themselves in a better situation to adjust to
the transformation.

This uncertainty in the economic field posed serious problems to the

Malays after the separation and as a result, some of them migrated to the
Peninsula to find better prospects or to obtain the jobs that they were accustomed
to. The best example was the Malay movie stars who moved to Kuala Lumpur
after the closure of the film studios. But this few marginal cases did not to apply
to all Malays. Most of the Malays after their old jobs were no longer available
(like in the police force and the military), they found other occupations although
they were not accustomed to the occupations before. But, they needed to work
for a living. They found it hard but it was the reality they were required to face.

Table 5 Malays in the police, fire brigade and military services

1957 1970
Number of Malay personnel 10 845 7 563
(75.57%) (21.68%)
Total number of personnel 14 350 34 891
(100%) (100%)
Source: Kamsiah Abdullah, Benih Budiman: Suatu Analisa Sosio-Sejarah Persekolahan Melayu
di Singapura. (Tanjong Malim: Penerbit Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris, 2007), p. 223.

Despite numerous hiccups in the years after the separation, they began
to recover from the trauma of the separation. This trend started to bear fruit
since the early 1980s when few Malay/Muslim organizations were established
to start self-assisted programmes to improve the socioeconomic conditions of
the Malays. The emergence of MENDAKI brought many expectations from
the Singapore Malays to compete with the non-Malays in various areas.

Years after the separation, the feeling of close attachment of the

Singapore Malays to Malaysia began to decline. Probably, the attachment
which still exists is the family relations across the Causeway and to get cheaper
household products in Johor. Other than that, the attachment of Singapore
Malays to the Peninsula is not as high as before the merger. The newspapers
from Malaysia are also barred from being sold in Singapore and vice versa

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for the Singapore newspaper. Because of less things being shared on both
sides of the Causeway, it makes them feel less attachment to each other.

Reflection

There are effects which happened subsequently after the separation of

Singapore from Malaysia. Some of the reasons contributed to these effects
occurred naturally and some of these effects happened because of the
government policies after the separation.

The Singapore Constitution mentioned the status of Malay language

as the national language of Singapore. The promotion of Malay as the
national language already took place since 1960 when the government
adopted the constitution of 1959 in full. Although English remains as the
official language but the promotion of Malay as the national language was
an effort by the Government of Singapore to bring the island closer to the
Malay world after more than hundred years of British colonialism. But the
status of Malay language received a setback after the separation because the
government policy to promote English as the main language for the masses.
In the constitution, the status of Malay language remains unchanged but in
practical, the Malay language happens to be marginalized.

In relation with the decline of the Malay language, it also affected the
Malay educational stream on that island. Because of the high priority given
to English and Mandarin in the commercial usage, the demand of Malay
language in daily usage subsequently declined. The lack of demand in the
usage of Malay language in employment decreased the momentum of the
Malay education stream in post-separation Singapore.

Apart from the decline in Malay language and Malay educational

stream, the status of Singapore as the centre of Malay arts and culture was also
affected. The closure of the MFP and Cathay-Keris Film Studio shut down any
possibility to keep Singapore as the centre of Malay arts and culture. Apart
from the closure of these film studios, accompanied with the withdrawal of
Utusan Melayu and the decay in Singapore Malay literature, it evolved the
landmark of Singapore as the centre of Malay arts and culture.

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Oummar Nor Aman bin Othman

Immediately after the separation, the changing pattern of the islands

life brought many dilemmas to the Malays. Although their economic status
received many setbacks after the separation, they tried to find alternatives
within the island. For them, it was very hard to relocate en masses to a new
place once the old place was no longer attractive. Looking at the Malay
worldview, generally the Malays would never leave their home to an alien
place. They would live and retire at the home or place where they are born
though their home might not be as good as in other country. Therefore, it can
be understood why there is a Malay proverb Hujan Emas di Negeri Orang,
Hujan Batu di Negeri Sendiri, Baik Lagi di Negeri Sendiri.30 The problems that
the Malays faced on that island however has made them a more sustainable
and self-sufficient community than before.

By looking at these four issues, it could be estimated how far Singapore

has departed after the separation in 1965. Once a Malaysian goes to Singapore,
they may feel as though they are travelling in a western hemisphere because
Singaporeans after the separation tried to distinct themselves from the rest
of their Malay neighbours. From this, it can already be assumed how far
Singapore has detached themselves from Malaysia and the rest of the Malay
world. Therefore, it is not unusual to find the lifestyle and the mentality of
the Singapore Malays to be distinctive unlike the Malays surrounding them.

Nota
1
William R. Roff, The Origins of Malay Nationalism. (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University
Press, 1994), p.39.
2
Utusan Melayu, Malaysia Memandang Singapura Sebagai Saudara Adakah Singapura
Memandang Malaysia Begitu?, 17 November 1965, p.4.
3
Mana Sikana, Wajah Melayu Singapura Selepas Perpisahan dengan Malaysia, Sari
International Journal of the Malay World and Civilization, Vol. 27, No. 2 (2009): p. 29.
4
Lee Kuan Yew. From Third World To First: The Memoir of Lee Kuan Yew. (Singapore:
Singapore Press Holdings, 2000), p. 266.
5
Ibid.
6
Roff, p.175.
7
Ibid., p.176.
8
Raphael Millet. The Singapore Cinema. (Singapore: Editions Didier Millet, 2006), p. 64.
9
Ibid., p.65.
10
Ibid., p.67.

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 The Declination of Malayness in Singapore during The Post-Seperation Period

11
Utusan Zaman, Bahasa Melayu Menjadi Bahasa Rasmi Yang Tunggal Di Singapura, 6
March 1960, p. 4.
12
The interpretation of bahasa kebangsaan (national language) in Malaya and Singapore
is different. Malaya adopted Malay as the national language by interpreting Malay as the
language for unity and the language for official function (gradually adopted). While in
Singapore, the adoption of Malay as the national language only basically on historical
consideration and the practice in official affairs is more limited unlike in Malaya. This
practice is similar in India where Hindi is recognized as the national language but English
remains as the official language.
13
Bedlington, p. 214.
14
Ibid.
15
Hong Lysa and Huang Jianli. The Scripting of a National History: Singapore and Its Past,
(Singapore: NUS Press, 2008), p. 95.
16
Mana Sikana, p. 28.
17
Generation of 50 Laureate (Angkatan Sasterawan 50 in Malay) was founded in 1950 by a
group of Malay laureates like A. Samad Said, Masuri Salikun, Mohamad Ariff Ahmad and
Harun Aminurrashid. The focus of this organization is to promote new approach in modern
Malay literature and narrowing the gap, between the literature and the masses. With their
tagline, Seni Untuk Masyarakat (Arts for the Masses), ASAS 50 tried to promote to the
laureate to compose works which reflect the masses of the period and promote the usage of
literary works to revive the masses. Please refer Mohamed Pitchay Gani Mohamed Abdul
Aziz. (2005). Dari Gerhana Ke Puncak Purnama: Biografi ASAS 50, 55 Tahun Dalam
Persuratan, Singapore: Angkatan Sasterawan 50.
18
Mohamed Pitchay Gani Mohamed Abdul Aziz, Dari Gerhana ke Puncak Purnama: Biografi
ASAS 50, 55 Tahun Dalam Persuratan, (Singapore: Angkatan Sasterawan 50, 2005), p. 3.
19
Lily Zubaidah Rahim, Singapore in the Malay World: Building and Breaching Regional
Bridges, (London and New York: Routledge, 2009), p. 2.
20
Kamsiah Abdullah, Benih Budiman: Suatu Analisa Sosio-Sejarah Persekolahan Melayu di
Singapura. (Tanjong Malim: Penerbit Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris, 2007), p. 58.
21
Ibid. p. 213.
22
Ibid, p. 230.
23
Chan Heng Chee, p. 3.
24
Loh Kah Seng, The British Military Withdrawal from Singapore and the Anatomy of a
Catalyst in Singapore in Global History, edited by Derek Heng and Syed Muhd Khairudin
Aljuneid, (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2011), p. 199.
25
Chan Heng Chee, p. 4.
26
Drysdale, p. 254 55.
27
Bedlington, p. 221.
28
Bedlington, p. 218.
29
Utusan Melayu, Singapura Keluar dari Malaysia: Akhirnya Sampai Jugalah Hajat Petir
dan Pemimpin-Pemimpinnya 10 August 1965, p. 4
30
Translation: How Good Other People Place, Ours is the Best.

147