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SAJIA AdebayoBookReview

This document summarizes an article from the South African Journal of International Affairs about a book titled "The Curse of Berlin: Africa After the Cold War". The book discusses how the 1884-1885 Berlin Conference, where European powers divided up Africa, has negatively impacted the continent politically, economically, and socially up until today. It argues that problems like borders dividing ethnic groups and ongoing Western influence have hindered African development and led to conflicts. The book is divided into sections on security, hegemony, and unity in Africa. It advocates for African solutions to the continent's issues rather than continued Western involvement.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
142 views5 pages

SAJIA AdebayoBookReview

This document summarizes an article from the South African Journal of International Affairs about a book titled "The Curse of Berlin: Africa After the Cold War". The book discusses how the 1884-1885 Berlin Conference, where European powers divided up Africa, has negatively impacted the continent politically, economically, and socially up until today. It argues that problems like borders dividing ethnic groups and ongoing Western influence have hindered African development and led to conflicts. The book is divided into sections on security, hegemony, and unity in Africa. It advocates for African solutions to the continent's issues rather than continued Western involvement.

Uploaded by

kakinene
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd
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The Curse of Berlin: Africa After the


Cold War

Article in South African Journal of International Affairs · August 2011


DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2011.588832

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Shawn Duthie
University of Cape Town
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The Curse of Berlin: Africa After the


Cold War
a
Shawn Robert Duthie
a
Political Studies Department, University of Cape Town
Version of record first published: 01 Aug 2011.

To cite this article: Shawn Robert Duthie (2011): The Curse of Berlin: Africa After the Cold War,
South African Journal of International Affairs, 18:2, 275-277

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South African Journal of International Affairs
Vol. 18, No. 2, August 2011, 275279

BOOK REVIEWS

South African Journal of Internationals Affairs


DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2011.588832
The Curse of Berlin: Africa After the Cold War, by Adekeye Adebajo, Scottsville,
South Africa, University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2010, 414 pp., ZAR 279.95, ISBN
Downloaded by [University of Cape Town Libraries] at 05:15 20 March 2013

9781869141967

Nigerian scholar Adekeye Adebajo’s book The Curse of Berlin: Africa After the Cold
War centres on the 18841885 conference in Germany, presided over by the ‘Iron
Chancellor’ Otto von Bismarck. It was at this conference the imperial powers gathered
to discuss matters concerning the free trade in the Congo and free navigation of the
Congo and the Niger, but more importantly how to peacefully annex the rest of the
continent among themselves. Ironically, it was this conference of ‘European locusts’
which called for peace that ‘distorted African politics, economics, and society; damaged
indigenous cultures; and retarded socioeconomic development’ (p. 1) to the present day.
The book begins with a superb review from Ali A. Mazrui, to whom the book
is also dedicated. Mazrui lays out the general idea of the book: the serious
ramifications of the Conference of Berlin, such as the hastily demarcated borders
and the resulting clashes between religions and ethnicities, which have led to the
underdevelopment of, and conflict in, the continent. A renaissance of Africa can
only occur by turning inward towards Pan-African solutions and rejecting Western
colonial ideas that still arise even in organisations such as the United Nations. This
idea of the conference and the continued negative Western influence being the
downfall of Africa pervades each of three sections of the book: The Quest for
Security; The Quest for Hegemony; and The Quest for Unity.
The Quest for Security deals with the need for Africans themselves to ‘muster the
will to resolve disputes that arise on their continent’ (p. 31). Adebajo begins with an
analysis of Africa’s security institutions in the African Union (AU), as well as in each
region of the continent: the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS);
the Southern African Development Community (SADC); the Economic Community
of Central African States (ECCAS); the Intergovernmental Authority on Develop-
ment (IGAD); and the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU). Despite most of these
organisations beginnings as economically oriented, they have had to expand their
role to include peacekeeping and security, such as ECOWAS’s Ceasefire Monitoring
Group (ECOMOG) and the SADC Brigade (SADCBRIG). In spite of Adebajo’s
aversion to complimenting the West and his calls for non-interference in African
affairs, he rightly acknowledges that none of these organisations is in the position to
guarantee security alone and will need financial and logistical help from the West for
some time.
Africa’s relationship with the UN and its two African Secretary-Generals,
Boutros Boutros-Ghali and Kofi Annan, is analysed next in regard to security.

ISSN 1022-0461 print/ISSN 1938-0275 online


http://www.informaworld.com
276 Book reviews

The author uses the term ‘apartheid’ to refer to the lack of equality in terms of
international politics, peacekeeping and socio-economics. He advocates UN reform,
especially of the Security Council and the Bretton Woods institutions, and more
emphasis on solving regional conflicts with regional institutions, such as those
mentioned earlier. These are lofty ambitions and one could label Adebajo an idealist,
especially with his suggestion at the close of chapter two for a ‘new’ Berlin
Conference to ‘reverse the scandalous act of cartographic mischief inflicted on the
continent . . . over a century ago’ (p. 52). However, a better label for Adebajo would
be an integrationist, as he repeatedly calls for further African integration and it could
be through this integration that borders could be ‘erased’ very simply with an
African treaty based on the Schengen Area in Europe.
In regards to Boutros-Ghali and Annan, Adebajo labels them the Pharaoh and the
Downloaded by [University of Cape Town Libraries] at 05:15 20 March 2013

Prophet, respectively. Perhaps surprisingly, Adebajo is much more critical of Annan,


who is usually seen to be one of the more respected and successful UN Secretary-
Generals, than Boutros-Ghali, who is the only Secretary-General to not serve two
terms after getting on the wrong side of the United States. It may be for this reason
that Adebajo comes to Boutros-Ghali’s defence, as he writes that his ‘tenure witnessed
one of the most far-reaching reforms in the history of the organisation’ (p. 85), while
the image of Annan as a great reformer is ‘a common myth’ (p. 89).
Adebajo’s second part deals with potential African hegemons, South Africa and
Nigeria. He offers sound political advice to both South Africa, whom he sees as
battling the historical illusion of superiority over its neighbours and still trying to
find its identity after the fall of apartheid; and Nigeria, which ‘must put its own
house in order before its leadership ambitions can be taken seriously’ (p. 140),
referring to the country’s rampant corruption and history of illegitimate rulers, such
as General Sani Abacha, which Adebayo touched on repeatedly in the chapter on
Nigeria. The book continues by looking at the continent’s relationship with two
world powers (China and the United States) and a former coloniser (France), or as
they are labelled, an ‘Axis of Evil’ (p. 163). Some may find it odd that he did not
include any other colonial powers, such as the United Kingdom, Portugal or Belgium
in this chapter, but he points out that unlike these other former imperial powers,
France still holds very close and controversial ties with the continent, as seen by their
initial support for deposed Tunisian President Ben Ali, the numerous military
interventions by the French gendarmes and the fixing of the West and Central
African CFA (Communauté financière d’Afrique and Coopération financière en
Afrique centrale, respectively) franc to the French franc (now to the Euro), as well as
it being guaranteed by the French treasury.
This part concludes with a look at the relationship of South Africa and China *
the Springbok and Dragon * with other African states, ranging from the
Democratic Republic of Congo to Zimbabwe. Again, in this part, Adebajo saves
his most contemptuous remarks for the West, while letting China off with a slap on
the wrist. For example, in the 29-page chapter on the Axis of Evil, only five are
devoted to China’s role on the continent, despite it currently being the most
aggressive investor and supporter of illiberal regimes. However, he does add some
criticisms for China in his final conclusions by noting that the assertive actions of
China could be seen by African countries as economic imperialism, as well as
examining the rhetoric of China’s frequent statements of non-interference. One of the
biggest criticisms made of the Chinese is their refusal to use local African labour
while insisting that Western companies that invest in China hire Chinese labour. This
South African Journal of Internationals Affairs 277

hypocrisy and other issues will have to be addressed in the way that Africa deals with
its biggest international partner if true equal partnership is to happen.
The Curse of Berlin concludes with an analysis of the ‘Quest for Unity’, with
remarkable detailing of major figures in African history * Cecil Rhodes, Nelson
Mandela, Kwame Nkrumah, Thabo Mbeki, Barack Obama and Mahatma Ghandi.
All of these figures have had an influence on the continent * some good, such as
Mandela’s struggle for freedom from apartheid and some bad, such as Rhodes’ many
acts of colonisation. Adebajo gives a remarkably detailed historical and political
analysis of these figures who had a large influence on the African continent. Adebajo
also offers an analysis of the European Union (EU) and the African Union (AU):
two regional organisations that have had similar experiences without comparable
Downloaded by [University of Cape Town Libraries] at 05:15 20 March 2013

outcomes. Adebajo traces the history of the two organisations * from the
Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to the AU and the European Economic
Community (EEC) to the EU * as well as the political figures who envisioned the
goal of integration and kept it on track * Jean Monnet and Jacques Delors in
Europe and Adebayo Adedeji and Alpha Konaré in Africa * and concludes with an
analysis of the respective hegemons (South Africa and Nigeria/France and Germany)
and the potential spoilers (Libya/Britain).
Throughout the book, Adebajo does make valid criticisms of Western govern-
ments and policy-makers, though at times it seems that he is making broad
statements only to make the point that the West is wicked. For example, when
Adebajo states that the arrogance and tactlessness that Boutros-Ghali displayed as
Secretary-General is ‘not uncommon at this level of responsibility among many
senior Western officials in similar positions’ (p. 87, emphasis added). One could
admit that it would not be an exaggeration to say that any human being in this
position may have or acquire these traits, regardless of whether you are Western,
Eastern or African.
The Curse of Berlin is a very readable book and great for undergraduate students
or those with an interest in the subject. Adekeye Adebajo’s ability to keep the reader
interested by using allusions and symbolism throughout the book is second-to-none,
while his narrative makes the reader forget that they are reading a political science
book. One hopes that decision-makers in both Africa and the West read and consider
many of Adebajo’s proposals and that changes occur that can finally lift the ‘Curse of
Berlin’ on Africa.

Shawn Robert Duthie


Political Studies Department, University of Cape Town
Email: Shawn.Duthie@uct.ac.za
# 2011 Shawn Robert Duthie

South African Journal of Internationals Affairs


DOI: 10.1080/10220461.2011.588834
The Political Economy of Pharmaceutical Patents: US Sectional Interests and the
African Group at the WTO, by Sherry Marcellin, Farnham and Burlington, Ashgate,
2010, 226 pp., ZAR 605, ISBN 9781409412144

This book examines the making of the patent provisions in the Trade-Related
Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) agreement. The research is based on

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