Online Gaming Addiction PDF
Online Gaming Addiction PDF
Lukas Blinka
Dissertation
Brno 2015
I declare that I have written the thesis independently and all cited resources have been
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Table of Contents
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Acknowledgment
This thesis and my work on it had a complicated history. I started the process of preparing
materials for the thesis in 2008 and was originally very enthusiastic. But enthusiasm burned
out quickly and I interrupted the process and turned to other research topics. I returned back
to study excessive computer gaming in 2012 with a new project, new thoughts, a new
colleague, and new hopes. This thesis represents a summary of the previous steps and the first
one after my return to this topic. As the process was complicated, there are several people I
First, it is my supervisor, David Šmahel. Without him I would have never started research on
this topic (or maybe even any research in general). Our collaboration was intuitive and very
fruitful. We also had a bit of newbie’s luck (as gamers often say), as our common papers got a
Then I would like to thank my new colleague without whom I would certainly have never
finished the thesis. Kača Škařupová, with whom I spent endless time discussing science over
countless cups of tea. She revived my research enthusiasm. I really hope this is just the first
step in our cooperation and even more discussion, falsified hypotheses and discovered
My greatest gratitude going beyond this expression goes to Anna Ševčíková, who is my
closest one in both life and science and who taught me to love and to think. Thank you for
Certainly, there are many more people who shaped and influenced my work in the last years
and who made my life worth living, those who are both excellent friends and colleagues (and
sincere apology to those I am not mentioning here). Thank you, Andra Siibak, Filip Havlíček,
Kjartan Ólafsson!
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I would also like to thank Jakub Mikuška who co-authored one of the papers and to Robert
Last but not least I would like to acknowledge the projects which financially supported my
research: project MSM0021622406 of the Czech Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports,
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List of original publications
This dissertation is based on the following original publications which are enlisted in
a chronological order and will be referred to in the dissertation with respective Roman
numerals.
Smahel, D., Blinka, L., & Ledabyl, O. (2008). Playing MMORPGs: Connections
11(6), 715-718.
K.S. de Abreu, C.N. (eds.) Internet addiction: A handbook and guide to evaluation
Blinka, L., & Mikuška, J. (2014). The role of social motivation and sociability of
Skařupová, K., Blinka, L. (in press) Interpersonal dependency and online gaming
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Author’s contribution
Study II: the author was responsible for the part concerning identifying with the
game character and also for writing the theoretical and discussion parts of the article.
Study III: The author was dominantly responsible for all parts of the article.
Study IV: The author was dominantly responsible for writing the paper in all its
aspects. Lower role was in the data collection and data analysis.
Study V: Both authors were equally responsible for writing the paper. However, the
author of this dissertation was dominantly responsible for the conceptualisation of the
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Introduction1
Addiction to the internet or specific online applications is a hot topic whenever a new
extreme case of such an addict surfaces. The assumption that one day everyone will
stop meeting in person and that all communication will take place through digital
media has become a part of general discourse since the internet became an integral
part of our lives. The first pioneer studies which explicitly discussed the addictive
potential of computer games date back to the 1980s (Soper & Miller, 1983). While
this direction was further developed in the early 1990s (Shotton, 1991), its boom only
began with the publications of Mark Griffiths (1996) and Kimberly Young (1998)
from the second half of the nineties. Dozens of empirical as well as theoretical studies
in this area have appeared since then. This expansion has for instance led to the
inclusion of the Internet Gaming Disorder in the appendix of DSM-5 (APA, 2013)
while in both cases it was found that a full acknowledgment of this diagnosis is still
consequence of the use of this medium. After all, previous studies of certain media
effects have also showed that these do not represent major problems, and society has
always been able to adapt to the new situation. For instance, the panic surrounding
intensive reading of comic books in the fifties of the 20th century (Rodman & Fry,
1
Text of the Introduction and Setting the problem of the cover article is partially taken and translated
from Blinka, 2015 a, b
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assume that interest in the negative effects of computer games will also subside over
time.
However, based on a second point of view the effects of these new forms of media are
actually clear – they have a large impact on the psychological, physical and social
well-being of individuals. This view goes hand-in-hand with a certain degree of moral
assumption that there exists a direct and causal relationship between use of the
This dissertation rejects both of these viewpoints and considers a third viewpoint, the
2013). This model assumes that, depending on the context, certain people may
experience greater media effects than others, and that the use of a single medium can
lead to several simultaneous effects which can be both positive and negative. The
stage represents specific goals, challenges and motivations), personal (ranging from
the structure of one’s persona to the presence of pathologies) and social (family
influence, close social surroundings, and societal conditions) (Valkenburg & Peter,
2013). Last but not least, these can include certain characteristics of the medium, i.e.,
This work focuses on the factors of susceptibility to pathological online gaming. The
dissertation consists of five articles, four of which are empirical and one of which is
theoretical. Study I and II focus on the relationship of players and their avatars and
the role of this relationship in the development of pathological gaming. Avatars are a
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very important feature of online computer games. Study IV and V focus on the social
skills of players and how these skills can increase or decrease the susceptibility to
however, playing does not necessarily represent pathology on its own. That is why
studies IV and V also provide a comparison of intensive gaming both with and
without pathological traits; this is an important factor for further research as well as
These five articles are summarized by a cover article with the standard structure. In
the Setting the Problem section I will introduce the current state of the art in the area
of excessive gaming. I will explain online games and their significance. I will
predictors of addiction on the side of the player as well as the influence of certain
characteristics of the online games themselves. This section ends with three research
variables and analyses from individual empirical studies. In the Findings section, I
will attempt to answer individual research questions based on the results obtained in
individual empirical studies. Finally, in the Discussion section I will confront the
results with existing findings of other authors and I will introduce these in a wider
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Setting the Problem
Online gaming addiction2 is the second most prominent type of behavioural addiction,
both with respect to the interests of the public and experts, only surpassed by
gambling. Even though this disorder is not officially listed in the International
2013) under the name Internet Gaming Disorder. The manual explicitly mentions this
further research, since we still lack strong epidemiological data or data monitoring the
clinical course of the disease. In spite of this, the notion of addiction to online gaming
has been targeted by hundreds of studies, and a number of these have discovered a
range of similarities with traditional addictions. That is one of the reasons why this
subject has become a frequently discussed topic in the media, even though this degree
of medicalization is not very useful and in many cases leads to stereotypization and
the spread of false myths. Typically, media depict isolated and very rare cases, often
from South-eastern Asia, where excessive gaming has been known to even lead to
death. Even though one could think that online gaming is a phenomenon localized
predominantly in Southeast Asia, certain data indicate that this activity is also very
prevalent in the Czech Republic. The research of the World Internet Project in 2008
for instance discovered that 38 percent of adolescents in the Czech Republic played
online games on a daily basis, which is comparable for instance with the values of
Singapore (35%) and the U.S. (34%) and significantly more than values for Hungary
2
Due to the ongoing debate of whether this truly represents an addiction in the strictest meaning of the
word, a number of experts prefer other terms such as, e.g., problematic online gaming, obsessive
gaming (see for instance Wood, 2008; Király et al. 2014). I will use the term “addiction”
predominantly. This is consistent with the terminology used in the DSM, which on one hand uses the
term “Internet Gaming Disorder”, but categorizes this disorder in the group of “substance-related and
addiction disorders”. The term “addiction” is used in this section only in the strictest meaning of the
word, i.e., it refers exclusively to cases where players actually exhibit the symptoms of addiction. For
these cases, I also use the term “pathological gaming”.
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(23%). Similarly, the results of the EU Kids Online II project have shown that Czech
children and adolescents are typically more interested in online gaming than in most
In this dissertation I will not be speaking about all computer games, but rather only
about their online variants; specifically, the results are concerned with specific online
players in the game world at the same time, whereas all of these players can interact
with each other. There are several genres of such virtual worlds. The original and
until recently most popular type of such games were MMORPGs (where RPG stands
for role playing games), often set in science-fiction or fantasy worlds. In these games,
a player controls his/her character (the so-called avatar) who fulfils various tasks,
battles monsters and avatars of other players, but can also for instance become
craftsmen and create items for other players or simply go explore the expansive
prominent genre, where players repeat shorter battle sequences against each other,
typically lasting between several minutes and an hour. This is currently the most
Legends or World of Tanks. Pure virtual worlds such as Second Life and sandbox
games are relatively less popular than the first two genres. Games played directly in
the browser (which do not require an installation) are then a completely separate
group – one prominent feature of such games is that they can be played using less
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powerful devices. They may have various genres, but are generally simpler than
classical computer games and may be more attractive, e.g., for children.
Compared to classical offline computer games, MMOs have a range of special traits
which influence the intensity of play and the potential creation of addiction (Király et
al., 2014). In fact, intensity is one of the features that clearly differentiates these
games from other genres. 25 hours of play per week is considered the average, which
is several times the weekly value for classical computer games. Long uninterrupted
gaming sessions are also frequent – over one half of players have played over 10
hours in a single session, and over 80 percent of players have experienced sessions
over 8 hours long (Williams, Yee & Caplan, 2008; Yee, 2006). This approximately
matches the time players spend in school or at work. MMO games thus represent a
very significant free-time activity, and in the case of younger players also a very
The social aspect is one of the greatest allurements of MMO games (Cole & Griffiths,
2007). Contrary to the typical stereotypes, playing MMO games is not an asocial
cooperation with other players. Players typically form long-term groups (so-called
clans, guilds, etc.), and spend more of their game time with other players from their
group. For a large number of players, the game itself is only viewed as an
accompanying element for their interactions with the community surrounding the
game. Contrary to popular opinion, such social relationships are often supported by
real life – a significant number of players typically play with people they know from
real life (such as, e.g., schoolmates) or organize real-life meetings with people they
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Another specific trait of MMO games is the gradual development of one’s avatar or
with points based on their fulfillment of in-game tasks, and these allow players to
access more advanced content of the game; the player’s avatar becomes more
powerful, better equipped and has a greater prestige in the eyes of other players
Last but not least, MMOs are characteristic for being unlimited. Unlike standard
computer games, they do not have a strict end – they cannot be “completed”. This is
due to two factors: the game developer regularly adds new content to the game, and a
significant portion of the game is formed by the actions of other players. The gaming
world is also persistent – it exists and continues to develop even when a player is not
One case study of addiction to online gaming is provided by Griffiths (2010) on the
subject of Jeremy, a 38-year-old male accountant, who has been married for 13 years
and has two children. His gaming habits took about 3-5 hours of his time each
evening, during which he played a MMORPG to relax after a stressful day. Over time,
he spent more and more time playing the game every day, and played for up to 14
hours per day before seeking out help. He tried to limit his gaming habits several
times, but never managed to sustain this for more than a few days. When he couldn’t
play, he had a strong feeling of anxiety and was irritable. The extreme amount of time
spent in the game has gradually led to conflicts in his life – he lost his job due to not
performing his work duties, and in the end his wife also abandoned him. All of his
problems led to him spending even more time in the game, because it provided him
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with a sense of escape – leading to a vicious cycle, which he could not break alone. In
the end, he sought out psychological help on his own. (Griffiths, 2010).
The components model of addiction of the British psychologist Mark Griffiths is the
leading framework used in the research of addition to online games. This framework
addiction (1993). The above-specified case study illustrates the presence of all factors
following factors should be present (summarized as per Study III and Király et al.,
2014):
the player’s life. Most of the player’s thoughts deal with the game (for
sessions), and the same is also true for the player’s cravings and behaviour
(for instance, other activities are postponed due to gaming, including basic
the given activity, i.e., gaming. So-called mood management, the ability to
reduce stress, is one of the most important motivational factors for media in
general. It can thus be assumed that the strongest urge to play occurs during
time, while the originally positive feelings from the game become harder to
reproduce. It can thus be assumed that those who are actually addicted are
rather averting the negative feelings of not playing than positively enjoying
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4) Withdrawal symptoms – the need to end a gaming sessions or inability
5) Conflict – loss of control over playing and excessive time spent in the
Intrapersonal conflicts are also frequent, for instance in the form of shame and
guilt.
the player’s life and even after periods of relative control, the player has a
which over time becomes a fundamental part of the player’s life, and over which the
however turn to negative feelings if the individual cannot play. The intensity of
gaming over time leads to psychological, social and/or physical problems and
conflicts. The player has a tendency to return to gaming in spite of known negative
consequences and even if the player was able to manage his/her gaming habits for a
addiction to online gaming as specified in DSM-5, we will see that DSM-5 has one
item for each component. An exception to this is the component of conflict, which has
four items. Hence excessive gaming is differentiated from pathology, i.e., addiction,
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shown that not all components of addiction have the same weight for determining
pathology. Charlton and Danforth (2007) differentiate between central and peripheral
then included cognitive salience, tolerance and euphoria. This division has significant
addiction, then he or she is not suffering from a pathology – they are merely strongly
engaged in the game. Hence merely using the number of present factors can be
addiction.
case study of 21-years-old Dave, who had just finished his Bachelor’s studies.
Similarly to the case of Jeremy described above, Dave also played 14 hours a day.
However, he did not see himself as addicted. He said that his social circle had
become significantly smaller since he finished his studies, since most of his friends
were no longer at the university and found jobs. He himself did not find a job right
away, and the game thus offered him both an opportunity to socialize and also
represented a sort of daily routine, since nothing very important was happening in his
life outside of the game. After some time, he did find a job and he also found a
girlfriend in the game. Over time, he limited the amount of time spent in the game due
to a lack of time. However, with his girlfriend kept playing from time to time – it was
an activity which was simply a part of their life style. (Griffiths, 2010)
This example also shows that, contrary to popular belief, time spent in the game is not
a suitable criterion of addiction. Just the sheer amount of time spent playing such
games can sometimes make his/her close ones worried about the player’s health;
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however, such fears are not always appropriate or relevant. Many players can spend
an above-average amount of time in the online world and still not exhibit the
symptoms of addiction, or only exhibit them for a very short time period. Hence
addiction is also defined based on the “quality” of the gameplay, not just its
“quantity”.
low self-esteem, feelings of anxiety and depression – all of these can represent not
potential escape from and a means of relaxing during difficult times. Excessive
fixation on the virtual world can however have a further negative influence on these
On the other hand, a direct causal relationship can be established for the physical
health of players (even though this area in somewhat less studied than the
problems (Kalmus, Siibak & Blinka, 2014). The first consists of various minor
unsuitable positions (as was already mentioned, players have a tendency to spend
dozens of hours per week in the game) – carpal tunnel syndrome, back pains,
headaches, etc. The second problem is then a lack of quantity and quality of sleep.
Players have a tendency of playing at night, when more people tend to be online. Due
to the fact that playing is usually a very cognitively demanding activity, it is often
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accompanied by energy and caffeine-based drinks3. This then leads to the inferior
quality of sleep. Long-term low quality of sleep can then lead to less attentiveness,
greater susceptibility to diseases and a higher injury rate (Koulouglioti, Cole &
Kitzman, 2008).
It should also be mentioned that financial costs are not a criterion for addiction to
online gaming. Compared to gambling, online games are a rather “cheap” form of
entertainment; publishers usually aim for lower but more regular income from a large
amount of people4. However, one also needs to assess this critically. Publishers have
lately started to prefer the so-called free-to-play model, when the game is basically
available for free, but one can access advanced content for a fee. Hence when some
players lose control, they can in principle spend amounts on the game which they
would not be willing to pay in advance. This can lead to problems especially for
behaviour such as, e.g., lying and minor theft, see for instance Šmahel and Blinka,
2012). Financial losses can also be created by games indirectly, i.e., by players
spending time in the game rather than at work; this can in some cases lead to
3
The relationship between addiction to online games and problematic use of caffeine is also mentioned
in DSM-5. It is possible to consider the potential susceptibility of certain players to other stimulants,
ranging from nicotine and even methamphetamine to overcome fatigue and improve concentration to
the use of sleep pills or cannabis-based drugs after gaming sessions to be able to sleep at all.
4
Not all online games require regular monthly payments. And yet, this area of entertainment is far
from insignificant from the financial perspective – on the contrary. The Entertainment Software
Association (ESA, 2013) estimated that only in the U.S. the computer games segment produced an
income of 14 billion USD in 2012 – and most of this was made in the area of online games. For
instance, WoW celebrated its 10th anniversary in 2014. At its peak, it had 12 million regular paying
players, and currently this number is still at around 10 million. The primary income of WoW is based
on regular monthly fees (about 15 USD per account per month), but also generates income from the
sale of add-ons (so-called expansions) for the game. During its existence, it generated hundreds of
billions of Czech Crowns in earnings for its developer Blizzard. League of Legends and World of
Tanks are examples of the most successful online games today; both of these games had 80 million
registered (but not necessarily paying) users in 2014 (source: Wikipedia).
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Neurobiology of Addiction to Online Games
mesolimbic dopamine system in brain – these are the areas responsible for
rewards (resulting in positive feelings from the game) and release of dopamine over
time lead to gradual intensification of such behaviour (Dreier et al., 2013). An EEG
Wölfling & Grüsser, 2007), and in fact had similar characteristic reactions as those of
alcoholics when they are shown stimuli linked to drinking (Kuss & Griffiths, 2012).
When confronted with in-game stimuli, addicted players had a tendency to use similar
areas of the brain as cocaine users (Ko et al., 2009). Aside from functional changes,
structural changes of the brain were also reported (even though the direction of
association is not clear in this case) – reduced density of grey matter in the left
anterior and posterior cingulate cortex (Zhou et al., 2011) and amygdala (Ko et al.,
2014). A reduction in the amount of grey matter in the same areas is also typical for
difference between addicted gamers and other addicts. Because the number of studies
in this area is still relatively small, it can be expected that, aside from longitudinal and
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Risk Factors of Addiction on the Side of the Player
There are two dominant etiological models mentioned in the literature which form the
basis for addiction to online games. These models were identified also for general
excessive internet use (Blinka, 2014). The first is a complex of psychosocial and
emotional problems. The second complex then includes attention disorders and the
feelings of loneliness and neuroticism (Mehroof & Griffiths, 2010) along with lower
self-esteem, low self-efficacy and less comfort in social situations (Chak & Leung,
2004). It seems that studies more or less confirm the usual stereotype of an excessive
gamer being a younger male with an introvert or even schizoid personality, who is
socially shy (Kuss & Grifiths, 2012b). The risk of the occurrence of a pathology then
increases due to situational factors which increase stress in the individual’s life,
increase the feelings of isolation and negatively impact his/her emotional well-being.
Computer games, among others thanks to their system of rewards and wide range of
communication options, serve as a tool for regulating moods and stress (Hussain &
Griffiths, 2009), which allow a player to quickly get rid of feelings of loneliness and
low self-esteem. For most players, this represents a functional coping strategy.
However, some players get caught in a vicious cycle – while playing does represent a
makes the problems that brought the player into the game worse. Longitudinal studies
(Gentile et al., 2011) or feelings of loneliness (Leemens, Valkenburg & Peter, 2011).
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Attention disorders and increased impulsiveness
to concentrate, increased impulsivity and tendency to get bored. Online games are a
multimodal environment; individuals can play, speak with others, watch videos with
guides for the game and switch between all of these on a need-to-need basis. Such an
environment is very well received especially by individuals who have a greater need
to be distracted. At the same time, these individuals are more susceptible to classical
al., 2012), which is an area games excel at (see below). It should be said that this
such as for instance the tendency to lie and higher aggressiveness (Gentile et al.,
2011). The synergic effect of emotional problems, lower self-control and preference
of online games has been shown to a factor which may predicts the emergence of
internet addiction especially in adolescents (Blinka et al., 2015). However, the effect
claims that a comparison of young online gamblers and gamers has shown that
pathological gamers had the lower self-esteem of the two groups. On the other hand,
characteristics were shared among both groups, which once again points at the
Even though psychosocial factors may to some extent explain why some people
exhibit the characteristic traits of addiction, they cannot fully explain why certain
objects of addiction are more frequent than others. MMO games clearly differentiate
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themselves among other internet applications with respect to the amount of game time
and the potential of the occurrence of a pathology. It can thus be assumed that there
exist certain characteristics of online games which attract the at-risk group of players
and which support the creation of a pathology. The potential power of this effect is so
great that it even led to the comparison of MMO games to a virtual Skinner Box (e.g.,
characteristics of online games which support excessive gaming was created by King,
Delfabro and Griffiths (2010). These characteristics were divided into the following
categories: a) social environment – the presence of other players and the possibility of
communication with them; b) controls – for instance the quality of gameplay of the
game itself, optimum difficulty of the game etc.; c) the aspect of identity and story –
for instance the creation of an in-game avatar and identification with the avatar; d)
positive and negative rewards – for instance the awarding of points for the completion
Griffiths (2011), addiction was most closely tied to factors related to rewards –
obtaining points and higher levels of a player’s avatar or gaming account (so-called
leveling), meta-gaming points (for instance rankings of players, obtaining titled for
fulfilling a series of complicated tasks) and enjoying “100 percent of the game”
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etc.). It is interesting that these characteristics of games are also those which are most
of time in-game, fulfil repetitive and monotonous tasks, and yet receive positive
feelings from playing the game. In this respect, a comparison of online games to a
Some research explained the tendency to remain in the game for a long time with the
so-called flow phenomenon (Chou and Ting, 2003). This occurs when the game is of
optimal difficulty – it is not too hard or too easy. The player is so focused on his or
her activity that he/she loses touch with time – even several hours spent in the game
could subjectively be experienced as a much shorter gaming session. The flow effect
can even lead to players suppressing certain physiological states such as fatigue,
King and colleagues (2011) also identified other characteristics of games which on
their own did not have an effect on addiction but jointly, and especially in
combination with the rewards factor, had a synergic effect. These were social and
MMO games from classical offline computer games (which are usually played alone).
Other players are not only teammates with whom it is possible to communicate, make
alliances and cooperate; they’re not just adversaries who one needs to beat or compete
with. They’re also witnesses of actions – without them, everything performed in the
virtual world would only remain in the head of the player. Social sharing thus gives a
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Research Questions
identity to the rather technical aspect of avatars (Trepte & Reinecke, 2010) – avatars
abilities. Thus, it affects player’s success in the game. Success should not be merely
is also related to feelings of competence and self-esteem (Bessiere, Seay & Kiesler,
2007) and thanks to its social basis it may lead to interactive aspects such as the
player’s recognition. Thus, player’s attitudes towards his or her own in-game avatar
may influence the player’s gaming habits, including pathological gaming. The first
As has been stated earlier, online games are essentially a social space. The social
aspect of online gaming is one of the key difference to offline gaming. At the same
time, gaming addiction is discussed only with respect to online gaming. That may
gaming. Some studies already suggested that introvert or lonely gamers are more
susceptible to pathological gaming (Caplan, Williams & Yee, 2009; Kuss & Griffiths,
5
The terms avatar and character are used interchangeably in the thesis.
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of lower confidence in social situations and thus preference of online communication
for its lower commitment). Thus, the second research question is:
RQ 2: What is the role of the player’s social skills, feelings of security in social
in it every day. Yet, gaming addiction does not seem to be epidemic – for most
gamers the game is just a voluntary free time activity or time-killer. However, as
stated by Charlton and Danforth (2007; 2010), these groups – recreational and
addicted gamers – are not the only ones. There is also a group of highly engaged
gamers, who enjoy the gaming activity a lot. This group may seem as problematic to
an external observer, but the core components of addiction are not present and thus
this group should not be considered as pathological. However, it is not yet clear
whether addicted and engaged groups are distinct or whether they differ just on the
level of pathology; whether, e.g., the protective and risk factors are the same (and
they differ in their severity) or are really distinct. Thus, the final research question is:
RQ 3: What are the differences between highly engaged and addicted gamers in
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Methodology
The quantitative approach was predominantly used to answer the posed research
questions. Web-based survey studies were employed in these cases (Studies I, II, IV,
V). Study III is a theoretical work based on literature, although it is not a systematic
review article. More detailed information concerning data collection, measures and
Study I and II
Study I and II shared the same data source. The data was collected via an online
Both the advertisement and questionnaire were in English. Data collection was carried
out for several weeks, during which the advertisement was regularly updated.
The final sample consisted of 532 completed questionnaires in case of Study I and
548 completed questionnaires in case of Study II. The difference was caused by the
diverse distribution of missing data – only those questionnaires where the key items
were filled in were included in the following analysis. The average age of participants
was 25 years. In both studies the analysis from developmental perspective was
important, hence the sample was divided based on age – adolescents 12 to 19 years
old (26%), emerging adults 20 to 26 years old (36%), adults 27 years old and older
(36%). The gender distribution was unequal, but similar to what has been usually
reported by other studies – only 17.6% (15.4% respectively) were women. About two
thirds were from Europe and one third from North America. Almost half of the
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sample played World of Warcraft (46.2%) followed by Everquest I and II (33%). The
The key scale of the Study I consisted of 12 items describing the relationship of a
player to his or her avatar. These 12 items were created based on the results of a
qualitative study by Blinka and Šmahel (2007). Various items were based on a scale
asking about positive or negative feelings towards one’s avatar (pride, shame, and
inferiority), perceptible blending or separation of the player and his or her avatar, and
the discrepancy between perceptive skills of a gamer and his or her avatar. The
respondents were asked to answer the questions using a 5-point scale varying from 1
component analysis with varimax rotation. Three factors with an eigenvalue greater
than 1 were obtained. Combined, the components accounted for 54.3% of the total
accounted for 30.6% of variance) with the highest loading item I possess the same
skills and abilities as my character does (.83); 2) immersion (Cronbach alpha = .68;
accounted for 14.1 of variance) with the highest loading item Sometimes I think just
about my character while not gaming (.83); 3) compensation (Cronbach alpha = .66;
accounted for 9.6% of variance) with the highest loading item I would rather be like
my character (.71). Further, a series of Bonferonni post hoc tests was conducted
comparing the means of the factors in three age categories, between sexes, and types
Separate items measuring players’ relationships to their avatars were then used in
Study II and further analysed in relation to a MMO addiction scale. The MMO
addiction scale consisted of 14 items taken from other scales measuring gaming or
technology addictions (Young; 1998; Griffiths, 2000; Beard & Wolf, 2001; Grohol,
28
2005). The scale covered themes such as cognitive and behavioural salience,
loss of control. The 6-point response scale ranged from 1 – rarely to 6 – always. The
scale was subjected to a principle component analysis with varimax rotation. Three
factors with eigenvalue greater than 1 were obtained, however with a somewhat
weaker third factor. Combined, the components accounted for 55.2% of the total
(Cronbach alpha = .77; accounted for 20.4% of variance) with highest loading item
Playing the game may become the most meaningful activity in my life (.73); 2) conflict
(Cronbach alpha = .76; accounted for 39.3% of the variance) with the highest loading
item How often do you neglect household chores to spend more time in-game? (.77);
3) loss of control (Cronbach alpha = .73; accounted for 16% of the variance) with the
highest loading item, How often do you try to cut down the amount of time you spend
in-game and fail? (.80). We also calculated the overall addiction score value as a
mean of scores (2.49, SD = .85). The overall Cronbach alpha of the scale was .88.
A series of Pearson’s correlations and LSD post hoc test were conducted to assess the
Study III
This book chapter provides a comprehensive overview of the state of the art (prior to
the year of publication of Study III) of knowledge of certain aspects of the Internet
addiction on online gaming. The scale partially utilized experience received from
Study II, but mostly from publications by Mark Griffiths which described a six
component model of addiction (Griffiths, 2000; Griffiths, 2005). The criteria and
distribution of items was as follows – salience (one item for behavioral and one for
29
cognitive salience), withdrawal symptoms (one item), euphoria (one item), tolerance
(two items), conflict (two items). The four-point response scale ranged from 1 – never
Study IV
This research sampled Czech and Slovak online gamers. Participants were recruited
through discussion forums and in-game promotions with the help of server
administrators. The final sample consisted of 667 MMO gamers. The mean age was
22.7 years (SD 6.6), 84% were males. There was no significant difference in hours
Online gaming addiction was measured by a scale developed by Blinka and Šmahel as
described above (Study III). The online gaming addiction index was created as a
mean value of those 10 items. Cronbach’s alpha was sufficient (.76). Based on the
may look similarly passionate and thus not differentiable at first glance, but they
differ in the amount of pathology involved which has important implications for both
research and therapy. Thus, the study viewed addiction not only as a continuum, but
also employed a categorical approach. The group of Addicted (or at-risk of addiction)
included those participants who answered often or very often in conflict criterion and
at least three other criteria of addiction (12.1% of the sample). Highly engaged
consisted of those who, unlike the first group, did not meet the criteria of addiction
but reported above average gaming time (29.5% of the sample). Finally, the category
of casual gamers was created for those who did not meet the criteria for addiction and
30
The study focus was the evaluation of the role of social factors in online gaming
addiction. To access those social factors, several scales were employed. The
Perceived Social Self-Efficacy scale developed by Smith and Betz (2000) was used to
measure gamers’ confidence in social situations (Cronbach’s alpha = .94.). The Social
socialization and inclusion, feelings of support from the community, and teamwork.
The scale was adopted from other similar constructs by Yee (2006), Hsu, Wen and
Wu, (2009), Koo, (2009). The final alpha was .78. In-game friendship quality (peer
attachment) was measured using an adapted peer section of the Parent and Peer
Attachment Scale by Armsden and Greenberg (1987). Final alpha was .90.
quality of in-game friendship, and control demographic variables and play time. To
analyze differences between the groups of addicted, highly engaged and casual
Study V
This study sampled Czech (and probably some Slovak) online gamers. They were
recruited via advertisements published in online and offline game journals, online
game forums and community web-sites. Gamers were asked to fill in an online
questionnaire. A total sample of 6,730 gamers was obtained. However, for the
purpose of this study a subsample of those who play MMORPGs and MOBAs was
used (e.g., those dominantly playing first-person-shooting games were excluded). The
final number of respondents used for the analysis was 4,074. The mean age was 20.8
years (SD = 5.9), 93.5 % of which were males. The most popular games were League
31
of Legends (MOBA genre, 35.2%) and World of Warcraft (MMORPG genre, 19.7%).
Female gamers spent significantly less time gaming compared to males – females M =
developed by Charlton and Danforth (2007, 2010). The reason for using a different
scale to previous study was better suitability for differentiation of pathological and
engagement and 12 for addiction. The scale ranged from 1 to 4. The addiction
cognitive salience, tolerance and euphoria. Internal consistency was sufficient for
Mean scores for both addiction and high engagement were created – addiction M =
Similarly to Study IV, the focus was to study the role of social motivation and
excessive online gaming. To measure the social motivation, the same scale as in
Study IV was used. However, exploratory analysis identified two factors – team play
(five items, Cronbach’s α = .75) and social support (three items, Cronbach’s α =
0.70). We used these factors and created two variables based on the mean scores of
the respective items. To measure players’ social attitude and orientation, the
Relationship Profile Test by Bornstein at al. (2002) was employed. The scale has 30
32
3.22, SD = .60) and destructive overdependence (Cronbach’s α = .63, M = 2.95, SD =
.75).
the association between 1) online gaming addiction and 2) high engagement and
33
Results
The empirical findings are introduced in three sections corresponding with the research
questions. More detailed results and statistics may be found in original articles.
As described in the measures section of the cover article, using a factor analysis Study I
examined the potential components of the player – avatar relationship. Three factors emerged.
The dominant was identification – thinking about one-self and the avatar as having similar
characteristics or even not being separate entities. This factor accounted for about 30% of the
variance of the scale. Adult gamers scored significantly less in this factor compared to
adolescent or emerging adult gamers. The score was highest in case of adolescents. Similarly,
married gamers scored significantly lower compared to single or just engaged gamers. Other
two factors, immersion (relationship with the avatar being more emotional and also making
distinction between oneself and avatar) and compensation (thinking about the avatar as being
superior and ideal) were less prevalent – they accounted for about 14 and 9 per cent of the
variance. Also, there were no age differences in the score. It is worth noting that male and
Study II found a significant, although rather weak, relationship between the identification
factor and gaming addiction (r = .22). However, this relationship may be moderated by age.
As the study showed, it is the group of younger gamers that recorded the highest (on average)
addiction score, and this group also scored highest in the identification factor.
No relationship between the addiction score and immersion or compensation factors were
found. However, two items from the immersion factors which measured feelings (positive –
proud and negative – shame) of a player to his or her avatar showed some relationship with
the addiction score. Generally players tend to feel proud of what their avatar did in game
more often (65.8% agreed, 19.3% disagreed) than they feel shame (13% agreed, 73.4%
34
disagreed). But shame had a moderate correlation with addiction (r = .30) while pride had a
In summary, player’s intensive identification with his or her gaming avatar is, to a lower
Although it was not their main focus, Studies II, IV and V examined the basic demographics
and intensity of gaming in relation to gaming addiction. Study I identified younger gamers as
scoring highest in addiction generally and in the factor of salience in particular. Study IV and
V assessed the Pearson’s correlation between age and gaming addiction to -.09 or -.23
respectively. Gender played no significant or a highly negligible role in all three studies. Not
surprisingly, the single strongest significant relationship was found in gaming frequency –
Pearson’s correlation was .43 in case of Study I, .24 in Study IV, and .34 in Study V. On the
other hand, in the linear regression model age and frequency of gaming lost some of their
strength, although they remained significant. They explained about 6% of the variance of
Study IV examined the relationship of social motivation, social self-efficacy and in-game
peer attachment to internet gaming addiction. Correlation between those social constructs was
rather high, but they differ in their relationship to gaming addiction. Whereas no significant
correlation was found in case of in-game friendship, there was a positive correlation between
addiction and social motivation (r = .27), and negative between addiction and social self-
efficacy (r = -.16). When these three variables entered linear regression as independent
variables and when controlled for demographics and intensity of gaming, they kept their
predictive value of addiction. Higher score in social motivation for gaming predicted higher
addiction score (beta = .17). Lower score in social self-efficacy and in in-game peer
attachment predicted higher addiction score (beta in both cases = -.14). It may be concluded
that higher confidence in social situations and higher interpersonal trust are protective factors
35
of gaming addiction. Although social variables accounted for a mere 5% of variance of
Study V also examined the relationship of social motivation (or its two factors, team play and
overdependence, and healthy dependency) and gaming addiction. Both factors of social
motivation were positively related to addiction (Pearson’s correlations r = .10 for team play
and r = .13 for social support). Dysfunctional detachment and destructive overdependence
were both positively correlated with addiction (r = .29 and r = .22 respectively), while healthy
dependency was negatively correlated (r = -.18). This pattern retained its significance also in
and dysfunctional detachment both were risk factor of addiction (in both cases the beta was
constructs accounted for about 10% of variance of addiction. Interestingly, social motivation
factors accounted only for about 1% of variance and thus their role was negligible.
In summary, it seems that personality factors associated with healthy social functioning are
protective factors of online gaming addiction, while the characteristics associated with lower
engaged and addicted gamers. Engaged and addicted gamers did not differ in social
motivation for gaming. However, the highest score in social motivation was in the group of
highly engaged gamers and they significantly differed from the group of casual gamers.
Regarding in-game peer attachment (quality of in-game friendship), the highest score was
once again recorded in the group of highly engaged gamers and they significantly differed
from both casual and addicted gamers. In case of social self-efficacy, the lowest score was in
36
the group of addicted gamers, although they significantly differed only from the casual
Study V employed a different approach to study engaged and addicted gamers. Instead of
comparison of mean differences, two separate linear regressions were conducted – one for
addiction as a dependent variable (see results section for RQ2) and one for engagement as a
dependent variable. In general, in case of high engagement, the three-step linear regression
had a much lower fit compared to regression with addiction; it accounted for only 8% of
were significant predictors, actual betas were rather low. Interestingly, social motivation for
gaming accounted for less than one percentage point of variance of engagement. High
engagement was also less correlated with gaming frequency, although the correlation was
addicted gamers. But the regression models worked poorly for engagement compared to
addiction. This is suggesting that there may be more factors at work in case of engagement
37
Discussion
This thesis explored two factors associated with excessive or even addictive computer
gaming. The first falls into the rank of media features, or, in this case specifically the avatar
which is a very important and common characteristic of MMOs. The second are
characteristics on the gamers’ side which may be predictors of problematic gaming. In this
case, it was a group of variables associated with gamers’ social functioning – social
motivation for gaming, confidence in social situations, interpersonal trust and interpersonal
yet excessive gamers. Although some of the results provided clear patterns, actual effect sizes
tend to be rather mediocre. Neither identification with avatar nor sociability of gamers
seemed to be decisive in the development of addictive gaming. The crucial factors may be
rather connected to gaming performance and success and thus to the rewards system (King,
Delfabro & Griffiths, 2010; Kirby, Jones & Copello, 2014). This suggests validity of
the behavioural addiction concept, often explained through the brain dopamine system
responsible for learning and reward anticipation (Potenza, 2008; Brewer & Potenza,
2008). However, obtained results in this thesis bring context and understanding of
which factors are either increasing or decreasing the chance of pathology to emerge.
The results of Study I and II showed that there is a mild connection between high player
identification with his or her avatar and high addiction score. This aspect of identification
included thinking about the avatar as possessing similar characteristics as are the gamer’s.
Surprisingly, the immersion factor was not associated with addiction. Immersion included
salience, i.e. frequent thinking about the game and the avatar when not gaming. Salience is
considered as one of the addiction factor (Griffiths, 2005), although, according to Charlton
38
and Danforth (2007, 2010) cognitive salience represents a peripheral rather than a core
criterion.
One of the potential explanations why addiction is related to avatar identification rather than
to immersion with the avatar may be the gamers’ motives behind the latter case. Levelling, or
the progressive gaining of power of the avatar, is a common feature of MMOs. As such, it is
rather connected to a gamer’s feelings of success and achievement (Yee, 2006). Indeed, the
achievement factor has been found to be more related to gaming addiction than the immersion
factor (King, Delfabro, Griffiths, 2011) and also more typical for younger gamers (Yee,
2006). In this respect, the results of this thesis are consistent with literature. On the other
hand, some studies suggest that dissimilar avatars and feelings of discrepancy between
oneself and the avatar are more typical for those gamers who show lower life satisfaction or
even depression (Trepte & Reinecke, 2010), both also being predictors of gaming addiction
(Mehroof & Griffiths, 2010; Gentile et al., 2011). There may be some moderating effects
of hidden variables which this thesis and its studies did not identify. Nevertheless, it may be
concluded that avatars as a game feature and the player’s relationship to an avatar do not have
a strong potential to explain gaming addiction. But as Study I suggests, the relationship may
be perceived by gamers as very important. An avatar may even represents some of gamer’s
complexes (Blinka & Šmahel, 2007) and it may be used in therapy, especially in
psychodynamic therapy, as a way to get to deeper feelings and facilitate the therapeutic
process.
Gaming addiction is typically associated with online games, not offline ones. There are two
main differences between offline and online games. First, offline games are usually played
significantly less intensively than online games (Király et al., 2014) and online games are a
social place while offline are not (Cole & Griffiths, 2007). Studies II, IV, V showed a
moderate correlation of addiction and intensity of gaming. However, such correlations may be
surprisingly low, as addiction and large amounts of played time are commonly or popularly
39
understood of as being basically the same thing. The results suggest a relationship but not
unity between these two notions, and thus intensity of gaming should not be considered as
The tendency to spend larger amounts of time in game increases with in-game social
activity and number of in-game friends (Cole & Griffiths, 2007), which may in turn
The relationship between social factors and gaming addiction is slightly more problematic.
Theoretically, there may be several hypotheses how social functioning may influence
opportunities in the gamer’s close environment (see case of Jeremy in the introduction,
Griffiths, 2010) or it may be a form of escapism in case of socially anxious individuals (Lo,
However, social motivation for gaming, i.e. seeking of social support, was not or only very
poorly associated with addiction (Study IV and V). This finding is supported by some other
quantitative studies (Caplan et al., 2009, Kardefelt-Winther, 2014) but disproved by some
qualitative studies. Karlsen (2011) or Haagsma with colleagues (2013) found that, in gamers’
own words, it is the other fellow gamers who keep them playing. Thus, it may be the feeling
of social obligation that plays an important role here. Social motivation for gaming, as
measured in Study IV and V (and also, e.g. Yee, 2006 and most other studies on motivation
for online gaming), represents a conscious choice and preference rather than an inner and
deep drive and thus its explanatory value is limited. When we look at the gamers’ social
abilities and basic social orientation, the picture we get is more clear. Socially skilled,
confident and generally well socially adapted individuals are less inclined to pathological
gaming. At the same time socially less adapted individuals are more susceptible to
40
have been shown to be risk factors of psychological distress including loneliness, lower self-
esteem, all being risk factors of online gaming addiction as well (Kuss & Griffiths, 2012b).
Generally, highly engaged but non-pathological gamers tend to show healthier signs of social
functioning. They tent to show higher levels of trust in their virtual in-game friends (Study
IV). Although having a high number of virtual friends may be considered by popular media
as a proof of unnatural and unhealthy social relationship, it was the group of addicted gamers
who showed the lowest trust or attachment in their in-game peers. Similarly, studies by Trepte
and Reinecke (2012) and Šmahel and his colleagues (2012) claim that closer or more frequent
relationships with those online is actually a sign of healthier psychosocial functioning. The
sociability of gamers functions rather similarly to real-life sociability and thus is independent
of the environment – it does not matter whether one is communicating offline or online.
This fact suggests that engagement and addiction are not just different stages of one
continuum. Rather, they tend to be distinct. Groups of highly engaged and addicted gamers
tend to have different characteristics to some extent. Study IV and V support the original
claims of Charlton and Danforth (2007, 2010) about this distinction. However, the model
employed by Study V had a very low explanatory value for engagement itself. The model
significantly better in the case of addiction. That means that we do not know very well what
non-pathological yet highly engaged gaming is and what kind of gamers tend to play a lot in
this way and whether such gaming puts individuals into some other type of psychosocial risks
or whether it is just entertainment without any negative outcomes worth studying. Potentially,
with proliferation of gaming into society (e.g., prominent games are becoming highly-popular
“e-sports”), we can expect not only risks but also some opportunities emerging in the close
future.
41
Limitations and future directions
The biggest and most important limitation of the thesis comes from the fact that all four
empirical studies were designed and conducted in a similar way. All data come from a self-
selected non representative sample of MMO gamers recruited via online advertisements. This
probably limited variance of the sample and thus the obtained answers. A nation-wide
representative sample would provide more accurate data. But with the exception of
representative adolescent samples (recruited in schools), I am not aware of any other study
that would study gaming addiction on a representative sample of adult population. This
Another limitation of the thesis comes from the cross-sectional design of all empirical studies.
Thus, although I use terms like predictors of addiction for simplification, one cannot be sure
of the actual direction of the relationships. Longitudinal studies would be much better in
assessing the direction of casual links. Although some longitudinal studies have been
conducted in the field (e.g. Gentile et al., 2011; Leemens et al., 2011), the
The last main limitation comes from the way the key construct, gaming addiction, was
measured. Three studies used three different scales. Although their logic was similar,
there may be differences decreasing comparability. Also, none of the studies had a
clear cut-off point which would say what score in the scale is pathological. Again for
simplification, I used terms like “addicted gamers”, even though “at risk of addiction”
would be more precise. For future research, it is essential to test and assess the
gaming. Quantitative, qualitative, and case studies on clinical population are very rare
and this should be one of the closest goals of research in this field. There is a body of
evidence suggesting that internet gaming addiction does exist, but we still do not
42
know for certain whether we are instead merely over-pathologizing the phenomenon
of MMO gaming.
43
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CHAPTER 5
Addiction to Online
Role-Playing Games
LUKAS BLINKA and DAVID SMAHEL
M
ASSIVE MULTIPLAYER online role-playing games (MMORPGs) are one
example of Internet applications that have become increasingly pop-
ular. These games are played in online worlds, where an individual
acts through a created virtual personality, a so-called avatar. The popularity
of these games can be seen from data on the most popular MMORPG, World
of Warcraft, which has over 11.5 million official subscribers. Based on data
from the Entertainment Software Association (2007), the number of online
gamers doubled between 2006 and 2007. MMORPGs are a type of so-called
massively multiplayer online (MMO) game; MMOs include, for example, the
well-known game Second Life. MMOs are not always games in the strict sense
of the word; for example, users of Second Life often claim that “Second Life
is not a game but a second life.” According to some statistics, MMO games
were played by 48 million players in April 2008 (Voig, Inc., 2008).
The forerunners of MMORPG games were so-called multiuser dungeons
(MUDs), which have inspired many books about virtual worlds as well as
researchers (Kendall, 2002; Suler, 2008; Turkle, 1997, 2005). The main difference
is that MUDs ran in text form while current MMORPG games are worlds
running in high graphic resolution. It is not clear what the differences between
text MUDs and the current graphic MMORPG games are concerning the
impact on players, but what we know for sure is that MMORPGs are played
by a much larger number of players today than MUDs ever were.
In this chapter we primarily deal with MMORPG games that have proven
to be a very significant free-time activity of some of today’s adolescents,
The authors acknowledge the support of the Faculty of Social Studies, Masaryk University.
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74 INTERNET ADDICTION
younger adults, and adults (e.g., Ng & Wiemer-Hastings, 2005; Smahel, Blinka,
& Ledabyl, 2008). At the same time, MMORPGs are often presented as being
potentially dangerous due to possible addiction (Rau, Peng, & Yang, 2006;
Wan & Chiou, 2006a, 2006b), and as such they attract a lot of attention of the
scientific community, the general public, and media.
In other parts of the chapter, we will also list examples from 16 interviews
with MMORPG players that we carried out in May 2009. The semistructured
interviews with 12 men (aged 15 to 28) and four women (aged 15 to 19) was
carried out face-to-face in seven cases and online through Skype or ICQ in nine
cases. The interviews were analyzed with use of grounded theory. Samples
from these interviews have been included in the discussion to complement
the obtained results.
In this chapter we first deal with a description of the virtual worlds in
MMORPGs, so that the reader can get a better idea of what these worlds look
like. We then follow with showing who the players of these games are and
their motivations for playing. Afterward we present the concept of addiction
in the context of MMORPGs and factors facilitating addiction both on the
side of individual players and on the side of the game. We also present a short
questionnaire that can be used for basic diagnostics of online games addiction
symptoms and its following evaluation based on interviews with players. In
the last section we discuss the phenomenon of self-perceived addiction (i.e.,
a MMORPG player’s perception of potential addiction).
W H AT A R E M M O R P G s?
MMORPGs are usually fantasy role-playing games played on the Internet,
where several thousand various players from all around the world are present
at the same time. A player controls his or her character, which can fulfill vari-
ous tasks, advance its capabilities, and interact with other players’ characters.
A player can perform a wide range of activities, from building his or her
avatar’s character to interacting with other players in both positive ways
(conversation) and negative ways (aggression). The motivation for playing
MMORPGs also varies (as described further), as well as manners of playing
these games (e.g., Yee 2006b). A player can explore a vast world, which is per-
sistent in its character—it remains in existence even when the player logs off.
This world is consistently in development, disregarding the presence of the
player, which in a certain sense pressures the player to stay in touch with the
virtual world. If players are absent for a longer period of time, they become
out of touch with the virtual world and lose their influence and power to
affect the world. The player also loses power compared to fellow players who
are playing more often and advancing faster. In the words of an 18-year-old
male player: “ ThemoreI want toimprove, themoretimeI should invest in thegame.
That’s how the game works, unfortunately, and I always keep thinking that I could,
that I should spend even moretime online and do things now that I would otherwise
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do tomorrow.” Success in the game is often closely tied with long-term and
everyday presence in the game.
It is the unbounded scope of the world, the practical impossibility of finish-
ing the game, and the emphasis on communication and cooperation with other
players that make MMORPGs different from traditional computer games, and
it is also the reason for considering it a whole new environment and subject.
The biggest difference between MMORPGs and other computer games is no-
table in the intensity of play: MMORPGs are played 25 hours per week on
average, whereas other computer games and video games are played over
20 hours per week by only 6% of players, and 84% of players spend less than
six hours per week playing (Ng & Wiemer-Hastings, 2005). The high intensity
of play is apparently the main factor for considering gaming problematic and
potentially addictive. It remains an open question, however: What actually
keeps players in the game for such long periods of time? Are they necessarily
addicted due to their long stay in the game, or could there be some other
explanation? Now we will have a closer look at who plays MMORPGs and
how much time they spend in the virtual world.
W H O P L AY S A N D H O W M U C H ?
There exists a generally established image of a typical gamer as a young
or adolescent man. Some findings (e.g., Griffiths, Davies, & Chappell, 2003;
Smahel, Blinka & Ledabyl, 2008; Yee, 2006b), however, disprove this archetype:
The average age of MMORPG players is generally around 25 years, and
there are more adult than adolescent players. Most often the gamers are
men—their representation exceeds 90%, especially for younger players. The
representation of women increases with age, and it reaches approximately 20%
among adult gamers (Griffiths, Davis, & Chappell, 2003). One notable fact is
that the average age of female gamers (approximately 32 years) is significantly
higher than the average age of male gamers. It seems that female players
usually become involved in the game through their partners (Yee, 2006a).
Female gamers of adolescent age are very rare. The increase in their numbers
during emerging adulthood and young adulthood suggests that they were
introduced to the game by their social surroundings (usually male partners).
At a first glance, the numbers on intensity of play are quite interesting.
As has been noted, the average intensity of play per week is approximately
25 hours (Griffiths, Davies, & Chappell, 2004; Smahel, Blinka, & Ledabyl,
2008); 11% of players, however, spend over 40 hours per week in the game
world, which corresponds to a full-time job or high school attendance (Ng &
Wiemer-Hastings, 2005); 80% of gamers play over eight hours in one session
at least from time to time (Ng & Wiemer-Hastings, 2005); and 60% play over
10 hours in one session (Yee, 2006a). One of the gamers in our interviews noted
that he has played 30 hours in one session. It can thus be said that MMORPGs
present, at least from a time perspective, a very significant part of the lives
of their players—since the intensity of play limits available time for other
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activities. Furthermore, this is apparently not just a short episode in the lives
of the players. Griffiths, Davies, & Chappell (2004) found out that the average
time of play is approximately two years for adolescent players (aged up to 20)
and 27 months for older players. As for intensity of play, adolescents tend to
play more than their adult counterparts (26 hours per week for those under
20 compared to 22 hours for those over 26). However, the group of players
aged 20 to 22 spends the most time playing online games, with an average
of almost 30 hours per week. Based on Cole & Griffiths (2007), women play
significantly less, namely up to 10 hours per week less than men.
A very low representation of women among MMORPG players is unusual
compared to other online games. Based on data from the Entertainment Soft-
ware Association (2008), women form 44% of all online players (i.e., almost
half). Women, however, prefer puzzle and card games online, which represent
half of all online games. The data suggest that online role-playing games such
as World of Warcraft are played by approximately 11% of online players. This
group of players, however, plays very intensively, which is why this small
group is so significant. Games with low intensity of play are usually con-
sidered only a type of relaxation, whereas MMORPGs generally have more
complex motivations for play. Let’s have a closer look at them now.
M O T I VA T I O N F O R P L AY I N G M M O R P G s
MMORPGs are relatively complex virtual worlds, which offer wide and vary-
ing possibilities for entertainment. Yee (2006b) summarized the significant
components of play into three main categories: achievement, social, and im-
mersion, with a range of possible dimensions. The first component, achieve-
ment, includes management of game mechanisms. MMORPGs are relatively
complicated, and it usually takes a period of time for players to become fa-
miliar with the game mechanisms. Optimization of these game mechanisms
is then often the topic of discussion forums on the Internet, where play-
ers also tend to spend a lot of time. Achievement includes the notion of
advancement—the progression of a player’s avatar, both in experience lev-
els (leading to new abilities) and by obtaining better equipment. Overall this
gives more power to the player and a higher status in the game world. The last
part of the achievement component is competition—the process of competing
with other players.
The second MMORPG component comprises the social dimension of vir-
tual worlds. Online gaming is social in principle; solo play is allowed but
not encouraged: “ M M ORPGs are mainly about people—when I started playing,
it was absolutely fantastic.” Players gather into larger groups, usually called
“guilds,” although the terminology is different in certain online games. Play-
ing together with others then leads to a certain social commitment. Seay
et al. (2003) showed that players in guilds play four hours per week more
than unguilded players, on average. The game itself also serves as a chat;
players communicate not only about the game but about all sorts of other
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Addiction to Online Role-Playing Games 77
topics as well, via both text messages and voice chat. The Internet also sup-
ports self-disclosure of players. Yee (2006b) notes that 23% of male and 32% of
female players at some time disclosed personal and intimate information in
the game. This openness, however, varies with age. Whereas older individu-
als are mostly careful, over one-half of adolescents speak about their personal
real-life experiences in the game. Meeting with a fellow player in real life is
then more common for women (almost 16%) than for men (5%). A higher
tendency to meet in real life is found in older players. Another thing to note
is that, especially for adolescents, intensive playing can have a negative ef-
fect on offline social life—younger players have a higher tendency to immure
themselves in the game.
The third motivation component is immersion. A shared element of all
MMORPGs is a complex and vast world; a wide range of players thus focuses
on exploring this world (mostly based on the fantasy genre). Immersion also
occurs when identifying with one’s avatar—adjusting his or her appearance,
expanding his or her equipment, role-playing, and so on.
All of these components are in some way present in every MMORPG, and
various players prefer each component in varying degrees. Griffiths et al.
(2004), for example, claimed that violence in games is preferred by adolescent
players. The preference of violence, aggression, and competition in games de-
creases with age, and women also have a lower preference for these notions.
The social component of the game is preferred more by adult players. Some
players with a high potential for addictive behavior can then consider the
game their “second life,” citing an 18-year-old player who spends 70 hours
per week in the game: “ The game in itself comprises all sorts of interests, as if
it almost was a second life. You can do anything you could imagine there, perhaps
everything except for sex. I can even fish there.” For these types of players, all the
aforementioned motivations combine together. A less frequent but perhaps
even more interesting motivation is the targeted damaging of other players’
avatars, as described by a 19-year-old man playing 65 hours per week: “ I usu-
ally play to causeharm = I liketomurder, steal, and doanything immoral in thegame
(it helps merelax at theend of theday).” This player does not communicate with
others, but the game rather functions as a manner of relaxation for him, and as
he himself states: “ I can’t imaginebeing mean in real life. I’d say that in thisrespect,
the game allows me to try unexplored possibilities.” In this context we can then
consider internal psychological motivations for playing MMORPGs, includ-
ing psychological identification with one’s avatar and the virtual representa-
tion of a player. The deep psychological motivations for a player who uses
MMORPGs for stress relief are more likely a question for clinical interviews.
The avatar itself is an important game element; players, however, have var-
ious approaches to their avatars. Adolescents have the Largent tendency not
to distinguish between themselves and their avatars (Blinka, 2008). Thus they
pay less attention to differences between themselves and their game avatars,
and consider success in the game (e.g., in confrontation with other avatars)
their personal success. This apparently could be related to the origination
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FA C T O R S O F A D D I C T I O N I N T H E G A M E
It remains an open question whether any Internet application can be consid-
ered a source of problematic behavior, in this case addiction to the Internet.
Nevertheless, the number of players and the intensity of play of MMORPGs
do invite such suspicions. Several studies have pinpointed the main factor of
this as the flow phenomenon, which explains the intensity of play and following
addiction (Chou & Ting, 2003; Rau, Peng, & Yang, 2006; Wan & Chiou, 2006a).
Flow is usually described as a difficult activity requiring a certain level of skill
and effort, usually related to some form of competition with others. Although
it is a subjective phenomenon, its creation is related to characteristic traits of
MMORPGs—online social communication and a permanent system of tasks,
rewards, and feedback (the role-playing factor). The carried-out activity also
blends with one’s consciousness—the player fully focuses only on the game
and does not pay attention to anything else, and the game then feels “smooth.”
During flow, other sensations are usually suppressed or completely ignored;
these include pain, tiredness, hunger, thirst, and excretion (players often play
over eight hours continuously). A typical indicator is an altered perception of
time; the activity feels like a several-minutes-long episode, whereas in reality
it could have been several hours long. Interruption while playing in such a
state is considered very unfavorable and often is the source of conflicts be-
tween players and their social surroundings. Concentration on playing the
game, together with the altered perception of time and curiosity, leads to ex-
cessive play (Chou & Ting, 2003). Time is not one of the factors of addiction;
however, there exists a moderate association between time spent in the game
and addictive behavior (Smahel et al., 2008). The amount of time spent in
the game is thus related to potential addiction; excessive time spent playing,
however, does not mean that a player is addicted.
Rau, Peng, and Yang (2006), for example, claim that experienced as well
as inexperienced players have difficulties leaving the game due to the flow
effect and the related alteration of time perception—they are not aware of the
length of their play, because they are consumed by the game. The results also
indicate that inexperienced players can enter flow faster (already in the first
hour of play), whereas more experienced players need more time. A similarity
arises with one of the factors of addiction—increasing tolerance, meaning the
player needs an ever increasing amount of time in the game to achieve the
sought sensations. As noted by Wan and Chiou (2006a), the relationship of
the flow phenomenon to addiction to online games might not be direct and
definite. It even seems that sometimes it could be reversed: The authors state
that the players with symptoms of addiction experience flow less often. The
flow state is strongest and most frequent when a player begins playing. The
more intensively and longer one plays, the lower is the frequency of flow.
It can even be assumed that truly addicted players sometimes do not have
positive sensations from the game, as stated by a 25-year-old man in our
research: “ You’reso bored that you’renot interested in doing anything, but you still
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keep playing. When you play World of Warcraft a lot, it becomes your second life.
So whether you decideto bebored outsideor in WoW, it basically changes nothing.”
In this sense, the game is the place where a player may be, after all, less
bored than in real life. The game is empty, but real life is even emptier. We
can conjecture that these sensations could be related to depressions. Flow
is probably a significant factor for the initial engagement of players rather
than for addiction. The development of pathological play requires suitable
conditions on the player’s side.
It can also be said that the extent of MMORPG play is partially caused
by the social dimension of these games, which break the stereotype of an
addicted player as a lonely, unsociable individual or a nerd (e.g., Kendall,
2002). On the contrary, studies have shown that potential addiction positively
correlates with the social aspect of online games. Based on Cole and Griffiths
(2007), approximately 80% of players play with their real-life friends. About
75% have found good friends in the online game, and 43% have met them
face-to-face. As confirmed by an 18-year-old male player: “ The community of
players is important; it allows us to create our reputations as players over time and
reminds us what wehaveachieved over thepast years.”
We have demonstrated a moderate correlation (r = 0.44) in our research be-
tween addiction and the preference of the MMORPG social group—the more
players claimed they felt “more important and more respected in the virtual
group,” the more factors of addiction they displayed (Smahel, 2008). In total,
31% of all players agree that they feel more important in the MMORPG social
group than in real-life social groups. This number is higher for adolescents
aged 12 to 19, where a whole 50% agree compared to 35% of young adults
(aged 20 to 26) and 16% of adults (above 27). Adolescents thus have a higher
tendency to prefer the virtual group, which is also related to their higher
tendency for addictive behavior.
MMORPGs seem to be a considerably social activity. On one hand it is
positive that the game does not lead players into social isolation (it does the
opposite, actually), but on the other hand the social network keeps players
playing for a much longer time. A certain role is also played by the dissocia-
tion of social ties (Smahel et al., 2008)—the tendency toward addiction grows
with the tendency of dividing friendships originating in the virtual world
from those originating in real life. It can be said that the more players divide
their virtual life from their real one, the greater is their tendency toward ad-
diction. The most endangered group is the age group of adolescents, which
also displays the greatest tendency toward dividing real life from the virtual
world. It remains an open question whether we are not witnessing various ap-
proaches to reality for which we now have only a pathological interpretation.
Is it correct to consider someone’s preference for a virtual life pathological if
the person at the same time lives a normally functioning life in the real world?
That is, unless these two facts are mutually exclusive.
A certain role is also played by the infinity of MMORPG games—it is
basically impossible to finish these games, since they are continuously under
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FA C T O R S O F A D D I C T I O N O N T H E P L AY E R ’ S S I D E
Another direction in studying MMORPG addiction is an emphasis not on the
properties of games and virtual reality itself, but rather on players. Studies
point mainly to two psychological factors—lower self-esteem and self-efficacy.
At the same time we can say that obtaining positive self-esteem and self-
efficacy is one of the developmental goals of adolescence, which is probably
related to the fact that young players consider the game community more
important than older ones do (Smahel, 2008).
The factor of lower self-esteem seems to be crucial in the creation of ad-
diction; this has been shown in many studies, however mostly indirectly. For
example, Bessière, Seay, and Kiesler (2007) compared differences in players’
perceptions of their current self, ideal self, and game character. The results
have then shown that their current self was perceived worse than the game
character, and the game character was perceived worse than their ideal self.
The differences increased based on the level of depressiveness and the level
of self-esteem in particular. Respondents with high self-esteem had notably
lower discrepancies between their views of themselves and their game char-
acters, while there were higher discrepancies for respondents with lower self-
esteem. The ideal self then was about the same distance away for both groups.
This could mean that more depressive players and players with lower self-
esteem idealize their game characters and perhaps have a tendency to solve
their own perceived weaknesses through the game and thus a tendency to
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become stuck in the game. Wan and Chiou (2006b) also consider self-efficacy
a very significant factor, especially for adolescent players.
The virtual environment of online games allows a lower emphasis on
self-control, permitting the subconsciousness of players to express itself
more—supported not only by the anonymity but also by the aforementioned
flow states. Players of role-playing games often daydream about the game,
their characters, and various situations. These fantasies are then considered
by players to be one of the most beneficial and strongest moments the game
has brought them and the reason they look forward to playing. Players them-
selves claim they are motivated by fun, experimenting, and so on, but as for
subconscious motivations, players with addictive symptoms are motivated
by self-expression of a full and efficient self, something they lack in real life
(Wan & Chiou, 2006b). These authors explain addiction in the game via a
mechanism that is principally close to the feeling of bliss obtained through
psychoanalysis. A similar mechanism is described by Allison et al. (2006),
where in the case of an 18-year-old hospitalized player the researchers show
that his excessive play sessions lasting up to 18 hours per day were mostly
a solution to his problems with self-esteem and social drawbacks. His char-
acter, a “shaman capable of reviving the dead and calling lightning,” then
represented a compensation for his deficits, allowing the player to create a
full-fledged self in the game. Although he had social phobias, he successfully
socialized in the game. Unfortunately, this player was not able to transfer such
a full self and the obtained self-efficacy into real life.
The authors, in accordance with Sherry Turkle (1997), thus liken the relation-
ship of the player to his character to a transfer as defined by deep psychology. A
transfer is a sort of space between an individual (his inner world) and the outer
reality, meaning the transfer does not fully belong to either of these places. The
game character is on one hand controlled by the player, but on the other hand it
is not part of the player, and this could explain why some players are not capa-
ble of fully controlling their play. The relationships between players and their
game characters can, however, have various forms, and the developmental
aspect also plays a certain role here (Blinka, 2008). Especially younger players
use their game characters as tools for gaining prestige in the game world and
are thus more susceptible to becoming stuck in the game. The relationships
between players and their characters can even have therapeutic potential
from a certain point of view. Players in the game unknowingly compensate
for certain aspects that they lack in themselves; if therapy could identify these
aspects, reflect them, and then transfer them into real life, the game could be
used to treat their problems, which could paradoxically lead to less time spent
in the game. Turkle showed a similar use of the therapeutic potential of games
on MUDs, the aforementioned predecessors of MMORPGs (Turkle, 1997).
Wolvendale (2006) spoke directly of the attachment of players to their game
characters. This is a very similar relationship to the one we have to absent
individuals—they are not in reality present, but by keeping them in our
minds, they are real in consequences. The game character is similarly absent or
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SELF-PERCEPTION OF ADDICTION
Addiction to MMORPGs is not just a theoretical, abstract notion. The no-
tion of addiction in relation to MMORPGs has entered general awareness.
For example, Google found 4.5 million results when searching for “addiction
WoW” at the end of May 2009. There are hundreds of videos on YouTube
about this phrase. Yee (2006b) has stated that approximately half of players
consider themselves addicted. The older gamers had a lower tendency for
doing so: 67% of adolescent girl gamers, 47% of adolescent boy gamers, and
40% of adult gamers have labeled themselves addicted to the game. From
qualitative interviews with excessive players (Blinka, 2007), the tendency to
do so also seemed apparent; however, this has not yet been quantitatively
confirmed. Basically, younger players more often label themselves addicted,
but they do not consider this significant and reject possible negative impacts
of such addiction. Older players are more often aware of possible negative
aspects of addiction, but more often deny being actually addicted to the
game. The term addiction usually comprises three factors for players: The
first is excessive play compared to the referential group of players, which
is tricky due to the fact that the referential group of players can sometimes
play more than 10 hours a day. As stated by one of the players in our in-
terviews: “ I went to bed at night and the other players went to bed the other day
in themorning.” Another factor constitutes conflicts with one’s surroundings,
and the third is cognitive salience, meaning that a player constantly thinks,
dreams, or daydreams about the game. In the words of one of the players,
“ When I was addicted, I didn’t think about anything else and I played whenever
I could.”
One can also ask to what extent somebody labeling himself or herself
addicted could actually be related to addictive behavior. In our quantitative
study (Smahel, Blinka, & Ledabyl, 2007), we found agreement between self-
definition as an addicted individual and addictive behavior in about 21% of
players; such is thus the ratio of players who both have symptoms of addiction
and consider themselves addicted. Almost a quarter of players then claim to
be addicted but do not show symptoms of addiction—probably due to the
popular overuse of the word addiction. Many players base their judgment of
whether they are addicted solely on the amount of time spent playing. From
a therapeutic standpoint, 6% of players do not consider themselves addicted
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but display symptoms of addiction. This group does not acknowledge their
addictive behavior, and that fact should be elaborated on therapeutically.
The remaining 49% of players do not consider themselves addicted and do
not display symptoms of addiction. A total of 27% of MMORPG players
in our study indicated all five factors of addiction—a relatively high share
considering the fact that, for example, World of Warcraft is played by over
11 million players.
C O N C L U S I O N : W H AT C A N T H E R A P I S T S D O ?
In this chapter we have dealt with playing MMORPGs in the context of
addiction to the game. Now let’s look at possible implications for therapists
as well as clinical or social workers who could come into contact with excessive
players of MMORPGs. Empirical data on therapeutic work with MMORPG
players is still rare, so we will now draw mostly from our experience with
and knowledge of MMORPGs and their context.
We have shown that MMORPGs are played primarily by men in young
adulthood and that time spent in the game often reaches 30 and more hours
per week. Motivations for playing MMORPGs are various, ranging from com-
petition in the context of creation of powerful characters and exploring the
online world to recognition in the virtual social group of players, often within
so-called guilds. The player’s virtual character, or avatar, becomes a part of
the player and the player communicates in the game through it. The virtual
character in a sense incorporates into the real personality of the player, based
on the current state of the player’s development and identity. Players then
feel a wide range of emotions toward their avatars. Since players spend a
lot of time in the game, they often label themselves addicted. About half of
players think that they are addicted to the game (Yee, 2006a). Usually this is
only a trendy and excessive use of the word addiction, since a large share of
these players do not display symptoms of addiction to the game. Symptoms
of addiction to the game are, however, displayed by approximately a quarter
of MMORPG players (Smahel, 2008; Smahel et al., 2008).
We have also presented a simple questionnaire for determining these symp-
toms, which can be used for basic orientation. However, for determining
whether someone is truly suffering from addiction, the best option is to par-
ticipate in a clinical interview. Many players undervalue or overvalue answers
in questionnaires, and playing in the context of the whole of the player’s life
must be taken into account. Therapists should ask questions regarding the
function of playing in the player’s life and the hidden motives for playing. It
seems that for many players with developed addictions to MMORPGs that
this addiction only hides other problems of the player in real life. This hy-
pothesis has, however, not yet been empirically verified, although it does
come from informative interviews with therapists. One of the therapists, for
example, stated that he had an adult client asking about his depressions. Only
after half a year of treatment did it become apparent that this client played
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MMORPGs every day, morning to evening. He was at the same time very
ashamed of this and did not want to talk about it. Playing MMORPGs could
be not only the client’s main problem, but also a symptom hidden behind
another problem (e.g., depressions, anxiety). Playing online games is actually
a relatively safe symptom, since although physical needs sometimes do get
neglected to a certain degree, no physical harm is caused directly—as is the
case in overuse of drugs or alcohol.
Therapists also have a new option of working with the player’s relationship
to the avatar and also the context of social links in the game. Understanding
the function of the virtual social space of the player is apparently crucial:
Is it a compensation for relationships in the real world? Or is it a way of
supporting the player’s self-esteem and self-efficacy? The therapists should
ask themselves what the online world brings the player and how can the
player use this in real life. Potential addiction usually has a certain function
for players, in some manner that fits in their real lives—similarly to other
addictions or psychological problems. Addiction to MMORPGs is specific
due to the virtual presence of the player in a community and also due to
the relationship to the online character, but apparently is not special as far as
therapeutic principles and procedures are concerned. Our recommendation
to therapists of potential MMORPG addicts thus leads to using their proven
procedures for other types of addictions or problems and possibly combining
them with the options provided by the virtual world. Meeting the client in the
virtual world could lead to a better understanding of the player’s problems
and have certain therapeutic potential, as shown by Turkle in the example of
text online worlds (Turkle, 1997).
The future remains a big question as far as the development of addiction to
online games goes. If we look back, 10 years ago MMORPGs were practically
nonexistent and playing within complex online worlds was relatively rare,
mostly in the context of the aforementioned MUDs. We can thus ask: What will
happen in the next 5 to 20 or more years? The development of technologies
and online worlds is so fast that it is hard to guess what the future may
bring. It is practically certain, though, that online addiction has been on the
rise in recent years. We expect that the virtual reality as a form of escape
from the real world will become more and more common, and MMORPGs
will be no exception. If the borders between reality and virtual reality keep
blurring, be it by improving the graphics of games or quality of monitors or
by the development of new technological tools altogether such as monitors
in glasses, sensor gloves, or other examples, we can expect further significant
development and deepening of these phenomena. Players will find it even
more difficult to distinguish between the real world and the virtual one,
and their immersion in the game will be even greater. The importance of
exploring MMORPGs in the context of addiction will thus rise greatly. This
chapter can thus be seen as a prompt to people who come into contact with the
phenomenon of MMORPGs, whether in clinical practice or in their research,
not to underestimate virtual worlds and not to demonize them. Virtual worlds
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are, first and foremost, simply another place for people to find fulfillment, be
it for better or worse.
The authors acknowledge the support of the Czech Ministry of Education,
Youth and Sports (MSM0021622406).
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Study IV
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Blinka, L., & Mikuška, J. (2014). The role of social motivation and sociability of gamers in online game
addiction. Cyberpsychology: Journal of Psychosocial Resear ch on Cyberspace, 8(2), article 6. doi:
10.5817/CP2014-2-6
1
Faculty of Social Studies, Masaryk University, Brno, Czech Republic
2
School of Human Environmental Sciences, University of Kentucky, Lexington, KY, USA
Abst r a ct
Massiv ely m ult iplayer online ( MMO) gam es repr esent a long - st anding, int ensive and w ide spr ead t ype of
online applicat ions w hose popularit y cont inues t o grow . Alt hough j ust a m ere ent ert ainm ent and leisur e
act ivit y for m ost gam ers, it s pot ent ially negat ive and addict ive out com es w er e int ensively st udied and
recent ly also acknow ledged by t he Am erican Psychiat ric Associat ion ( 2013) . MMOs are essent ially a social
act ivit y, but em pirical st udies are equivocal in ident ifying w het her and t o w hat ext ent t he social fact ors
help dev elop t he addict ive gam ing habit s associat ed w it h t hese applicat ions. The pr esent st udy seek s t o
direct ly ident ify t he r ole of social fact or s in online addict iv e gam ing. Survey dat a from 667 MMO gam er s
wer e analysed. Toget her wit h an online gam e addict ion scale, t he invest igat ed psychological fact or s
included social m ot ivat ion for gam ing, online peer at t achm ent and social self - efficacy. The result s
rev ealed t hat alt hough social m ot ivat ion w as a predict or of addict ive gam ing, high social m ot iv at ion w as
t ypical for int ensiv e gam ers regardless of t heir lev el of addict ion. Howev er, gam er s at - risk of addict ion
scored low er in t heir social self- efficacy and int erpersonal t rust m easur ed by peer at t achm ent . This
support s t he poor - get - poorer hypot hesis, t hat generally less socially skilled gam ers face fur t her problem s
online. How ever, social fact ors w er e only m odest ly associat ed t o online addict ive gam ing w hich indicat es
higher r elevance of ot her fact ors ident ified by lit erat ure, e.g. im m er sion and in - gam e r ewards syst em s.
Keywords: online game addiction; social motivation; sociability; social self-efficacy; peer-attachment
I n t r odu ct ion
The Internet as an entertainment medium has proliferated through contemporary society along with the
multitude of its online applications. Online computer games in general and the MMO genre (massively
multiplayer online games) in particular are one of the online applications which became immensely
successful and changed the way many people spend their free time. For instance, World of Warcraft, one
of the most popular MMORPGs (role playing games), boasted 12 million subscribers in 2010 (Blizzard,
2010). With the spread of free-to-play games, it seems that the number of MMO players has been on a
constant rise. According to the Entertainment Software Association (ESA, 2013), in 2012 the computer
games market reached about 14 billion dollars in the U.S. alone and an overwhelming majority of this
profit was generated by online games. Many of the MMOs, including e.g. World of Warcraft, became so
widespread that they can be easily recognized as pop-cultural symbols.
What attracts the attention of both the public and academics is the intensity with which MMOs are played.
Most of the existing data claim that the average amount a player spends in MMOs is about 25 hours a
week (Griffiths, Davies, & Chappell, 2004; Smahel, Blinka, & Ledabyl, 2008; Williams, Yee, & Caplan,
2008), but many gamers play significantly more than that – about 11% of players spend 40 hours a week
in-game. Additionally, the majority of gamers have indulged in very long gaming sessions. As reported by
85
Yee (2006), 60% of MMO players have spent 10 continuous hours in-game without a break. Such loyalty
and compulsiveness of many players has been studied for a decade and half now and has generated a
relatively extensive body of existing literature on this topic. More often than not, the psychological
paradigm of so called Internet gaming addiction has been applied to approach this intensity of time
investment. Researchers have agreed that many heavy gamers actually develop symptoms similar to the
symptoms of other behavioural addictions – these include jeopardization of interpersonal and social
relationships, obsession by the game, persistence in gaming patterns despite being aware of their
negative consequences, experiencing of withdrawal symptoms while not able to be online, and relapsing
back into heavy gaming after periods of relative control (for an overview see e.g. Blinka & Smahel,
2011a; Kuss & Griffiths, 2012). Recently, the online games disorder was added as an experimental
diagnosis in the 5th revision of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (APA, 2013).
Some research suggested a more distinct typology rather than just the distinction of problematic and non-
problematic internet users and online gamers. For example, Dreier and colleagues (2014) identified four
different types of excessive internet users who differed in their level of controlling the behaviour and thus
only some of these could be considered to be at-risk of addiction. Similarly, in case of online gamers,
Charlton and Danforth (2007; 2010) described a third group in addition to the addicted and non-
problematic groups, which is characterized by high engagement – and despite being highly involved in the
activity and even showing some signs of peripheral addiction factors, this group should not be labelled as
pathologically addicted. In the present study we adopt this notion and we investigate not only addictive
gaming as a continuum but also three distinct types of users in relation to their level of addictive gaming
– i.e. casual (non-problematic) gamers, highly engaged (non-pathologic) gamers, and gamers at-risk of
addiction.
The literature has identified several personality factors associated with the tendency to use online games
excessively or even pathologically. For example, Mehroof and Griffiths (2010) found that online game
addiction is associated with neuroticism, sensation seeking, aggression and state and trait anxiety of the
gamers, while Caplan, Williams and Yee (2009) found a similar tendency with loneliness as the single
strongest predictor, followed by introversion and depression of the gamers. Kuss and Griffiths (2012)
summarized the factors associated with riskier gaming patterns as introversion, neuroticism and
impulsivity. This seems to be in line with results of studies examining the main gameplay motivations of
problematic gamers. Along with achievements – earning points, progressing, and levelling (King,
Delfabbro, & Griffiths, 2011), the major reasons for playing MMOs were namely immersion and escapism
(Yee, 2006; Caplan et al., 2009; King et al., 2011), e.g. using the game as a mood management tool to
cope with negative emotions (Hussain & Griffiths, 2009).
However, online games are also inherently a social activity, played with or against others, and offering
opportunities to make new friends online. Players often attribute the appeal of online games to the
community formed by other gamers. This is clearly visible on the positive relationship of the number of in-
game friends and the amount of time players invest into the games (Cole & Griffiths, 2007). Emotional
and behavioural investment seems to go hand in hand, and not only in terms of quantity of friends.
Caplan and colleagues (2009) found that one of the strongest predictors of pathological gaming was the
use of voice technology – this is usually used in a very social style of game play and the players using this
technology interact with others in the game more intensively. On the other hand, however, the same
study found no significant relationship between social motivation and pathological gaming (Caplan et al.,
2009) - a finding also supported by Kardefelt-Winther (2014). Despite the link between social factors and
development of excessive and pathological gaming has been consistently described by qualitative studies
(e.g. Haagsma, Pieterse, Peters, & King, 2013; Karlsen, 2011), the state of quantitative research seems
to be rather equivocal in assessing the role of social factors in problematic game play.
Based on the reviewed literature on personality factors and gaming addiction, one of the explanations of
what leads to problematic game play seems to be the so-called social compensation hypothesis. According
to Lo, Wang and Fang (2005) many players use the MMO environment to overcome their feelings of
isolation and social anxiety by immersing themselves into intensive online gaming and into building social
relationships within these games, which temporarily brings a sense of relief. Some studies indicated
positive outcomes of social online game play – for example in expanding social capital (Zhong, 2011) and
transferring the social connections formed in the game to the offline environment (Trepte, Reinecke, &
Juechens, 2012). However, many studies have shown that the social capital acquired in online games is a
bridging social capit al – loose relationships, characterized by their width – rather than bonding social
capit al – close relationships characterized by emotional support (Huvila, Holmberg, Ek, & Widen-Wulff,
2010; Williams, 2007). Thus online relationships may suffer from their superficiality and the fact that
some of the gamers may be caught in a vicious cycle, where the game and social interaction leads to
further isolation (Lo et al., 2005).
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However, some researchers describe the actual situation as being more complex. Trepte and her
colleagues (2012) found that the players in closer physical and social proximity to other players (e.g.
those more involved in organisation of the gaming clans and guilds, those more in touch with other
players) yield more positive outcomes from the game. These players create not only the bridging but also
the bonding social capital which positively affects the social support they receive. Similarly, Smahel,
Brown, and Blinka (2012) found that the best adapted individuals (who report highest number of friends
and close friends) are those who report a balanced number of online and offline friends – they are able to
use both the online and offline environment to their benefit. Recently, it was for example Collins and
Freeman (2013) who found that problematic gamers report higher online social capital and lower offline
social capital, while in the case of the non-pathological gamers the negative effect of lowering offline
social capital was not reported and only the positive remained. Based on this we propose the following
hypotheses below.
Th e Pr e sen t St ud y
The purpose of this study is to examine whether the social factors – measured by social motivation for
gaming – and sociability – measured by social self-efficacy and peer attachment – are related to online
game addiction. Based on the reviewed literature, we hypothesize that:
H 1 : Social m ot ivat ion for gam ing is posit iv ely r elat ed t o online gam ing addict ion.
Some studies showed social aspects of online gaming as a motivational factor for gaming itself, both
pathological and non-pathological. Still, literature has shown that overcoming social isolation via social
game play is an important empowerment factor of pathological gaming. Thus we hypothesize that:
H 2 : Gam er s at - r isk of addict ion, highly engaged non - pat hological and casual gam ers ar e
different in respect t o t heir social m ot ivat ion for gam ing.
The potential that lower sociability of gamers is a predictor of addictive gaming has been stated in
research. Also, pathological gamers were identified to possess personality traits that are associated with
lower social involvement and lower feelings of security in social situations. Thus we hypothesize that:
H 3 : Social self- efficacy is negat iv ely associat ed w it h addict ive gam ing.
H 4 : Gam er s at - r isk of addict ion, highly engaged non - pat hological and casual gam ers ar e
different wit h respect t o t heir self- efficacy.
H 5 : Per ceived online peer at t achm ent is negat ively associat ed wit h addict ive gam ing.
H 6 : Gam er s at - r isk of addict ion, highly engaged non - pat hological and casual gam ers ar e
different wit h respect t o t heir per ceived online peer at t achm ent .
M e t h ods
Pa r t icip a n t s
The sample used in this study consisted of 667 MMORPG players (ages 11-54, M = 22.71, SD = 6.66;
84% male), predominantly from the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Players were recruited during Spring
2011 through discussion forum posts or by server-wide in-game promotions after contacting several
server administrators. In several cases, participation was incentivized by in-game rewards which may
have led several people to "click through" the survey, therefore everyone who completed the survey in
less than 4 minutes was omitted from the final sample, as well as everyone who consistently selected the
same response or did not respond to more than 50% of the relevant items.
On average, players in our sample spent 22 hours in MMORPGs every week (SD = 17.62), and played
mostly World of Warcraft (45%). There were no differences between males and females in terms of age
(Males: M = 22.69, SD = 6.47, Females: M = 22.88, SD = 7.67, t [649] = 0.74, p = .459), and hours
played per week (Males: M = 21.72, SD = 17.42, Females: M = 23.12, SD = 18.79, t [649] = 0.25, p =
.800).
87
M e a sur e s
On lin e g a m e a ddict ion . To assess the level of online game addiction, ten Likert-type questions on a 4-
point scale ranging from ‘never’ to ‘very often’ were used. This scale was designed and developed by
Blinka and Smahel (2011a) based on six criteria of addictive behaviour as proposed by Griffiths (e.g.
Griffiths, 2000; 2005) – salience (two items, divided into cognitive and behavioural salience), withdrawal
symptoms (one item), euphoria (one item), tolerance (two items); conflicts (two items); relapse and
reinstatement (two items). Sample items included “have you been unsuccessful in trying to limit time
spent online” (relapse and reinstatement) or “do your family, friends, job, and/or hobbies suffer because
of the time you spend with online gaming” (conflict). We created an online game addiction index as a
mean value of the 10 items (Cronbach’s alpha = .76).
Following and expanding Charlton and Danforth's (2007; 2010) notion of distinction between addicted and
highly-engaged players, we chose to define and compare three groups of players, based on their level of
addiction and intensity of game play. The authors argue that there is a difference between intensive
players who are simply passionate about the games, yet do not experience negative consequences
associated with their gaming patterns, and those who do. We chose to compare these highly engaged
players to those at risk of addiction, and to further provide contrast by including a group of casual or
recreational players. Thus we divided players into the following three groups: the "addiction at-risk" group
(12.1%, n = 81) consisted of players reported "often" or "very often" in at least three criteria on the
addiction scale, as well as the conflict criterion; the "highly engaged" group (29.5%, n = 197) contained
players who did not meet the criteria of the first group, but reported playing more than average time (22
hours) weekly; finally, "casual gamers" (58.3%, n = 389) were those that did not report the necessary
criteria for addiction and also reported playing below average time per week. The gender distribution
across the three groups was found to be equal (χ2 [2] = 2.80, p = .246). Comparing the groups on their
addiction scale scores shows that the groups are distinct in the severity of reported issues (F[2,664] =
223.54, p < .001, casual: M = 1.77, highly engaged: M = 1.94, at-risk: M = 2.65, all statistically
significant from each other at the p < .001 level).
Socia l m ot iv a t ion . To measure the players' enjoyment of the social aspects and their motivation to play
MMOs for these reasons, we utilized a number of items from the most common questionnaires measuring
this construct (Hsu, Wen, & Wu, 2009; Koo, 2009; Yee, 2006). Selected items focused on the individual's
attitudes instead of frequencies (such as those with response scales ranging from never to very often) and
loaded strongly on their respective factors in the original studies. Nine items in total were chosen to
create a three-component measure (socialization & community inclusion, relationships & support, and
teamwork). Sample items included “I like being a member of the gaming community”, and the 4-point
response scale ranged from "completely disagree" (1) to "completely agree" (4). After testing for internal
consistency, one item was omitted due to its low contribution to Cronbach's alpha of the scale. After the
exclusion the scale alpha was α = .78.
Pe r ce iv e d Socia l Se lf- Effica cy . Smith and Betz (2000) Perceived Social Self-Efficacy Scale was used to
measure the extent to which respondents viewed themselves as confident in performing various social
interactions. Sample items included "make friends in a group where everyone else knows each other" and
"put yourself in a new and different social situation". Response categories ranged from "no confidence at
all" (1) to "complete confidence" (5) and α = .94.
Re su lt s
Pearson’s correlations revealed that online game addiction is positively related to in-game time and social
motivation for gaming, while being negatively related to social self-efficacy of gamers. Interestingly,
although social motivation and social self-efficacy are positively related, their relation to addiction is
opposite. Social motivation is positively related to in-game addiction while social self-efficacy is negatively
related to in-game addiction. Table 1 summarizes the results of correlational analysis.
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Table 1. Cor relat ions of m ain st udy variables.
A two-step hierarchical linear regression was used to determine associations between online game
addiction and social self-efficacy, social motivation for gaming and quality of in-game friendships, and
after controlling for demographic variables and intensity of gaming. Model 1 includes only control
variables (age, gender and play time), and variables measuring social attitudes and skills are added in
Model 2 (see Table 2).
Table 2. Linear r egr ession: Social and cont rol fact or s associat ed w it h online
gam e addict ion.
Model 1 Model 2
B SE β B SE β
(Constant) 1.90*** 0.97 2.17*** 0.17
Age -0.01* 0.00 -.09 -0.01* 0.00 -.08
Gender 0.04 0.05 .03 0.03 0.05 .03
Play time 0.01*** 0.00 .23 0.01*** 0.00 .23
Social Motivation 0.17*** 0.04 .17
Social Self-Efficacy -0.09** 0.03 -.14
In-Game Friendship -0.13** 0.04 -.14
R2 .062 .113
F 13.797*** 13.073***
Δ R2 .050***
Note: * p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001
In the first step of the regression, as expected, time spent in-game was a positive predictor of addiction.
While age was a negative predictor, i.e. younger gamers were more prone to addictive gaming, there was
no effect of gender. These control variables accounted for 6% of the variance in the addiction scores.
Social motivation for gaming was positively associated with gaming addiction even after controlling for
demographic variables – supporting hypothesis H1. The quality of in-game friendships and social self-
efficacy were both negatively related to gaming addiction, providing support for hypotheses H3 and H5.
Social variables accounted for about 5% of the variance in the addiction score over and above age,
gender, and play time.
To analyse inter-group differences, a series of ANOVAs was conducted. Table 3 displays that in social
motivation the groups of highly engaged and at-risk of addiction did not differ significantly. The two
groups did however differ significantly from the third one – the casual players, both reporting higher mean
score of social motivation and offering support to H2. Concerning social self-efficacy, the at-risk of
89
addiction group reported the lowest mean score. However they differed significantly only from the casual
group, again supporting our H4. In terms of the perceived in-game quality of friendships, it was again the
highly engaged gamers who scored highest and in that respect they differed from both the casual and at-
risk group (who reported the lowest score). Hence H6 was also supported.
Table 3. Differ ences by int ensit y and pat hology of gam ing in social and cont r ol variables.
D iscu ssion
The aim of this investigation was to examine the role of social motivation, sociability – self-confidence in
social situations, and perceived quality of online peer relationships in problematic online game play or
online game addiction. Each of the three social variables included in our model do have a unique,
statistically significant relationship with online game addiction, even after controlling for age, gender, and
play time.
Social motivation appeared to be positively associated with online game addiction, which suggests that
higher levels of social motivation for gameplay are likely to be accompanied by problematic game play, at
least to a certain degree. When comparing the groups of casual, highly engaged and at-risk players this
pattern becomes even easier to identify. The motivation to play with other players, team up, and share
the game with others is on average higher among highly engaged and pathological gamers than among
casual gamers. Social motivation for playing online games has been acknowledged as an important factor
in gaming behaviour (Yee, 2006) and especially in excessive gaming. For example, Seay, Jerome, Lee and
Kraut (2004) reported a higher amount of time spent in-game by players who were engaged in
community-based play compared to solo-players. Also, Hsu et al. (2009), Caplan et al. (2009), and
Haagsma et al. (2013) found that the role of belonging to an online community and the associated feeling
of obligation were very important predictors of online game addiction. It seems that the breadth of social
interaction opportunities offered by online games are alluring to gamers and may eventually lead to the
negative consequences of online gaming.
Social self-efficacy, the belief of one's competence in establishing and maintaining relationships with
others and/or confidence in group activities, is negatively associated with gaming addiction. Longitudinal
data would be necessary to even begin to disentangle the directionality of this effect, yet it seems that
gamers reporting higher negative consequences of their gameplay trust their social skills less. This was
again supported by the group comparisons. Pathological gamers – those at-risk of addiction – tend to
score lower in their social self-efficacy than casual gamers. The role of highly engaged gamers seems to
be equivocal in this regards, showing no significant difference from either of the groups, potentially
suggesting a transitional role of this gaming pattern.
Perceived quality of in-game friendships, the need for social contact, and the level of perceived trust and
understanding towards their online friends is inversely related to gaming addiction. Here the group
difference pattern is slightly clearer, with the highly engaged group reporting closer relationships than the
other two groups.
According to the social compensation hypothesis, lonely and socially anxious individuals are especially
inclined towards online gaming as it may help, temporarily, to overcome the feelings of isolation from
their offline lives which may consequently lead to gaming addiction (Lo et al., 2005). However, even
90
though Caplan with colleagues (2009) found that loneliness predicts problematic game play, they did not
find a similar association between problematic gameplay and social motivation. This slightly contradicts
the social compensation hypothesis. Our study found that social motivation plays a role in increasing the
gaming addiction score. A direct comparison between groups showed that the highly engaged and at-risk
gamers both score higher than casual gamers. Additionally, the highly engaged group also showed higher
satisfaction with their online companions. Moreover, highly engaged gamers did not differ from the casual
gamers in their social skills and feelings of security in social situations. Thus, the highly engaged but non-
pathological gamers are those for whom the social style of gaming is more typical. This suggests that
social motivation is an important and attractive feature of the game which can explain why people tend to
play online games in such large numbers and why they devote so much time to playing. However, it
cannot explain why some of the gamers develop addictive usage.
This explanation may lay elsewhere. As our study suggests, gamers at-risk of addiction scored the lowest
in both perceived quality of peer relationships (along with casual players) and social self-efficacy (along
with highly engaged players). Thus it may be the player’s social skills that make the difference. The
socially skilled do not face problems related to online gaming as often as those who are less skilled. Thus
it seems that the valid explanation could be what Kraut and colleagues (2002) called the rich-get-richer
and poor-get-poorer hypothesis – socially well adapted individuals are able to use the online environment
to gain even higher social benefits, while those socially handicapped face further deterioration of their
psychosocial well-being online.
However, it must be noted that the currently observed associations were rather modest – e.g. social
variables explained only one twentieth of the variance of the online game addiction score. The mean
differences in sociability between groups, although significant, were very small. On the other hand, some
differences, although ostentatiously significant, were not, potentially due to low statistical power resulting
from a small sample size (especially in the case of the at-risk group). The estimated power for a small
effect (Cohen's d = 0.25) to be found between the highly engaged and at-risk group is .30 as obtained
from the Bonferronni correction (alpha level of .0167), which is inadequate to conclude that the
differences between groups do not exist.
The small effects of the social variables hint at increased relevance of other studies which found that the
most significant roles in developing problematic gameplay are played especially by the factors of
immersion and escapism, the system of in-game rewards and achievements (e.g. Hsu et al., 2009, King,
Delfabro & Griffiths, 2010; Kirby, Jones & Copello, 2014). However the lower role of social factors in
problematic gameplay contradicts the results found by qualitative studies (e.g. Beranuy, Cardonell, &
Griffiths, 2013; Haagsma et al., 2013; Karlsen, 2011). These report, in the players’ own words, that it is
the social aspect of game what leads to over-engagement in the game and later to the pathology. Future
studies, both qualitative and quantitative, should address the issue of these rather incompatible and
inconsistent results. Furthermore, longitudinal studies on this topic would be beneficial to examine the
directionality of these effects and look at whether it is lower confidence in one's social skills that leads a
player to become addicted, or the amount of time spent in-game and the resulting negative consequences
that lead players to lose their confidence.
Our study unfortunately faces several limitations, similarly to many other studies on this topic.
Convenience sampling and self-selection may lead to biased results due to potential constraints of the
variance. The second problem, usually accompanying the first one, is that samples with mixed cultural
backgrounds are used. Large cross-cultural differences in predictors of excessive internet use in European
youth have been reported (Blinka & Smahel, 2011b) and we could expect similar differences also in
specific online applications like online games and in the adult population. Both issues could be addressed
by using nation-wide representative samples, which are still more common in studies of children and
adolescents (e.g. van Rooij et al., 2010). Despite these limitations, our study expands the literature by
examining the roles of social self-efficacy, motivation for social play, and quality of in-game relationships
in problematic game play, and provides a unique contrast of three groups of players divided by their
gaming patterns.
Ack n ow le dgm e n t
The article was supported by grant from Czech Science Foundation (P407/12/1831). The authors would
also like to thank Kristýna Tlustáková and Jan Gabriel for significant help with data collection.
91
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Study V
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Interpersonal Dependency and Online Gaming Addiction
Abstract
The present study explores the relationship between social motivations and addiction
to online gaming and if that possible connection can be explained by the personality
Methods
4,074 online gamers. Two regression models were constructed to separately explain
gaming addiction and high engagement using social motivations to play, while
Results
healthy dependency was negatively correlated with addiction scores. In contrast, the
Discussion
People with healthy relationship profiles are less likely to develop problematic
patterns of online gaming. High in-game engagement, although sharing some factors
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with addiction, was only poorly explained by the study variables, suggesting the
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Introduction
During the last decade and a half, Massive Multiplayer Online Games (MMOGs)
devote a large portion of their leisure time (Williams, Yee, & Caplan, 2008).
Although mere entertainment and leisure activity for most gamers, a certain
proportion report that online gaming took over their lives and caused serious
King, 2013). Health-related negative consequences are also among the symptoms of
excessive patterns of online gaming and include low quality and quantity of sleep,
neglecting meals or poor and unhealthy diet, repetitive strain injuries, etc. (c.f.
Kalmus, Siibak, & Blinka, 2014 for an overview). The most excessive players may
spend 40 hours or more per week online, which equals or exceeds the amount of time
spent in a regular full-time job (Dauriat et al., 2011). Online gaming has been shown
to be the riskiest online activity in terms of the development of Internet addiction and
gameing addiction, not all criteria were identified as similarly contributing to the
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withdrawal symptoms, relapse, and conflict), seem to be signs of non-pathological
gaming (Charlton & Danforth, 2004). Such high engagement in online gaming,
although extensive at first glance but non-problematic at the second, is not connected
to those personality traits which are associated with pathological gaming (Charlton &
Danforth, 2007, 2010). This suggests that high engagement and addiction, although
overlapping in some symptoms, are rather distinct categories and thus points toward
The addictive potential of online games is usually associated with the reward aspects
of gaming (King, Delfabbro, & Griffiths, 2011). However, MMOGs are inherently
social environments and thus the social aspects of games, the social motivations of
gamers, and their sociability may play an important role. As shown by Ng and
non-MMOGs. The difference is the community – while offline video games are
same time. MMOGs represent a rich and valued source of social contacts for gamers
through in-game interactions, discussion forums, and also communication beyond the
gaming tasks (Yee, 2006; Cole & Griffiths, 2007). It has also been reported that
collective gaming, necessary for reaching advanced in-game content, leads to more
time spent online and may contribute to the development of patterns of compulsive
gaming (Haagsma, Pieterse, Peters, & King, 2013). According to the Social
especially prone to compulsive Internet use as they seek social support, which they
lack in their natural offline environment. Such gamers may then be caught in a vicious
circle - with increasing time spent online for in-game social interactions and in-game
group commitments, there may follow a negative effect on daily functioning and face-
99
to-face interactions, and the sense of loneliness may worsen (Davis, 2001; Shen &
Williams, 2011). From this point of view, the social motivation for gaming (i.e. the
addictive gaming. Nevertheless, such a direct relationship has not yet been confirmed.
Several studies indicate that this relationship is rather negligible (Blinka & Mikuška,
2014; S. Caplan, Williams, & Yee, 2009; Dauriat et al., 2011; Kardefelt-Winther,
2014; Király et al., 2015). According to Blinka and Mikuska (2014), a gamer’s social
skills and personality traits, such as lower interpersonal trust and lower social self-
efficacy, contribute to the development of pathological gaming more than the actual
social motivation for gaming. Gamers with schizoid personality traits and higher
introversion are reported to be more at risk of problematic online gaming (Kuss &
Griffiths, 2012). This finding indicates that the underlying psychological dispositions
of individuals may be the key to the relationship between social motivations and
gamers in relation to potential pathological game play. The concept itself describes
how people rely on others – how their cognition, motivation, affective responses, and
Porcerelli, Huprich, & Markova, 2009). The concept is, to some extent, similar to the
are healthy dependency (confidence and autonomy, desire for closeness, and
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representing dysfunctional functioning - destructive overdependence (characterised by
weak self, fear of negative evaluation, and reassurance seeking) and dysfunctional
detachment (fear of being hurt, fear of being overwhelmed by others, and consequent
need for control over social situations) (Bornstein et al., 2003). Individuals with
less stable in their attitudes and beliefs, and have a more pronounced need for
negative consequences and feelings in some social contexts and situations, but may be
risk of psychological and physiological disease (Fiori, Consedine, & Magai, 2008).
association between interpersonal dependency traits and substance use disorders (e.g.
features (Greenberg & Bornstein, 1988). The link between dependency traits and the
of unsatisfying or imperilling social contacts in real life. Thus, as online games are
explaining why some gamers tend to pathological gaming while others do not.
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Research focus and hypotheses
H1: Social motivations do not play an important role in online gaming addiction, and
some researchers (Lemmens, Valkenburg, & Peter, 2011). However, the relationship
between online gaming addiction and social motivations, which may be a conscious
addiction. We expect that personal traits associated with orientation towards social
commitment and the need for positive feedback from the community may be an
interactions and there is a lack of face-to-face interactions, attract gamers who score
expect that the healthy dependency personality trait, usually associated with healthy
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H2: High engagement in online gaming is not, in contrast to online gaming addiction,
significantly associated with the social motives and psychological traits significant
for social functioning. A large number of motives for online gaming has been
identified (Yee, 2006; Koo, 2009; King et al., 2011). We assume that intensive yet
non-pathological gamers enjoy the game for these various reasons and thus they are
not a group with any unified gaming pattern nor psychological trait or distress.
Methods
Participants
The data come from the first wave of a three-wave longitudinal online survey of
Internet gaming addiction. A total sample of 6,730 Czech and Slovak online gamers
discussion forums, and on guild websites. The ads targeted the core of the Czech and
Slovak gaming community, with heavy players expected to be the highest proportion.
Incentives in the form of lottery prizes were used to solicit higher participation. The
questionnaire was published in Czech on the Lime Survey platform in Spring 2013. A
MMORPG and MOBA games was selected for the analysis, and measurement tools
were developed specifically for these types of games. Participants spent between two
and 92 hours per week playing online games (M = 32.85, SD = 16.72); League of
Legends (MOBA, 35.22%) and World of Warcraft (MMORPG, 19.69%) were the
most played games in the sample. Female players were significantly older compared
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and spent significantly less hours gaming per week (Females: M = 27.85, SD = 15.84;
Measures
Questionnaire (AEQ), a 24-item tool with response options on a four-point scale (1-
strongly disagree; 4-strongly agree). The tool distinguishes between online gaming
addiction (12 items) and high engagement in online games (12 items). The addiction
subscale focuses on core addiction criteria, such as conflict, behavioural salience, and
such as cognitive salience, euphoria, and tolerance (Charlton & Danforth, 2007,
2010). Since the scale was not validated for discriminatory purposes, it is used as a
for addiction and Cronbach’s α = 0.72 for high engagement). We created two new
combined variables for addiction and engagement as mean scores of the respective
subscales ranging from 1 to 4 (MADD = 1.82, SDADD = 0.49; MENG = 2.50, SDENG =
0.26).
The frequency of online gaming, expressed in weekly playing hours, was constructed
as a combined measure using two open-ended questions: “In the last 3 months, how
much time (in hours) did you usually spend gaming on a normal working day?” and
“In the last 3 months, how much time (in hours) do you usually spend gaming on a
day off?” Respondents who did not play in the last three months (i.e. obtained zero in
To obtain information about game genre, respondents were asked to name a game
they played most often in the last three months. Only players of MMORPG and
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MOBA games were included in the analysis, as the AEQ scale contained some items
relevant only to these types of games (i.e. questions on virtual character, levelling,
Test (RPT) (Bornstein, Geiselman, Eisenhart, & Languirand, 2002). The scale
0.67), with 10 items providing answer options ranging from “very true” to “not at all
true” and representing each subscale. The three new variables, created as mean scores
of each sub-scale, ranged between 1 and 5 (MDO = 2.95, SDDO = 0.75; MHD = 3.63,
Social motivations for online gaming were measured using two subscales based on
eight items selected from the pool of the most commonly used questionnaires on
player’s motivations (Hsu, Wen, & Wu, 2009; Koo, 2009; Yee, 2006). Examples of
the items are: “I like talking to other players”; “I enjoy being part of the gaming
community”; “I sometimes share worries with other players”; and “I appreciate when
fellow players offer support in my real-life situations.” The four-point response scale
actual behaviour. The exploratory factor analysis showed two factors – team play
(five items) and social support (three items). Both scales had sufficient internal
consistency (Cronbach’s α = 0.75 for team play and Cronbach’s α = 0.70 for social
support). The final variables were created as mean scores of the respective items and
105
Data analysis
Pearson’s correlation coefficients were calculated for addiction, engagement, and all
controlling for age, gender, frequency of online gaming, and game genre.
Ethics
The study did not require approval of the ethics committee. In line with the university
ethical guidelines (CTT, 2015), details about the study aims, procedures, and the data
collected were provided on the first page of the questionnaire. As the participation
was solicited via online advertisement and parents of the underage children could not
be addressed directly, minors were requested to confirm that they would participate in
Results
between addiction and all predictors; addiction is negatively correlated with the
0.01). There is no relationship between the motivations for in-game social support and
addiction (r = -0.34, p < 0.01) and engagement (r = -0.11, p < 0.01), although the
effect is stronger for addiction. The association with the negative aspects of
detachment -- is stronger for addiction than for engagement in online gaming. The
two negative aspects correlate positively, while there is a negative association with
106
healthy dependency. Healthy dependency is negatively correlated with addiction and
positively with both types of social motivations, while there is either no or negligible
association between social motivations and negative dependency traits. Team play is
negatively associated with both addiction and engagement. The correlation between
social support and healthy dependency indicates that these two concepts may be
related. The need for in-game social support also increases with age. Table 1
Table 2 shows three linear regression models explaining online gaming addiction by
using the main interpersonal dependency subscales and social motivations. It confirms
that the negative aspects of interpersonal dependency are positive predictors for
online gaming addiction (hypotheses H1a and H1b), while there is a significant
negative association with healthy dependency (hypothesis H1c). The main effect of
social motivation is small and has only a limited impact on the relationship between
into the model reduces the effect of social motivations; team play, particularly,
becomes non-significant in the third regression step. Overall, the final model explains
25% of the variance of online gaming addiction. Thus, we consider the whole
hypothesis H1 as confirmed.
variable; the effect of the predictors is less pronounced and the final model explains
addiction, adding dependency traits into the model slightly increased the effect of
107
social motivations in the final model. The need for social support is a positive
predictor for online gaming addiction patterns, but it is negatively associated with
high engagement and this effect, although small, remains significant despite the
interpersonal dependency traits in the final model. Thus, we cannot fully support
small but significant association with social motivation and interpersonal dependency
Discussion
The present study confirmed that interpersonal dependency traits are crucial in
developing addictive behaviours discounting from the social motivation factors. Both,
addiction score, while healthy dependency is associated with lower addiction scores.
The relationship between various addictions and overdependence has been reported in
literature (Loas et al., 2005) and our study extends the evidence of its relationship to
destructive overdependence are not mutually distinct categories. On the contrary, they
are often found together (Bornstein et al., 2003; Bornstein et al., 2009) and they were
also mildly correlated in our research. In the case of online gaming, that means that
some of the pathological gamers may use MMOGs as an escape to a more secure and
controlled social environment and, at the same time, seek the social support and
associated with increased general problematic Internet use (McIntyre, Wiener, &
Saliba, 2015). Our final model explaining the 25% variance of online gaming
108
not play a role, while younger gamers (those preferring the MOBA genre to
MMORPG and those spending more time in the game) seem to be more susceptible.
While the facts that younger gamers are more at risk of gaming addiction and that the
gender effect is rather negligible have been shown in literature (Caplan, Williams,
Yee, 2009), the change in the effect of the game genre is new information.
which tended to attract or produce problematic gaming patterns. The fact that the
newly emerging MOBA genre even surpasses the MMORPGs should be further
investigated together with other possible emerging trends in the gaming industry.
High involvement in online gaming, on the other hand, is less connected to the
highly engaged and addicted gamers are a qualitatively distinct category and that they
differ not only in the mere quantity of the activity. Such a result is in line with the
previous findings of Charlton and Danforth (2010) and gives support to the approach
model combines demographic variables, personality traits, and social motivation for
results have been reported elsewhere, though different methods were used (e.g. Király
109
healthy need for social contact, and online games are efficient sources for social
interaction. For some authors, motivations to play represent conscious choices that are
Winther, 2014). In this view, the problematic patterns of online gaming are not
however, does not explain why only a few of those who report similar motivations to
online gaming find themselves hooked on the game, and why some develop extreme
symptoms of addiction that lead to neglecting basic drives. Our analysis indicates that
this view may be correct in terms of high involvement in online gaming, but when it
development of the pathology. Billieux et al. (2015) report similar results when
demonstrating that social motivations are more typical for regulated role-play gamers
than for hard-core and unregulated players. Indeed, online gaming addiction has been
repeatedly shown to be associated with motives for immersion and escapism and with
achieving better in-game content and rewards (e.g. King et al., 2011; Király et al.,
A stronger relationship also exists between the time spent playing and online gaming
addiction than with time spent playing and high engagement. This finding suggests
that highly engaged gamers may have a sense for balance and can effectively control
the impact of gaming on their real-life affairs. Psychological dispositions, then, are
time spent online. This would be in line with research showing that disinhibition may
manifest itself only in certain contexts, while in other situations individuals may
perform normally and show sufficient levels of self-control (Hofmann, Friese, &
Strack, 2009). The lack of self-control in online gaming might piggyback on unrelated
110
psychological discomfort, in this case as unsatisfying social contacts as a result of
The limitations of this study are associated with the fact that, unlike interpersonal
dependency traits, motivations to play and the level of involvement in online gaming
may vary over time. The cross-sectional nature of the present study, therefore, cannot
capture the whole complexity of the relationships delineated earlier in this text. It
should also be acknowledged that our data come from a non-representative, self-
selected sample of Czech and Slovak online gamers. However, this fact should not
compromise the correlational analysis (Gosling, Vazire, Srivastava, & John, 2004).
Online gaming addiction, distinguished here from high engagement in online gaming,
is not a medical diagnosis and should be interpreted with regard to the respective
measurement instrument. The addiction subscale of the AEQ stresses those symptoms
factors that may directly lead to one (i.e. behavioural salience, relapse, and
reinstatement) (Charlton & Danforth, 2007). We, therefore, cannot claim that negative
interpersonal dependency traits are predictors of addiction, but they certainly are
associated with such patterns of online gaming that put an individual at risk of
adverse consequences in many areas of life. People with healthy relationship profiles
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Table 1: Correlations of main study variables.
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9)
Addiction (1) - .25** .29** .22** -.18** .10** .13** -.23** .34**
Engagement (2) - .12** .15** .07** .12** .03 -.19** .11**
Destructive overdependence (3) - .28** -.20** .03 .07** -.18** .07**
Dysfunctional detachment (4) - -.18** -.19** -.08** .02 -.01
Healthy dependency (5) - .27** .19** .00 -.03
Team play (6) - .49** -.23** .19**
Social support (7) - -.06** .15**
Age (8) - .21**
Frequency of gaming (9) -
Note: ** p < .01
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Table 2: Linear regression models for online gaming addiction (method: stepwise).
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3
Table 3: Linear regression models for high engagement in online gaming (method: stepwise).
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3
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