The Garden History Society

Fountains: Theory and Practice in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries

Author(s): Christopher Thacker
Source: Occasional Paper (Garden History Society), No. 2 (1970), pp. 19-26
Published by: The Garden History Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1586301
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 Fountains:Theory and Practice
in the Seventeenthand EighteenthCenturies*
by
CHRISTOPHER
THACKER
In this centurywe may see fountainsof every conceivable kind, from the soaringjet d'eau at Geneva to
the miniaturefour-inchplastic frogs, poweredby torchbatteries,spewing four-inch spouts in our own -
or our neighbours'- back gardens.The sublime and the less sublime even leap and sparkleside by side,
as at the Child-Beale Trust,near Basildon in Berkshire,where the simple, spectacularjet is next to the
mock-Italian,while this in turnsprays beside a frothingtrio of man- or, giant-sized frogs.
This variety goes back a fair way - membersof the Society will rememberthe huge Wurlitzerof a
fountainat Castle Howardin Yorkshire,broughtup from the GreatExhibition of 1851 - and others will
rememberPaxton's Emperorfountainat Chatsworth.
But before the 1820s, fountains had been out of fashion for a long time. As early as 1777, William
Mason had writtentriumphantly:
... thefountain dares no more
Tofling its wasted crystal thro'the sky.'
This paperaims to trace the history of fountainsfrom the late 1500s - when modem Europeanfoun-
tains began - until this moment of eclipse at the end of the eighteenthcentury.
The great surge of Classical enthusiasmin Italy in the sixteenth century led to a wish to recreatethe
gardensof ImperialRome, including fountainsin cities and in private villas. At first, architectsdid not
have the hydraulic knowledge to ensure high pressure on level ground, and so most early Italian
Renaissancefountainsrely on gravity-feed.At Tivoli, the Villa d'Este, planned by Pirro Ligorio in the
1550s, is fed from the tumblingwatersof the riverAnio, divertedto give a full and constantsupply.When
water like this was available, the early fountain-enthusiastsdelighted in doing as many differentthings
with it as they could. Subordinationof the part to the whole was not often a major preoccupation,but
ratherthe extravagantachievementof utmostexcitement,interest,novelty or magnificence in each part.
Sixteenth-and Seventeenth-centurytravellersnoted these individualqualities - but rarely spoke of their
overall aptness to the scene.
Montaigne visited the gardens of the Villa d'Este in 1581, and was impressed by the water organs.
"The music of the organ",he writes, "which is a true music and from real organ-pipes, is producedby
meansof waterwhich falls with greatviolence into a round,vaultedcave and agitates the inside, so forc-
ing it out as a draughtthroughthe pipes of the organ.Another source of water turns a toothed wheel,
which strikesthe keyboardof the organwith a certainorder.You can also hear the sound of trumpetsimi-
tated.Elsewhere,you hearbirdsong,by meansof little bronzeflutes ... played in the same way; and then
by other controls they make an owl move. When it appearson the top of a rock, it suddenly stops this
* Paperpresentedwith slides at GardenHistory Society meeting, London, 15th October 1969.
harmony,frighteningthe birds by its presence... Elsewhere,there are noises like cannon, and elsewhere
a smaller,rattlingnoise like a volley of shots from arquebuses."2
The mechanicaldevice of the Owl fountainis cousin to the many trick and joke fountainscreatedin
the period. Evelyn, visiting the Villa d'Este in 1645, admired the fountains in terms similar to
Montaigne's,and at the Villa Aldobrandini,his descriptionmakes the fountains seem a jumble of con-
ceits:
"[Thereis] an artificalgrot, whereinare curiousrocks, hydraulicorgans, and all sorts of singing birds,
moving and chirpingby force of the water,with several other pageants and surprisinginventions. In
the centre of one of these rooms, rises a copperball that continuallydances about three feet from the
pavement,by virtue of a wind conveyed secretly to a hole beneathit; with many other devices to wet
the unwaryspectatorsso thatone can hardlystep withoutwetting to the skin. In one of these theatres
of water,is an Atlas spouting up the streamto a very greatheight; and anothermonstermakes a terri-
ble roaringwith a horn;but, above all, the representationof a storm is most natural,with such fury of
rain, wind, and thunder,as one would imagine oneself in some extreme tempest."3
The "wettingto the skin"was common.Montaignedescribesseveral similar experiences(Journal,pp.
186, 191), while the GermantravellerPaul Hentznersaw similarcuriosities in Englandin 1598 - "in a
gardenjoining [to the palace of Whitehall]thereis a jet d'eau, with a Sundial, which while Strangersare
looking at, a Quantityof Water,forced by a Wheel, which the Gardinerturns at a Distance, througha
Numberof little Pipes, plentifully sprinklesthose thatarestandinground".4He saw anotherat Nonesuch.
A joke fountain which, like most others of its kind, has now disappeared, was at Enstone, in
Oxfordshire.It is illustratedand explained at length in RobertPlot's Natural History of Oxfordshire
(Oxford, 1677), pp. 236-237. The pictureshows how heavy-handedthis English version must have been.
Though our colder climate is hardlyfavourableto these Renaissance tricks, they reappearfrom time
to time, even in the eighteenthcentury.Switzer describesone at DyrhamPark in Gloucestershirewhich
must have annoyed many a sightseer while it existed:
"Atthe Bottom of the Steps are plantedtwo Thornsencompass'dwith Seats, which are arriv'dto a large
Stature,and being kept of a roundregularForm with frequentClippings, make a very good Figure:
There are small Pipes which twine roundthe Bodies of these Trees, and appearmore like Ivy on the
rough Bark (being painted Green), than leaden Pipes, which on the Turn of a Cock dischargeWater
from a vast Numberof small Nosils in the Head of the Trees, all round as naturalas if it rain'd; and
in a cloudy Day I have been inform'd,Spectatorssettingdown here to rest themselves, the more these
Pipes have play'd, the closer they have embrac'dthe Tree for Shelter, supposing it had really rain'd,
'till the Gardenerhas convinc'd them of theirError,afterthey had partakenof a sufficient Sprinkling
to imprintin their Memories the pleasurableMistake."5
But beside all this extravagancein the sixteenth and seventeenthcenturies there was in Italy a great
deal of beautyin single fountains,and at times an amazingmarriagebetween the fountainand the build-
ings around it. The exuberance of the one matches the exuberance round about. InRome itself the
Renaissance Popes commissioned a great many fountains, from the Moses Fountain, the head of the
Acqua Felice acqueduct(1587), the fountain of Paul V, the head of the Acqua Paola acqueduct,to the
sumptuous,spectacularfountainsof the Piazza Navona - Bernini's fountain of the Four Rivers (1648-
51) in the middle, and the older fountains (c. 1575) at each end of the piazza. Then there is the lovely
Barcaccia,or old boat (1627), in the Piazza di Spagna.This was designed by Pietro Bernini, or maybe
by his more famous son Lorenzo.
Comparedwith the Four Rivers or the Barcacciasome of the other early seventeenth-centuryfoun-
tains of Rome seem over-ornate,even fussy. Among the simplest, and probablythe greatest,are the two
fountainsin front of St. Peter's. The one on the northside is by Carlo Maderno,built after 1612. It was

20 GHS OCCASIONALPAPER2, 1970

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Plate 1
Detail of James Walker'smap of West Thordon estate (1598)
showing the house, parkand garden
(Reproducedby kindpermissionof the Essex Record Office)
rebuiltby Bernini later in the century,and then duplicatedon the south side by Carlo Fontanain 1675.
Of the Maderno-Berninifountain, Evelyn wrote in 1644 that it was a fountain "out of which gushes a
river ratherthan a stream which, ascending a good height, breaksupon a round emboss of marble into
millions of pearls that fall into the subjacentbasins with great noise; I esteem this one of the goodliest
fountainsI ever saw." 6
The principles involved in the successful working of a fountain were not properly studied until the
seventeenth-century.In the 1600s several workson hydraulicsappear- in particularSalomon de Caus's
Les Raisons des forces mouvantes (Francfort,1615), which his son Isaac re-edited in 1644, and which
even reappearedin an English translationas late as 1704, and the various works on hydraulicsof Edme
Mariottefrom 1680 onwards,culminatingin his Motion of Water, which appearedin an English trans-
lation in 1718. Later eighteenth-century writings on hydraulics, for example Stephen Switzer's
Hydrostaticks (1729), or the articles on fountains in works of reference such as Chambers'
Encyclopaedia or the FrenchEncyclopedie, are principallyderived from Mariotte.
The main points to resolve for consistent efficiency in fountainsappearto have been (1) the creation
of reservoirsat a point higher than the site of the fountain, and the raising of water to these reservoirs;
(2) the measurementof waterpressure- how high above the site of the fountain should the reservoirbe
to achieve a jet of a certain height? and (3) the relationshipbetween the pressure of the water, and the
size and numberof the jets in the fountain.
Solutions to the first of these points are discussed in Caus's Raisons des forces mouvantes, which
describe many ingenious pumps powered by steam, the beat of the sun, water-wheels and horses. The
water-wheelwas generally accepted a the most effective, and was triumphantlyemployed in the giant
Machine de Marly, with 14 water-wheelsdriving 253 pumps, made to convey water from the Seine to
the waterlesssite of Louis XIV's fountaingardenat Marly.
The accuratecontrol of the jets - their height, shape, direction and number- was analysed in the
work of Mariotte, under headings such as "the measure of spouting water, according to the different
heightsof the reservoirs",and "the measureof spoutingwaterthro'Ajutages [the name given to the ori-
fice throughwhich the water finally sprayedout] of differentbores".
Until the mid-1600s, fountainshave been mostly splendidmoments of excitement - or of provoca-
tion - lacking the overall involvement, the symmetry,the subordinationof smaller aspects to the total
scenic concept, involving the house gardenand each of theirparts,which we expect in the great gardens
of the second half of the seventeenth-century.No one of course could deny these to the two fountainsat
St. Peter's. But these are the exception among Roman fountainsnot the rule.
At Versailles,the parkdesigned by Le Notre for Louis XIV, fountains are of immense importance,an
essentialfeaturein the design of the gardens.They extend the sense of dominationand control exercised
by the chateau.This is as trueof the Frenchcontemporariesof Versailles- Vaux-le-Vicomte,St. Cloud,
Marly (now destroyed, alas!) - as it is of Versaillesitself. The fountains are not just an expression of
joie de vivre, of exuberance,but the visible sign of man's controlover nature."Nature"is tamed.Man is
imposing his rationalperfection upon an irrationaland imperfectworld.
It is no accident that the first of Le Notre's great gardens, at Vaux-le-Vicomte, was dedicated to
Hercules,the god of strength.The Frenchgardensof the late seventeenth-centuryexpress man's strength
over nature,and the symmetricalarrangementsof fountainsand the exact fashioning of theirjets display
with splendid clarity the symbolic victory of man over nature'smost wayward element. At a political
level, one can say that at Versailles the repetitionof the same pattern,in fountains as in the design of
parterres,is an expression of the centralpower of the Frenchking, sole master of his society, absolute
masterof his environment- at Versailles,literallyas far as the eye can see. A late eighteenth-century
Frenchpoet, Delille, though generallydisapprovingof fountains,says of the fountains of Versaillesand
their symmetricalmagnificence:

GHS OCCASIONALPAPER2, 1970 21

 A l'aspect de cesflots qu'un art audacieux
Fait sortir de la terre et lance jusqu'aux cieux,
L'hommese dit "C'est moi qui creai ces prodiges."7
A fascinatingsidelight on the idea of control in these gardensappearsin the guide-book which Louis
XIV himself wrote. This small book has the attitudeof a recruits'training-manual,a domineering,do-it-
by-numberstone which allows no one the libertyto "standand stare".It is a series of orders- and prac-
tically every orderconcerns the properand efficient viewing of a fountain:
1. Leaving the chateauby the vestibule of the marblecourt,you will go onto the terrace;one must
stop at the top of the steps to view the arrangementof the parterresthe pools and the fountainsin
theirenclosures.
2. Next you will go directly above the fountainof Latona,and pause to view Latona, the walks, the
stairs,the statues, the Royal Allee, the fountainof Apollo, the canal, and then turn to see the
parterreand the chateau.8
And on, by numberedparagraphs,throughthe rest of the gardens.
The authoritariantone of Louis XIV is imitatedin manyEuropeangardensthroughmuch of the eigh-
teenth century,in France, Spain, Germany,Holland, and as far away as Russia and Ireland.In Russia,
thereremaintoday the vast and extravagantgardensof the Peterhof,designed for Peter the Greatby the
FrenchmanLe Blond in 1712, and finished around1760, in which the spectacularwaterworksare a prin-
cipal feature.
In England,even with the tricks and extravagancesseen at Nonesuch, Theobald's or Whitehall,there
was neverreally the out-and-outfountainenthusiasmapparenton the Continent.It is truethattherewere
admirersand imitatorsof Versailles - Knyff's paintingof Hampton Court, dating from around 1700,
shows the gardensbetween the Palace and the canal to have had a symmetricalarrangementof fifteen
fountains.These were destroyedwithin ten or fifteen years,andthe single fountainnow remainingin this
partof the gardensis no more than a beautifulbut modest echo of former glory. On a lesser scale, there
were symmetricalwaterworksat Chatsworth,and on a smaller scale still there is Sir William Temple's
descriptionof Moor Park in Hertfordshire,as it was around1680, having a "very large Parterre.This is
divided into Quartersby Gravel-Walks,and adornedwith two Fountainsand Eight Statues in the sever-
al Quarters."9 Many parallelsto this could be found in late seventeenth-centuryengravings.But Temple
is not consistent. He also points out thatthe English, "as they suffer little by Heat", are "seldom curious
in Fountains."Bacon had already,in 1597, said categoricallyin his essay On Gardens, "ForFountains,
they are a greatBeauty and Refreshment,butPools marall, andmake the Gardenunwholesome, and full
of Flies and Froggs."As for the kind of fountain"thatsprinklethor spoutethWater",for "fine Devices
of ArchingWaterwithout spilling and making it rise in several Forms (of Feathers, Drinking Glasses,
Canopiesand the like) they be prettythings to look on, but nothing to Health and Sweetness."
We have seen how the "prettythings to look on" were looked on in Italy, and how the "fine Devices"
were broughtto a pitch of perfectionin Franceby the fountaineersof Louis XIV. In England,in spite of
the prestigeof French,and similarDutch gardensgenerallyadmiredin the last decades of the seventeenth
century,anotherpreferencewas slowly stirring."Nature"was to be preferredto "art".
Around 1700, Englishmen travellingin Italy discoveredthe paintings of Claude, of Nicolas Poussin,
and of GaspardPoussin or Dughet, Nicolas's adoptedson. Studying art in Italy, or on their GrandTour,
they broughtthese paintingsof Italianscenes (or copies of them) back to England,and, feeling that they
expressed the ideal spirit of the Classical world, they set about trying to reproduce the spirit of these
paintingsin the gardensof their estates.
This forms all too obviously an entire subjecton its own, in which the attitudeto water and fountains
is only one facet. Noticeably, with referenceto the theme of the present study, water in most of these

22 GHS OCCASIONALPAPER2, 1970

paintingsis shown as it flows naturallyin streams,rivers and winding estuaries,and not in straightcanals
or geometricalponds. Fountainsrarelyappear,and the effects of tumbling water are displayed ratherin
naturalcascades. GaspardPoussin's view of the falls of Tivoli in the Wallacecollection is typical. Instead
of the urbanerefinementsof the nearbyVilla d'Este, Poussin has chosen a relatively rustic scene, simple
yet majestic, in which the overwhelmingevidence of man's present activity is replaced by the vision of
an idealised Arcadian world. Here men live simpler lives, in a setting doubly ennobled by its natural
grandeurand its associations with the fabled past.
At the time these paintersbecame known in England,firstAddison, then Pope began to write in favour
of the "naturalgarden".The ha-ha wall was invented, and Kent, as Horace Walpole said, "leaped the
fence and saw that all naturewas a garden"(Kent, by the way, was one of the most ardentadmirersof
GaspardPoussin).
And, to returnmore closely to our subject,gardensare designed with fewer fountains,and then, as the
centuryadvances, with no fountainsat all. The fountainarrangementat HamptonCourt was drastically
reduced around 1715. At Chiswick, one of the earliest of the new "naturalgardens",designed by Kent
for Lord Burlingtonin the 1720s, there were no fountainsat any time. Walpole later wrote approvingly
that in Kent's gardens,"the forced elevation of cataractswas no more",'"At Shotover in Oxfordshire,the
symmetricallayout, far more formal than that at Chiswick, seems to have been planned without foun-
tains. An engraving of about 1720 in the possession of the present owner, Major Miller, shows the gar-
dens with a plan very similar to that which still survives. An immense artificial canal, but no fountains.
Today,the one small fountain at Shotoveris a late Victorianaddition.
Garden-writingsof the period betray a similar transitionalattitude.Switzer's Ichnographia Rustica
(1718) recommendssimplicity with fountains-
" 'twould be ratherhonest to advise a Grassy,strong Turf round the Edge of the Fountain,Canal and
Pond, as being very natural,and of little Expence. Wateris not the less, but ratherthe more beautiful
by it." 11
In his later and more famous Introductionto a General System of Hydrostaticks (2 vols., London,
1729), Switzer goes back a bit, and gives many designs and pictures of Versailles-type fountains. An
interestingexample of this mixtureof feelings - admiringthe old formality,while acclaiming the new
naturalness- is called the Marais.This section of the gardenswas destroyedin the early eighteenthcen-
tury,but engravings show that, to us, it would have seemed - though fascinating- immensely artifi-
cial. But not so to Switzer. It was, he says:
"A Morass of Water... a Squareof Waterboundedwith artificialReeds, painted green, which all cast
out Water.At the four Comers are four Swans, which cast out Waterfrom their Bills. In the middle is
an OakTree, which casts out greatquantitiesof Waterfrom its Branches;and on each side of the Walk,
which surroundsthis Morass of Water,there is a Cavity, or Buffet, on which are placed gilt Vessels,
and on each Side of them Spouts of Water,which in its Fall causes them to Glitter like Silver.
"A DESIGN of this Kind I can't but recommendto the Curious,in as much as there is more of Nature
in it, than in any of the FrenchDesigns, especially in the Middle of it.
"For this kind of Morass, or Fountain,set aboutwith Water-Weeds,such as Water-Dock,Plantane,&c.,
being properly disposed in a low wet Place, and in hot Weather,answers all the Purposes that a
CuriousBeholder (and one who makes Naturehis Pattern),can desire (II, 407-408)."
Batty Langley, in his New Principles of Gardening (London, 1728) is close to Switzer in this respect.
He is full of praise for what is "natural",andfor easy "serpentinemeanders",but in his gardensthe foun-
tains you might discover - by chance - are of "Neptuneand his Tritons"and set in ponds of geomet-
rical design (p. 198). His plans and designs include both gardensin the rigid French style, and a series
of wild and woolly ruins.

GHS OCCASIONALPAPER2, 1970 23

 Kent's drawing of Venus's Vale at Rousham (c. 1730) is anothertransitionalexample, an attemptto
merge the fountainsinto a naturalsetting. A few years laterWilliam Stukeley's drawing of a hermitage
(1738) includes a minute fountain whose presence may have symbolic value, but which clearly has no
genuine partin the design.
As the eighteenthcentury wore on, fountainsalreadyin place were removed or made less important.
At StudleyRoyal in Yorkshire,therewere at first two, as the paintings (c.1730) by BalthazarNebot, still
at Studley,reveal. Nebot even shows one at the centralpoint of the moon-ponds, but its importancewas
merely to provide a dot, a centre, and not a point of movement.The presentpedestal, with its silent stat-
ue of Neptune, is infinitely more tactful than the disturbancewhich the fountainmust have caused.
At Stowe, now fountainless,therewere i thte1720s severalprominentfountainsin front of the house.
A descriptionof 1724 mentions a "Gulio'2or pyramidat least 50 feet high, from the top of which it is
designed thatwatershall fall", and anothernearerthe house, and nearerstill another"fountainthatplays
40 feet." 13

By the middle of the century,the opinion of fountainshas changed radically.The Leasowes, the first
genuine farm-garden,createdby William Shenstone in the late 1740s, had no fountains, nor any formal
water-gardento frame them. In his Unconnected Thoughts on Gardening (c. 1755) Shenstone empha-
sises again and again the need to be natural,and not artificial."The fall of water"is "nature'sprovince"
- only the vulgarcitizen "squirtsup his rivulets in jetteaux". 4 When existing fountainswere shown by
paintersof this period,they tendedto emphasisetheirdilapidated- and hence less symmetrical- con-
dition. One may comparethe paintingsand sketches of the Villa d'Este by Fragonard(1760) and Hubert
Robert'spainting(also c. 1760) of the Fountainin the Villa Aldobrandiniwith Falda's engravingsof these
same fountains made in the seventeenthcentury,or with paintings of Versailles by Martin and Portail
made in the late seventeenthor early eighteenthcenturies.
Fountainsare openly mocked in the anonymousgarden-poemThe Rise and Progress of the Present
Taste (London, 1767). So, at Nonesuch:
The salientfountains (which have had their day)
Thro'beaks of birs ridiculouslyplay.
Le N6tre's formal marvels are dismissed with:
Trifleslike those at proud Versaillescombin'd
Fools to surprize,and shock the tastefulmind,
while at Theobald's:
Here marbledbasons limpidstreamseject,
Whichpatt'ringfall with infantineeffect.
The authorgoes on to praise the "natural"cascade at VirginiaWater,created at the same time as the
lake itself in the 1750s.
The cascade in fact is the "natural"replacementof the "artificial"fountain. Thomas Whately's
Observations on Modern Gardening (London, 1770) have thirtypages on the uses of water,but foun-
tains are not mentionedonce. Again, in Mason's poem of 1777, quoted earlierin this study, we are told:
... thefountain dares no more
Tofling its wasted crystal thro'the sky,
Butpours salubrious o'er the parched lawn
Rills offertility.
In the several descriptions of the Leasowes published in the 1770s and 1780s, often attached to
descriptionsof the neighbouring"natural"gardensof Hagley and Enville, fountains are deridedor con-

24 GHS OCCASIONALPAPER2, 1970

spicuously absent, while cascades receive enthusiasticpraise. Typical is this comment on the unforced
natureof a cascade at Enville:

"Any attemptof art to impede the water from forming these whirlpools as they may be called, by con-
fining or forming them into any other shape, is ridiculous;because all the efforts in the world, will
never throw it into so pleasing a figure, as that which naturegives it." "
At the very end of the century,the change begins to be reversed.Throughouthis career, 'Capability'
Brown had eschewed fountains- there is no sign of them in any of his gardendesigns. But his disciple
and successor HumphryRepton weakens. In Miss D. Stroud'sbook, Humphry Repton (London, 1962),
Repton's pictureof the greenhousedesigned for Harewood,in 1800, shows a fountain,though it is total-
ly enclosed (p. 99); and in 1811, the "rosarium"designed for Ashridgehas one - in the open air (p. 168).
In 1803, Reptonwrote "Flower-gardenson a small scale may, with propriety,be formal and artificial."16
And with the "artificial"once restored,the fountaincould - with propriety- rise again.

GHS OCCASIONALPAPER2, 1970 25

REFERENCES
1 W. Mason. The English Garden, bk. II, in A. Chalmers,ed., Works of the English Poets
(London, 1810), XVIII, p. 383.
2 Trans.from Montaigne's Journal de voyage en Italie. Ed. C. Dedeyan (Paris, 1946), pp.
244-245.
3 The Diary of John Evelyn. Ed. W. Bray,2 vols. (London, 1945), I, p. 177. Cf. I, pp. 178-169,
188.
4 Paul Hentzner.A Journey into England, in H. Walpole,ed., Fugitive Pieces, 2 vols. (London,
1765), II, pp. 263-264, 297.
5 Stephen Switzer. Ichnographia Rustica. Ed. 2. 3 vols. (London, 1742), III, p. 122.
6 Diary, I, pp. 118-119. For a fine and well-illustratedaccount of Roman fountains,consult H. V.
Morton,The Waters of Rome (London, 1966).
7 JacquesDelille. Les Jardins (1780), in Oeuvres choisies (Paris, 1887), ch. iii, p. 283.
8 Louis XIV. Maniere de montrer les jardins de Versailles. Ed. R. Girardet(Paris, 1951).
9 Upon the Gardens of Epicurus, in W. Temple,Works,2 vols. (London, 1750), I, pp. 180, 185.
10 Essay on Modern Gardening (1770), in Anecdotes of Painting in England. Ed. R.N. Wornum,
3 vols. (London, 1849), III, pp. 801, 802.
11 Ichnographia Rustica, Ed. 2 (1742), 1, p. 305.
12 A 'Gulio' is shaped more like an obelisk than a pyramid,and dischargesjets of water from its
four sides.
13 Quoted in ChristopherHussey's English gardens and landscapes 1700-1750 (London, 1967) p.
96.
14 W. Shenstone. Works. 2 vols. (London, 1773), II, pp. 121, 122.
15 Anon. A Description of Hagley, Envil and the Leasowes (Birmingham,n.d.), pp. 121-122.
16 H. Repton. Theory and Practice of Landscape Gardening (1803). Ed. J. Nolen (London,
1907), p. 143.

26 GHS OCCASIONALPAPER2, 1970