Language in u s i l 4.

If you can't count upto 20 in a language, or don't know any nursery rhymes or
small narratives in that language, or cannot hold simple day-to-day
conversation on ordinary topics in that language, can you still claim
membership of that language as your mother tongue and a membership of
that speech community? Discuss.

5. Do you agree with the 'one language: one community' theory? What other
factors, apart f?om language, may determine one's identification with a
speech community?

2.9 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Fasold R1990.The Sociolinguistics of Language. Oxford :Basil Blackwell

.
Fishman, J.A.1971 Sociolinguistics: A Brief Introduction Mass: Newbury House
Rowley.

Gupta, R.S. and K.S.Agarwal: Studies in Indian Sociolinguistics.New Delhi,

Creative Books

Hudson, R.A. 1990. Sociolinguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Wardaugh, R. 1986. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Blackwell.

UNIT 3 BILINGUALISM
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
On defining bilingualism
Becoming a bilingual
Being a bilingual
Functioning as a bilingual
3.5.1. Purposes
3.5.2. Domains
Consequences of bilingualism
Let us sum up
Key words
Questions
Bibliography

This unit will help you to

o Understand the meaning and nature of bilingualism

o Get an insight into the different dimensions of bilingualism
0 Appreciate the difference between different kindsldegrees ofbilingualism
a Develop a proper perspective on bilingualism and its implications for language
use, language education and language dynamics
a Understand how bilingualism may lead to new power and prestige equations as
far as languages are concerned.

3.1 INTRODUCTION

India has a long tradition of grassroots bilingualism. As an Indian, perhaps all of you
take this fact for granted. However, if you understand what is bilingualism, it will
help you understand your society better, as well as understand the complexity of the
Indian sociolinguistic scenario.

Bilingualism refers to the proficiency in the use of more than one language. Till
some time back it was believed that monolingualism, or the use of one language, was
the norm in most parts (especially developed counties) of the world and that
bilingualism was some kind of aberrant or unusual phenomenon. In recent times
however, it has been gradually realised that all of us (including the so-called
monolinguals) are essentially bilinguals, because even where one is supposedly using
only one language (say English) one does control and employ several styles, registers
and dialects of the same language. Strictly speaking, however, the term bilingualism
is used to refer to situations where two or more distinct languages are involved. As a
matter of fact, some people prefer to use the term bilingualism to refer to a 'two
language' situation, and use the term multilingualism for situations where more than
two language are involved. The term 'bilingualism' has now, however, come to be
accepted as the standard cover term for referring to all situations involving two or
more languages. Another thing that one must remember is that the term bilingualism
is used to refer to the learning of, proficiency in and use of two or more languages. It
I
 Latrguage in use-1 is an individual accomplishment, and may characterise whole groups or communities
or societies. Thus one can talk of bilingual individuals or communities that are
characterised by wide-spread bilingualism. On the other hand, one uses the term
multilingualism to refer to the presence of several languages in a country. For
instance, when we say that India is a multilingual country, what we imply is that there
are several languages spoken and used in India. In the sections that follow we shall
concentrate on Bilingualism and look at its various dimensions.

3.2 ON DEFINING BILINGUALISM

Any number of definitions of Bilingualism are available in the literature. We give
below some of the more well-known definitions which focus on different dimensions
of this phenomenon. Consider the following:

(a) Bilingualism refers to "a native-like control of two languages" (Leonard

Bloomfield)
(b) Bilingualism is "the practice of using two languages simultaneously" (Urie]
Weinreich)
(c) Bilingualism refers to "the simultaneous learning of two
languages...."(Arsenian)
(d) Bilingualism is "the ability to use two language in the environment of the
native language." (Diebold)

The above definitions, it will be noticed, focus on different dimensions of

bilingualism and look at it from distinct perspectives. Thus while (c) focuses on the
leaming of two languages, (a) refers to the control over or proficiency in two
languages and emphasizes equal, native-like control. Definition (b) clearly refers to
the use of two languages, and (d) adds another dimension by referring to the ability to
use two languages in the environment of the native language or LI. We shall discuss
each of these separately in the sections that follow, using the terms LI for the native
language or first language and L2 for the second language or other language. Suffice
it to say for the moment, that L2, for the purpose of our discussion, may be a closely
related language (e.g. Oriya for a native speaker of Bangla) or a not so closely related
language (e.g. Bangla for a native speaker of Tamil); a foreign language (e.g. English
for speakers of Indian languages, or a classical language (e.g. Latin or Greek or
Sanskrit). As a matter of fact, towards the end of this unit we purpose to present a
typological sketch of bilingualism, giving an integrated view of this complex
phenomenon:

3.3. BECOMING A BILINGUAL

1

, As pointed out in the introduction, one of the important dimensions in any discussion
of bilingualism, is the process of learning a second language (L2). In orcler to
understand this process of learning, one has to find answers to the following
I '
questions: I
I
1
a) When and in what circumstances does the learning of L2 take place? I
b) What are the motivations for learning the L2? 1
c) How is the learning of L2 encouraged and supported by the society of which
the learner is a member? 1
Answer to question (a) would obviously relate to the age at which L2 is learnt and the
kind of formal or informal training one received in L2. One may begin learning L2 at
a very young age, almost as early as one learns L1; or one may learn it at a later
period in one's life. For instance if we take the case of English, we will see that many
Indian children begin learning it almost along with their L1, while others learn it
either froin the age of five,or ten, or even later, depending on the kind of school they Bilingualism
go to or due to other circumstances. Some learn English both informally and
formally, while others get to learn it only formally in the classroom. This has
obvious implications for the amount of exposure one has in L2, as well as, for the
degree of proficiency one attains in it. Those who learn E2 at an early age and
continue to grow up in circumstances that provide adequate exposure and
reinforcement to L2, naturally attain greater fluency and proficiency in it. They also
find it much easier to learn L2 than those whose process of learning begins at some
later stage or in different circumstances. To make the point clear, let us think of the
difference between a child belonging to an educated, affluent family in a metropolitan
city, who is sent to an English medium public school, and a child belonging to a
lower middle-class family in a small town or village, who goes to a Government
school and starts learning English only in class V, and that too only as a subject.
Moreover, it is also important to remember that the early years of one's life are the
best time for learning an L2.

Question (b) relates to 'why' one lea~nsan E2. While learning of Ll is a necessary
and inevitable consequence of growing up and socialization in a community, L2 may
be learnt for a variety of reasons. One may learn a classical language as an L2 for
purposes of acquainting oneself with one's heritage. In such cases (for instance, if
one were to learn Sanskrit as an L2 in the Indian context) the purpose is limited to the
consultation of Sanskrit texts and the chances are that one would hardly ever use it in
day-do-day interactions with other members of the community. It would remain a
means of accessing knowledge and not become a means of communication and
interaction. Moreover, the number of people in the community learning Sanskrit as
an L2 will always be rather limited, as also the exposure to spoken Sanskrit would be
rare. Compare this with one who learns a modern Indian language as L2 (e.g. a
native speaker of Tamil learning Hindi as an L2). Here the motivation would be
entirely different. The Tamil-speaker who learns Hindi, would do so not only for
familiarising himherself with Hindi literature and cultural patterns associated with
Hindi, but s h e would also have the added motivation of interacting with Hindi
speakers and using Hindi in a wide variety of domains and situations in hisher life -
situations pertaining to socialization, employment, mass-media, trade, etc. Thus
Hindi as an E2 would become a vibrant part of hisker verbal repertoire and would be
put to active use, both in the spoken and written forms. Yet again, one might learn
German or French or Spanish (in the Indian context). In such a case the motivation
would be to acquaint oneself with French or German or Spanish culture and
literature, possibly to visit countries where these languages are spoken, for purposes
of tourism or for higher studies, etc. A speaker of Hindi, learning French as L2
would find very few other users of French in India and would need French only on
very limited occasions, and for very limited purposes. Exposure to French too would
be limited, and continued, stable proficiency in French would be extremely difficult
to maintain. Compare this with the case of a person who learns English as L2 in the
Indian context. His/her reasons for learning English as L2 in the Indian context
would be many - education (especially higher education), employment, upward
social mobility, ability to interact and socialise at the inter-regional level, prestige,
etc. For himlher English as L2 would be quite different, in terms of the functions it
perfonns, from Sanskrit or another modem Indian language or FrenchIGerman.

Thus, one may learn an E2 for a host of different reasons and with varying degrees of
motivation. The purposes for which L2 is learnt may range from very limited to very
extensive. All this, as we shall see, has serious implications for the amount of
learning and the quality of learning of L2 that takes place.

Question (c) above, again, has important bearing on the kind of L2 learning that takes
place. A glance at the Indian scene would immediately iQevealhow a society
supports, encourages or demands the learning of L2 differentially. Taking the
example of a person for whom Ilindi is L1, one can imn~ediatelysee how the Indian
Language in use-1 social context extends differential pressure and provides differential support for the
learning of Sanskrit, Gujarati, Tamil, French and English to such a person.

3.4 BEING A BILINGUAL

Depending on the quality and kind of learning, support and feedback with regard to
L2, different people attain different levels of proficiency in L2. A report of
UNESCO (1978) states that "Bilingualism is not an absolute state, not an 'all-or-none'
phenomenon, but a relative state". It may range fiom a smattering of L2, through "a
minimal but sufficiently functional competence in the operational control of a second
language (L2) to what Bloomfield calls 'a native-like competence'.

In the literature on bilingualism we find a three-fold distinction with regard to

proficiency in L2. Thus we find references to compound bilinguals, coordinate
bilinguals and subordinate bilinguals. Researches by linguists, psycholinguists and
others suggest that the subordinate bilingual is a person who has been taught the L2
through the Grammar-Translation method and is at the beginner's stage in hisher
control over the L2. Slhe operates with a simple mechanism whereby items of Ll are
translated into equivalent items of L2. For instance for a subordinate Hindi-English
bilingual, the L1 (Hindi) word /ghoRal which refers to a 'horse' has the translation
equivalent horslin L2 (English). The other term use:d for a bilingual who operates in
this manner is 'incipient bilingual'. Chil,dren,when they begin to learn a second
language, often operate in this manner, just as some adults do when they learn the L2
for restricted purposes. They operate by simply asking the question: "what is /ghoRa/
in English?" and come up with the word "horse'. Such incipient bilinguals
(subordinate bilinguals) obviously have minimal proficiency in the L2 and proceed
on the basis of item to item translation.

The next stage in bilingual proficiency is reached when one becomes a coordinate
bilingual. The coordinate bilingual, it is suggested, operatt:d with two separate
semantic bases - one for L1 and other for L2. Thus, rather than using the simple
procedure of item-to-item translation, the coordinate bilingual seems to operate with
two separate items (referents) and produces the matching linguistic signs in the two
languages concerned. Thus, for the Hind-English coordinate bilingual, there seem to
be two referents, one of which calls up the Hindi linguistic item 'ghoRal and the other
calls up the English item 'horse' without having to take recourse to the mechanism of
translation. Most intermediate level learners of an L2 can be called coordinate
bilinguals who have begun to 'think' in L2' and have thus risen beyond the stage
where they have to search for item-wise translation equivalents in L2. They may be
referred to as 'partial bilinguals' as opposed to the incipient bilinguals discussed in the
previous paragraph.

The third kind of bilingual has been referred to as compound bilingual. This
bilingual, it has been suggested, operates with a hsed or single semantic base, a
single set of referents (a single reality, as it were) and has complete control over the
two linguistic codes: L1 and L2. Unlike the subordinate or the coordinate bilinguals,
s h e can, at will, call up items of Ll or L2 without having to translate or without
feeling that s h e is referring to two different objects or referents. Most advanced
learners of L2 may be said to have become compound bilingual: those who have
'native-like competence in the two languages', and feel equally 'at home' in them. The
other term often used to refer to such bilinguals in 'full bilinguals'.

The following table will clarify further the parallelism between the different sets of
terms one comes across in the literature.
 BILINGUALISM Bilingualism

Stage I State I1 Stage 111

Incipient Partial Full

Beginner Partial Advanced

Subordinate Coordinate Compound

Inadequate Adequate Ambilingual

3.5 FUNCTIONING AS A BILINGUAL

In the foregoing sections we have briefly discussed the processes involved in

becoming and being a bilingual. In tkis section we shall discuss the uses to which L2
or the second language is put, i.e. functioning as a bilingual. In order to make the
discussion more meaningful for you we will sub-categorise the notion of function
into "purposes" and "domains". We shall see that the these Wo, when put together,
give us a clear picture of how a bilingual functions, as well as, the functional load
that the L2 has to bear.

3.5.1 Purposes
No one learns a language without a purpose. While the L1 (Mother tongue, it may be
said) is acquired without any apparent purpose in mind, a second language is learnt
for specific purposes. These purposes may range from restricted, rather limited use
like interacting with neighbours, shopkeepers and like, or for seeking limited, though
necessary information for getting about in a new place, or acquiring knowledge about
other times, other people and other cultures, to a more extensive habitual use, along
with one's L1, for almost all spheres and activities of life. It is useful to think of
purposes for learning L2 in terms of the following:

a. for interacting informally and casually with speakers of L2;

b. for interacting with speakers of L2 in more formal settings;
c. for purposes of academic advancement-reading books, consulting journals,
listening to lectures, talks, etc;
d, for getting access to both print and electronic media;
e. for professionals/administrativepurposes- for instance, for successfully
functioning as a lawyer, a doctor, an engineer, a salesman, a government
officer, an ambassador, etc;
f. for interacting with peer group in casual, informal or intimate encounters, as
well as, in more formal contexts;

It will be obvious from the foregoing that the L2 may serve either restricted or
extended purposes relating to social, academic, professional and general purposes. In
"
the context of becoming a bilingual in English (i.e. in addition ts having one of the
Indian languages as one's L1)all or some of the above purpds'e"smay motivate a
person to learn it. As a matter of fact, we would see that for the average Indian
bilingual who knows English as L2, it serves social, academic, professional and
general purposes in varying degrees. By comparison, some of the other foreign
languages (and even some of the other major Indian Languages) serve rather limited
purposes.
 It is customary to divide human activity into several domains. All these domains
when put together, account for most of the things that an average human being does
or is expected to do. For the purpose of our discussions we shall operate with the
following domains:

1. Family
2. Neighbourhood
3. School
4. Trade and commerce
5. Government and administration
6. Work-place
7. Religion

While discussing the functions of L2 it is worthwhile to try and find out which
domain of life of the bilingual it enters, and which it does not enter. Again, within
each domain it is possible to think of interactional situations in which L1 and L2 or
one of them may be used. Thus, within the domain 'School', and again taking the
example of Hindi-English bilinguals, one may ask whether English as L2 is used as
medium of instruction or only taught as a subject; whether it is needed only for
interaction within the classroom or outside the classroom too; whether English is
used in peer-group interaction in the playing fields and school compound, and so on.
Within the family domain, again one might ask whether English, along with L1, is
used between child and parents, between child and grandparents, among siblings
(brother and sisters), with visitors and callers, and so on. Answers to these questions,
coupled with the specification of purposes which L2 serves, gives us a fairly
complete picture of the way a bilingual functions and the role(s) that L2 plays in
hisher life.

What happens when individuals or groups become bilingual? It would be useful to

try and answer this question in terms of the bilingual individual, the social group of
which s/he is a member and the languages (L1 and L2) that are involved. The
question, can, thus, be reformulated as follows:

a. What consequences does bilingualism have for the individual?

b, What consequences does bilingualism have for the social group which is I
characterised by widespread bilingualism?
c. What consequences does bilingualism have for the two language concerned?
In the following section we shall deal with these questions briefly, i
I
Consequences for the Individual

Time was when there was a fairly widespread belief that bilingualism was some kind
of an aberration rather than a normal human condition. It was also believed that
bilingualism was a hindrance to learning development. All this has changed now. It
has been accepted that bilingualism is not an obstacle or a burden; it is, rather, an
enabling and enriching phenomenon. Knowing two or more languages rather than
only one, not only enriches a person's linguistic repertoire, it also makes the bilingual
person more versatile in communicative and intGactiona1 terms, more open-minded,
and more receptive to varied cultural conventions and customs and usages. I

Bilingualism also increases a person's reach in terms of information and knowledge.

All these have a far more important consequence, in that, by increasing a person's
receptivity, access and awareness, bilingualism also tends to make h i d e r more
32
tolerant and open-minded. As far as the question of bilingualism being a burden is Bilingualism
concerned, studies have shown that bilingualism actually facilitates rather than
hinders learning processes.

Consequences for the Bilingual Group

In cases when entire groups or communities are characterised by wide-spread

bilingualism, i.e. the presence and use of two languages, there is a general tendency
to allocate, different functional roles to the two languages. Thus the group may, by
tacit consent, use one language for a set of functions and the other language for a
different set of functions. Moreover, if the functions are seen to be in some kind of a
hierarchical order , one language may come to be regarded as 'high' (H) and the other
language (used for day-to-day, ordinary activities) may come to be regarded as 'Low'
(L). When such a situation obtains, the two languages are said to be in a 'diglossicy
relationship. In several cases, however, L1 and L2 operate in complementary roles
and are (as in the case of Hindi-English) given equal value and respect. In cases of
societal bilingualism, institutional support is given to the two languages and things
are so structured and arranged as to provide equal opportunities for growth, spread
and development of both L1 and L2. Such social groups are said to be in stable
societal bilingualism.

Consequences for L1 and L2

When two languages (L1 and L2) are learnt, spoken and used by individuals and
whole groups or cohmunities, they come to form a kind of co-existent system in the
linguistic repertoire of the bilinguals. The co-existence and habitual use of the two
languages may have the following consequences.

a. L1 and L2, due to mutual influence, may undergo structural changes at the
level of sound, syntax, vocabulary and semantics

b. The two languages may, in due course of time and due to various socio-
historical reasons, came to be viewed and evaluated differentially. One
language may for instance, come to be perceived as the language of
education, opportunity, prestige or status, while the other may not be
perceived to have these attributes. (Cont;ider, for example, the use of English
as opposed to some of the major Indian mguages).

c. Due to habitual use of L1 and L2 in different domains and situations, the

bilingual users of the two language may begin to switch from L1 and L2 and
vice-versa (known as code switching), or even to mix the two languages
m o w n as 'code-mixing'). Such switching and mixing may come to gain
wide currency as well as a kind of respectability and social acceptability and
may, in fact, become a kind of new code/language.

d. Where institutional and educational support is given to L1 and L2 in a large

measure, it may come to be viewed as an imposition or an unwanted burden.
It may also happen that the L2 is viewed as language of power, prestige and
opportunity, leading to negative attitudes towards L1. In extreme cases such a
situation may lead to partial or total loss of L1. Consider, for example, the
case of L1 speakers of minor Indian language's learning a major Indian
language as L2, or even some urban L1 speakers of major Indian languages
learning English.

These then are the different aspects of bilingualism that should be kept in
mind. It is a complex and fascinating phenomenon and, as indicated earlier in ,
the unit, we present below, a typological diagram of bilingualism.
Language in use-I
S upplementa
Function Equative
ryAlternate -
Status Library
Vehicular 0fficiallLinW
language Language Language Language
Type of Isolated Societal Cultural Equative
Bilingualism Bilingualism Bilingualism Bilingualism Bilingualism
Type of Unstable Stable Passive Ambilinguals '

Bilinguals Bilinguals Bilinguals Bilinguals

L2 learning Foreign Second Classical Bilingual
situation language language language Education

3.7 LET US SUM UP

In this unit we have discussed three important dimensions.of bilingualism viz.

bec,oming a bilingual, being a bilingual and functioning as a bilingual.

We have also discussed, albeit briefly, some of the major consequences of

bilingualism in terms of the bilingual individual and the society which sustains
bilingualism. We have also indicated how different languages in a bilingual context
may lead to new power/status equations and this may have attitudinal implications.

At the end we have provided a typological chart of different kinds of bilingualism.

3.8 KEYWORDS

bilingualism use of at least two language (may be more) either by

an individual or by a group of speakers

compound bilinguals speakers whose languages are intermingled in the

mind

coordinate bilinguals speakers whose language are kept as separate

systems

code switching alternately using two languages

code mixing mixing words of one language to the other

domain an area of human activity in which one particular

language is regularly used, although sometimes more
than one language may be used.

incipient bilingual speakers who have minimal control of L2 II

monolingual , a person who knows and uses one language

subordinate bilingual speakers who translate an item in L1 into an

equivalent item of L2

3.9 QUESTIONS

1. Given an Indian language (your L1) and English, describe briefly the process
whereby you became a bilingual.
 \

2. What relationship, you think, exists bebveen L2 learning situations and the Bilingualism
degree of proficiency one attains in L22

3. Describe succinctly your own use of English in different domains and

situations.

4. How do you think English (as an L2) is perceived and valued in the pan-
Indian bilingual context? What is your own perception?

5. Do you 'switc t or 'mix' languages? Give some examples. What is your

attitude towards switching and mixing?

6. Discuss how bilingualism has been an enriching and enabling factor in your
own life.

7. What relationship exists between Indian languages and English?

8. Do you think the extensive use of an L2 like English in the Indian context
leads to negative attitudes towards Indian languages and diminishes
use/functionality of these languages?
h
3.10 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bell, R.T. 1976, Sociolingnistics: Goals, approaches and problems.

London: B.T. Batsford Ltd.

Fishman, J.A. 1970, Sociolingnistics: A brief introduction. Rowley, Mass.iNewbury

House.

Gupta, R.S. and K.S.Aggarwa1, 1998. Studies in Indian sociolingnistics. New Delhi:
Creative Books.

Rayfield, J.R. 1970. Languages of a byingual community. The Hague: Mouton.

Srivastava, R.N. 1994. Bi-/Multitlingualism. Delhi: Kalinga Publications.

Weinreich, U. 1953. Languages in contact. New York: Linguistic circle of New

York.