WP 17144
WP 17144
by Kimberly Beaton, Svetlana Cerovic, Misael Galdamez, Metodij Hadzi-Vaskov, Franz Loyola,
Zsoka Koczan, Bogdan Lissovolik, Jan Kees Martijn, Yulia Ustyugova and Joyce Wong
IMF Working Papers describe research in progress by the author(s) and are published
to elicit comments and to encourage debate. The views expressed in IMF Working Papers
are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the IMF, its
Executive Board, or IMF management.
2
June 2017
IMF Working Papers describe research in progress by the author(s) and are published to
elicit comments and to encourage debate. The views expressed in IMF Working Papers are
those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the IMF, its Executive Board,
or IMF management.
Abstract
Outward migration has been an important phenomenon for countries in Latin American
and the Caribbean (LAC), particularly those in Central America and the Caribbean. This
paper examines recent trends in outward migration from and remittances to LAC, as well
as their costs and benefits. For the home country, the negative impact from emigration on
labor resources and productivity seems to outweigh growth gains from remittances,
notably for the Caribbean. However, given emigration, remittance flows play key
financing and stabilizing roles in Central America and the Caribbean. They facilitate
private consumption smoothing, support financial sector stability and fiscal revenues, and
help reduce poverty and inequality, without strong evidence for harmful competitiveness
effects through shifts in the real exchange rate.
1 The project team on migration and remittances of the IMF’s Western Hemisphere Department, led by Jan Kees Martijn,
under the guidance of Krishna Srinivasan. The team gratefully acknowledges conversations with Ralph Chami, Nadeem
Ilahi, Daria Zakharova, Dilip Rathna, Sonia Plaza, and Supriyo De, as well as helpful comments and suggestions (including
on an accompanying Chapter of the Spring 2017 Regional Economic Outlook for the Western Hemisphere) from Alejandro
Werner, Valerie Cerra and many other IMF colleagues. We would like to thank Benjamin Hunt and Keiko Honjo in the
IMF’s Research Department for providing the FSGM simulation results, and Reza Yousefi and Serhan Cevik in the IMF’s
Fiscal Affairs Department for their analysis, summarized in Box 4 of this paper. We also thank Ke Wang for her
participation in our team at the start of our project.
3
Abstract ......................................................................................................................................2
I. Introduction ............................................................................................................................7
References ................................................................................................................................76
Boxes
1. Brain Drain in Jamaica.........................................................................................................14
2. Who Sends Remittances? Evidence from U.S. Microdata ..................................................17
3. Smooth Operator: Remittances and Fiscal Policy ...............................................................37
4. Remittances and their Effects During the Global Financial Crisis ......................................39
Figures
1. Emigrants, Latin America and the Caribbean and Emerging Market Economies, 2015 .......8
2. Emigrants ...............................................................................................................................9
3. The Stock of LAC Emigrants ................................................................................................9
4. Immigrants ...........................................................................................................................10
5. Emitter and Receiver Countries in Latin America, 2015 .....................................................10
6. Intra-Regional Migration in LAC ........................................................................................11
7. Migration and Income Levels in LAC, 2015 .......................................................................12
8. Educational Attainment .......................................................................................................13
9. Married (Spouse Absent) Immigrants in the U.S.................................................................13
10. Remittances to Latin America and the Caribbean .............................................................15
5
Tables
1. Determinants of Migration Flows (IV Regressions) ............................................................24
2. Determinants of Remittances (IV Regressions) ...................................................................25
3. The Cost of Remittances: Determinants ..............................................................................28
4. Global Consumption Risk-Sharing (Panel Regressions) .....................................................35
5. Effects of Remittances on Revenue (IV Regressions) .........................................................39
6. Effects of Remittances on Non-Performing Loans ..............................................................42
7. Effects of Remittances on Inflation .....................................................................................45
8. Effects of Remittances and Migration on Poverty and Inequality (IV Regressions) ...........46
Annexes
I. Data .......................................................................................................................................54
II. Empirical strategy ...............................................................................................................63
III. Regression Tables ..............................................................................................................64
Annex Tables
1.1. Variables in Regressions ...................................................................................................57
1.2. Countries Included in the Study........................................................................................59
1.3. Remittance Corridors: Source and Recipient Countries ...................................................60
1.4. Characteristics of Immigrants Who Entered After Age 22, 2014 .....................................61
1.5. Top Occupations, Immigrants Who Entered After Age 22, 2014 ....................................62
2.1. Empirical Strategy ............................................................................................................63
3.1. Determinants of Migration Flows .....................................................................................64
3.2. Determinants of Remittances ............................................................................................66
3.3. Effects on Growth (FE Regressions) ................................................................................67
6
I. INTRODUCTION
Migration and remittances can have profound effects on human welfare and economic
development. Economic migration reflects people’s desire to improve their own and their
families’ wellbeing. As emigrants find higher-paying jobs abroad, productivity likely rises at
a global level. Likewise, the remittances emigrants send home can also improve the standard
of living, health, and education of the often-poor recipient households. However, for others
in the home country, and for the remaining population as a whole, the impact of outward
migration can be less benign, because the departure of people of prime working age, who
may also be relatively well-educated in some cases, can weaken the country’s economic
base.
Given their importance for the region, this paper examines recent trends in migration
and remittances, as well as the costs and benefits of these flows. Does the loss in
population associated with emigration hurt economic growth? Do remittances compensate for
this loss and function as engines of growth? Are remittances macroeconomic stabilizers and
do they help reduce poverty and inequality? Our study offers qualified positive answers to
each of these questions. The analysis focuses only on the consequences for countries in LAC
from where the emigrants originate and not on the effects on emigrants’ host countries.
The results presented in this paper underscore the profound and multifaceted
implications of migration and remittances for the LAC region. Five key messages arise
for LAC:
Emigration and remittances, taken jointly, are not drivers of growth. While
emigration may reduce real per-capita economic growth (as a result of the decline in
labor resources and productivity), remittances can support investment and education and
foster commercial linkages. The negative impact of emigration on real per capita growth
seems to outweigh growth gains from remittances, notably for the Caribbean.
The effects of migration and remittances vary across LAC. Mexico stands out as a
special case, as it is the largest source of immigrants into the United States and an
important hub for emigrants from Central America. In contrast, for most South American
countries, emigration and remittances are less material and do not appear to act as
macroeconomic stabilizers. Even for those countries in South America that have seen
substantial outward migration, remittances tend to be relatively modest, and our analysis
does not reveal significant macroeconomic effects.
Labor market developments and changes in host country policies can have a
significant impact on migration and remittances. With the majority of emigrants from
Central American, Mexico, and the Caribbean living in the United States, large shifts in
its economic cycle and policies could have particularly far-reaching regional
repercussions.
The paper is organized as follows. Section II reviews patterns of migration and remittances
in LAC and the demographic characteristics of emigrants and remittance senders. The paper
leverages on the US-centric nature of the region’s emigration patterns and the availability of
micro data for this country to examine the characteristics of emigrants and remittances
senders in the region’s main host country. This main channels through which remittances are
sent and their relative costs are also considered. Section III examines drivers of remittances
and migration, the determinants of the costs of remitting, and the impact of emigration and
remittances on growth and macroeconomic stability. We also look at remittances’ impact on
poverty and inequality, in particular using micro-data from remittance recipients in Mexico.
Section IV examines the offsetting effects of remittances and emigration jointly in a general
equilibrium setup to understand the channels through which they affect economies. Finally,
Section VI concludes.
A. Migration
HND
PER
COL
BRA
Central America
URY
MEX
SLV
PAR
PAN
EME
NIC
GTM
Caribbean
LAC
CRI
BOL
ECU
CHL
VEN
ARG
2 For patterns of migration and remittances in Latin America, see Niimi and Özden (2008), OAS (2011), and ECLAC
(2014).
9
Emigration from LAC has traditionally been U.S.–centered. About two-thirds of all LAC
emigrants reside in the United States and this proportion has been rather stable over the past
two decades (Figure 3). Moreover, almost all Mexican and four-out-of-five CAPDR
emigrants live in the United States, while this share is smaller for the Caribbean (about half
of all emigrants). For the last group of countries emigration to Canada and Europe is quite
important as well. South America features a more diversified migration pattern, with intra-
regional migration as well as migration to Europe (especially Spain, reflecting historical and
linguistic ties).
20 100
Caribbean Mexico
80
15 Mexico CAPDR
CAPDR 60 LA
10 LAC LAC
LA 40
Caribbean
5 South America South America
20
0
0
1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
With a few exceptions, immigration has been much less important for LAC countries
than emigration, and immigration has mostly been intraregional. Overall, immigrants
account for close to 1.5 percent of the total LAC population in 2015, While CAPDR and the
Caribbean host more immigrants as a share of total population than Mexico and South
America, the differences across these groups of countries are less pronounced compared to
the case of emigration. Figure 6 (circle) shows the magnitude and patterns of interregional
10
1 LA
from South America to other regions has
0.5 Mexico
become more important—in particular to
0
the United States and Spain. In recent 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
become notable destinations. Within the CAPDR region, a key pattern is the presence of
emigrants from Nicaragua in Costa Rica, with the other countries in the region showing more
diversified intra-regional migration patterns. For several countries in the region, such as
Costa Rica, Panama and the Dominican Republic, both inward and outward migration are
very important (Figure 5).
Costa Rica
Argentina
Panama
Venezuela
Dominican Republic
Chile
Ecuador
Paraguay
Uruguay
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14
Source: UNPD.
Note: This chart depicts the countries in LAC for which
both the stock of emigrants and the stock of immigrants
represented at least 2 percent of the total population in
2015.
11
Source: OECD.
Note: The chart depicts stocks of intra-regional migrants in LAC in
2010. The colors indicate the migrants’ country of residence and the
flow roots indicate the migrants’ country of origin. Each country’s
share of the perimeter corresponds to the relative size of its migrants
(immigrants plus emigrants) in the region.
Higher-income countries in Latin America receive more immigrants and send less
emigrants, but the latter relationship is weaker for the Caribbean. Income differences
across countries constitute one of the key factors that explain the patterns of cross-border
migration (Figure 7).
In 2015 the average stock of immigrants in countries of Latin America with GDP per
capita below 5,000 U.S. dollars represented about 1 percent of the total population,
compared with close to 5 percent for countries with GDP per capita above 10,000
U.S. dollars. On the other hand, emigration is much more present in countries with
lower incomes per capita. On average, about 10 percent of the population in countries
with GDP per capita below 5,000 U.S. dollars live as emigrants abroad, while
12
corresponding figure is about 4 percent of the population in countries with GDP per
capita above 10,000 U.S. dollars.
In contrast to Latin America, relative incomes do not seem to play a significant role
for emigration from the Caribbean, likely because emigration in this region is driven
also by natural disasters (Figure 7, lower right panel).
8 20
Emigrants (% of population)
7
6 15
5
4 10
3
2 5
1
0 0
0 5 10 15 20 0 5 10 15 20
Sources: UNPD GDP per capita ($)
Sources: UNPD GDP per capita ($)
Caribbean: Immigration and income levels Caribbean: Emigration and income levels
40 80
70
Stock of immigrants (% of population)
35
60
Emigrants (% of population)
30
25 50
20 40
30
15
20
10
10
5
0
0
0 5 10 15 20 25
0 5 10 15 20 25
Sources: UNPD GDP per capita ($) Sources: UNPD GDP per capita ($)
B. Emigrant profiles
Who are LAC’s emigrants? Micro data from the American Community Survey provide a
profile of LAC immigrants in the United States (Annex Table 1.4).3 While immigrants
typically enter the United States in their early 20s, immigrants from Mexico and CAPDR
countries tend to be younger at arrival Figure 8. Educational Attainment
and have lower levels of education (Immigrants who Entered after Age 22)
Less than high school High sch ool 1 year of college
compared with those from South 100%
2 years of college 4 years of college 5+ years of college
2.1 3.2 7.0
4.7
America and the Caribbean (Figure 8). 90% 2.0
5.1
7.8
3.6 10.4
12.8
8.9
Of the latter groups, 40 percent or 80%
24.3
7.7 19.1
70% 12.3
more have attended college (or 60% 28.9
6.4
12.6
beyond). Brain drain is a particular 50%
40% 44.6
challenge for the Caribbean (Box 1). 34.0
30% 61.9
Emigrants from Mexico and CAPDR 20%
47.7
With lower levels of education on average, emigrants from Mexico and CAPDR tend to
work in lower-skilled occupations. Their employment is concentrated in construction,
maintenance, transportation, production, and food preparation, while emigrants from South
America and the Caribbean tend to be employed in office and administration, sales,
management, and health-related occupations (Annex Table 1.5). The higher-skilled
immigrants from South America and the Caribbean also earn more: their hourly wages are
almost 60 percent higher, on average, than those of immigrants from Mexico and CAPDR.
There is some evidence of family reunification for emigrants into the U.S. from CAPDR
10%
and Mexico. The proportion of households Figure 9. Married (Spouse Absent) Immigrants in the U.S.
(Percent, Born between 1957-1962)
in which the head is married but the head’s 9%
3 For South American, and to a lesser extent Caribbean, migrants, these data may not be fully reflective of their
characteristics given the more diverse destination pattern.
4 While this trend could also be due to return migration at an early age, for the cohort under analysis and at those ages, return
migration was a relatively modest phenomenon throughout the 1990s and even around the crisis. According to ECLAC
(2014), for Mexico in 2010, the number of migrants who had returned during the previous 5 years amounted to only 7
percent of the total emigrant stock.
14
likely driven by the different type of immigration), there is no compelling evidence for
family reunification among Caribbean immigrants.
In Jamaica, there is evidence of significant brain drain, especially among women. Among
Jamaican-born women living in the United States (who emigrated after the age of 22), 50
percent have at least a college education; this is double the attainment rate in the home
country, where only one-quarter of women have a college education (Figure 1.1, left).2 A
simple calculation implies that nearly one-third of all women with at least a college education
in Jamaica have emigrated, compared to about 13 percent of those with high school or less.
These patterns reflect the significant numbers of Jamaican nurses and healthcare practitioners
– 65 percent of Jamaican immigrants are in these sectors versus 7 percent in the United States-
born population. For men, the statistics are not as striking, but there is nevertheless evidence
of brain drain – while 21 percent of men in Jamaica are college educated, 37 percent of those
who migrated to the US have at least a college education.
30
20
20
10
0
0
HS or less College
HS or less College or more
1
This difference is statistically significant at 99 percent.
2
This difference is statistically significant at 95 percent.
C. Remittances
LAC emigrants have maintained strong connections with their home countries, sending
home sizable remittances (Figure 10). Remittances to the region reached 1.4 percent of
regional output in 2015. As a share of GDP, remittance flows to CAPDR and Caribbean
15
countries dwarf those received by their South American neighbors, consistent with their
larger migrant stocks, and also far exceed those received by Mexico (one of the largest
recipients worldwide in nominal terms) and emerging market economies on average.5 In four
countries—El Salvador, Haiti, Honduras, and Jamaica—remittances exceed 15 percent of
GDP.
100 2
10
0 0 0
1980 1983 1986 1989 1992 1995 1998 2001 2004 2007 2010 2013 1980 1983 1986 1989 1992 1995 1998 2001 2004 2007 2010 2013
15
2
10
5
1
0
HTI
PER
MEX
PRY
VCT
BOL
GRD
URY
ARG
CHL
GUY
DOM
KNA
HND
ECU
COL
PAN
SLV
ATG
LAC avg.
JAM
GTM
C. American
BLZ
BRA
Caribbean
BRB
VEN
LCA
EME avg.
CRI
TTO
SUR
NIC
DMA
0
1980 1983 1986 1989 1992 1995 1998 2001 2004 2007 2010 2013
Sources: World Bank and IMF WEO Sources: World Bank and IMF WEO
The remitting behavior of LAC immigrants in the United States varies with their
demographic characteristics (Box 2). About a third of LAC immigrants send remittances to
their home countries. This share is somewhat higher for CAPDR and falls with age. The
likelihood of remitting does not appear to relate to the immigrant’s income. Not surprisingly,
5Even for South American countries that have sizeable emigrant populations, remittances are very low compared to CAPDR
countries with comparable emigrant populations.
16
60%
immigrants who are married but with an absent Figure 11. Remittance Senders by Education Level
(Percent of total remittance senders, by region)
spouse are the most likely to remit. On average, 50%
LAC immigrants who remit send about HS or less
40% College or more
US$2500 to their families on an annual basis.
Conditional on remitting, immigrants in the 30%
United States with lower levels of education
20%
and income tend to remit more as a share of
their income, while immigrants from the 10%
Remittances to the region peaked at about 2 percent of regional output before the
global financial crisis. With LAC migrants residing mainly in the United States, the
epicenter of the crisis, remittances fell precipitously during and in the aftermath of the crisis–
more so than in other parts of the world. Emigrants from Mexico and CAPDR were
particularly hard hit by the global financial crisis because the crisis had a notably profound
effect on the industries in which they have traditionally been employed, such as construction
and building maintenance, sharply lowering remittances into these countries. Remittances to
the region have subsequently begun to recover, but remain below their precrisis peak.
10
MEX
BOL
URY
ARG
HND
GUY
DOM
CHL
ECU
PAN
COL
JAM
SLV
GTM
BLZ
VEN
CRI
BRA
SUR
NIC
countries in which emigration is relatively more Sources: World Bank and IMF WEO
important are expected to receive higher overall
remittances. This is indeed the case for Latin American countries (Figure 13). However, this
result does not hold for the Caribbean. First, remittance flows into the Caribbean, on average,
are relatively low given the large stock of emigrants. Second, within the Caribbean, a larger
emigrant stock does not imply higher remittances. This may be linked to differences in
migration patterns, with Caribbean emigrants tending to migrate with their families, while
evidence of later family re-unification is more pronounced for CADPR emigrants.
Differences in remitting patterns may also be related to the time emigrants have been the host
country, as emigrants tend to remit less over time as their connections with their home
country diminish. For instance, Honduran emigrants may be sending relatively more
remittances than El Salvadoran emigrants because, on average, they have spent shorter time
in the host country.
17
Remittances (% of GDP)
Remittances (% of GDP)
12
15 JAM
10 GTM NIC
8 GUY
DOM 10
6
KNA
4 BOL 5 BLZ BRB VCT DMA
ECU GRD
2 MEX PRY LCA ATG
BRA PER
CRIPAN COL TTO SUR
ARGVEN CHL URY 0
0
0 20 40 60 80 100 120
0 5 10 15 20 25 30
Emigrants (% of Population)
Emigrants (% of Population)
40 30%
25%
58
50 50 20%
20 42
15%
10%
0 24 29 34 39 44 49 54 59
MEX CAPDR SOU CAR
30% 4000
3000
20%
2000
10% 1000
0% 0
Married - Married - Widowed Divorced Separated Never Married - Married - Widowed Divorced Separated Never
Spouse Spouse Married Spouse Spouse Married
Absent Present Absent Present
Amounts remitted increase with income among … but lower income households remit more as
immigrants from Mexico… proportion of income
12000 45
Amounts Remitted Amounts Remitted as Percent of Income
(Conditional on remitting) 40 (Conditional on remitting)
10000
35
30 CAPDR
8000 CAPDR CAR
CAR 25 MEX
MEX SOU
6000 20
SOU
15
4000
10
2000 5
0
0 < 12.5 < 20 < 30 < 40 <50 <60 < 75 < 100 < 150 150 +
< 12.5 < 20 < 30 < 40 <50 <60 < 75 < 100 < 150 150 + Income in thousands of '00 USD
Income in thousands of '00 USD Source: 2008 American Community Survey and Fund staff estimates.
Emigrants primarily rely on banks and money transfer operators (MTOs) to send
remittances. MTOs in particular dominate formal remittance channels across all regions of
the world and within LAC (Figure 15).6,7 While the market for MTOs includes many smaller
operators, Western Union and MoneyGram are by far the largest players, operating in 99 and
92 percent of country corridors included in the World Bank’s Remittance Prices Worldwide
(RPW) database.
80 90
80
70
70
60
60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
10 10
0
0
HTI
PER
MEX
PRY
BOL
COL
DOM
GUY
HND
PAN
ECU
SLV
BRA
GTM
JAM
CRI
SUR
NIC
CUB
East Asia & Pacific Europe & Central Asia Latin America & Middle East & North South Asia Sub-Saharan Africa
Caribbean Africa
MTO Bank Bank/MTO MTO/Bank Post Office MTO Bank Bank/MTO MTO/Bank
Sources: World Bank, Remittance Prices Worldwide Sources: World Bank, Remittance Prices Worldwide
6 Informal remittance channels, whereby remittances enter a country through private unrecorded channels such as friends,
relatives or the migrant themselves, are also believed to be important; however, these channels are often unrecorded and
there is no data available to assess their importance (with some exceptions).
7 Data on remittance channels are from the World Bank’s Remittance Prices Worldwide database. The database includes
detail on distinct remittance channels by corridor and by remittance service provider. However, the database does not
include data on the magnitude of remittances transacted on each channel. Instead, the relative importance of each type of
channel is based on the percent of each type of channel in the total number of channels for each corridor.
8 Cash transfers typically occur with a migrant depositing cash at a local MTO or bank on the sending end and the recipient
Sending remittances is costly. The global average cost of sending US$200 in remittances
remains substantial at 7.42 percent as of 2016Q3 (Figure 16).9 Remittance corridors with
larger remittances benefit from lower costs: Figure 16. Global Cost of Sending USD 200 in Remittances
the weighted average total cost, which (Percent)
10
accounts for the relative size of remittances Global Average
9 Latin America & the Caribbean
sent between countries, is lower than the Global Weighted Average
The cost of sending remittances to LAC is lower than to other regions, except for South
Asia, but, at 6.2 percent for a US$200 transaction, remains substantial (Figure 18).
These costs have declined significantly over the past decades—for example, by about 40
percent for flows to El Salvador, Colombia and Guatemala, and by 15 percent for Jamaica
over 2001-15 (Orozco, Porras, and Yansura 2016). Within LAC, the region’s largest
recipients of remittances benefit from lower transaction costs as do the dollarized economies,
with dollarization eliminating the cost of currency conversion. Costs remain relatively
elevated for Caribbean countries compared with those in Latin America. Remittance from the
United States are the most cost effective, likely reflecting competition among remittance-
service providers in the region’s most important remittances corridors. Within LAC, the cost
of remittances from the U.S. also varies by country, suggesting that characteristics of both
the migrants’ host and home country affect the cost of remittances.
The cost of remitting has come under Figure 17. Latin America: Product Impact of Withdrawal of
Correspondent Banking
upward pressure from the global (Percent of ASBA members reporting on impact)
withdrawal of correspondent banking 70
9 The cost of sending remittances includes a transaction fee and a currency conversion fee, both typically paid by the sender,
although some remittance-service providers may also require the recipient to pay a fee.
10 The cost of sending remittances through post offices, the third main type of remittance service provider, is below the
more rigorous prudential requirements and AML/CFT and tax transparency standards (Erbenová et al. 2016
21
(2015b)), global banks have closed the correspondent bank accounts of MTOs, particularly
smaller MTOs, on a widespread basis, curtailing their ability to transmit remittances. Coming
under similar pressure, in some countries/regions, local banks have also faced challenges in
maintaining their correspondent banking relationships, with 60 percent of the Asociación de
Supervisores Bancarios de las Américas reporting that remittances to LAC have been
affected (Figure 17).12 Pressure on MTOs’ correspondent banking relationships may have
contributed to the observed slowing of the convergence between the global average cost of
sending remittances and the cost of sending remittances through MTOs.13
The high transaction costs of remittances reduce the money received by migrants’
families. Based on the US$68 billion in officially recorded remittances to LAC in 2015,
lowering the cost of remittances could significantly increase the funds received by migrants’
families back home. The United Nations has made lowering these transaction costs a
priority—reducing them to less than 3 percent and eliminating remittance corridors with
transaction costs higher than 5 percent by 2030 is a UN Sustainable Development Goal.
Existing efforts to lower remittances transaction costs have focused on enhancing
competition in the market for remittances-services providers, which continues to be
dominated by MTOs, and promoting the use of new payment technologies for sending
remittances. Enhanced use of online and mobile remittance channels offers particular
promise to further lower the cost of remittances as mobile remittances-service providers are
the most cost effective.
12 To prevent remittance flows from being disrupted by compliance issues, the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta has enabled
financial institutions to transfer funds through the FedGlobal Automated Clearing House. Remittances are channeled
through the U.S. domestic payment system to foreign financial institutions and regulation MTOs (Erbenová et al. 2016).
13 The International MTO Index from the World Bank’s RPW database tracks the prices of MTOs that are present in at least
85 percent of corridors covered in the World Bank’s RPW database. To date, the index has included only Western Union
and MoneyGram.
22
Figure 18. Cost of Sending USD 200 in Remittances, Latin America and the Caribbean
LAC countries that receive the most remittances and
The cost of sending remittances to LAC is lower than
dollarized economies benefit from a lower cost of
in all regions with the exception of South Asia.
remittances.
Cost of Sending USD 200 in Remittances Cost of Sending USD 200 in Remittances: Latin America &
(in percent) the Caribbean
11 14
(in percent, by destination)
10
10 12
9
9 9.5 10 8
7
8 8.2 8 6
7.0 5
7 6
6.4 4
6 4 3
6.2
East Asia & Pacific Europe & Central Asia
2
5 Latin America & the Caribbean Middle East & North Africa
5.4 2 1
South Asia Sub-Saharan Africa
0
4 0
PER
HTI
MEX
PRY
BOL
PAN
DOM
GUY
ECU
HND
COL
JAM
SLV
GTM
BRA
SUR
CRI
NIC
CUB
2011Q1 2012Q1 2013Q1 2013Q3 2014Q1 2014Q3 2015Q1 2015Q3 2016Q1 2016Q3
Source: World Bank, Remittances Prices Worldwide. Source: World Bank, Remittance Prices Worldwide
The cost to send remittances to LAC varies by source …and within the main source market (the United
market… States) across LAC.
Cost of Sending USD 200 in Remittances to Latin Cost of Sending USD 200 in Remittances from the United
America and the Caribbean States: Latin America & the Caribbean
(in percent, by source country) (in percent, by destination)
14
10
12 9
8
10
7
8 6
5
6
4
4 3
2
2
1
0 0
CRI CHL PRT USA BRA ITA ESP GBR NLD DOM FRA CAN JPN ECU HND SLV PAN NIC MEX PER GTM HTI BRA COL CRI JAM DOM CUB GUY
Source: World Bank, Remittance Prices Worldwide Source: World Bank, Remittance Prices Worldwide
The empirical analysis in this chapter offers a quantitative assessment of the drivers of
migration and remittances in Latin America and the Caribbean, as well as of their
macroeconomic effects in the countries that the migrants are from and that receive the
remittances. The analyses typically (although not in every case) use cross-country panel
regressions, for standardized country groupings (in most cases the world, emerging markets,
LAC, and subgroups within LAC). The key regression results are presented in the main text,
while background tables (Annex III) present additional regressions.
Migration and remittances could be affected by economic conditions in the home and
host countries as well as shocks and underlying structural factors. The drivers of
migration and remittances are examined using cross-country panel regressions. The baseline
regressions are ordinary least squares (OLS) regressions with country fixed effects to account
23
for any time-invariant unobservable country characteristics.14 The baseline regressions are
complemented with an instrumental variables approach to mediate endogeneity concerns as
remittance and migration flows could affect growth, while also responding to it. Regional
averages of the endogenous variables are used as the main instruments. 15 A similar
instrumental variables approach was used by Chami and others (2008), looking at the effect
of remittances on growth. Niimi and Özden (2008) relied on passport costs as a share of GDP
per capita, the dependency ratio and the population density in each country as instruments for
migration, when examining the effect of migration on remittances. The determinants of
migration and remittances have been studied widely in the literature, for an empirical
analysis of Latin America see e.g. Fajnzylber and López (2008). The empirical specifications
in the first section, examining the drivers of migration and remittances can be expressed as:
where 𝑦𝑖𝑡 is the dependent variable of interest: migration flows as a share of the home
population or remittances as a share of GDP , 𝛼𝑖 are country fixed effects, 𝑿𝒊𝒕 is a vector of
exogenous variables including the stock of emigrants as a share of the population16, structural
characteristics and economic conditions in the home country (per capita GDP in PPP terms,
inflation, age dependency ratio, share of rural population), economic conditions in the host
country (unemployment) and shocks (dummy variables for natural disasters and conflict).17
𝑍𝑖𝑡 is the endogenous variable, real GDP growth, instrumented using regional averages of
GDP growth and changes in the terms of trade. For additional details on the empirical
strategy and results of the robustness analysis of the instrument set and dependent variables
see Annex 2. A similar empirical approach is used in all following sections, with the
exception of the analysis of the cost of remittances and the effect of remittances on
consumption smoothing.
Emigration from LAC appears to increase with conflict in the home country. The
empirical results suggest that conflict in the home country (measured here as a dummy
variable) would increase migration flow out of the country by 0.03 percent of the population
in the same year (Table 1).18 This could result in large cumulative effects – by comparison,
average migration flows in the LAC region over the period 1980-2013 were about 0.4
percent of the population annually. While these regressions do not show responsiveness of
migration flows to current economic conditions in the home or host country (neither GDP
growth, inflation or unemployment), this could be driven in part by the data limitation that
data on migration is interpolated, thus artificially smoothing the series. Results are, however,
broadly similar when examining migration flows to the U.S., available at an annual
frequency (Annex Table 3.1). An alternative explanation could be that what matters for
14 Time fixed effects are not included as regressions include controls such as Hispanic unemployment in the United States.
15 The robustness of the results to alternative sets of instruments is considered and reported in Annex II.
16 Data on migration is only available at 5-year intervals and is interpolated to the annual frequency, as is standard practice
in this literature.
17 These are in line with the control variables typically used in the literature. Results are robust to adding alternative controls
migration is large shocks to growth (likely picked up by the conflict variable), rather than
normal business cycle fluctuations.
Remittances to the LAC region also respond to shocks, and appear to be more
responsive to current economic conditions than migration flows. Remittances increase in
response to natural disasters and the effect is large: a natural disaster in the home country
would increase remittances by 0.6 percentage points of GDP, a large effect relative to the
sample average of remittances of 4 percent of GDP (Table 2, Annex Table 3.2). Remittances
are also linked to the business cycle of the destination country, in particular they fall with a
rise in Hispanic unemployment in the U.S., though the effect is smaller than that of natural
disasters (a 5 percentage point fall in unemployment would result in an effect of the same
magnitude). It should however be added that the apparent higher responsiveness of
remittances to economic conditions relative to migration could in part be driven by the
migration data limitation discussed above. While remittances do not appear to respond to the
conflict variable that was an important driver of migration, this could be due to data
limitations as the breakdown of formal remittance sending channels during times of conflict
could mean that remittances are less well-recorded during these periods. Remittances, which
are measured in U.S. dollars, appear to be fixed in that currency (as indicated by the absence
of a significant effect of dollar exchange rate movements), and are not responsive to inflation
or simple business cycle fluctuations in growth in the home country.
As for migration, slower-moving ‘structural’ variables play a much smaller role. The
average annual increase in the migrant stock abroad, the average annual decrease in age
dependency or a (hypothetical) fall in the age of entry by one year would lead to an increase
in remittances of about 0.1 ppt of GDP. The increase in the level of development would have
26
Transaction costs absorb a large portion of remittances, reducing the money received
by migrants’ families, yet little is known about the drivers of these costs. The
characteristics of the market for remittance service providers, including the degree of
competition and the volume of remittances sent, have been shown to lower transaction costs
(e.g. Orozco (2006) and Beck and Soledad Martínez Pería (2011)). However, little has been
done to understand the role of sending and receiving country characteristics for remittances
transaction costs, despite the observed heterogeneity of costs when considering the same
sending or receiving country. Beck and Soledad Martínez Pería (2011) show that these
characteristics can be important drivers of transaction costs –higher incomes levels in both
sending and receiving countries increase remittance transaction costs as does the receiving
countries’ access to remittance service providers.19
Our empirical strategy examines the determinants of the cost of remittances at the level
of remittance corridors. The approach follows the novel work of Beck and Soledad
Martínez Pería (2011), exploiting data on the cost of remittances at the corridor level to
conduct a bilateral analysis of the determinants of the cost of remittances. The cost of
remittances is analyzed as a function of characteristics of both the sending and receiving
countries:
where 𝐶𝑖𝑗 is the cost of sending $200 US dollars (in percent of the amount sent) from country
i to country j. 𝑋𝑖𝑗 captures characteristics of the remittance corridor that may affect the cost
of remittances. These include the degree of competition in market for remittance service
providers and the importance of banks in the market. For both sending and receiving
countries, the importance of the economic and financial development, the exchange rate
regime, and access to financial services are considered as potential determinants of the cost
of remittances. The analysis is cross-sectional and undertaken for 2015, given the short time
horizon for which data on the cost of remittances is available.20
The analysis exploits recent improvements in monitoring the cost of remittances made
by the World Bank through its RPW database. The RPW database provides data on the
cost of sending and receiving remittances at the level of individual remittance service
providers for the world’s major remittance corridors.21 Equation 2 is estimated using data for
288 country corridors including 34 sending countries and 91 receiving countries (Annex
Table 1.2).22 This significantly expands the number of corridors covered in Beck and Soledad
19 Proxied by the share of the rural population.
20 The RPW database is currently available from 2011-2016.2015 is the last year of annual data available.
21 An important caveat is that the database includes data only from formal providers of remittance services.
22 Remittances service providers operating in Russia and the former Soviet Republics are excluded since they operate based
on the integrated payment systems of the former USSR and are not comparable to RSPs which incur high costs when having
27
Martínez Pería (2011)’s analysis, which included 119 corridors. The variables included in the
regression and their sources are summarized in Annex Table 1.1. The database also includes
data across all types of remittance service providers including the MTOs and banks that
dominant the market for remittance services. This allows us to conduct the analysis averaging
across all providers and separately for MTOs and banks to assess whether the determinants
differ by type of service provider given the observed heterogeneity in costs across providers
(see Section II.D).
Greater competition in the market for remittance service providers, captured by the
number of providers by corridor, lowers transaction costs within LAC as well as
worldwide (Table 3). This effect seems to stem from MTOs’ costs rather than banks. This is
consistent with the notion that for banks transmitting remittances is a marginal line of activity
but for MTOs is a primary business activity. A more important role for banks in the market
for remittance transactions increases costs, again consistent with the view that remittance
transactions are a marginal product for banks and they are therefore likely to offer less
competitive prices. The worldwide regressions also indicate that a larger migrant stock
reduces the cost of remittances, with a stronger effect for banks than for MTOs.23
For the worldwide sample, source and recipient country characteristics also affect the
cost of remittances. The source country’s level of economic development appears to be a
more important driver of the cost of remittances than the receiving country’s, with a higher
per capita income in the source country reducing transaction costs. This contradicts evidence
from Beck and Soledad Martínez Pería (2011), suggesting that the relationship may have
changed over time towards a more important role for efficiency gains in financial
intermediation supported by economic development contributing to lower costs. While the
sample size is relatively limited, this effect appears to reverse for LAC, perhaps reflecting
some idiosyncrasies for the region given the importance of the U.S. as a source market for
the region’s remittances. However, financial development in both the source and recipient
countries tends to increase transaction costs but financial access in rural areas, proxied by the
geographical dispersion of the population in the source or receiving country, is insignificant.
Despite dollarized LAC economies benefiting on average from lower remittance costs, there
is no evidence that the broad exchange rate regime (fixed vs. floating) of the recipient
country affects the cost of remittances.
to bridge the national payment systems in two countries. This follows the methodology used by the World Bank to calculate
the global average total cost of remittances. Similarly, remittances service providers that do not disclose the exchange rate
applied to the transaction and thus classified by the World Bank as non-transparent are excluded from the analysis.
23 Following Beck and Soledad Martínez Pería (2011), the migrant stock is included as a proxy for the flow of remittances as
the migrant stock is less likely to be endogenous to the cost variable. The results are robust to the inclusion of remittance
flows instead of the migrant stock.
28
Emigration and receipts of remittances are likely to have opposite effects on growth in
the home country. On the one hand, emigration is likely to have a negative effect on growth
in the home country as the departure of people of working age reduces the labor force. This
loss could be significant in case of brain drain, as the loss of high-skilled workers could
entail negative externalities for the broader economy, including less scope for innovation.
Accordingly, the negative effects of emigration would likely be most pronounced in the
Caribbean and South America, which tend to have relatively large share of high-skilled
emigrants. The receipt of remittances could also aggravate the decline in labor supply, as
recipients substitute labor income with remittance income. On the other hand, remittances
could have a positive effect on growth by providing financial resources for investment and
education and through migrant networks that can foster trade and investment.24 Such positive
effects would likely be largest in Mexico and CAPDR, which receive the most remittances as
a share of GDP.
focused on the effects of remittances, but often did not control for migration, and did not
explicitly consider their joint effect. Chami, Fullenkamp, and Jahjah (2003) found that the
workers’ remittances–to–GDP ratio either was not significant or was negatively related to
growth, while annual changes in the workers’ remittances–to–GDP ratio were found to have
negative and significant effects on growth. IMF (2005) found no statistically significant
effect of total remittances on economic growth. AFD (2007) noted that (average or initial)
remittances had a positive and significant effect on growth, though the effect was no longer
significant when relying on instrumental variables estimation. Giuliano and Ruiz-Arranz
(200) looked at five-year averages for all variables to smooth out cyclical variations and did
not find remittances to be significantly related to growth. Catrinescu and others (2006)
introduced institutional variables as additional controls and found some evidence of a
positive relationship between growth and total remittances, although this relationship was not
very robust and relatively mild. World Bank (2006) found a consistently positive, though
small effects of remittances on GDP growth. Barajas and others (2009) found a positive and
significant effect only when the estimation excluded investment and in the absence of
country fixed effects. Chami and others (2008) found that when endogeneity is controlled
for the effect of remittances was negative and significant, though in many of the
specifications the effect was not significant.
In any case, two-way causality poses a serious problem. Emigration and remittances could
respond to economic conditions as well as affect them (in line with the channels described
above). Simple ordinary least squares panel regressions would overlook this two-way
causality. Some of the literature has thus tried to mitigate this concern by relying on
instrumental variables approach, though results remain inconclusive. This paper, in contrast,
aims to estimate a net effect of both emigration and remittances on growth, relying on OLS
as well as an instrumental variables approach. The instrumental variables approach used here
is closest to that in Barajas and others (2009) and Abdih and others (2009), though with the
crucial distinction that they do not control for migration stocks or migration flows.
The joint effect of migration and remittances on growth is examined here using a cross-
country panel fixed effects regression similar to equation (1). The dependent variable is
real per capita GDP growth.25 The exogenous growth determinants, 𝑿𝒊𝒕 , considered include
real GDP growth in the U.S., FDI as a share of GDP, export growth, change in the terms of
trade, country risk, the stock of emigrants as a share of the home population. The endogenous
growth determinants, 𝒁𝒊𝒕 , include the flow of migrants, remittances as a share of GDP,
government spending as a share of GDP, and M2 as a share of GDP. These endogenous
variables are instrumented using their regional averages, the share of rural population and
unemployment in the destination countries. Additional details on the estimation strategy can
be found in Annex 2.26
25 Effects on GNI, which includes remittances and may be more closely related to per capita welfare were also examined:
here, as for GDP, remittances still have a significant positive effect on growth, while the coefficients on migration are still
negative but no longer significant.
26 Regressions are estimated on the period 1980-2015 (unbalanced sample). IV regressions are implemented using 2SLS and
include country fixed effects but not time fixed effects as they include controls such as growth in the United States. First
stage F statistics exceed 10 for all specifications except the Caribbean, where sample sizes are particularly small. Results are
30
As expected, our estimation results suggest that outward migration has a negative effect
on growth, and this seems most pronounced in the subregions experiencing brain drain
(Annex Table 3.4). Remittances seem to have positive (though not always statistically
significant) growth effects, that are largest in the high-remittance-receiving subregions. The
effects of migration and remittances are of a (perhaps surprisingly) large magnitude: an
increase in the migrant flow out of a LAC country by 0.1 percent of the population would
reduce growth by 1.4 percentage points, the effect of remittances on growth is almost one-
for-one. However, the instrumented regressions remove some of the variation in migration
and remittance flows that occurs in response to growth fluctuations and only pick up
exogenous variation. Simple OLS regressions with country fixed effects point to much
smaller effects, as expected: while remittances increase growth, they are likely acyclical or
counter-cyclical, thus mitigating the overall effect (Annex Table 3.3). However, these
separate effects are difficult to quantify with precision given that migration and remittances
are highly correlated (i.e. remittances cannot occur without migration). Furthermore,
estimates for South America conceal a large degree of heterogeneity within this subregion:
while emigration and remittances have limited importance for some countries, Paraguay and
Uruguay have large stocks of emigrants, and remittances are significant for Bolivia and
Ecuador. However, restricting the sample to these four countries does not materially change
the estimation results.27
Emigration and remittances together appear to have had a small and ambiguous effect
on real per capita GDP growth in the LAC region, but the effect has varied across sub-
regions, likely reflecting the different characteristics of migrants. Figure 19 shows the
estimated cumulative joint impact on growth of the actual increases in the stock of emigrants
and in remittances over 2003-2013, using the estimated coefficients and actual increases in
the stocks of emigrants and in remittances for each of the subregions over this period. Given
the complications due to two-way causality, the figure shows ranges rather than point
estimates.28 This joint or net effect has likely been negative for the Caribbean and South
America, with the former experiencing large emigrant outflows and both characterized by
brain drain and relatively smaller remittance receipts. On the other hand, the net impact
appears small and possibly positive for CAPDR countries, which receive much higher
remittances.29
robust to controlling for investment and lagged real GDP per capita. Unfortunately, information on ages and skill levels of
emigrants is not available for sufficiently long enough time periods to be included in the regressions; cross-sectional
variation in these factors would be mopped up by country fixed effects.
27 Results available upon request.
28 The ‘true’ joint effect of migration and remittances on per capita GDP growth is likely somewhere between the
instrumented effects (which try to remove all reverse causality effects, but only pick up variation in the instruments) shown
in the figure as the bottom of the range and the ordinary least squares effects (which confound some of the true effect with
reverse causality) corresponding with the top of the range.
29 The effect is around zero for Mexico, but this is not strictly comparable to other results as it is estimated purely from time
series variation and the data sample is particularly small. Most of this effect is driven by migration, with a much smaller
contribution from remittances (Annex Table 3.4), though these are difficult to separate empirically. The positive effect of
remittances on growth here is estimated while controlling for migrant stocks and migration flows, and is thus relative to the
counterfactual of ‘migration without remittances’. The positive effect of remittances on growth also holds up when
examining GNI instead of GDP.
31
The net effect of migration and remittances Figure 19. Net Effect of Migration and Remittances on Growth,
Short Term and Long Term Effects
is likely to be more negative in the longer 4.00
0.00
and remittances over the longer term, the same
-2.00
specification is estimated using 5-year
-4.00
averages to allow for lag times and dynamic -6.00
effects. While the small sample size limits the -8.00 ST - IV
ST - FE
robustness of these regressions, the results -10.00 LT - IV
LT - FE
suggest that although the ordering of the -12.00
LAC Latin South Carribbean Mexico Central
subregions remains similar, the net effect is America America America,
Panama,
more negative in the longer term (Figure 19). Dom. Rep.
Notes: Based on coefficient estimates from fixed effects and instrumental variables
Accordingly, remittances (and migration) regressions, changes in migrant stocks and remittances as a percent of GDP in 2003-2013.
Short term refers to annual regressions, long term to 5-year averages.
appear unlikely to act as drivers of durable
growth.30
Remittances are often seen as a source of economic stabilization, and this feature could
offer important benefits for migrants’ home countries even if emigration and
remittances may, on balance, have unclear or negative net implications for growth. The
analysis in this section suggests that remittances have indeed contributed to macroeconomic
stabilization within the LAC region. Beneficial effects are found especially for the Caribbean
and CAPDR, where they typically increase consumption smoothing, help generate fiscal
revenues, and support financial stability, while there appears to be little evidence of possible
adverse “Dutch disease” effects given that their impact on the real exchange rate and
inflation tends to be minor. In addition, whereas poorer households are more likely to
receive remittances, remittances can also help lower poverty as well as inequality – and all
the more so in the wake of negative shocks.
5
to cushion economic shocks. This stabilizing
property of remittances is illustrated in Figure 20, 4
group that is particularly susceptible to large natural Source: Emergency Events Database and Fund staff calculations.
30 It should be added that the overall welfare effect is likely to be positive for the migrants and their dependents in the home
country, even if the effect on GDP growth is negative.
31 For example, remittances in Grenada increased from 2 percent of GDP in 2003 to 4 percent of GDP in 2004, the year
Hurricane Ivan hit the island, and then normalized to the 2003 level in the following years.
32
ratio increased from 4.4 percent of GDP in the years prior to natural disasters to 5.4 percent
in the years with natural disaster.
Remittance flows are relatively large, resilient and less volatile compared to other
sources of external financing.32 They are larger than any other external inflow for CAPDR
and the Caribbean (Figure 21). For South America, private capital inflows (excluding foreign
direct investment) have typically been larger than remittances, but remittances flows have
been a more stable source of external financing for all subregions in LAC. This relative
stability can be partly attributed to the lower
Figure 21. LAC: Remittances and Other Inflows
correlation of remittances to economic cycles in (Percent of GDP)
5
the recipient country. More generally,
33
Remittances
4
remittances are often found to be FDI
Non-FDI capital flow
countercyclical with respect to the recipient 3
Official aid
country business cycle (Spatafora, 2005; 2
Remittances can foster consumption smoothing not only through their direct
countercyclicality, but also by supporting financial inclusion and access to credit.
Remittances allow recipients to save in good times and tap into these resources when
domestic income contracts. They also facilitate access to credit by strengthening borrowers’
capacity to repay. For instance, Guiliano and Ruiz-Arranz (2009) show that remittances
provide an alternative way to finance investment and help overcome households’ liquidity
constraints. In this way, households receiving remittances can vary the share of their receipts
used for consumption.
The resilience and possible countercyclical nature suggest that remittances can play a
similar role as financial flows for consumption smoothing through risk-sharing. The
usual argument states that as long as output fluctuations are not perfectly correlated across
countries, financial integration can help delink domestic consumption growth from domestic
output growth through the holding of foreign financial assets (Lewis, 1999; Kose, Prasad,
and Terrones, 2009).34 These conjectures are also related to the empirical evidence that
remittances contribute to reducing consumption instability (Combes and Ebeke, 2011) and
the findings in section III.A and Figure 20 that remittances increase significantly in response
to natural disasters affecting the recipient country. In this context, earlier empirical evidence
indicates that remittances indeed may help improve cross-country consumption risk-sharing
(Hadzi-Vaskov, 2006; Balli and Rana, 2015; De et al., 2016).
Remittances seem to lower income volatility in the home country. Figure 22 demonstrates
that for most countries in the LAC region, overall income, including remittances, is less
volatile than domestic income (measured using international prices). In addition, this effect is
more important for countries in LAC than for EMDEs in general. Beyond the above-
mentioned countercyclicality of remittances, this stabilizing effect also reflects the finding
that remittances to LAC are typically set in terms of U.S. dollars. Hence, while, for example,
a sharp depreciation would reduce the value of domestic income in terms of international
prices, remittance income would cushion this effect even if it is not increased in terms of
U.S. dollars.
Income volatility
Income volatility
Income volatility
1 1 1
0 0 0
0 0.5 1 1.5 0 0.5 1 1.5 0 0.5 1 1.5
GDP volatility GDP volatility GDP volatility
Higher remittances (as a share of GDP) are associated with more consumption
smoothing in the face of idiosyncratc shocks to output. Specifically, remittances help
delink country-specific consumption growth from country-specific output growth.
The relationship between idiosyncratic (country-specific) private consumption and
idiosyncratic (country-specific) output growth is estimated in a standard risk-sharing
specification for each country i as follows:
Δ𝑐𝑖𝑡 is real private consumption growth for country i at time t, Δ𝑦𝑖𝑡 is for real GDP growth
for country i at time t, Δ𝑐̅𝑡 and Δ𝑦̅𝑡 are the world variables, and Δ𝑐̃𝑖𝑡 and Δ𝑦̃𝑖𝑡 are the
idiosyncratic ones. In equation 3 the coefficient 𝛾1 measures the degree of consumption risk-
sharing: coefficient that is not significantly different from zero suggests perfect consumption
risk-sharing as idiosyncratic output shocks do not result in shocks to idiosyncratic
34
Slope coefficient
0.5 0.8
1
0.6
0.5 0 0.4
0 0.2
-0.5 0
-0.5
-0.2
-1 -1 -0.4
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 0 2 4 6 8 10 0 1 2 3 4 5 6
Average remittances (percent of GDP) Average remittances (percent of GDP)
Average remittances (percent of GDP)
Δ𝑐̃𝑖𝑡 = 𝛽0 + 𝛽1 𝑅𝑖𝑡 + 𝛾1 Δ𝑦̃𝑖𝑡 + 𝛾2 𝑅𝑖𝑡 Δ𝑦̃𝑖𝑡 + 𝛾3 𝐾𝐴𝑖𝑡 Δ𝑦̃𝑖𝑡 + 𝛾4 𝐹𝐼𝑖𝑡 Δ𝑦̃𝑖𝑡 + 𝜀𝑖𝑡 (4)
where Δ𝑐̃𝑖𝑡 = Δ𝑐𝑖𝑡 − Δ𝑐̅𝑡 , Δ𝑦̃𝑖𝑡 =Δ𝑦𝑖𝑡 − Δ𝑦̅𝑡
where Δ𝑐𝑖𝑡 is real private consumption growth for country i at time t, Δ𝑦𝑖𝑡 is for real GDP
growth for country i at time t, Δ𝑐̅𝑡 and Δ𝑦̅𝑡 are the world variables, and Δ𝑐̃𝑖𝑡 and Δ𝑦̃𝑖𝑡 are the
idiosyncratic ones, 𝑅𝑖𝑡 is the ratio of remittances to GDP, 𝐾𝐴𝑖𝑡 is the index of de jure capital
account openness from Chinn and Ito (2006) and 𝐹𝐼𝑖𝑡 stands for de facto indicators of
financial integration from Lane and Milesi-Ferretti (2007).
35
The relationships are not statistically significant, however, and the sample sizes are quite limited.
36
The empirical specification follows Sorensen et al. (2007) and similar specifications that include remittances in Hadzi-
Vaskov (2006), and De et al. (2016).
35
output. Hence, a significant negative value for the coefficient 𝛾2 would indicate that
remittances help lower deviations from perfect risk-sharing. In a similar vein, the coefficient
𝛾3 measures the extent to which other channels, such as financial integration, facilitate
consumption risk-sharing.
Remittances seem to be more important as a channel of risk-sharing for LAC than for
other emerging market regions. The coefficient in front of the interaction term is
significant and negative for LAC in all specifications. Moreover, LAC is the only region for
which this terms is significant in the baseline specification that accounts for financial
integration. 38 A closer look at the results for subgroups of countries within LAC shows that
the strength of this effect is primarily explained by the Caribbean.
Remittances account for a significant portion of overall risks shared in LAC, and
especially in the Caribbean. Figure 24 compares the importance of remittances relative to
other channels of risk-sharing, such as de jure capital account openness and de facto financial
37Results from specifications without financial integration interaction terms are presented in the appendix.
38The coefficient for the countries from the Commonwealth of Independent State (CIS) is significantly negative and of
similar magnitude as for LAC in the preview specification, that excludes the financial integration terms.
36
integration. The calculated portion of risks shared through alternative channels are based on
the estimation results of the risk-sharing specification (equation 4) presented in Table 4. 39
The estimates suggest that remittances account for a larger share of total risks shared in LAC
than in EMDEs in general. Moreover, remittances seem to be especially important for the
Caribbean, where they contribute more to risk-sharing than all other channels combined.
Besides the high remittance-to-GDP ratios in the Caribbean, these findings can also be
explained by the larger output fluctuations that the Caribbean countries face due to their
higher susceptibility to natural disasters.40 Further analysis sheds light on the consumption-
smoothing impact of remittances taking into account the fiscal stance and finds that
remittances and fiscal policy may act as substitutes (Box 3 and Beaton, Cevik and Yousefi
forthcoming).
0.6
Figure 24. Portion of Total Risks Shared
Rest
0.5 Remittances (BOPS)
0.4
0.3
0.2
0.1
0
EMDE LAC Caribbean
Note: Estimates about the portion of total risks shared are based on region-specific
coefficients obtained from panel regressions of idiosyncratic consumption growth on
idiosyncratic output growth and its interactions with indicators for remittances, capital
account openness index (Chinn -Ito) and de facto financial integration measures (Lane -
Milesi-Ferretti) over the period 1980-2011.
Canada, and the U.S. Results from regressions that employ LAC as the relevant aggregate imply very similar conclusions
(results are available upon request).
37
-1
-1.4
-2
-1.9
***
-2.4 **
-2.6
-3 **
-2.9
**
-3.5
-4 All Countries ***
High Rem. -4.2 **
-4.5
-5
The risk sharing equation is Δ𝑐̃𝑖𝑡 = 𝛽0 + 𝛾𝑅𝑖𝑡 + 𝛽1 Δ𝑦̃𝑖𝑡 + 𝛽2 𝑅𝑖𝑡 Δ𝑦̃𝑖𝑡 + 𝛾𝑿𝑖𝑡 + 𝛽3 𝑋𝑖𝑡 Δ𝑦̃𝑖𝑡 + ∆𝜀𝑖𝑡 , where Δ𝑐̃𝑖𝑡 = ∆𝑐𝑖𝑡 −
∆𝑐̅𝑡 𝑎𝑛𝑑 Δ𝑦̃𝑖𝑡 = ∆𝑦𝑖𝑡 − ∆𝑦̅𝑡 .
∆𝑐𝑖𝑡 (∆𝑐̅𝑡 ) denotes private consumption growth in country i (world) at time t, and ∆𝑦𝑖𝑡 (∆𝑦̅𝑡 ) is the real GDP per capita growth. 𝑅𝑖𝑡 represents
remittances as a share of GDP, and 𝑿𝑖𝑡 are standard control variables including financial openness and trade openness. A negative and
statistically significant 𝛽2 would imply that migrant remittances delink fluctuations in consumption from that in income, and hence smooth
consumption.
Apart from the smoothing of private consumption, remittances can foster economic
stabilization through the fiscal accounts. Remittances can help raise fiscal revenues even
though they typically are not taxed directly, given that spending out of remittances is part of
38
the base for indirect taxation.42 Furthermore, as documented above, remittances tend to
support short-term output growth (even if the joint effect including emigration may be
ambiguous), and thereby fiscal revenues. The associated increase in fiscal space, in turn,
enhances the scope for stabilization through countercyclical fiscal policies. Ebeke (2010) for
example, finds that remittances significantly increase both the level and stability of the
government revenue ratio in the remittance-receiving developing countries that have adopted
a VAT. Abdih and others (2012) conclude that, in a sample of 17 countries in the Middle
East, North Africa, and Central Asia, remittances are positively associated with the overall
tax ratio as well as with the share of sales and trade tax revenues. Largely reflecting their
potential revenue-supporting role, remittances are also believed to substantially contribute to
public debt sustainability (see Abdih and others (2009)). The fiscal role of remittances across
Latin American countries has not yet been explored and we aim to fill this gap.
Remittances help mobilize fiscal revenues in LAC, particularly for large remittance-
receivers. A higher remittance-to-GDP ratio is associated with a higher revenue-to-GDP
ratio and the positive impact is significant for the Caribbean and CAPDR. In an instrumental
variable specification, a higher remittance-to-GDP ratio by 1 percentage point is associated
with an increased revenue/GDP ratio of 0.4 percentage point in Central America and 1.2
percentage point in the Caribbean (Table 5, Annex table 3.8). Robustness checks (which the
authors can provide upon request) confirm the positive sign of the coefficients for these two
groups of countries, but indicate some uncertainty with respect to their numerical values.43
42 The few countries that tried to tax remittances directly later repealed these taxes. Examples include Vietnam, Tajikistan,
and the Philippines (see Ratha (2017)).
43 As with the above regressions on the determinants of growth, numerical estimates of the coefficients differ somewhat
between the ordinary least squares and instrumental variables regressions, as well as depending on the set of control
variables used. The effects of remittances on revenues are almost always positive and statistically significant from zero for
the two sub-groups of large remittance receivers. However, the coefficients seem to be more precisely estimated (e.g.,
falling within a relatively narrow range) for CAPDR and are more widely dispersed for the Caribbean.
39
the remittance-to-GDP ratio since 2000 in CAPDR, which reflected continued substantial
emigration from the region to the United States, accounted for an increase in fiscal revenues
of 1 percent of GDP. Incidentally, the increase in the region’s revenue-to-GDP ratio since
2000 is fully concentrated in the group of five countries that are receiving significant
remittances (e.g., excluding Costa Rica and Panama).44 On the other hand, the drop in
remittances associated with the global financial crisis is estimated to have dented fiscal
revenues against the counterfactual (see Box 4)). Further regressions indicate that in the
Caribbean higher remittances have been associated with improved fiscal balances, while in
CAPDR they are associated with higher expenditures and no significant effect on fiscal
balances.45 This finding suggests that in CAPDR, revenues generated by remittances have
helped create scope for additional spending.
Revenue/GDP
Remittances/GDP 1.152** 0.676 0.440 0.251 3.190 1.157** 1.303** 0.393**
(0.496) (0.749) (0.311) (0.489) (2.136) (0.558) (0.546) (0.156)
Number of obs. 2362 619 568 399 221 169 24 154
Adjusted R2 0.790 0.845 0.657 0.632 0.371 0.540 0.782 0.821
Box 4. Remittances and their Effects During the Global Financial Crisis
The global financial crisis saw a significant
Box Figure 4.1. Change in Remittance Flows,
contraction of remittance inflows to LAC 2008-2010 Relative to 2007
countries. Between 2007 and 2008–10, all key (Percentage points of GDP)
0.0
LAC country sub-groupings experienced a fall
-0.2
in remittance inflows, with the largest drop -0.4
observed in CAPDR countries (by about 1 -0.6
percent of GDP). This behavior of remittances -0.8
-1.0
contrasted with earlier indications that
-1.2
remittances could play a -1.4
stabilizing/countercyclical role for recipient LAC Latin South Carribbean Mexico CAPDR
America America
economies. This episode illustrated that
46
Source: World Bank and IMF WEO.
extensive reliance on remittances can be risky,
especially when most migrants reside in a single country.
44 Obviously, the cumulative increase in revenues reflected diverse, often country-specific, factors, including revenue
measures implemented by the authorities at various times. Still, the evidence of a link between remittances and fiscal
revenues in most CAPDR countries is extensive and includes high-frequency correlations in country-level time-series
regressions (not shown).
45 These results are however less robust to alternative specifications. Results available upon request.
46 See for example Chami and others (2008).
40
Box 4. Remittances and their Effects During the Global Financial Crisis
(Continued)
Sources: Bureau of Labor and Statistics (BLS) and Fund staff estimates.
The crisis period generally saw a weakening of revenues in the region, and
remittances are estimated to have played a
Box Figure 4.3. Effects on
role as revenue drivers. In particular,
Revenue/GDP
Box Figure Ratio Ratio,
3.2. Effects on Revenue/GDP
revenue-to-GDP dropped in LAC countries by 0.6
2008-10 vs. 2007
¾ percentage points between the average of 0.4
0
the changes to revenue/GDP ratio varied by -0.2
sub-regions. In CAPDR countries, the -0.4
-0.8
percentage point in 2008-10 relative to the -1
2007 level. Our econometric analysis of the -1.2 Observed change
The robust growth of remittances in recent years has occurred in parallel with
significant financial deepening in LAC. In this regard, remittances and financial sector
development have interacted significantly, and in a complex way. On the one hand, financial
sector advances have been instrumental in lowering the cost and facilitating an increase in
remittances, as well as channeling them through formal channels. On the other hand,
remittances are believed to have profoundly affected the financial sector, by altering bank
business models in many countries, and helping boost credit to the private sector (Aggarwal
and others (2010)). 48
The positive impact of remittances for financial sector development can go beyond the
associated increase in deposits and access to credit (Fajnzylber and Lopez 2008).
Remittances may also affect credit quality and financial stability. In theory, the impact of
remittances on credit quality is ambiguous. On the one hand, remittances could fuel
excessive private credit growth, which can worsen credit quality. On the other hand,
remittances can strengthen borrowers’ balance sheets and incomes and hence their capacity
to repay loans. In particular, remittances are relatively stable and can serve as collateral,
which, other things equal, decreases the riskiness of loans. Related to this, remittances can
also help banks better know and discriminate their clients, as banks often observe some of the
remittance flows. The existing empirical literature finds that the favorable effects of
remittances on credit quality dominate. Ebeke and others (2014) concluded that remittances
are negatively related to NPLs in a sample of developing countries in 2000-11, suggesting
that the “income-stabilizing” effect dominates the “risk-inducing” effect. A country-level
study of Moldova (see Clichici and Colsenicova (2014)) also finds a negative link between
remittances growth and NPLs in time series regressions.
47 A similar impact of the GFC was observed in other parts of the world. Thus, Abdih and others (2012) estimate the impact
of the 2009 crisis and 2010 recovery on the tax revenues and conclude that some countries, particularly in the Caucasus and
the Central Asia region, suffered from an acute vulnerability to the business cycle in their main remittance-sending country,
Russia. For South American remittance receivers, the sharp slowdown in its economy, and especially the construction sector
seems to have had a pronounced negative effect (Maldonado and Hayem, 2013).
48 For example, securitization of remittance inflows is a common feature of bank business models in countries receiving
significant remittances, and in LAC countries was used in practice in Brazil, El Salvador, and Mexico among others (see
World Bank (2015a)).
42
The results, in Table 6, indicate that the positive effect of remittances on credit quality
dominate for LAC. Higher remittances in LAC are associated with lower NPLs, though the
effect is only significant for CAPDR. Based on these results, an increase in the remittances-
to-GDP ratio for CAPDR by 1 percentage point would cause a drop in the NPL ratio by
almost 0.5 percentage points. The magnitude of the latter effect is similar to that found by
Ebeke et al. (2014). Sufficient observations were not available for the Caribbean. In South
America other determinants (terms-of-trade shocks and cyclical factors) seem to be more
important NPL drivers than remittances (which are small in most countries and restricting the
sample to a countries with relatively larger flows still did not reveal significant effects).
Table 6. Effects of Remittances on Non-Performing Loans
(IV Regressions)
Central America,
Latin America
Emerging Panama, and the
World and the
Markets Dominican
Caribbean
Republic
Although remittances support stability through the above channels, these benefits may
be counteracted by risks to competitiveness. Remittance inflows are expected to boost
household spending, which in turn will put the pressure on nontradable prices and interest
rates, leading to real exchange rate appreciation.49 The existing economic literature typically
finds that remittances tend to appreciate the real exchange rate, though some studies do not
detect such an effect or find it to be very small. Some papers focus on the equilibrium REER
and long term effects, while others look more at the more imminent impact. Amuedo-
Dorantes and Pozo (2004) used a panel of 13 Latin American and Caribbean countries for
1979-98, and by applying an instrumental variables approach found that doubling of transfers
in the form of worker’s remittances results in real exchange rate appreciation of about 22
percent. Lopez et al. (2009) found a similar relation, for a larger sample of countries for
1993-2003. Hassan and Holmes (2013) estimate a long-run relationship using a panel
cointegration framework. They conclude that workers’ remittances contribute to long-run
real exchange rate appreciation in the case of high remittance countries. On the other hand,
Izquierdo and Montiel (2006) used time series methods and obtained mixed results for six
Central American countries over 1960-2004. They found no impact of remittances on
equilibrium exchange rate in cases of Honduras, Nicaragua and Jamaica, and a positive effect
49However, Barajas et al. (2012) explain how such an effect on the equilibrium REER depends critically on degree of
openness, factor mobility between domestic sectors, the cyclicality of remittances, the share of consumption in tradables,
and the sensitivity of a country’s risk premium to remittance flows.
43
Guatemala, El Salvador and Dominican Republic. Barajas et al. (2010) show, using panel
cointegration techniques, that the appreciation effects tend to be small.
Our results do not point to a significant impact of remittances on the REER in LAC.
This outcome reflects large leakages of remittance inflows through imports given the small
size and relatively high openness of many countries. A significant (but small) effect is only
found for the CAPDR region (see Annex Table 3.12 for results) where a one percentage point
increase in the remittances-to-GDP ratio causes a 6 percent appreciation of the REER based
on estimates over 1980-2015 or 3.6 percent based on estimates over 1995-2015.51
50 Remittances may affect external competitiveness through their impact on wages in the recipient economies, as noted in
IMF (2016). However, the lack of cross-country wage data prevents us from investigating this complementary channel, and
limits our analysis of external competitiveness to the CPI-based REER only.
51 As a robustness check, Annex Table 3.13 summarizes the simple fixed effects OLS estimates, showing more robust but
smaller effects.
44
Narayan and others (2011) find a positive and significant effect of remittances across most
specifications for emerging market economies. Ball et al. (2012) also confirm such
inflationary effects in small open economies, emphasizing the dominance of fixed exchange
rate regimes driving those linkages. Country-level studies based on time series analysis also
find significant inflationary effects of remittances in several Asian countries, El Salvador
(Caceres and Saca (2006)), and Mexico (Balderas and Nath (2008)). Some of the country-
level studies focus on the food sub-components of the CPI to gauge the consumption-induced
demand effect. For example, IMF (2016) documents several stylized facts of a positive
correlation between remittances and food price inflation in Guatemala, which is suggestive of
the inflationary effect of remittances (although causal effects have not been formally tested).
Our methodology aims to strike a balance between the regressions that assessed the
overall macroeconomic impact of remittances and the literature specific to the
determinants of inflation. We estimate a cross country panel fixed effects regression similar
to equation (1) where the dependent variable is inflation, measured as the CPI-based inflation
rate. The vector of exogenous variables, 𝑿𝒊𝒕 , includes the level of real GDP per capita, U.S.
real GDP growth., FDI as a share of GDP, the stock of emigrants as a share of the home
population, and share of the rural population (see Annex II and Annex Table 3.14) and the
endogenous variables, 𝒁𝒊𝒕 , include remittances as a share of GDP (or a lagged change in
remittance/GDP ratio), real per capita GDP growth, export growth, and a measure of country
risk. Endogenous variables are instrumented using their regional averages, unemployment in
the destination countries, and terms of trade percentage changes (see Annex II). Additional
controls that were used to check robustness included contemporaneous and lagged changes in
the nominal exchange rate to the US dollar, the unemployment rate, terms of trade change,
overall fiscal balance, and lagged inflation. Also, robustness checks included simple fixed
effects regressions (Annex table 3.15).
Our results confirm remittance-induced inflationary pressures for the CAPDR and the
Caribbean (Table 7). We find that a lagged change in the remittance-to-GDP ratio is a more
significant determinant of inflation than the level of the same ratio, with significant positive
effects on inflation in two country sub-groupings: CAPDR and the Caribbean. We find that
the level of remittances is not a significant determinant of inflationary pressure, except in the
Caribbean countries. The result for the CAPDR and the Caribbean is consistent with the
prevalence of fixed or stabilized exchange rate regimes and limited credibility of monetary
frameworks in many countries in these regions. That said, we do not find a clear effect of a
fixed exchange rate regime dummy in influencing the results.
45
Earlier studies have typically found that remittances and migration tend to reduce
poverty, while their effects on inequality are more ambiguous. A number of studies have
examined the impact of international remittances on poverty and inequality in emerging and
developing countries (see e.g. Adams and Page 2005, Fajnzylber and López 2008). As
international remittances often represent significant shares of migrant household incomes,
and incomes earned working abroad are typically multiples of those earned at home, most
studies have found that remittances reduce poverty in home countries.52 The impact of
remittances on income inequality is more ambiguous depending on which part of the income
distribution migrants come from and whether remittances go to poorer or richer households.
While some studies found that migration and remittances increase inequality, others found
that it reduces it, that there was no significant effect, that the effect depended on where
remittances came from, or changed over time, from initially increasing inequality to later
reducing it as migration opportunities became more widely available.53
Remittances and migration do not appear to affect poverty and inequality at the macro
level in LAC. In line with the analysis in previous sections, we first rely on cross-country
panel regressions to examine the determinants of poverty (measured using two different
headcount measures) and inequality (measured here using the Gini coefficient). We examine
the effect of remittances and migration (both lagged to mitigate reverse causality), while
controlling for conditions in the home and host countries. While simple OLS regressions
(including country fixed effects) point to significant effects, instrumental variables results do
52See e.g. Acosta and others 2008, Loritz 2008, Taylor and others 2005 for studies of LAC countries.
53See e.g. Adams 2006, Adams and others 2008, Barham and Boucher 1998, Bouoiyour and Miftah 2014, Möllers and
Meyer 2014; Acosta and others 2008, Brown and Jimenez 2007, Gubert and others 2010, Loritz 2008, Margolis and others
2013, Mughal and Anwar 2012, Taylor and others 2005; Beyene 2014, Yang and Martinez 2005; Acharyaa and Leon-
Gonzalez 2013; Stark and others 1988.
46
Micro-level evidence for Mexico suggests that poorer households are much more likely
to receive remittances and that this pattern became more prominent during the global
financial crisis. To zoom into the drivers of these macro-level findings at a more
disaggregated level, Mexican household surveys are used to compare remittance-receiving
households with non-remittance-receiving households. The results suggest that about 5
percent of households received remittances in 2014; on average about US$290/month (mean;
US$140 median). Poorer households were much more likely to receive remittances, and this
increased further during the crisis and persisted to some extent even after. Remittance-
receiving households are poorer than non-remittance-receiving households, even when
including remittances. The average income of remittance receiving households would put
them in the 4th decile without remittances, in the 6th decile with remittances; non-remittance
receiving households would be on average in the 7th decile. The income gap between
households that did or did not receive remittances narrowed during the crisis when including
47
remittance income – average income of those Figure 25. Remittances and Household
receiving remittances increased from 55 percent Income in Mexico
of non-remittance-receiving households’ income 10
Share of Households Receiving Remittances,
by Income Decile
in 2002 to 59 percent in 2008 – 8 (Percent)
2002
2008
consistent with their insurance role. However, 2014
6
the gap when excluding remittances has
widened, possibly due to increasing inequalities 4
Highest
Lowest
9
income households: almost 40 percent in the
bottom decile, in contrast with about 20 percent 50
Remittances as a Share of Household Income,
in the top decile, in 2002. However, households by Income Decile 2002
40 (Percent) 2008
across the distributions appear to have become 2014
less dependent on remittances over time, with the 30
Highes
Lowest
t
for (remittance-receiving) households across the 50000
Average Household Income
45000 Mean
income distribution. 40000 Median
(Nominal Mexican pesos in given year)
35000
30000
25000
This pro-poor pattern of remittances could 20000
15000
translate into remittances lowering inequality 10000
5000
even at the macro level. A simple comparison 0
hhs (including remittances)
Non-remittances
Non-remittances
hhs (excluding remittances)
receiving hhs
receiving hhs
Remittances-receiving
Remittances-receiving
Remittances-receiving
Remittances-receiving
Remittances-receiving
Remittance-receiving
effect, as ‘missing’ remittances would likely be Sources: INEGI and Fund staff calculations.
associated with behavioral responses affecting Figure 26. Gini Coefficients
0.5
income: hours or employment could be higher to 0.49
Income including remittances
Income excluding remittances
try and make up for ‘missing’ remittances, but it 0.48 Counterfactual income
related) characteristics.54 The resulting Gini coefficient is lower than that based on income
excluding remittances, but is still higher than that of actual income, suggesting that inequality
would be higher in the absence of remittances, even when taking the behavioral response into
account.
The FSGM is routinely used in the IMF for simulation exercises as well as global and
regional spillover analysis. It represents a system of annual, multi-region, general
equilibrium models, combining both micro-founded and reduced form formulations of
various economic sectors. It has a fully articulated demand side, and some supply side
features. International linkages are modeled in aggregate for each country/region. The
models have full stock-flow consistency, public deficits cumulate into the level of public
debt, current account balances cumulate into the level of net foreign assets, and investment
cumulates into the level of the capital stock. There are endogenous rules governing the
operation of both monetary and fiscal policy. The theoretical foundations and dynamic
properties of the model are described in Andrle and others (2015) and Snudden (2017).
The key features of the remittance and labor migration channels in the FSGM are the
following:
Household members of working age in their home country provide migrant labor to
foreign economies. When the workers travel abroad, they reduce the population of
their country and increase that of the foreign economy. Labor emigration could be
drawn from either the labor force or the non-participating population.
Foreign workers are assumed to have full employment in the host economy.
Expatriate workers, however, have a lower level of productivity relative to native
workers which leads to lower wages compared to the natives. The share of foreign
labor in aggregate employed labor is explicitly modeled via fixed bilateral shares
from labor-exporting economies.
54 Of course, this counterfactual does not show what the income distribution would have been in the absence of the
migration that is behind the remittances.
55 We would like to thank Benjamin Hunt and Keiko Honjo in the IMF’s Research Department for providing the FSGM
simulation results.
49
Labor migration and remittances come hand in hand in the model. Foreign workers
remit a fixed share of their after-tax earnings to their home country. The cost of
sending remittances is explicitly modeled and remittance flows are net of cost.
Remittances are received by liquidity constrained (LIQ) households of the home
economy. They increase their consumption under the assumption that all remittances
are spent. This is broadly consistent with empirical estimates and case studies
suggesting that remittances are primarily used for immediate consumption.
Most of the model’s parameters have been estimated from the data using a range of
empirical techniques. The structural dynamics of remittances and migration in FSGM
are calculated to broadly match the key stylized facts of empirical estimates. The data
source for remittance flows is the World Bank Bilateral Remittances 2014.
With the United States accounting for over half of the remittance flows to the LAC, we
simulate an increase in domestic demand in the United States and its effect on the
remittance receiving economies. The increase in private investment and consumption in the
United States are calibrated to increase real GDP by one percentage point in the first year
relative to the baseline (Figure 27). Specifically, the increase in investment is about five
times larger than that of private consumption in percentage terms. Higher domestic private
demand leads to higher output, which raises aggregate labor demand by almost 0.5 percent
and puts upward pressure on real wages. The increased labor demand is partly met by an
inflow of foreign workers. Migrant labor increases by approximately 0.4 percent. As a result,
remittance outflows from the United States increase by 1.5 percent after the first year.
The following counterfactual scenarios allow for exploring remittance and labor
migration effects versus the spillovers from the U.S. shock:
(1) the “basic” model with no new remittances or foreign labor flows;
(2) the model with remittances and foreign labor flows, where the expatriate workers
are pulled from the non-participating labor force of their home economy;
50
(3) the model with remittances and foreign labor flows, where the expatriate workers
are pulled from participating and non-participating labor force.
Figure 28 for the Dominican Republic illustrates the net economic effects from a
positive U.S. shock on a remittance receiving economy.56
Higher external demand significantly lifts exports, but puts upward pressure on
inflation, which makes the monetary authority raise the policy rate to return inflation
to target. As a result, private investment and consumption decline. The consumption
of the LIQ households, however, picks up in scenarios 2 and 3 by 0.2 and 0.1 pp,
respectively, supported by higher remittance inflows. This buffers the decline in
aggregate consumption, but also adds to import demand.
In scenario 3, the benefits for private consumption from higher remittance income are
dampened by the loss of labor income of those who used to be employed but have
now emigrated (the increase in emigration from the Dominican Republic is 0.4
percent), but the latter impact appears to be relatively small.
As expected, the net effect of a significant positive shock to the domestic private
demand in the United States on the Dominican Republic economy is large and
positive. But taking into account the changes in relative prices and foreign demand in
the general equilibrium context, the net impact on GDP level does not vary much
across all three scenarios. Similar results hold for all the LA countries with different
levels of the remittance dependence.
The simulations show that the REER dynamics differ very little across the scenarios.
This is consistent with the empirical results in section Remittances and the exchange
rate suggesting that there is no statistically significant impact of remittance inflow on
the REER.
Remittances play the role of consumption smoothing, in line with the earlier
discussion. The LIQ households benefit the most from the remittance inflow. Their
disposable income increases, more than offsetting the negative impact of higher
interest rates on their consumption.
56We focus on the case of the Dominican Republic, as an example of a country that it is highly dependent on remittance
inflows (6.8 percent of GDP).
51
Figure 28. Dominican Republic: Temporary Increase in Domestic Demand in the U.S.
Percent difference from baseline scenario
Scenario 1: No Remittances
Scenario 2: With Remittances from Non-Participating Labor Force
Scenario 3: With Remittances from a combination of Non-Participating and Participating Labor force
0.2 0.2
0.0 0.0
-0.2 -0.2
2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022
0.6 0.1
Real GNP Real Consumption
0.3 0.0
0.0 -0.1
-0.3 -0.2
2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022
0.3 0.4
Real Consumption of LIQ Households Real Investment
0.2
0.0
0.1
0.0 -0.4
-0.1 -0.8
-0.2 -1.2
2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022
0.05
0.8 Contribution of Net Exports to GDP /1 Population
0.00
0.4
0.0 -0.05
-0.4 -0.10
2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022
0.5 1.6
Emigrating Labor Force Remittances Sent
0.4
1.2
0.3
0.8
0.2
0.1 0.4
0.0 0.0
2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022
0.4
Real Effective Exchange Rate 1.0 Policy Interest Rate /1
0.3 (+ appreciation)
0.2 0.6
0.1 0.2
0.0 -0.2
2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022
1/ Difference from baseline scenario in percentage points.
Source: Fund staff simulations.
52
The magnitude of the effect on GDP per capita and GNP, however, depends on country
characteristics. For example, in case of Jamaica, the positive impact on GDP per capita is
more pronounced than in other remittance dependent countries, due to higher share of
emigrants in the total population (Figure 29). Still, the overall size of the effect is small.
Remittance inflows are positively translated to GNP, and in most countries partially offset
the negative contribution of net export. In the case of Jamaica, given the much higher share
of remittances in the overall economy (12 percent) real GNP is higher in scenarios 2 and 3.
The analysis in this paper confirms many findings of earlier studies. In line with earlier
studies, migration and remittances seem to respond to slow moving “structural” variables in
the home country, including weak growth, as well as with conflicts and natural disasters, but
not so much to cyclical movements. The types of emigrants vary across LAC sub-regions:
Caribbean countries face the most significant brain drain with nearly one half of them in the
US having a college education. Most remittances are still transmitted in cash and their cost
have gone up recently, albeit from a low base, likely due to changes in correspondent
banking relations.
While remittances are beneficial for the home country, the negative effects from
population loss cannot be ignored. For the home country, the negative impact from
emigration on labor resources and productivity seems to outweigh growth gains from
remittances, especially for the Caribbean. Thus, the net effect on per capita GDP growth
would be negative. However, given emigration (which can be perceived as a foregone cost),
remittance flows play key financing and stabilizing roles. They represent the most important
external flow for LAC and—in particular, for the Caribbean and CAPDR—facilitate private
53
consumption smoothing, support financial sector stability and fiscal revenues, without strong
evidence for harmful competitiveness effects through shifts in the real exchange rate.
Nevertheless, open questions remain with regards to the effects of emigration and
remittances on the home country’s wages and labor supply. For example, the emigration of
workers, if they were previously employed, could drive up wages while at the same time,
remittances decrease labor supply and increase reservation wages for those who left behind.
Remittances merit policy support given their key financing and stabilizing roles. Policy
measures should focus on reducing the cost of remittances and facilitating formal
intermediation. Given the recent changes to CBRs, strengthening AML/CFT frameworks,
and exploring regional solutions for cooperation can help improve LAC countries’ regulatory
environment and keep formal financial channels open. Development and enhancements of
payments systems (including through new solutions like mobile money) and ensuring their
access for remittance-service providers would help foster competition and drive prices down.
At the same time, policy support should help control risks arising from the large dependence
on remittances, including via measures to enhance the financial sector’s resilience to
volatility and potential sudden stops of remittances. Educating consumers about the costs of
remittances can also help users make informed decisions and allow them to choose their best
option. Improving transparency on the cost of remittances, as the World Bank has done with
its Remittance Price Worldwide (RPW) database, can help in this regard.
Steps to curb brain drain can minimize negative effects from emigration. Since the type
of emigration linked to brain drain typically generates relatively little remittances, the net
effect for these countries can be especially negative. These findings support the case for
measures to retain potential emigrants, either through structural reforms that foster job
opportunities for the highly educated (e.g., the development of a medical tourism industry) or
measures to limit the subsidization of brain drain with public funds (e.g. through bonding
schemes whereby people who have benefitted from public funding for education must remain
in the home country for some years).
More generally, improvements in the business environment and strong institutions can
help raise productivity and thereby limit incentives for outward migration. Productivity
can also benefit from steps to promote return migration by skilled workers, for example
through the recognition of foreign qualifications and experience in professional regulations
and public sector hiring, or the provision of portable social security benefits. Effective
policies to improve the security situation in many Central American and some Caribbean
countries may also relieve key bottlenecks to productive use of remittances, including their
greater use for investment. Countries could also seek to leverage economic ties with
diasporas, which could bolster FDI and tourist receipts. Furthermore, policies can aim at
boosting labor supply, in particular by raising female labor market participation, to offset the
impact of emigration. The adverse impact of a real appreciation in case of a spike in
remittance inflows can be cushioned by steps to reduce labor and product market rigidities
and to support the provision of credit to firms.
54
This section provides a short discussion of the two main variables of interest in this paper and
their sources, namely, measures of migrant stocks and remittance flows. In addition, a table
listing all the countries included in this study is provided together with a table of all variables
used in the empirical analysis and their sources. Lastly, this section contains a discussion on
migrant profile data including two tables with more detail on emigrant profiles.
There are currently two major providers of migration data for use in cross-country analysis:57
The United Nations Population Division (UNPD) and the World Bank (WB). Both
institutions classify a migrant as an individual who is either born abroad or is a citizen of a
foreign country.
The UNPD calculates the international migrant stock using population censuses, population
registers, and other nationally representative surveys. These surveys are maintained in the
Global Migration Database. In most instances, the international migrant stock is equated with
the foreign-born population in these surveys. In addition, the estimate for the stock of
migrants is supplemented with information on country of citizenship, when available.
This methodology has some limitations as highlighted by the creators of the database.
Depending on the how citizenship is conferred, individuals may or may not be classified as
an immigrant. If citizenship is conferred on the basis of jus sanguinis, individuals born to
international migrants in the country of residence may be considered immigrants even though
they have never lived abroad. Conversely, if an individual born abroad decides to naturalize
in their country of residence, then they will not be included in the international migrant pool.
57 The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) also produces migration statistics; however, the
coverage of destination countries is limited to OECD members only
58 United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division (2015). Trends in International Migrant
of countries are used as models to estimate the migrant stock, e.g. for the Democratic
People's Republic of Korea.
Whenever data is available for both definitions, the WB prioritizes information based on
country of birth. They cite several reasons for this approach. First, place of birth is a more
appropriate measure of movement across country borders. Second, nationality can change but
birth-place cannot. Third, there is significant heterogeneity of naturalization rates across
countries that can affect classification.
The primary source of the WB are censuses found in the Global Migration Database of the
UNPD, with priority given to data with information on country of origin and gender.
However, the WB reports migrant stocks in destination countries from 1960-2010 in 10-year
intervals. One benefit of using longer intervals is the opportunity to use more census data in
between reporting years. Nonetheless, this database still faces similar data constraints in
several countries with only one or two census data points. In these instances, the WB relies
on the total stocks provided by the TIMS with the shares derived from the average bilateral
shares in available censuses. When data is missing completely, the WB relies on
interpolation to estimate the migrant stocks. The interpolation exercise relies on a propensity
measure defined as the likelihood that a particular destination country will accept migrants
from a specific origin region.
B. Remittances
In general, there are two ways to define remittances in the literature – narrow and broad.
Under the previous Balance of Payments Manual (BPM5), the narrow concept was defined as
simply workers’ remittances: current transfers by “migrants” (defined by a stay in the host
country for 1 year or more) who are employed in and considered residents in a host country.
The broad definition included worker’s remittances plus compensation of employees (wages
earned by individuals in countries other than those in which they are residents for work
performed for and paid by residents) and migrants’ transfers (contra-entries to the flow of
goods and changes to the capital accounts transfer items arising from the change of
residence). The World Bank’s migration and remittances database reported this broader
concept. The same data are available in STA’s database.
The introduction in 2009 of BPM6 created changes in the reporting framework and
corresponding definitional changes for categories associated with remittances. A new
category, personal transfers, has been introduced to replace workers’ remittances. Personal
transfers are defined as all current transfers in cash or in kind made or received by resident
households to or from nonresident households. This new category is closely related to the
“workers’ remittances but may potentially be a broader concept.61 The “workers’
60 Ozden C., Parsons C., Schiff M., Walmsley T. (2011). Where on Earth is everybody? The evolution of global bilateral
migration 1960–2000. World Bank Economic Review, 25, 12-56.
61 Personal transfers explicitly include “in kind” transfers and all kinds of individuals (whether related or unrelated
personally). Fortunately, both concepts match for most countries until the most recent years. The data for the last 2-3 years,
56
C. Migrant Profiles
Given the U.S. centric nature of Latin American emigration, we developed a snapshot of
migrant profiles through an analysis of U.S. household level census data, provided by the
American Community Survey (ACS).63 The 2008 American Community Survey contained a
topical module on migration, including questions on monetary transfers, which allowed us to
produce a picture of remittance senders. In addition, because survey households are randomly
chosen, the ACS captures both documented and undocumented migrants, resulting in a more
holistic snapshot of migrants. One constraint of our analysis using this microdata is that for
South American and to a lesser extent, Caribbean migrants, this data may not be fully
reflective of their characteristics due to their more diverse destination patterns, e.g. Spain for
South American migrants and the U.K. and Canada for Caribbean migrants.
show that personal transfers are larger than worker’s remittances. The reason for the discrepancy is unclear but may be
attributed to the preliminary nature of the most recent estimates.
62 The concepts of “migrants’ transfers” and “migrant” more generally have been removed from the balance of payments
framework.
63 ACS data accessed via the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (Ruggles, S., K. Genadek, R. Goeken, J. Grover, and
M. Sobek, 2015).
57
Annex Table 1.4. Characteristics of Immigrants Who Entered After Age 22,
201464
MEX CA CAR SOUTH AM.
Proportion female 52 55 59 58
Proportion married 69 55 54 66
Proportion in one adult hhs 17 22 24 19
Age (mean) 49 50 56 51
Years in US (mean) 17 17 22 17
Entry age (mean)* 20 21.7 24.5 24.5
64We choose age 22 in order to best reflect the group of people who emigrated to the US after completing all their education
(22 is the usual age for 4-year college completion).
62
Annex Table 1.5 Top Occupations, Immigrants Who Entered After Age 22, 2014
Mexico South America
17% Building and Grounds Cleaning 12% Building and Grounds Cleaning
and Maintenance and Maintenance
14% Production 11% Office and Administrative
Support
14% Construction and Extraction 9% Sales and Related
11% Food Preparation and Serving 8% Management, Business, Science,
and Arts
10% Transportation and Material 7% Production
Moving
Central America Caribbean
20% Building and Grounds Cleaning 13% Healthcare Support
and Maintenance
12% Construction and Extraction 12% Office and Administrative
Support
11% Production 8% Healthcare Practitioners and
Technical
10% Transportation and Material 7% Personal Care and Service
Moving
8% Food Preparation and Serving 7% Building and Grounds Cleaning
and Maintenance
Source: 2008 American Community Survey.
63
Real per capita GDP growth 0.0360** 0.0634* -0.000712 0.0252 -0.0166 -0.0184 0.00371 0.121
(0.0161) (0.0364) (0.0281) (0.0373) (0.0202) (0.0472) . (0.0646)
Change in LC/USD exchange rate 0.000174 0.0114* -0.00515 -0.00414 -0.000881 -0.0601 0.00282 -0.0113
(0.000979) (0.00612) (0.00463) (0.00393) (0.00206) (0.0415) . (0.0168)
Emigrants/population 0.0665 0.103 0.323 0.233 0.803** 0.377 -0.509 0.437
(0.105) (0.131) (0.236) (0.158) (0.327) (0.308) (0) (0.252)
PPP GDP per capita -0.0985** -0.175 -0.289** -0.362* -0.0695 -0.177 -0.0782 0.114
(0.0400) (0.143) (0.113) (0.189) (0.0725) (0.0972) (0) (0.115)
Unemployment in destination (lagged) -0.0875 -0.111 -0.117** -0.164** -0.147** -0.0181 -0.00248 -0.227**
(0.0533) (0.0797) (0.0520) (0.0649) (0.0612) (0.0903) (0) (0.0866)
Inflation -0.0000777 0.000986 0.00499 0.00414 0.000912 0.0490 -0.00172 0.0292*
(0.000945) (0.0167) (0.00420) (0.00351) (0.00182) (0.0819) (0) (0.0127)
Age dependency -0.0867* -0.0258 -0.115 -0.365** 0.194 0.0115 0.656 -0.631***
(0.0490) (0.0646) (0.0900) (0.132) (0.161) (0.0943) . (0.125)
Rural population -0.126* -0.00503 -0.223*** -0.0116 -0.443 -0.146 -2.922 0.473**
(0.0737) (0.140) (0.0721) (0.112) (0.327) (0.136) (0) (0.154)
Average age at entry 0.00550 0.0360 -0.0368 -0.175** -0.0547*** 0.00195 -0.292 -0.197
(0.0215) (0.0344) (0.0374) (0.0618) (0.0145) (0.0151) (0) (0.143)
Female migration share -0.378 -0.290 0.0797 -0.334 0.0955 0.269 -1.350 -1.974
(0.305) (0.216) (0.281) (0.500) (0.467) (0.300) (0) (1.047)
Natural disaster 0.231 0.403** 0.232 0.363 0.0262 0.180 . 0.840**
(0.234) (0.193) (0.322) (0.331) (0.328) (0.327) . (0.277)
War -0.187 -0.540 -1.088* -0.608 0.126 -1.678 . -0.419
(0.208) (0.407) (0.560) (0.390) (0.131) (1.555) . (0.605)
Number of obs. 1665 612 570 356 174 214 24 158
Workers' remittances/GDP (IV regressions)
Real per capita GDP growth 0.0328 0.181 0.101 0.0783 0.0720 0.308* 0.00198 0.255**
(0.147) (0.762) (0.0902) (0.0892) (0.108) (0.185) (0.0195) (0.103)
Change in LC/USD exchange rate -0.0434 -0.0212 -0.0432 -0.0355 0.0387 -0.0699**
(0.0672) (0.457) (0.0586) (0.0471) (0.0435) (0.0346)
Emigrants/population 0.0131 0.0268 0.371*** 0.229** 0.781*** 0.376*** -0.608*** 0.453***
(0.0528) (0.246) (0.0812) (0.0953) (0.285) (0.0671) (0.230) (0.117)
PPP GDP per capita -0.103*** -0.0240 -0.396*** -0.445*** 0.0919 -0.194** -0.140 0.0101
(0.0372) (0.205) (0.0670) (0.0958) (0.219) (0.0793) (0.183) (0.171)
Unemployment in destination (lagged) -0.0357 -0.0963 -0.136*** -0.131** -0.266* 0.121 -0.0132 -0.206***
(0.0578) (0.0823) (0.0505) (0.0593) (0.155) (0.113) (0.0428) (0.0764)
Inflation 0.0398 0.0121 0.0399 0.0329 -0.0352 0.0620 0.000847 0.0331
(0.0612) (0.0866) (0.0534) (0.0429) (0.0396) (0.0479) (0.00634) (0.0238)
Age dependency -0.0867*** 0.0249 -0.272*** -0.372*** 0.174 -0.0108 0.614*** -0.635***
(0.0171) (0.0725) (0.0321) (0.0363) (0.117) (0.0361) (0.124) (0.0528)
Rural population -0.126*** -0.0860 -0.0963** -0.0505 -0.0760 -0.102 -2.960*** 0.434***
(0.0312) (0.0805) (0.0445) (0.0710) (0.478) (0.0724) (0.363) (0.113)
Average age at entry 0.00758 0.0449 -0.0898*** -0.198*** 0.00338 0.0151 -0.300*** -0.185*
(0.0191) (0.0327) (0.0322) (0.0466) (0.0776) (0.0426) (0.0592) (0.106)
Female migration share -0.194** -0.300** -0.268 -0.386** 0.608 0.203 -1.366*** -1.991***
(0.0887) (0.132) (0.209) (0.193) (0.630) (0.171) (0.344) (0.494)
Natural disaster 0.257 0.323 0.623* 0.328 0.382 0.185 . 1.011*
(0.231) (0.287) (0.353) (0.473) (0.748) (0.400) . (0.551)
War -0.294 -0.522 -0.449 -0.504 0.144 -1.810** . -0.436
(0.184) (0.436) (0.337) (0.312) (0.408) (0.900) . (0.457)
Number of obs. 1413 511 486 356 174 214 24 158
Note: The table contains results from panel regressions. The dependent variables are remittances and workers' remittances as a percent of GDP. See Annex 2.1
for further methodological details.
Standard errors in parantheses; ***p<0.01; **p<0.05; *p<0.1.
1/ See Annex I for the concepts of "remittances" and the more narrow "worker's remittances."
67
Note: The table contains results from panel regressions. The dependent variable is real per capita GDP growth. See Annex 2.1 for further
methodological details.
Standard errors in parantheses; ***p<0.01; **p<0.05; *p<0.1.
68
Note: The table contains results from panel regressions. The dependent variable is real per capita GDP growth. See Annex 2.1 for further
methodological details.
Standard errors in parantheses; ***p<0.01; **p<0.05; *p<0.1.
69
Revenue/GDP
Remittances/GDP 1.152** 0.676 0.440 0.251 3.190 1.157** 1.303** 0.393**
(0.496) (0.749) (0.311) (0.489) (2.136) (0.558) (0.546) (0.156)
Real per capita GDP growth 0.0530 -0.447 0.450*** 0.361* 0.433* -0.559** 0.498** -0.372*
(0.445) (0.628) (0.174) (0.193) (0.234) (0.238) (0.237) (0.205)
PPP GDP per capita 0.100* 0.595*** 0.242** 0.284 0.678** 0.540*** -0.540 0.529**
(0.0520) (0.140) (0.114) (0.204) (0.307) (0.129) (0.852) (0.236)
Real GDP growth in U.S. 0.0758 0.250 -0.359** -0.249 -0.269 0.345 -0.879*** 0.239
(0.281) (0.403) (0.149) (0.176) (0.252) (0.281) (0.309) (0.164)
FDI/GDP 0.00649 -0.00714 0.209*** 0.200* -0.474* -0.0997 -0.473 -0.0268
(0.0104) (0.0221) (0.0755) (0.116) (0.268) (0.104) (0.381) (0.134)
Emigrants/population 0.0640 -0.0553 0.0264 0.493 -0.00295 -0.0777 -3.175*** 0.206
(0.0626) (0.0808) (0.0811) (0.362) (0.515) (0.0782) (0.816) (0.200)
Rural population -0.112** 0.0963 -0.0189 0.0707 0.521 -0.330 -3.510** 0.324***
(0.0542) (0.146) (0.0928) (0.120) (0.528) (0.205) (1.482) (0.119)
Number of obs. 2362 619 568 399 221 169 24 154
Note: The table contains results from panel regressions. The dependent variable is revenue as a percent of GDP. See Annex 2.1 for further methodological
details.
Standard errors in parantheses; ***p<0.01; **p<0.05; *p<0.1.
72
Annex Table 3.12. Remittances and the Real Effective Exchange Rate (FE Regressions)
Central
Latin Central Latin America,
Emerging America Latin America, Emerging America Latin Panama,
Carribbean Carribbean
Markets and the America Panama, and Markets and the America and the
Caribbean the Domican Caribbean Domican
Republic Republic
log (REER) 1980-2015 log (REER) 1995-2015
Remittances/GDP 0.00842*** 0.0247*** 0.0266*** 0.0227*** 0.0120** 0.00159 0.00745* 0.00940** 0.00462 0.00240
(0.00290) (0.00646) (0.00680) (0.00551) (0.00531) (0.00149) (0.00384) (0.00427) (0.00451) (0.00517)
Terms of trade 0.00179*** 0.00241*** 0.00331*** 0.00221* -0.00119** 0.00185*** 0.00178*** 0.00234*** 0.00146 -0.000182
(0.000413) (0.000492) (0.000540) (0.00109) (0.000572) (0.000295) (0.000339) (0.000407) (0.00125) (0.000462)
exports of goods and services/GDP -0.00826*** -0.0125*** -0.0141*** -0.00976*** -0.00510** -0.00626*** -0.00942*** -0.0141*** -0.00375*** 0.000977
(0.000933) (0.000860) (0.00131) (0.00234) (0.00242) (0.00112) (0.00188) (0.00252) (0.00129) (0.00103)
FDI/GDP -0.000781 -0.00506** -0.00282 -0.00346 -0.00326 -0.000839* 2.52e-05 0.00844 0.00326 -0.00162
(0.000644) (0.00200) (0.00306) (0.00270) (0.00279) (0.000474) (0.00269) (0.00554) (0.00253) (0.00214)
Real GDP growth 8.58e-08 7.01e-06*** 5.64e-06* 0.000170** 6.03e-05 -0.00197 -0.000790 -0.00278 0.00182 0.000912
(5.61e-08) (2.52e-06) (3.02e-06) (6.64e-05) (0.000195) (0.00122) (0.00247) (0.00336) (0.00286) (0.00105)
Government spending/GDP 0.0118*** 0.00367 0.0106 0.0172*** -0.00599 0.00946*** 0.0124** 0.0138 0.0237*** -0.000480
(0.00272) (0.00279) (0.00663) (0.00569) (0.00605) (0.00252) (0.00476) (0.00961) (0.00779) (0.00266)
US interest rate 0.0129** 0.00900 0.0162* 0.00767 -0.00327 -0.00227 -0.000150 -0.00423 -0.00608 -0.00373
(0.00598) (0.00780) (0.00828) (0.00783) (0.00624) (0.00414) (0.00694) (0.00725) (0.00471) (0.00523)
Observations 1,534 707 509 209 198 1,143 506 329 133 177
Note: The table contains results from panel regressions. The dependent variable is the logged real exchange rate. See Annex 2.1 for further methodological
details.
Standard errors in parantheses; ***p<0.01; **p<0.05; *p<0.1.
Annex Table 3.13. Remittances and the Real Effective Exchange Rate (IV Regressions)
Central
Latin America,
Latin America
Emerging Latin Central America, Emerging America and Latin Panama,
and the Carribbean Carribbean
Markets America Panama, and Markets the America and the
Caribbean
the Domican Caribbean Domican
Republic Republic
log (REER) 1980-2015 log (REER) 1995-2015
Remittances/GDP -0.0438 0.0266 0.00838 0.0608*** 0.00315 -0.0642 -0.0227 -0.0375 0.0369* 0.00502
(0.0364) (0.0330) (0.0524) (0.0224) (0.0160) (0.0443) (0.0288) (0.0391) (0.0196) (0.0161)
Exports/GDP 0.000176 0.00105 -0.00115 -0.00920 0.00448 -0.00173 0.00171 0.00323 -0.0104* 0.00685
(0.00362) (0.00453) (0.00802) (0.00684) (0.00347) (0.00497) (0.00540) (0.00890) (0.00576) (0.00436)
Terms of trade 0.000590 0.00271** 0.00180 0.00336 0.00157 0.00142 0.00148 0.00101 0.00477 0.00170
(0.000978) (0.00135) (0.00196) (0.00225) (0.00138) (0.00117) (0.00135) (0.00168) (0.00291) (0.00138)
FDI/GDP -0.00732 0.00254 0.0125 -0.0474* -0.00341 -0.00662 0.00436 0.0297 -0.00624 -0.00307
(0.00789) (0.00766) (0.0172) (0.0261) (0.00506) (0.00888) (0.00845) (0.0193) (0.0247) (0.00504)
Real GDP growth -0.00456 -0.0113** -0.0193** 0.0119 -0.00289 -0.00302 -0.00981 -0.0261** -0.0194 -0.00260
(0.00603) (0.00487) (0.00910) (0.0102) (0.00553) (0.00733) (0.00605) (0.0108) (0.0167) (0.00549)
Government spending/GDP 0.0183** 0.0115 0.0237 -0.00811 -0.00303 0.0153 0.0228 0.0333 -0.00143 -0.00758
(0.00771) (0.0126) (0.0167) (0.0171) (0.0104) (0.00946) (0.0162) (0.0217) (0.0154) (0.0116)
US interest rate -0.0108 0.00480 -0.00952 0.00750 -0.000654 -0.0101 -0.00711 -0.0236 -0.00527 -0.00275
(0.00833) (0.0138) (0.0244) (0.0138) (0.00889) (0.00873) (0.0124) (0.0200) (0.0118) (0.00906)
Inflation (percent)
Remittances/GDP 38.75 -2.444 6.797 0.950 17.48 1.350*** -10.17 0.255
(37.77) (2.751) (8.978) (11.62) (97.90) (0.422) (9.467) (0.417)
Real per capita GDP growth -40.63 8.666 -7.068* -5.043 -12.88 -0.817 1.412 0.144
(54.78) (12.69) (3.759) (4.245) (19.90) (0.506) (2.537) (0.759)
Export growth 0.717 -0.396 1.174*** 1.121*** 0.828** 0.148 0.722*** 0.370***
(0.737) (1.334) (0.115) (0.147) (0.367) (0.102) (0.167) (0.100)
Country risk -1.645 -2.206 -0.852 -1.480 -0.985 0.827*** -2.200 -0.123
(11.06) (2.754) (1.422) (1.656) (10.98) (0.236) (1.625) (0.135)
PPP GDP per capita 5.216 -19.59 5.313 4.132 16.91 -0.560 9.517** 0.0563
(5.529) (21.71) (3.435) (3.960) (24.17) (0.359) (3.961) (0.779)
Real GDP growth in U.S. 25.80 -2.837 -0.881 -2.305 -5.067 -0.238 -3.664 -1.362***
(32.07) (3.779) (2.811) (3.671) (13.55) (0.430) (3.434) (0.491)
FDI/GDP -0.0894 1.812 -1.149 -0.740 14.27 0.176 0.857 0.0735
(0.703) (4.149) (1.892) (2.462) (20.89) (0.246) (4.900) (0.414)
Emigrants/population -13.41 0.328 -5.243 -0.931 16.79 -0.425 12.21 -1.253***
(18.68) (2.058) (7.053) (10.78) (51.65) (0.594) (10.88) (0.471)
Rural population 4.465 -8.370 1.375 0.680 31.95 0.856*** 18.06** 0.187
(5.468) (9.580) (2.123) (2.775) (54.30) (0.272) (8.607) (0.348)
Number of obs. 1990 166 548 473 245 75 30 198
Note: The table contains results from panel regressions. The dependent variable is average period inflation. See Annex 2.1 for further methodological
details.
Standard errors in parantheses; ***p<0.01; **p<0.05; *p<0.1.
76
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