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The Revolutionary Age 

A Chronicle and Interpretation of International Events 



Vol. I, No. 29 



Saturday, May 3, 1919 



Price 3 Cents 



May Day-and the Revolution 



M\Y Day is the day of the workers. 
This day is the day when the conscious work- 
ers, who are not mental slaves to the ideas of 
tn e masters, express their' determination for a new 
life, for a new world. 
May day is revolutionary Labor Day. 

American Labor — that is to say, those workers 
w ho do not see beyond their noses, beyond small in- 
creases of wages— celebrates Labor Day on the first 
Monday of Septmber. 

But what is celebrated on "Labor Day" is the 
•lav of the masters — it is the day of the wage-slaves, 
not of conscious rebels. 

"Labor Day" was granted the American workers 
bv the capitalists, as a toy to play with, as a means 
of fooling the workers. 

American Labor Day has no working class im- 
portance, no revolutionary meaning. It is a day to 
maintain the workers' suicidal confidence- in the cap 
italist exploiters. 

"American Labor Day'' represents the old order, 
with its oppression of the poor by the rich, of the 
workers by the employers: with its small wages and 
hard hours, its employment and economic insecur- 
ity, its misery for the majority of the people and its 
fabulous luxury for the few. 

International May Day represents the new society 
which is coming — the society of free men and 
women, in which labor will control its own mean? of 
making a living, in which there will be no masters 
and no poverty — economic security and peace shall 
prevail. 

International May Day represents that great work- 
ing class struggle to unite the workers of the world 
against the capitalists of the world, — against poverty, 
against oppression, against wars, against Caapitalism, 
for the freedom of the masses. 

International May Day is the day when the con- 
scious workers cease their labor, dozen tools in all 
shops, to prove to themselves and to their masters 
the strength that is in them, eager for the day when the 
great struggle shall flare up into revolutionary action, 
end Capitalism, and establish a world for the 
workers, 

<>n the first Monday of September, the masters of 
ndnstry do not fear proletarian action ; they know 
hat their workers are in bondage; they await Lues- 
day, when the workers will return to their shops, to 
s weat agony and blood in satisfaction for starvation 
wages while the masters enjoy ease and luxury. 

°n International Labor Day — May Day — the 
masters tremble. May Day in Europe is the day 
when the masters expect revolutionary upheavals. 
lh ey await in dread. It is the day of revolt. 

On previous May Days, the storm did not break; 
*na gradually the masters began to believe that the 
storm would never break—the storm of the workers' 
accumulated wrath at their m j serv> oppression and 

ustice— the storm which would 'sweep Capitalism 



wit of 



existence- 



R ut the f i ay did cmuc 

This year, May Day is a promise fulfilled. This 

1~5 ay sees l] ie proletariat of the world in action 
a &»nst Capitalism. 

]h Russia, May Day is greeted by millions upon 
of c- ° f work «ra who have overthrown the rule 
allv p,tallsm ' who havc seized power, who are actu- 
-iiu! I' rgamzin S the new society of communist labor 
' ' Maternity of the workers. They have completed 
ir evolution, these Russian worker-comrades of 
s - »nnd U 00( ] and tears and smoke, amid the at- 
m the whole capitalist world, but they held grim. 
refused i„ submit to international Capitalism 
le "" revolutionary challenge, flaming through the 
l > has brought response in other nations, among 
porkers of the world. The cause of revolution- 
Kus s»a is the cause of the workers of the world. 



Capitalism is being smashed. The workers are con- 
quering. May Day is coming into its own. 

In Hungary and Bavaria, the workers are in con- 
tiol ihey have established a Soviet Government, 
winch means m every-day language a government 
ot the poor aganst the rich, of the workers against the 
capitalists of peace against war, of iov against 
misery, of life against death. 

In Germany, the revolutionary workers, betrayed, 
threatened hy the Alles, starving and butcherd, are 



Call for a National Conference 
of the Left Wing 

Cult jor a National Conference of the Left Wing 
ot the American Socialist Party, issued bv I.ocat Bos- 
ton. Local Cleveland and the Left Wing Section <>f 
the Socialist Party of New York City. 



The international situation and ihe crisis in the 
American Socialist Party; the sabotage the party 
bureaucracy has practiced on the emergency national 
convention; the N. K. C. -aligning our parly with (he 
social-patriots at Berne, with the Congress of the 
Great Betrayal; ihe necessity of reconstructing nur 



policy in accord with revolutionary events. — all this, 
and more, makes it necessary that the revolutionary 
forces in the Socialist Party get together for counsel 
and action. 

This call is therefore issued .for the holding of a 
National Conference of the Left Wing of the Ame- 
rican Socialist Party, to discuss: 

i. — The crisis in the partv, and action thereon; the 
conquest of the party for the parly, for revolutionary 
Socialism. 

2. — The Xcw International; ways and means to 
prevent the party aligning itself with the "Internation- 
al*' of the social-patriots, of the El>ert-Scheidemann 
gangsters, and the wavering centre; affiliation with 
the Bolshcvik-Spartacan International alone. 

3. — The formulation of a declaration of principles 
and purposes of a national scope of the Left Wing of 
the American Socialist Party. 

4. — Forming some sort of a national council or bur- 
eau of the Let Wing, for propaganda, securing of 
information and spreading information. 

5.— To express and draw together the revolutionary 
forces in the party; to consider other means of further 
ing the cause of revolutionary Socialism. 

This call is issued to locals of the Socialist Party. 
branches and Left Wing groups within the party. The 
test of admission, provisionally, will be acceptance 
of the Manifesto of the Left Wing of the Socialist 
Party of Greater New York. 

Left Wing locals are invited to send delegates of- 
ficially. Where a local officially refuses to participate, 
1, ranees or minority groups in the party accepting ihe 
principles of the Left Wing should send delegates. 

Representation-— one delegate for every 500 members. 
No local or group should send more than three deleg- 
ates. 

The conference will he held starting Saturday, Juno 
jj. at some central city to be decided after the distri- 
bution of delegates is considered. 

Left Wing Locals and Branches, act! Send commun- 
ications to' Louis C. Fraina, .^5 Washingofn Street, 
Boston, Mass. 



securing new strength and are preparing for the new 
struggle against Capitalism and Imperialism on May 
j) av ^-and this struggle of our Herman worker-Com- 
rades against their own Capitalism is equally a 
struggle "against international Capitalism and Im- 
perialism. 

In France, Italy and England, throughout 
world in every country, is unrest among the workers, 
preparation for struggle against Capitalism. The 
workers may not be completely conscious ol what ihe\ 
Struggle for; but experience teaches thorn thai llictr 
struggle is a struggle to destroy Capitalism, to re- 
volutionize the old world, to place industry m ihe 
control of the workers. 

In our own country, May Day come, in the midst 
of general unrest- This unrest is tremendous, dec]-. 
but as vet it has not become conscious in action, excepi 
•nnonff those workers who have accepted Socialism 
l_ind [May Day >s the aa >" of international Socialism. 



f hi this May Day, the American workers face a 
scriou crisis. The war "prosperity" — which was 
serious crisis. The war "prosperity" — which 
crease; and as the soldiers are demobilized and in- 
dustry in Europe resumes normal operations, this 
unemployment will increase by leaps and bounds. 
Wages are being reduced. During the war, they, 
the masters, smiled upon labor; now they fire labor 
if labor so much as opens its mouth to protest. 

The economic crisis is awakening the American 
workers. They realize that things are wrong. They 
are accepting revolutionary ideas- 

The capitalists and their government are scared. 
They fear the development of revolutionary Socialism 
among the working masses. They carry on a cam- 
paign against Bolshevik ideas. They pay to slander 
Socialism and the workers. They arrest Socialists 
and I. W. W/s. They deport agitators. The law, 
the police and the army are being used against the 
workers and the rebels. 

Hundreds .of Socialists and labor agitators are in 
prison — among them Eugene Debs, William D. Hay- 
wood and Thomas Mooney. They are in prison be- 
cause they stood by the workers, because they struggle 
against the oppression of the workers, because ihey 
are of the workers. 

In jailing these men. the government of the capit- 
alists is jailing the workers, is striking a blow at the 
struggle of the workers to secure economic freedom", 
peace and a new world. 

They are going to crush the workers, if they can. 
They are going to use all means to smash the re- 
volutionary movement — and in this they will smash 
the workers, for, workers, the revolutionary move- 
ment is YOUR movement, the movement wheh alone 
represents your real interests. 

( )n this May Day. American Labor must resolve 
to throw away old ideas and old tactics. It must 
determine to struggle against the capitalists, who are 
your real enemies. It must determine to join with the 
class conscious workers of the world, who are engaged 
or preparing to engage in the final struggle against 
Capitalism — against unemployment, against misery 
and oppresion. against war and those who profit from 
war. 

You have power. You are in control of industrj 
You have the might to overcome the might of the 
capitalists, to break the power of the capitalists — 
the might of your industrial acion. 

The capitalists and the government of the capi: - - 
are imprisoning your revolutionary representatives. 
These men and Avomen in jail are calling upon you 
— they want to be with you in the great struggle that 
is coming. On this May Day, you must resolve to 
call at the earliest possible moment a general strike 
to compel the release of our imprisoned comrades. 

This will mean much. It will mean a revolutionary 
act. It will fire the enthusiasm of the workers. It 
will prepare you for new and mightier struggles 
against the capitalists, until you break the power of 
Capitalism. 

The old world is breaking to piece-. Amid the 
mar of cannons and the rattle of machines guns, a 
new world is being horn, the world of the workers, 
ur world, if you mil htnw it. 

Workers! Do not trust the false promises of 
the masters. Do not depend upon words, but upon 
\our own deeds. 

Workers — men and women ! May Day is your 
day, you must make it yt tr day. Doxon tools on 

May Day and show your determination to conquer, 
to express your solidarity with your European com- 
rades, Then prepare for a real general strike. 

( hi this May Day — when the whole world is in 
Revolution — remember the workers of the world 
must unite to break the power of the capitalists, to 
break the power of those who make poverty, misery 
and war. Workers of all countries, unite for Social- 
ism! 



THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE 









The Revolutionary Age 

A Chronicle and Interpretation of International Events 

Louis C. Frawa 'Editor 

Contributing Editors 



^^^3,1919 



John Reed 

N. I. Hourwich 

Lumvir. Lore 



Sen Katayama 

G. Weinstein 

Eadmonn MacAlpine 



ISSUED EVERY SATURDAY 
By Local Boston, Socialist Party 

H, G. Steiner, Business Manager 
PH$ Washington St., Boston, Mass. 

Bundle orders 2c a copy, Subscription $1.00 for 
sir months (26 issues) 

The Principles and Tactics of the New International 

From the Call of the Communist Party of Russia (Bolshc- 
viki) for a Communist International Congress. 

It is an urgent necessity that the first congress of the new 
revolutionary International be called. During the war and 
the Revolution the complete bankrupcy of the old Socialist 
and Social Democratic parties, and the second International, 
as well as the incompetency of the middle elements of the old 
Social Democracy (the so-called "centre") for live revolution- 
ary action, has^ finally become evident. At present, however, 
the outlines of the genuine revolutionary International are 
distinctly coming into view. 

As a basis for the new International, we consider necessary 
the recognition of the following principles, which we shall 
consider our platform, and which have been worked out on 
the basis of the program of the Spartactis group in Germany 
and the Communist party (Bolsheviki) in Russia. 

1. The present is the period of the dissolution and the 
collapse of the whole capitalist world system, which will mean 
the complete collapse of European culture, if Capitalism, 
with its un5ohable contradictions, is not destroyed. 

2. The problem of the proletariat consists in immediately 
seizing the power of the state. This seizure of the power o'f 
state means the destruction of the state apparatus of the 
bourgeoisie and the organization of a new proletarian appar- 
atus or power. 

.}. This new proletarian state must embody the dictator- 
ship of the proletariat, and in certain places also the small 
peasants and farm hands, this dictatorship constituting the 
instrument for the systematic overthrow of the exploiting 
classes and the means of their expropriation. 

Not the fraudulent bourgeois democracy— this hypocritical 
form of rule of the finance oligarchy— with its purely formal 
equality, but the proletarian democracy and the possibility 
of the realization of freedom for tlic working masses; not 
parliamentarism, but self-government of these masses through 
their elected organizations; not capitalist bureaucracy but 
organs of administration which have been created by the 
masses ihemselves, with the real participation of these mass- 
es m the government of the countries and .in ihe activity 
of the Socialist structure— this should Iw the type of the 
Pro e tarun state. The power of the Workers' Councils and 
similar organizations is its concrete form. 
, 4- The dictatorship of the proletariat is to complete the 
immedia e expropriation of Capitalism and the suppression 
of private property in means of production, which includes, 
hSnrftr Z ?i i 1C , B ?« ,ression of P^ate property and its 
strninn If , , prole,ar] . an ***** "«der the Socialist admin- 
istration of the working class, the abolition of capitalist 

SftStoftSS SLr ta - ,taa - '" "" "'""-■"- 

S In order to insure the social revolution, for defense 
against enemies within and without, of assistance for other 
national groups of the fighting proletariat, etc., the cmnp 
disarmament, of the bourgeoisie and their agents and tie 
general arming of the proletariat is necessary 

befweI hC t£. rC fl5ff! W °, rld 5i f ,a * i f n demands the closest relation 
between the different parts of the revolutionary proletariat 
and a complete union between the countries in which the 
Socialist revolution has been victorious. 
7 : The fundamental means of the struggle is the mass 

waTuoo, S? fif**"** Sloping into anned ad open 
war upon the bourgeois state. 

of the international revolution. 
Then there is the "Cent< 



Mexico and the Monroe Doctrine 

THE Mexican Government has made it publicly 
clear that it will not recognize the validity of the 
Monroe Doctrine. Mexico would not protest against 
the original Doctrine, which provided that there 
should be no colonization by European powers on the 
American continents ; but the Monroe Doctrine today 
is something altogether different. 

The reception accorded to Mexico's repudiation in- 
dicates clearly the character of the Monroe Doctrine 
today. There are two phases to this recept ju : 

t. — It makes no difference, say the defer aers of the 
Monroe Doctrine, what Mexico says; she will he 
compelled to accept the Doctrine. 

2. — The Monroe Doctrine, say these defenders, is 
a national doctrine of the United Stales, maintained 
upon its own responsibility. 

What is this but the attitude of the conqueror? A 
national doctrine that another nation must accept — 
that is aggression, Imperialism. This aggression and 
imperialism are actually comprised in the Monroe 
Doctrine today. It is not a question of European 
colonization, but of European capital and investments: 
the Monroe Doctrine is now an instrument to preserve 
these continents for the aggrandizement of American 
capital. 

"Revising-" the League 

f^ERTAIX amendments have been made to the 
y~s Peace Conference's proposed League of Nations. 
They have been made in order to satisfy certain ob- 
jections to the League. They satisfy bourgeois ob- 
jections, perhaps, but not the' Socialist. The fnnda- 
mrrtal defect of the League of Nation — inevitable 
under Capitalism — is that it is not a League but an 
alliance of five Great Powers, a defect stressed even 
by parts of bourgeois radical opinion. This imperial- 
istic alliance is consummated hy means of the Council 
of the League, which is to consist of nine members — 
five representing Great; Britain, France, Italy, the 
1 uited States and Japan, and' four representing all 
the other nations. This means that these five powers 
actually control the League, having a clear majority 
on the Council. 

That is fundamental. A League must he a League 
of free nations; but this imperialistic alliance consti- 
tutes nothing but an imperialistic League agai.ist the 
nations of the world. 

It is said that the new draft satisfies the Republic- 
ans in the United States Senate who opposed the 
original draft. Well it may; since the new draft rec- 
ognizes and protects the Monroe Doctrine and makes 
the League even more a fraud than it was. 

There is a real need for a League of Nations. The 
world must be united against war and for peace mus* 
unite for purposes of life and prosperity. Production 
is international. Hut this League cannot actually be 
consummated under Capitalism, since Capitalism' re- 
quires industrial and commercial competition, cannot 
abandon Imperialism. If it did. Capitalism would no 



upon the imperialistic governments of rt, 

olution will help the Russian people La Wori <* r ev 

Russian Revolution for all people?^ f^t t£ 

The Great Collapse 

THERE was an enormous upflarp rtf 
thusiasm when President Woodrow E$F" <*- 
arrived in Europe. It was, to cert! ^ ^ 
mass enthusiasm. A popular imams h-Jl h exte m 
of Woodrow Wilson as a great eimncip a ^ n cre *e<i 
those suggestive social myths with iS r "? ne °f 
abounds. wnic " history 

President Wilson, in his inimitable word, t ■ ■ 
deeds) catered to this popular sentimeT? W ' tl0llt 
even indulging in "Socialistic" expressio s— Ft. IU V 
got together with the distinguished diploma', in P° •'* 
and the social myth gradually disintegra ed fef 
diplomacy, democracy, all the beautiful ^1, P ^ 
sident Wilson were, in the test, p^fci^ 
The popular reaction developed immeL, 1 ross - 
great illusion was broken. The seSl 8 ^ 
Woodrow Wison to Europe evoked no SmSTV 1 ' 
siasm. This is how William Allen White in ""^ 
from Paris dated March 27, describes he ^^1 
coming :" c second 

When President Wilson came to Eurone in rw 
ber 19x8, he appealed to the masses o?lu"r5 ^ 
the heads of their Governments. Now he L -1 ^' er 



exclusively with the organized Government* n t 
When he appeared in Kris a dozen and s x t^T 
j?rcat crowds packed the Champs Elvsees £ B ° 
gress from the Arch to the TuiWw* a 1^ 
umph. *o other ruler ever had a greater rl\w 
the day he came back to Paris i„ mS5i P n: 
cotton banner, sagging in the wind 



■-■■i 



t-'tered 



™ d Y^J^l fe™? *?. lwnTSSr n a d w5! 



a banner left from December, harX 
:r ot the Avenue Montaiene .wTwf 



son, Ic Juste, 1 

near the corner ot the Avenue Montaigne' a^TZ 
was Sy gone FieldS ' "" *' °* ""^ ° f a *£ t& 
As the banner was fraying in the light spring breeze 
the tram bearing the Presidential party was 5 teaS 
into the station; a poilu band was throwing back 3 
bead and blowing into the brass the glory that S 
hiSS* B a /rand salute; a dozen f rocketed P J! 
hated, elderly gentlemen with cvnical turn of faceL 
Ck-menceau, up from his bed of pain. Poincare and 
Baron Cehere, along with the Americans. Mr. Laai 

ftTXI? ? arUch - X anCe Mc Cormick-gentlemen of 5fe 
bed chamber-stood on a red velvet carpet in the stan- 
■ .on annd potted palms and evergreens and welcomed 

U r f, S ' dent back t0 . France " Thc ^stles did not 
how, there was no cheerig in the station. There was 
lit tie more ceremony in the greeting than if the villas 
delegate had come from the Grand Lodge, ead y £ 
exemplify the new work. y 

^ttjHl 1 '" mass opinion in Europe has two caus- 
es the utter incompetence of the Peace Conference 
and the c lapse of President wflson's "ideal/^nd 
lelanan masses ° revolutlonarv sentiments in theoro- 
eal 



sentiments 111 the pro- 

rhe. abandonment bv President Wilson of his "id- 
s is not a study in personality, but a study in 
j-ocial tacts and tendencies. Tt is not to the man alone, 
luu dommantly to the social circumstances that is at- 
tainable thc collapse of his beautiful program. 

■ mouth of President Wilson, democracy and 



In tht 



ti'zzxt^^t^z^z^^ £-£r 



story 
proletariat. 



imposes upon the international Socialist 

New Aggrression Against Russia 

I I IK Uvisliugs of a snake are st 
A parison with the twistings of 



into hangmen 



raighl lines- in com- 
stings of the Peace Confer- 
l-ih: C in 1 ans concerning the "Russian problem " This 
' problem, of course, is simply what should be done 
—or can be done— to crush Soviet Russia, that real- 
ization in life of Socialist theory and practice that 
menace to international Capitalism 

They tried invasion— but it didn't work: too many 
troops are required and they are -corrupted" by rev- 
olutionary Bolshevik propaganda. ' 

They tried to use the "oppressed peoples" of the 
I krame Poland and the Baltic Provinces whom tl ev 

The 



the "center, 1 
ary elements 
separation from the 



---..ter, at present tlienreticallv led bv 
rnnS, and rtJ P. r€Sentin 8 *» organization of »uch elemenfi 
con tamly wavenng. not capable of following a defin te nkn 
of action and at tunes positively traitorous ' 

Finally ,the revolutionary left wing. 
crL^ 5 rC ^ rds tlie snc ' al -P a triots, who everywhere in the 

f .. . **&&?&&£!&?' h a " so ""°'- v 

10. On tile ndicr hand it is ti P rr Cc .,r,. , , • 

common movenieni with he revolSiSS ! ] ° cccd r in , a 
working clais who ll.ri I, li.l,^ , ry *)«>****** °* the 

y f « ado't today in' W«tt To ta?S ? & ^ ? Brty » 
shin of ihe proleuriat. under i.k'fl. ^''"T 

-chiding the syndicalist cleinelu/Tthl iSS'SiSST 1 

The official Socialist Partv of tltr i'mi-.i v, ,, 
united i ? this Confirm, but \h 1% „■ ,/ ' ™ x '"" 
Our task is to conauer the part* for Left \V it tt^*' 



Soviet Russia 



Iried to use the former ( 



merman army against 
had their 



but the German imperialist; 
own Bolshevism to deal with. 

Intrigue and fair words, cunning and beautiful 
prum.ses treachery and expressions of do d 
all these have been tried: but they haven worked 
So now ihev decide to continue their o! poll v of 
arvmg the Russian people and the Russian R e 7olu 
"on- ] ^y are to continue financing and feeding /»" 
counier-revolutionists; thev are voinS ' 5? u 



" ( hush Government 



ire going to recognize the 



policy 
rcn, ' 
encc ! 



eacc t onicr- 



crime against the new 
J revolutionary people must „« n „ 
nithsiji is exposing itself i„ a ,i ils S«s »i ' { >,,, ■ 
scruples at nothing to ,,-,-„. : h . su »ster horror, h 



civilization, against 
be allowed. 



Nntl 



ai nothing to accomplish jj, snv 



nng: short of proletarian a 



ige purposes 



action, of mass pressure 



oppressed and butchered people. His ideals 
were the holy water that was to wash away the sin? 
of Capitalism. The masses,. however, expected deeds: 
and \\ ilson gave them words, while the Conference 
gave them deeds of reaction. 

"When President Wilson came to Europe in Dec- 
ember 1918, he appealed to the masses of Ettrope 
oyer the heads of their governments. Now he is deal- 
ling exclusively with the organized Governments of 
tutropc." This was inevitable. Experience showed 
the danger of appealing to the masses: the Bolshevik 
and the Spartacans did the same thing; and the masses 
must not move, or Capitalism totters^ President Wil- 
son had to adjust his words to facts ; and the facts 
imposed the necessity of the Peace Conference main- 
taining the supremacy of Capitalism. The requires- 
nient of maintaining the supremacy of Capitalism are 
responsible for the great collapse' of Woodrow Wil- 
son,— and his "ideals"— the words— were meant to 
maintain the supremacy of Capitalism. , 

I he imperialistic war necessarily had to be cobcWt 
cd by an imperialistic peace. That is the peace betf 
concluded En Paris, however it mav be camounaf 

The masses have nothing to hope" for from Capita' 
ism and the representatives of Capitalism. They nn} 
trust, but their trust will always be a great m> m 
doomed to a great betraval. The most tragic ^P^ c 
of a tragic war is that thc masses developed dm 
blind hopes of a real change, of a new world; "J 
hopes were exploited bv astute diplomats 
journalistic hirelings of Capitalism: but this es 
ation having accomplished its purpose of 
ihe popular ideologv for "carry on^ thc n* 
RJven a stone where they expected bread. t ^ 
, ( '" all issues. Capitalism and the representees 
Capitalism are necessarily against the prole;, 
the liberty of the world. Upon their own action ^ 
the masses depend : upon the implacable and col , 
ci\t class struggle of the conscious protetam 
Capitalism and for Socialism. 



Saturday, May 



In German 




l\l,Ki: is a new -struggle- preparing iudf i n ,- 
tn;my . This struggle will decide the * LVv*Z 
- desrfny of the internationl lev^a^S t*g? 
-lalisnr. 1 1 tJie revolutionary proletariat ' 
- the world revolution 



&«P^J1^^™* which m«Tin! 



mft it means 
„evv struggles, l 
evitaMv culminate m the Social Revolution 

Let us summarize the character and the entire* 
the German Revolution: it is of the utmost SEE,* 
aI1C e that the Socialist proletariat should cleaX 
demand the implacable class war that is being L^ 
in Germany. - s Wl * ca 

The agony of the war, the starvation of the neonh* 
thc futility of the prolonged slaughter and l,.f 1. ' 
provided the opportunity for the masses to act Tl I 
moment for which revolutionary Socialism aVimlll \ 
militant minority, bad been waiting and nremr . 
fer, came, Like a river that has bufst its fi 
waters oi the Revolution spread through Germ'-m 

The Revolution that slowly developed during Octo- 
ber 1018. broke for{h irresistibly in November Tl 
revolutionary mass action of the proletariat topnled 
over the Imperial German regime: the Kaiser fie I tl 
Holland; everywhere the masses organize! Councils of 
Soldiers and Workmen: a new Government was org- 
anized. ' " ® 
But this was just the preliminary phase of the Rev 
olution. The new government was controlled bv the 
majority Socialists represented bv Ebert Schei 
demann & Co.. who had- supported the imperialistic 
war. who had opposed the coming of the Revolution 
and around whom the 'bourgeoisie now rallied a«ninst 



f ^pression of h" LoI^L T' " hidl is ^ form 
cw M;ilL ' organized » 1 ? ar,at TIu ' r <* I; 

\\^ which ateclwfA,? 1 P roI ^»an dic£ 

\."rkcrs" control of indu, rv " "" P °. WCr ° f «q»iUj. 

' ' Production, the aboimoL nf C ° m r Unisl «^*tfo*i 
forms,_ th:u alon e can '°" °' P ari '^cntary political 
of the workers, .1 at on^ ' the Iifc ^happiness 
r , "* exper^ce of S e ca " t as ?»«-« Socialism. 
Germany emphasizes tte teS? Utf, °??' P rolet *™< in 
°!*«W: parhUeuarv L^t S T ns 0t ,he Russ '"an rev- 
^w* « the vvorst enemJ b f 0u ^ eois ^derate So- 
r,at Only thro.H r f ° f ,hc milita,lt Prolcta- 
Proletarian die 7$L^£ti^ "*" acti °" *« 
a "d realize Socialism maSSeS co,w l uer power 

Which International? 



Bolshevikj abs 



Socialism. 

The new bourgeois^'Socialist" Government main- 
tained all the old government institutions —the armv 
the police and the bureaucreacy. Behind it skulked" 
the forces ot the bourgeoisie, and even of the junkers 
Hmdenburg was still in control of the armv* Or' 
manys foreign policy was manipulated bv Dr Solf 
and Dr. Erzberger— all consistent and malevolent' re- 
presentatives of the old regime of Imperialism, of war 
and plunder. 

Against this bourgeo.V'Socialisf Government there 
developed a new revolution, captained bv the Sparta 
cans whose program was identical with' the program 
of the Bolshevik,. This n^v revolution aimed 
overthrow the Ebert-Scheidemann Government to 
destroy the power of the old armv and its rcaetioiiarv 
m.htary chiefs to destroy the old parliamentary ins- 
titutioiis which deceive and shackle the proletarian 
masses, to crush the power of the bourgeoisie, decree 
all power to the Councils (Soviets) and establish a 
new proletarian state of the federal Soviets, upon the 
baas of which the definite introduction of communist 

• oaahsni could be initiated. This program was to 
ink the German Revolution with the Russian Rev- 
olution and assure the coming of the world revolu- 
tion and international Socialism 

but t i w majority "Socialists;" doing the dirty work 
01 the imperialistic bourgeoisie, opposed this Vevolu- 

onary program. They did not want to crush the 
povcrof the bourgeoisie: thev wanted, not a Socialist 
1r ! a ^feois democratic republic; thev used the 
U*L th f °. ld Sovermnnt forces to crush the pro- 
etanan revolution. Revolt after revolt of the masses 

as crushed by this combination of the old regime 
au(l the traitorous Socialists of the bourgeoisie. ' 
witw! T'° lut, , 0, Vi" Germany, as long as it remained 
little T par . liame,uar >' 'units, had accomplished 
cracv I UC '. lt hatl introduced parliamentarv demo- 
crarC tl c 1S not ,jy mca,ls oi parliamentary demo- 
oluli Soc 'aHsni will come, but by means' of rcv- 

. ,; ndr - v action and proletarian dictatorship. Cap- 
had h W3S St,I! in f)ower - The forms ° r Kaiscrism 
Raise ^ ?. verthr0wn - hut not the substance, since 
arch t not sim P ! y represent the rule of a nion- 

Canit r ]e unit - v of autocracv with imperialistic 
been c ! : a " d ' the power of thi * Ca P italism had llot 

tion r ( ? ate , ned ty tn e oncoming proletarian revolu- 
conelnt 1 geois "" Soci " aHst " Government not onlv 
tinitv ,S a ! 1 a ! liance with the old regime, but asked 
toJ,., i c imperialistic governments of the Allies 
V[ f B °ts»evism! 

the ne inasses . tortured by hunger, oppressed by 
f th e a^ 1 ' 011 * mcnacctl !> . v the imperialistic designs 
■ J «l oJ ! es " acc l im "cd new vigor and new purposes. 
stiiijM Ca <lclcat: th( -". v secured new strength for new 

die nr *i' aniC t,)c Proletarian dictatorship in Bavaria. 

imuehK ♦ nif ! t,on of a SovIet Republic. This gave 

uiv Tk Proletarian struggle throughout Ger- 

•& -•" lh . e bourgeois-"Socialist" Government massed 

fiU hi a ?, 1 , nst the Ba varian Soviet Republic: but Mu- 

M r m Proletarian and Bolshevik, while all over 

• any the struggle is again flaring into action, 
t, , n v stri 'frgle is a struggle to complete the Revolu- 
*45t i\ makln .? it definitely proletarian. Capitalism 
'tt'ni ^ ?\ ertnrown ; the new regime must not be a 

f *■' of bourgeois parliamentary democracy, which 



power ami it i ?,'' aCt '° n a,ld t,1C co "^' of 

^^^^^^^^^ 
-nternauona! Communist CongreL Te It A in 
ot the American Socialist Pam- has; and there is now 
a moi „ or a referendum toinstruct the P artv" 1 1 
Rational delegates to participate onlv in an Inter- 
na on a 1 Congress in which participate "the Do.sheGki 

• I nf .r" 30 " 11 "- Cut thc old ma J' orit y represent- 
atives of the party are silent, mostly, on this moment- 
us issue: they are evading, perhaps waiting to see 
which way the cat will iump 
The Socialist Party of France, at its Congress the 

with the Bolshevdv-Spartacan Third International. The 
motion adopted was to affiliate with the Second Inter- 
national 1 of moderate, petty bourgeois "Socialism." 
winch broke down miserably during the war and the 
proletarian revolution) providing that all those who 
are Socialists in name onlv shall be excluded. AYhat 
a pcttv. miserable evasion, characteristic of lean 
Longuet, who introduced the motion! The value of 
this proposed "exclusion'" is tested by the fact that 
thc Longuet majority docs not exclude from its own 
party "those who are Socialists in name onlv." 

On Hie other hand, the Socialist Party of Italy has 
proclaimed its uncompromising acceptance of the Bol- 
shevik-Spa rtacan International, and thc revolutionary 
tactics this acceptance imposes. Thc Executive Com- 
mittee of thc Italian party ha? resolved to sever all 
connections with the old International Socialist Bur- 
eau and the old International. Its resolution is aggres- 
sive and incisive, a challenge to militant Socialism: 

Whereas, the International Socialist Bureau is an in- 
strument of the war policy of the pseudo-democratic 
liourgeoifie tending to mislead the proletariat, and is a 
real barrier to the reorganization of the Socialist Rev- 
olutionary International: and 

Whereas, all the efforts of the International Social- 
ist Bureau, now a hostage vi the imperialistic bottrge- 
nsie <n the Entente, to restore the life and encrgj of 
die Socialist proletariat have been in vain: and 

WbcroHS. the alliance concluded at Berne between the 
soeiat-patriutie tendencies >m" Entente Imperialism and 
the social-patriotic tendencies of the Imperialism of thc 
Central Empires brings into the open the reactionary 
character of all tlu- factions who were false to the 
pledges made by the International in opposition to the 
bourgeoisie who threw the peoples into the war; and 
Whereas, in consequence it is impossible to conceive 
the co-existence in a single organization of those who 
were loyal to the principles of the International and 



S l>] ' -iid- 

• U1 - !: " ! - I in* the 

past !;%<; ; 

earth ten 

were added:,;. 

hand ,t the same words were printed everv time &CT 
were uttered at thc Peace Conference 
out and pasted togetheh Hi, 

uflkient to blot out the fi Km li- 

ters ot the term Peace Conference. 
* * * * 
Japan being an Oriental nation and not 
ways ot Western diplomacy is most indiscreet In a 
statement regarding the Korean situation recently »- 
sued thc whole trouble is summed up as tV 

1 he present trouble in Korea originated with a groan 
of religious associations, some of which arc ( 
and with certain students, who, unfortunately, bewild- 
ered by political ambition, misunderstand 'the term 
League ot Nations' and misconstrue it as meaning 
self-determination.' " Xo wonder there is some 
doubt about allowing Japan the innermost — ot 
we say the least open covenants least openlv arrived at 
— of the Peace Conference. 



those who bctr 
tn the realization 
Whereas, the h 



iples and are still opposed 
sialism : ami 
'onal Ibircau. instead of, as soon 




ence: therefore be it 

Resolved. That the Executive Committee of thc Soc- 
ialist party of (tab withdraw from the International 

Socialist Bureau ami affiliates with ami works for the 
establishment of the Socialist Revolutionary Interna- 
tional upon the hasis and principles laid down by the 
Russian Communist pm ,r ades at Moscow in the month 
of l.uniarv o>r the convening of an Internationa! Soc- 
ialist conference: and be it further 

Resolved. That the Executive Committee shall carry 
active \\>>Tk to secure for the aforesaid purpose the ad- 
hesion of those Socialists of ail countries who have 
remained faithful to the International, either K conven- 



i.n liminary irtceling ■•: '■> am other action deemed 
proper to attain the result sought. 

This is an iue-c.iii.ible challegc to militant Socialism. 

\ division is necessary in the International, and in 
lU1 r own movement, Which Socialism and tr/uVA In- 
ternational. Comrade? of the Socialist Party? 



Count Hernia Frazzo, member of the Italian Parlia- 
ment, is quoted as denouncing "the Bolshevik rule for 
Kussia. If all reports are true the worthy count will 
soon have the opponuuitv of denouncing" "Bolshevik 
rule much nearer home. 

Tt is reported that Premier Clemenceau is still wear- 
ing lus old coat in order to "economize." It is re- 
ported that the French workers are economizing not 
only by wearing their old coats, but bv tightening their 

belts. * to 

* * * * 

I is a pity that the workers can't take part in those 
diplomatic banquets at Pari<. A worker of twenty 
could enjoy the food much more than 77-vear old 
I lemenceau. 

■ 

The British White Hook describing the "horrors" of 
Bolshevism in Russia, says that in Central Russia the 
linen industry is 50 per cent of normal, the woolen 
trade 6b per cent, coal production 60 per cent, the cot- 
ton mills ;o per cent. . . . The National Manufactu- 
rers Association, a tier completing a survev of business 
111 the United States, reports it as being '25 to =0 per 
cent normal. . . . Well ? 

* 
Is thc United States worse off than Russia? 

Or are the figures a lying move to frighten the 
workers and get litem to accept lower wages' 

* * A * 

"Rioting Continues in Indian Cities" says a head- 
line. Poor England seems fated to be continually 
misunderstood, even in her spectacular sacrifices for 
small and subject peoples. 

The bourgeois liberal magaziucs are .. 
the Chinese puzzle of the Peace Conference's " 
011 Russia. Listen to this wail of 

Another official Russian plan has just appeared, this 
time in the form ot news given out by the State De- 
partment. The report is that Mr. Lansing has a policy. 
It ts said to consist in the recognition'of Admiral Kol- 
chak and assistance to him for the prosecution oi civil 
war. The bids in the Russian question, therefore, 
stand as follows: 

1. Mr. Wilson and Mr, George in a signed letter 
to Or. Xanseu : "Cessation oi hostilities and complete 
suspension of the transfer oi troops and military ma- 
terial oi all sorts ro and mthm Russia's territory^' 

Mr. ( ieorge t< nmons : "We arc 

supplying munitions to Kolchak. Denikin and Khark- 

oir." 

3. Mr. Lansing, suported by Mr. Wilson, ace 
in- to the State IV U gnition oi the 

sk government and military support to tmd a 
's territory.*' 
This can hardly be described as the clear and un- 
troubled voice of reason speaking to a distracted 
world. Russian policy is still as difficult to follow as 
.1 Russian novel. The characters change their names 
so often, and their souk are so torn with conflicting 
emotions that their minds are stalled. It is time that 
>dy issued a guide book in which the relative 
value of letters, speeches and inspired dispatches was 
indicated b) one, two and three asterisks. 



THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE 



^^^Ofaya, WI9 



May Day — and the Workers' Dead 



MAY Day is Hie .symbol of new life— of the ger- 
minal sap of Spring preparing to fructify in 
all the glory of the summer of joy ami happiness 
There is a new life symbolized on Socialist May 
Day — the new life that is coming when the proletariat 
conquers Capitalism. 

Our Kay Day is a day of life. JBut it is equally a 
day of death. The conscious rebel thinks on this day 
of the workers' dead — of' the dead in the shops, mills 
and mines, of the dead in the social struggle against 
*" >italism. On more than one May Day have the 
ed forces of Capitalism meted out death to dem- 
•ating workers. 

( n this May Day. the thought of our dead is em- 
phatic and bitter, made so by our comrade-workers 
who arc at this moment meeting death in Europe and 
Asia, death imposed by Capitalism in its fierce de- 
termination to retain supremacy. 

Tn Russia, scores of thousands of our worker-com- 
rades— men, women and children— have met death in 
the struggle against Hie exploiters, in the determination 
to make the world finer for those who are to come 
after them. They died in the struggle against Czar- 
ism, that putrid excresence of centuries; they died 
in the struggle against the compromiser Kerensky and 
the compromising "Socialists ;" they died in the great 
revolution of November 7, and after in the struggle 
against the counter-revolution; they died in the strug- 
gle against German Imperialism; and they died in the 
struggle against the invaders that Allied Imperialism 
sent into Russia. And they are dying today, in the 
straggle against counter-revolution organized and fin- 
anced by the Allies; more, they arc starving, a starv- 
ation deliberately imposed upon Soviet Russia bv the 
brutal bloekadc of the Allies. 

But the Russian workers and peasants, who have 
seen the light of the glory of the new society of com- 
munist labor and fraternity, are patiently 'enduring 
death and starvation, in the flaming resolve to assure 
the world revolution against Capitalism. 



s 



M this moment, our worker-comrades in Germany 
are dying in the streets, to overthrow Capitalism and 
affiliate with Soviet Russia. They, too, are starving; 
many have not yet seen the glory; but the Spartacans — 
"the Socialist conscience of the Revolution" — are de- 
termindly waging the revolutionary struggle. In spite 
of death, and all ! 

In Bavaria and in Hungary, our worker-comrades 
are dying to assure the supremacy of- the Soviet Re- 
public. 

Workers are meeting death in Italy, France, Great 
Britain, everywhere, in the preliminary action that 
will soon flare up in the final revolutionary strugle 
against Capitalism. 

Death in the workers' cause is not death, but life. 
In agony and in tears, in the shadow of the Vallcv of 
Death, the proletariat struggles onward to a finer 
world of life and love and liberty. 

Death is the maker of life. Death is not death when 
used in the service of life. Life is not life when used 
in the service of death. 

Capitalism threw our worker-comrades into a re- 
actionary war, to meet starvation, death and mangling. 
It used life in the service of death— the death-in-life 
that is Capitalism. It used life against life, death for 
death. 

Our worker-comrades in Europe are using death 
against death, life for life. They know the price, and 
they are paying the price. 

But there is a world to conquer! There is life and 
love and liberty to gain! 

It is a flaming, glorious death, this death secured In 
the, inspiring struggle against the exploiters. It is a 
death that uplifts, that assures life. 

In this struggle, Capitalism is doing its last kill- 
ing. . . . 

There is protest against making death in the great 



dead in the revolutionat 
dead that Capitalism make 
In the days 



death in the shops, rflilfi ■ 
by the machines ; they ar 

thtn, A\f fr/sm t\*r*~ ..„-._!. __J '^ , 



they die from over-work ;, 

die by the scores of thou 

ents. Our worker-comrad. £ ***- 

mines die slowly and they die q, 



...v.._ ,., r viwi ngniiisL uitiiMny ueaui in me great to conqut 
social struggle. But it is Capitalism that makes the - have died 



ly and they die qi 
And their wives and their cbfkfa 

These dead are dead in the service of 
They die to make profits for tin 
the supremacy of Capitalism It ;« . 
tragic death. "*raM«. 

Capitalism is terror. Capitalism is 

Xot satisfied with the dead it makes in \a 
Capitalism plunges the world into war and ar^^ 
the process of killing the men ami women oHh, 
letariat. e P 1 ^- 

There is revolt against Capitalism. And ther, ■ 
death. But it is the death glorious. It is a flf * 
death not the tortured death of the slave who aS? 
his slavery. 

On May Day, we think of our dead. Our sonic 
flame out in joy and glory at the thought of our S 
m the revolutionary struggle against Capital 
rheir's is the death supreme. . . . We think : ofT" 
other dead, who met death in industry and i n the how 
that are the homes of the poor. And our hearts I T, 
in sorrow— momentarily: for our hearts on May DaS 
cannot harbor sorrow, but determination and in Jr" 
ation to end Capitalism that makes death necessary b 
order to attain life. 

On this May Day. let us resolve to devote all to the 
revolutionary struggle of the international proletarian 
to conquer finally that for which the workers' dead 



TT1LRE are two obvious reasons for the strike 
wave that is rising up from coast to coast all 
over the United States— two urgent problems that 
confront the working class of America and demano 
immediate solution, to prevent reduction in wages and 
to actually better conditions. 

Any demands of the workers for something better 
something worthwhile is considered dangerous, and 
consequently— scores of cities and towns of 100% 
^V 1 ?.*?, ? y^terday turn "pro-German", "foreign" 
and Bolsheviki" to-day. 

The capitalists are readv to trample their wage 
slaves in the gutter, they have mobilize*! all their 
forces and are using them with the sinister determin- 
ation of chngmg to their absolute control over the 
means of human existence, of maintaining their 
bloody supremacy. The publicity agencies flood the 
country with poisonous and disruptive lies the 
military and (he judiciary institutions work with re- 
gular martial savagery— in order to nip in the bud 
he struggle of the working class. The capitalist 
ndden so-called labor organizations, the old fashioned 
caders and labor fakers furnish great services to 
the enemy class. These are most dangerous in their 
injury to the labor class. 

No (wonder that great confusion is manifested in 
th ranks o the brave fighters of the working classs. 
Their minds arc infested with the old ideas, they are 
overwhelmed by the capitalist lies and by the follies 
Of the labor fakers, who instead of guiding and or- 
ganizing strikes are interfering with and obstructing 

The old phibsphy is; that this is no time for 

tnk.ng that business is slack, and that therefore 

he workers should wan until the next period of 

prospcrity-and then strike, or rather beg for a Job 

th a V a time Krease m w:i * cs - if they are sti " slaves h y 

Another opportunist puts it this way. "You are 
not organized, you cannot think of a" strike < let 
busy, make your shop IO o per cent, unionized fill 
your treasury and then-then you will not need to 
strike— then you -will get everything without strik- 

That in a nutshell, is the whole philosophy. of the 
Old-fashioned strike. There certainly is :ln appendix 
to it namely: if "everything" ' could not be 
obtained by begging and bargaining — then go out 
but be sure to beware of sympthetic strikes, of general 
walk-outs and of other such heresies. ' lust stav 
out, as you went, and consume the savings of your 



The Old Strike and the New 

By Richard Hansen 



again, just walk back 
And do not forget to 



union. When you lire brok 
as if nothing had happened, 
fill the treasury of your union anew. 

After this you .can begin this merry-go-round over 
and over again until eLernity. 

The high-phrases of democracy and of the Ameri- 

re Wotten 1,Z, tI ^T ** * uT^ ^^ l ° t"* mit such » ^ » spread peaceful; 
lll^C^tZs^^: n^ions^ of ^±2^? 
working men die from hunger on the streets 



instance, wouldn't it he of tremendous beneficial for 
the cause of the workers of America if the Gompers 
ridden part of Labor Orgaization didn't exist at all? 

Essential as it is, the conscious organization of 
nf labor can never embrace the whole class or even the 
majority of it. To think of it is Utopian. To wait 
for it and to postpone the strugle on that ac< 

cnniraal foil v. The forces of capitalism 



■ ■ die iiom uunger on trie streets were 
they were thrown in midwinter and where their ranks 
are still growing. The fakers willing to submit to 
wage reductions while playing the shrewd game of 
arbitration— although being fully aware of the-sterility 
ot all the various Labor Boards of Arbitration and 
conciliation. 

The unique and strongest weapon in the possesion 
of working class— the strike, has been annulled bv the 
old labor leaders. And it is being u & nt\ to the detri- 
ment of the workers, for instance in the textile in- 
dustry— The John Golden clique fomented unrest and 
threatened strikes in order to obtain 12 1-2 per 
cut reduction of the "royal- weekly wages of 1; i-> 
Jlollaw of the textile workers. 'Apparently these 
takers are working under the direction of the Woolen 
lrust and the famous Arkwright Club. 

The real magnificent strike — like the Seattle 

general strike— are denounced and damned bv the 

2"1>^s^ng although this strike was led by bona- 

hdc bodies of the American Federation of" Labor 

To postpone strikes until "periods" of prosperity. 
U1 \ti' the bosses begin to look for men instead of 
bang annoyed by job seekers is folly, because durin ' 
he most normal and prosperous periods the iXr 
mar ket is just as crowded. The army of the un- 
enipbyed is alvvays there -to furnish scabs hi addition 
to the organized scabbery of the Gompers gang 

[0 postpone strikes until the shops are too Per 
cent organized and until the treasuries are toll k 

lh«m into unions? Bv that ihn. , II ?f '?, \ nn 8 



The process of organization itself— of for:- 
conscious fighting unions— requires strikes- * 



been born during the storni: 



best unions have 
actual struggles. 

Pull a strike wherever you can — if you 
good oganization. Where the c - wanaati 

wherethere exists sentiment— pull a strike. Stir up 
the existing unrest to open flames it" von want an or- 
ganization. 

Throw into the waste basket the old conce 
strike, once begun, must be continued for months 
On the contrary— let them be bi - 

as long as is nccdvd to furnish the strikers with SOfiK 
education j n class struggle. Continuous 
and daily leaflets on the situation .ire the tn 
tial points of the program while the s 
|,nr men, who cannot spare a 
on account of low wags — even a vvei 
a fairly long time. 'This education shod 
every man understand that 
retreats and attacks are used and both - 
for victory. Every participant case 
ready to retreat— that is go back in! - s 

m organized army with the grim deter:;: 



come out again, to f.ill upon the < - 
with new energ} mh\ better equipment 
education is obtained if the eyes of th« 
opened as much as that— then even a 
strike is a magnificent \-\. 

fhis is not an idle theory,' but a ven 

under 



If 



great success «n«« 

- 

under e 



had political conditions as prevail 
in \meric.i. namely— under 
Nicholas, the last oi Russia 




Iho American workers are seething 
™n ' remain uniniluenced In the lal 
glorious victories in difl 
and other parts of the world Vlv 
ditions in America are over-ri 
isolated strikes are bound to ' 
mow conscious in their means and ends 






g^nrda^ May 3, 1919 






.^^REVOLUTIONARY AGE 



OMRADES: The composition of this conven- 

Cfion in itseIf indicates. m ni >' °P'nion, the con- 
siderable change and the big step forward thai 
Za made by us, the Soviet Republic, in the field 
JpJ*L i;«t reconstruction; and particularly in adjust- 
ed "° C r agricultural relations, the most important for 
&£ ° U unt ry, In this convention are united represent- 
oa . rC ° f r0 m* the Land Committees, from the Commit- 
atlVe % the Poor Peasants, and from the agricultural 
'--• and this unity shows that during a brief 



After One Year in Soviet Russia 



communes 

t , c riod-J«st a > 

far in rec™* 

^ d most°dfficun' obstacles to Socialism 

L fiindaniciital reconstruction m order to insure 
T "victorv of Socialism 
The first period, the first link in the development of 
Revolution was characterised mainly by the victory 
our t]ie common enemy of the peasantry, the victory 
0VG r the pomieschicks ( land-owning nobility). 
° All of yon comrades know very well that the March 
nor) Revolution — the Revolution of the bourgeoisie 
d die compromisers— promised this victory over the 
Tod-owners, but did not fulfill the promise. Only 
the November Revolution and the victory of the pro- 
letariat in the cities, only the power of the Soviets 



car — our Revolution has gone very 
Obstructing those relations which are the 
change, which in previous revolutions were 
and which 






lade it possible in reality to clean up all Russia from 
end to end of the disease of serfdom, to deliver the 
peasantry f'rom the old feudal exploitation, from feud- 
al land-ownership, and generally from the yoke of the 
pomieschicks. 

In this struggle against the land-owners, the peas- 
ants rose in mass. They couldn't do otherwise. In 
this struggle were united all the poor peasants, those 
who did not live by hiring and exploiting other men. 
In this struggle, also, were united the most prosperous 
and richest of the peasantry, who cannot exist without 
hired labor. 

While our Revolution had this task on its hands, 
while it had to use all the efforts of the united poor 
peasantry and the city proletariat in order to annihil- 
ate the power of the land-owners, the Revolution had 
to remain a peasant's, an agrarian revolution, and 
couldn't break through its bourgeois limits. 

The Revolution as yet didn't touch the more power- 
ful and more modern enemy of the toilers — Capital. 
There was danger that it would end half way, as did 
the revolutions of western Europe, where the united 
efforts of the peasantry and the proletariat destroyed 
the monarchies, and more or less completely annihil- 
ated the remnants of feudalism and feudal land-owner- 
ship, but where the fundamentals of the power of 
Capitalism were not affected. 

And this much more important and most difficult 
task we started to accomplish at the end of the summer 
of iqiS and in the fall, by means of our Revolution. 
The counter-revolutionary movement, which began in 
the summer of' 1917, became very strong. The invad- 
ing armies of the imperialists of western Europe were 
re-in forced by the hireling Czecho-Slovaks and by all 
the forces of exploitation and oppression still existent 
in Russia. This counter-revolutionary movement dev- 
eloped new currents and a new life in the rural dist- 
rict?. 

The desperate counter-revolts against the Soviets 
brought together all the European imperialists, the 
Lzecho-Slovaks and everyone in Russia who stood for 
m feudal land-owners and Capitalism. The rich peas- 
ants joined the counter-revolutionary movement. 

]1 'e rural districts ceased to be united. The peas- 
j lll J s who had fought as one man against the land- 
owners (pomieschicks) were split into two anitagon- 
'^c groups, the rich and the poor peasants. 

he poorest toiling peasants went hand in hand with 
■ * Proletariat toward Socialism, continuing the strug- 
gle against Capitalism. The feudal nobility being 
lllate( ' they now had to fight against the power of 



. J\ against the speculators and the rich peasants 
ie' 
lor their 



tried to use the great change in land-ownership 



« U re . voI «tion started as a whole on the march toward 
1SI1 ». which the city proletariat had initiated in 



hour "• ° Wn Personal profit. In this struggle all the 
our f C °T a - mI ex l >,oitm g classes were swept aside, and 
Spciali 

ainh'e 1 '^ 1 ' U)17 '' bl1t wmch did not uecon, " e general— 
antrv ^ COU,d — umil the rural population, the peas- 
port 6aVe the I )ro, etariat united and determined sup- 

Tl 
our R? T C llave tile 'tremendously important link of 

fyiMmT ri 10n forged flurm S t!l ^ lasl sunlllier and 
\v arc ] . mJ \ lle , Revolution penetrated the most back 



"ou4 1 1Sulated sections of Russia, spreading all 

'■^ the rural districts. It was not quite so speet- 

,,1{ conspicuous a movement as the coup d'etat 

de eDpr t . % u Ji7, but of much more importance and 

' S1 gnificance. 



,. By N. Lenin 

Translated by R. Hansen 

'' t \f <irC r SS t0 J he Convention of Delegates of 

tie Committees of Agricultural Laborers 

{foor Peasants) and Agricultural Communes 

(December, 191 8). 



The^forming of Committees of the Poor (agricult- 

llages sig- 

*uility was comp- 

eted and that the working class had begun the much 



— —„„„£ U1 committees ot- the Poor (agricult- 
ural laborers, hired farm-workers) in the villages sig- 
nalled that the fight against the nobT 



th 

acu] a 
of X' 



harder and historically much more important struggle 
tor Socialism. It was an immense task to awaken the 
class-consciousness of the agricultural laborers and 
poorest peasants, and to weld them into one class with 
the city proletariat. Without this, the decree socializ- 
ing the land would have been a paper decree. The 
agricultural laborers and the poorest peasants, together 
with all those who do not exploit other men and do not 
live upon the toil of others, constitute the vast major- 
ity of the people. They are not interested in the con- 
tinuance of exploitation, and were capable of going 
beyond the abolition of the feudal land-owners. They 
did go beyond this, emerging definitely into the pro- 
letarian struggle against Capitalism and for the estab- 
lishment of Socialism. 

This was the difficult task. Everybody who doubted 
the possibility of a Socialist revolution in our country 
prophesied inevitable failure in this task. Upon it 
depends our success in the future. The formation of 
committees of the agricultural laborers and poorest 
peasants, that soon covered the whole country like a 
net, the growth and transformation of 1 these committees 
into actual and powerful Soviets, was destined to 
assume control of the proletarian constructive work in 
rural Russia. This is the distinctive feature of our 
Revolution, that differs so profoundly from the usual 
bourgeois democratic revolutions of western Europe. 

No doubt, in a country so dominantly agricultural 
as Russia, Socialist reconstruction is hampered by very 
large obstacles. It was comparatively an easy job to 
depose the Czar, to abolish the power of the nobility. 
This was accomplished in a few days in the larger 
centres, in a few weeks all over the country. But the 
problem we are facing now can be solved only through 
a long period of hard work. Here we must go on 
step by step, inch by inch, to conquer Russia for actual 
Socialism, to cultivate land on a communistic basis. 

And it is obvious that the transition from individual 
small farming to communistic production will require 
a long period. It cannot be done in a day. 

We know very well that in countries where small 
farming is predominant, the transition to Socialism 
requires many preliminary measures and gradual steps. 
Being aware of this during the November Revolution 
we put forward only the demand for the confiscation 
of' the lands of the nobility — we made every effort to 
sweep away the power of the pomieschicks. Later 
on (March' 1918) the new law of the socialization of 
land was introduced unanimously, by the represent- 
atives of the communist workers as well as by the 
peasants' delegates to the Soviets, who were not as 
yet communists. This law is the embodiment of the 
"will and aspirations of the majority of the peasants, 
and it shows at the same time that the proletariat and 
the Communist Party (Bolsheviki), being aware of 
their duties, are relentlessly and patiently pursuing 
the path of Socialist reconstruction, taking systematic 
steps to awaken the poorer peasantry. livery step 
forward is based upon this awakening and organization 
of the peasantry. 

We know very well that such a reconstruction in 
the life of tens of millions of people, which is trans- 
forming the deepest foundations of everyday relations 
an( j habits— the transition from private individual pro- 
duction to communist agriculture— is to be accomp- 
lished onlv by prolonged and insistent efforts, can 
be accomplished only when necessity compels die 
people to reconstruct their life. 

Ajnd after the long and terrible world war we can 
perceive the beginning of the social revolution all over 
the world. Even in the most backward countries there 
now exists a necessity that— independent of all theo 
ries or Socialistic teachings —speaks authoritatively to 
each and everyone that life cannot go on as before. 
' When a country has suffered such a gigantic dest- 
ruction and has been thrown into chaos, when we see 
that this chaos is being spread all over the world, that 
all the results of civilization, science and technique 
■icmiircd by humanity during ages of unrelenting toil- 
when we see all this wantonly destroyed in four years 
of a capitalistic war of plunder and conquest, when 
all of Europe has been brought back to barbarism- 
then the broad masses and especially the peasants, who 
suffered most of all from this war. begin to realize 



that all forces and extraordinary efforts must be 
exercised in order to get rid of this ii:*.<er:ULnce of 
the damned war, that has brc igirt tt or. the brink of 
utter exaustion and misery. It has become impossible 
to continue to live as we did before the Mar, it bag 
become impossible to continue the wastage of human 
energy in primitive production on a small individual 
basis. The results of human labor would be d dbfed 
or trebled, the conservation of human energy would be 
doubled or trebled if communistic prod - :>i be 

put in place of individual private production. 

The devastation that we inherited from the war does 
not permit us to restore this system of small agricult- 
ural production. More than that. TIk majority of 
the peasants not only have been awakened by the • 
not only are they aware of the wonders of technique 
for purposes of destruction of men and goods, but 
they are awakened also to the conscious 
marvelous technique must be applied m the n 
sary and most backward branch of human eL-orjomie> 
— in agriculture. This applies to science which has 
been utilized for sinister purposes of Capitalism, from 
now on must serve humanity. Our duty is to born 
agriculture to new roads, to abolish the old primitive 
methods and base production on the very last conquest 
of science and the achievements of modern technique. 
The consciousness of this necessity has been awakened 
by the war in higher degree than we really appreciate. 
Besides this awakening, the war also made a return 
to old methods quite impossible. 

Those people who cherished the hopes of restor- 
ation of the old, are compelled to realize their blunder 
more and more with every passing day. The dest- 
ruction brought about by the war was so monstrous, 
that our small individual farms do not have either 
cattle or implements or tools. The limit was reach- 
ed. The poorest toiling peasantry, which gave highest 
number of martyrs for the revolution, which were 
most terribly victimized by the war — did not take the 
land from the nobility for the purpose of turning it 
over to the speculators from their own class — to the 
rich peasants. Before t his poor peasantry life 
itself puts the problem of communism in agriculture, 
as the only means of restoring the civilization that 
was annihilated by war, as the only way out of the 
darkness, the misery and the oppression — these "'bless- 
ings'' of Capitalism for the peasants — which gave to 
the capitalists the possibility of torturing humanity 
\\rtr r the war for four years, and from which the 
toilers have decided to liberate themselves all over 
the world. 

Comrades, when we adopted the law of socialization 
of the land there was no full unity of opinion between 
the Communists and other parties. The left wing of 
Social-Revolutionists, who suported the Soviets, did 
not believe in communism in agriculture. And never- 
theless the vote was unanimous. And this communist- 
ic law prevails and is gaining ground. The struggle 
in cities was simple. There we got a thousand workers 
against one capitalist. In rural districts the struggle 
became more complicated. The first onrush against 
the noble land-owners was crowned with complete and. 
easy victory. Then the struggle among the peasantry 
itself took root. The speculators and exploiters of 
the peasant class set out to get fortunes out of the 
spoils and from the sufferings of the hungry indust- 
rial proletariat of the cities, A number of riots and 
revolts occured during the summer of 191S. Later 
on we had to adjust the relations between the poorest 
and the medium, small peasantry. And our policy was 
to unite these two groups. The medium, small peasants 
are not enemies of the Soviets, neither of the prole- 
tariat, nor do they oppose Socialism. Certainly they 
are unreliable, they are with us only when they see 
on practical grounds, that socialization is a measure of 
necessity. They cannot he converted by theoretical 
discussion or by propaganda. We don't have illusions 
on that score- But they are being converted by the 
example set by the determined unity of the toiling 
peasantry with the city proletariat. Gradually during 
a longer period, by a number of transitory measures, 
the unity of the communists with the medium, small 
peasantry can he accomplished successfully. 

The policy of the Soviets in agriculture is the intro- 
duction of communism all over the country. In this 
direction they are working systematically. For this 
purpose the Soviets are organizing land communes 
under their own management. To -this end are made, 
the provisions that the priority of the utilization of 
land belongs to the state, then to public organizations, 
next to agricultural communes. These provisions are 
necessary for the transition to complete Communism. 
The Soviets are using unrelenting efforts to this 
end They asigned a billion rubbles for improvements, 
provided that this sum is spent for transition to com- 
munal production. 



THE REVOLUTIOyARY AGE 



Saturday 



*5A isi9 



WHEN tlic United Slates entered the war the 
problem of withdrawing two million men 
from industry was one of the vital topics of 
the day. Many suggestions of more or less value 
were offered whereby this huge depletion of industry 
could be effected without throwing the _ whole indus- 
trial machinerv out of gear. The army ot unemployed 
which is one of the concomitants ot Capitalism and 
the influx of women into industry, however solved 
th problem without the aid of the experts. Never- 
theless much ink was spilled and great anxiety tor the 
welfare of the country was manifested. 

But now that we are faced with the much greater 
problem of turning two million men back into industry 
the experts, for the most part, are silent and the news- 
papers and magazines are apparently ignorant of the 
entire subject. The soldier, who during the war was 
a hero, the idol of the crowd, the darling of the nation, 
has now become a disagreeable problem He is no 
longer mentioned in polite society. After he has beer, 
brought back, paraded through the streets and 
showered with the verbal laurels, he is expected to 
return to the obscurity from which he sprang and to 
take his place in the ranks of the jobless, not as a 
returned soldier, wearing a uniform with service 
chevrons and would stripes on the sleeves, but as 
an ordinarv member of the proletariat, who through 
hard luck i's out of a job, to whom society owes notn- 
iug and who must expect nothing from society. 

When he insists on looking for work in his uniform 
he is covcrtlv reproached for his lack of taste, anil 
when he verv naturally replies that he is in uniform 
because he has no civilian clothes, society assumes an 
air of injured dignity and says "something must be 
done." The "something" usually takes the form of a 
charity bazaar ox concert, and when it is found that 
the soldier cannot he comfortably disposed of in the 
same way as our industrial cripples — by relegation to 
an institution — society becomes very annoyed indeed 
and leaves him to his own resources. 

It must not 'be assumed, however, that the returned 
soldier is not welcomed. On the contrary, he is very 
welcome. All the newspapers say so, electric signs 
blazon forth the fact to the world by night, while 
appropriately colored posters herald it by day, 
Every railroad in the country announces the fact : 
aMermanie resolutions inscribe it on city 'records: 
triumphal arches, monuments of the contractor's art. 
(and the bills for same, monuments to his imagin- 
ation), establish it beyond dispute. There is no lack 
of the external symbols of welcome. And every suc- 
ceeding troopship that reaches port is a signal for 
new parades. Gut after being welcomed the soldier 
is supposed to gracefully disappear. 

When he sailed away to France, service flags were 
flung to the breeze. Every employer hung out a 
banner, the number of whose stars told the immensity 
of the sacrifice made by the firm in allowing its em- 
ployes to march off to war, hired new employes and 
forgot about the matter until the casualty list caused 
the substitution of a gold star for one of the blue ones. 
Now the service flags have disappeared, and the sug- 
gestion that it should be replaced by a flag showing 
the number of returned soldiers reinstated in their 
old jobs is quietly ignord. The truth of the matter 
is that the employer, being first and last a business 



Welcome — Soldiers and Sailors! 

By Eadmonn MacAlpine 



ulqgizers. fa -, y^, 

fused to scab. A case n pan ,j ^ ,. bas 



ho have developed the Massachusetts: In one of the shops 200 boier-mS?*- 
•e and self-reliance that comes to those went on strike against a cut m wages, .yj* 



man, doe 



not want men 



who have stared death in the tace 

The master dearly loves a willing slave, and 



tiwtr 



soldiers were sent to the plant from Sprawkjj 1 ^ 
.vhose slave tracing Is unbroken by adventure strikers' pickets informed them that fee d£ft! 



distance of about ten miles. When the* 






foreign fields invariably 'proves the better servant, strike, whereupon the solo jers unanimously rtijL** 

The man who has daily brushed shoulders with death enter the premises, some of tf .; **to 

is not likely to cower before a foreman's glance And back to Springfield because they were unable tolS 

so the returned soldiers welcome ceases when he re- the carfare. Incidents 01 this kind are nun^S 

turns to civilian life and offers himself for sale in the the evidence ootainablc over. 

He has been welcomed and feted and not only is the soldier unwilling to beet : 



labor market. 

he must step down to make room for the next batcli 
who will be welcomed and feted in its turn. 

But the returned soldier must live, he must find 
employment, and what better occupation could he get 
than assisting in the welcome to his brothers m arms.-' 
A new industry is created by the spirit of welcome. 
flags and buttons proclaiming the welcome are manu- 
factured and offered for sale. And who can refuse 
to buy from a soldier, especially if he has been wound- 
ed in the country's service? Here is the solution of 
the problem ! Let the soldier sell the welcome buttons 
—the soldier is keot busy, the public is ashamed to 
refuse the salesman, and the manufacturer makes 
money. 

Thus the streets of our cities are swarming with 
soldiers in uniform, offering gaudy buttons and bunt- 
ings for sale. Fine up-standing fellows are reduced 
to street hawking, and street hawking is a hard job. 
The returns are small, the hours of work are long and 
the experience is humiliating. After a spell of this 
work the spirit ,is broken and the slave psychology 
again gains the 'ascendency. Any job. where the 
begging element is absent, is welcome and the fore- 
man's glance regains its old power. 

It is only fair to give honor where honor is due, 
and -nine cities have attempted to make provision for 
the returned soldiers. Xew York is a notable example. 
The city fathers have decided that soldiers shall have 
precedence in the matter of licences for newstands, 
street corner stores, etc. The intensity of the scramble 
for a living is depended upon to render the soldier 
blind to the fact that in this manner old men and 
women will be deprived of their livelihood and the 
city fathers know that it is easier to deal with starving 
hawkers than with out-of-work soldiers. 

The provisions made by a grateful country for its 
returned soldiers have not yet been exhausted. The 
sweep of revolution across the world has not left 
America unmoved. Labor is everywhere manifesting 
the spirit of unrest and strikes are a daily occurrence, 
so the soldier is offered the job of strike breaking. 
Himself suffering under the rule of the industrial 
barons the soldier is expected to jump at the offer of 
earning a few dollars by scabbing on his brother in 
industry who is in revolt against intolerable conditions. 
Being hardened in the fire of war the soldier is 
thought to be impervious to the plea of the women 
and children out of whose mouths he is to snatch the 
bread ! This is the final insult heaped on the soldier 
by the professional patriots. 

Mill (he soldier has a better opinion of himself than 



breaker but he actively sympathizes - 



strife. 

going out on the picket lines with his 7& QnncffaiP" 
workers, as in Butte, Seattle, Lawrence. Patersn^ 3 * 
Newark. In fact, the presence of soldiers in^-^ 1 
on the picket lines lias caused an order to h?^* 1 
which amounts to prohibiting the soldier from aSS! 
or taking part in a strike in his capacitv as a rS?^ 
soldier. -Cretan*! 

So long, however, as the soldier acts as an indrvidi 
so long he will be subjected to these indignities- 
matter how much he sympathizes with his brother 
the shop he will be powerless to help him, no mat 
how pitiful is his own plight he will be powerless 
help himself. The only solution is organization. 
the organization must be along industrial '•■ 
the lines of his class. Societies similar t - ■ — _■ 
by the veterans of other wars are worse thai 
as they use the soldier against himself. Mutn 
ation societies, however much they may pander » 
the vanity of'the individual soldier, areadar'- - 
interests and invariably degenerate into a machine for 
utilizing his vote in the interests of a particular groap 
of politicians. 

The soldier and sailor must organize, not as heroes 
but as men. They must unite with the worker? n 
industry. They must organize without any 
patent" and they must themselves control the organiz- 
ation. They must recognize their citizenship, their 
basic unity of interest with their brothers : - 
and they must unite their organization with that of 
the workers through Soldiers', Sailors' and Workers' 
Councils. 

The Ixmrgeois statesmen of the world have prove.! 
their inability to face the real problems arising out of 
the war. they have demonstrated their bankruptcy 
alike in power and ability. If the world is to be saved 
from future misery and chaos the proletariat roust 
decide, and the soldiers and sailors are by no means 
the least important sections of the proletariat. Organ- 
ization along the proper lines is the solution 
immediate problems facing the soldiers and s 
If those who have already returned will form 
perfect such organization they can assure their broth- 
ers in arms, who are yet across the seas, a real Wel- 
come Home, a welcome in which the men and woatt 
in the workshops, factories, fields and mines— the men 
arid women who want to welcome Tack and Bill 
Tom— can join without the reservation cat 
of unemployment in their hearts. 



Urgan- 
of the 

!?£ 

m aou 



Lenin or Wilson — the Bourgeoisie Scents Danger 



TF one could, for a moment, lake himself to the skies 
•■■ and secure a bird's-eye view of the starmy, bloodv 
struggle, Ihc sufferings and tears that are agonizing 
our world, it wold appear clearly as a struggle between 
Bolshevism and Capitalism— a' deadly clash between 
the new, glorious proletarian-communist society to- 
wards which humanity is advancing, and the old" rott- 
ing capitalist system which is desperately trying 10 
save itself from destruction. 

The ultimate result of this clash— which the bour- 
geois press, accustomed to think in terms of '"great 
men," calls a struggle "between Lenin and Wilson" 
—is easily foretold. At this moment, the forces of 
the two opponents are almost equal; but the forces 
of one, the revolutionary proletariat, grow and multi- 
ply, while the forces of the other. Capitalism, are rap- 
idly on the wane. . . . 

It is quite natural, accordingly, that a view of this 
great spectacle of struggle and revolution provokes 
a feeling of sadness in the bourgeois press 

Precisely this spirit is wafted from an editorial re- 
cently appearing in the big bourgeois paper, the Xew 
York American: 

"The fate of the world is being decided not in Paris 

but in Berlin. ' This r the tragic announcement at 

beginning of the editorial, But as you niav 

glean from a further reading of the editorial and 



By Nicholas L Hourwich 

particularly, if you are capable of reading between 
the lines — the real situation which evokes this spirit 
of resignation is that the "fate of the world" is being 
decided, not in Berlin, but in— Moscow. . . . Berlin, 
in this case, plays the part of a "dam" which holds 
back the Bolshevik revolutionary stream that threat- 
ens to Hood the whole of Europe, 

It is not surprising that the thought of the writer of 
the editorial runs ahead of events, and paints a lurid 
Picture, full of horrors, of what may happen when 
this last defense of Europe against anarchy'" will be 
destroyed and "Prussia fall into the hands 
Iveds. . . . 



of th 



And the picture., indeed, is a terrible one' "The 

other governments of Europe will tumble in" swift 
™«j*. . . . It is impossible that either the French or 

lei r its "if" H UmemS Ca " ret 5 in power over thei «- Pro- 
letariats if the resources and population of Germany 
J'" ;^'"a are added to the vast territory and the 
nullions of people over winch the Red Flag now 

And, for the tm formation of those who doubt that 



France and Italy and in England, too are «g*| 
Mailing to strike great blows for the InJ 
and that the signal for these blows would dc w ^ 
Flag waving over Berlin and the message im ^ 
Red Armies of Russia. Prussia. Bavaria. - Am "* ^ 
Hungary were marching to the help ot their cc 
in Paris and in Rome." 

"Reel Flag and the Hymn of the Intemauon ^^ 
neither one new to France or to Itaaly - ^ ^ 
are millions of Frenchmen and Italians rea 
led to march under the blood colored banner. - 
the songs of revolution. ..." •,«a«ii»O c * 

In horror at this picture painted by m* '" 
the writer of the American editorial tan^ ^ 
statesmen sitting at the Peace Conference : ^ 
with the appeal to lessen their bellicose ■ r^ J 
spare "democratic Germany," and not ^ ji*i 
into the embrace of the "reds" by too e. 



humiliating demands. 



ittdi 






Every well info 



nned man ki 



that the Reds 



'•Remember."— the American cautions se 
at the same time softly— "remember, it 
beneath the blows of Bolshevism, the lca its t8e* 
ence will be lucky if it can find ships to carrj 
bers away from Europe." ,. itira ^M 

Have not these "words of caution ^ 
do with events at Murmansk among "*^ 
troops, and our own situation in tins »-0 



.^rda y^Miy 3. 1919 



A Call 




P K OLi:TARIAXS' Men and Women nf Labor" 
Comrades-' 
flic revolution in Germany has come! Tl, c mass 
' - 0id ! C f S Jt^° I°1S? U ? ?' Car?i Were driven to 

ed 



t0 * e W <»kers of the World 



f or the sake of capitalistic profits ; the In ™ 
■s. who tor four years were exploited c^.u 
red, have revolted. Prussian militj 



and starv.... 

fearful tool ot oppression, thai scourge of human 

, !ics broken on the ground Fts most noticeable 

Sintatives, and therewith the most noticeafife.or 

iiiity 01 this war. the Kaiser and the O 



25, 2918. TO Ze * m ' ' ss "«* Decemb 



- 



% ***?** of man 



;un,n 



"leant capital! 



SoMien 



have fled from the country, ' Workers '''-nui ' 



Z**7j#*Z£££?' 



prince, >«►■- ■ ---- - _>• 

fiers 5 Councils have been formed evcrywher 



Workers of all countries, we do not sav that in Ger 
, lianv all power actually lies in the hands' of the work" 
■ m people, that the complete triumph of the proleti" 



I profits 
"defence 

, lcre as well as th^^P^^Bwt-Uovak. 
b00 ^ the same des?~ ' MUne s f , »ndess lust 



'League of .Y ;ili 
a 

Here 



nan revolution has already been attained. There #i» 
government all those Socialists who in .W 



sif in the „ 

;;SL J0 i4. abandoned our most precious possession 
:he rnrernationaJ, who for four years betrayed the 
German working: class and the International. ' 

B„ ti workers of all countries, now the Gentian pro 

letarian himself speaks to you. VVe believe we haw 

the right to appear before your forum i» his name 

From the nrst day of this war we endeavored to do 

O or international duty by fighting that criminal rov 

eminent with all our power and branding it i* tL 

nne really guilty of the war. S aS the 

So* at this moment we are justified before histnrv 

before the International and before the German orn' 

Jemriat The masses agree with us enthusiastically" 

constantly widening circles of the proletariat share i]U 

conviction that the hour has struck for a settlement 

with capitalistic class rule. w««aii 

Bat this great task cannot be accomplished bv thr- 

German proletariat alone; it can only fight and triumnb 

-hng to the solidarity of the Vnletar^n n f 
the whole world. 

Comrades of the belligerent countries, we are a. mrr 
ofyourataation We know foil well that vour *ov 
transits, now that they have won the victory ire 
teltng the eyes o, many strata of the peoole w',h 
he externa bnlltancy of their triumph. VVe know 
that they thus succeed through the succe* To f the 
tnurdenng ,„ raakutg , ts crul5e5 and ^ «£ 
But to also know that in vour countries the nmll 
£ ™f. f tK ™* ferful sacrifices of esh a, i 

will ftmli* C hlg m0nCV iia " s ' And he 

«> spoke of jusuce and civilization" and of 



ce , murderous steel. 

* kn*2 onlv on ° i ;g^°"l nght ^ apitarS P- fe 
one method^vioi^ ? tT S - WOrd : lt knows on] v 
And if ,t is now talking in all 



tbe brutal prepond 
no "under 



countries, i n yours as weifnVrV' u n0W < talkin S m a 
X*?™** 'Misarmame t ' S^f Ule " Lea ^ e ° l 
^It-letennination of L " g ? ts ° f ' smjril nations," 
«« -loman f if°^ ,l is '^rely using 

Pllr P° se of lulli g f o P s ^ e -!. 0r 'he rulers for the 
proletariat p the watclrnillness of tlte 

•^w&^rs*? 1 ,™ s ™* '- <•« "« 

victims, we owe thai n ™, Tt™ mi " io " m,,rd c>-«i 
homanity. ° °" 1 ' ch,Mre "' "'e owe that to 

T 1 ve^:,'; l : ;: n b ; e n (I " ,i " cd b - v ^ ^^ *^&«r. 

*» i-peri hs c ? W C °X A" ^'T^ ™" " f 
best n,a„ power of eoeoS T "' •'°" ,h : ""' t,K 

Crammed pro. uc e W, , * b ?" " ,owt " 1 ,io «" 
Rnmanitv is ahnos rei dv ? , "T bee " """i'"''^.!. 
tmexampled bC-le^ of"'^ ^-"T / r °"' "l 

-nSss^r-s °v ,his ; enrf " 1 ■•"-*' ""- 
-uro, ^" rctt™ ,ns T t s K :™ ;"* •? 

bread and tnll reston "g real order, oi insuring 

from °J iS'rf "^ ^ aCe ' t0 IlCal (he thoUSa,ld ««SS 
to u hen humanity ,s bleeding, to transform the 
plams of Europe, trampled down bv the passage of 
apocryphal horseman of war. into blossoming ga^ " 
to conjure up ten productive forces for even one 



T H ^vS rk a/X eS ° f CapitaIism always^vail th 
I ^ives oi the opportnn tv. at anv favorahlr 

^diSbV°ofte eah r 

sia & now idSed t P roleta ^t in Russia. To Rus- 

wd Bavaria t ° V]Ct Re P ubHc « of Hiingaiy. 

l,sefI to spread ^° PPOrl . U,llty and everv mea « s a™ 
P«*. the^u^^T U, ° 1 n and caIum "3'- In the 
co «rts, the hnn™ ?'• * ,heatrcs - Parliaments and 

^'S h P0 ?ritS S,e and the a ^ nrs ot * the bour- 
,l!e &ct „a? d I " y , CXP - reSS their "n^ignation" at 
Ba ^m having proIetan3t of R ^sia, Hungary and 
J ft * Wow mefrcii/ ! 116 the / Ulin ^ dass - ir deals' blow 
r '«ok-sav S« P " Sl> " f' the Ciass of the exploiters. 
! hc Soviet Govprn imp " ts lackeys of Ca Pitalism- 
f reedon,'' «?! rnme ! , t re J ect5 "freedom" of tl 



Bourgeois or Proletarian Dictatorship - Which ? 



■ 

r f, p 5 

could but 

lor the p 

concluded in ;i few hour 

pined -]•■- 

opotamia 

one people: the Loir . 

tongne^ rhen there 

ity or all men. Then there 

]>eruy and \>r i 'or ever 

Humanity is facing the altern: 
downfall in capitalist anarchy. Qr regeneration 
the social revolution. The hour of h 
I you beneve in Socialism, ic u 
bj deeds. rfyotiareSoaali 

Prolctanans of all countries, if we 
you for a common struggle it is not do: 
of the (rerman capitalists who. under 

(.erman nation." are trying to escape the con,: 
ces of their own crimes; it is being done r 
as we] as tor ours. Remember that vour vid 
capitalists stand ready to suppress in blood our 
olution winch they fear as they do their own 
yourselves have not become anv freer tfarou - 
victory, you have only become still more enslaved 
If your ruling classes succeed in throttling the prole- 
tarian revolution in Germany, and in Russia, rhen thev 
will turn against you with redoubled violence YouV 
capitalists Hope that victory over us and over revolu- 
tionary Russia will give them the power to scourge you 
with a whip or scorrpions. 

Therefore the proletariat of Germany looks toward 
you in this hour Germany is pregnane" with the social 
revolution, but Socialism can onlv be realized bv the 
proletariat of the world. ' 

And therefore, we call to you: -Arise for the strug- 
gle Arise for action ! The time for emptv mant 
festos platomc resolutions, and high-sounding 
is gone! The hour ot action has struck for the Inter- 
national I \\ e ask you to elect Workers' and Soldiers' 
Councils everywhere that will seize political power 
and. together with us, will restore peace 

Not Lloyd George and Poincare, not Sonniuo. W3- 
son, and r- rzberger or Scheklemann, must be allowed 
to make peace. Peace must be concluded under the 
waving banner of the Socialist world revolution 

Proletarians of all countries! We call upon you 
to complete the work of Socialist liberation, to <nve a 
h««nan aspect to the disfigured world and to niaice 
true those words with which we often greeted each 
other in the old days and which we sane as we %£?• 
And the Internationale shall be the human race!* 



By A, Nyemanov 



"freedom" 

tlle right tn ° h asS f embIa ^: it Hep: 
tlwJ 5 . to l ne franchise- :♦ «- 



the press, 
^ rives the people of 
t! ' r0 ^in^prkon r tr Ch!Se V k Prosecutes and even 
CTed the » e lK 0, V hose who l i"til now were consid- 
Tobe su ° SOC]et v. 

;avar 'V. ■ 7nv;„ll le i Pr0letar!at of Russia, Hungary anrl 
navuig become '' 



the ruling class, build 

V ' k r «troducer i „? Wrth itS Class interests ' 
3llt erests of ^ S ""fasures which are dictated bv the 
feasant,-,, >" e Proletariat and the poor (proletarian) 



'''^ccordance^kh^cl 



Jllter ests nf n." :s wmen 

tt «fte proletariat and the 
5 to say, 
;it m Russia, FTungarj 



^ l Svernmem S 



mres of the 
'^ Erected tAV,"""! '" KUSS >a, Hungary and Bavnrin 

le °Ppr«sr r J " y ' P 0,, «™»y and sociallv. and crush 
c,a sses. jf i ' end t!lc division of'socictv into 
ap!ic -tion off a "? m P 1 »shment of this requires the 
? ? isie - thesp Clhic measures against the hour- 
7 the class «r i SUreS are determined by the logic 
Pr ? let ariat'->„H ,gg , ' by lhe dominant majority of the 
1 > «as i 1 h r imrian P^s^try. 

taria " dirt^o 5 geoisie the ri ^ lu to attack the pro- 
rs hip ,vh en it itself everywhere has 






cstablishefl an iron dictatorship of the bourgeois 

When a delegation of Norwegian journalists inter- 
viewed Lenin. ,„ March, and asked him concerning 
the suppression- of freedom" in Soviet Russia Lenin 
advised them to go to Siberia and compare the bonr- 
gois dictatorship there with the dictatorship of the 
Socialist proletariat. 

VVe know already how Admiral Kolchak, that hire- 
ling ot the Russian and Allied bourgeoisie deals not 
only with the Bolsheviki but with his own former 
supporters— the social-patriots. Kolchak suppresses 
them both, thoroughly, brutally. 

The Kolchak dictatorship— which the Peace Con- 
ference in Paris apparently wishes to recognize— is 
an eloquent example of bourgeois dictatorship in all 
countries. If there is any difference between the Kol- 
chak dictatorship in Siberia and the dictatorship in 
Siberia and the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie now in 
power in Italy, France, India and Egypt, in anv cap- 
italistic country, the difference is purely formal. 
And always the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie is the 
dictatorship of the propertied, privileged minoritx 
against the vast majority of the people, the toiling 
masses. 

Let us take as an example the coterie of \ili L -d 
diplomats now sitting in Conference on Peace in Paris. 
Do they realize, in fact, the dictatorship of the impe- 
rialistic bourgeoisie of the Allies, a dictatorship ,!,>. 
ccted against not alone the proletariat, hut against the 
whole peoples (Russian, German. Hungarian) ? 

When a clique of Bririsb imperialists applies viol- 
ent measures to crush the Hindus, Egyptians and 
other oppressed peoples, is nor this a dictatorship of 



an nisignifieam minority over an overwhelming maj- 

f he bourgeoisie, with the aid of the press parlia- 
ments, courts and prisons, in a most cvnical ^d£l 
manner crushes down the least move of the workrn^ 
class to .better us conditions. M ;m ial law am: . 
of siege are not an exception but the rule in bour- 
geois society. The so-called "freedom" of the pSs 
m bourgeois society is an obvious nice 
freedom of the press. Consider our o, 
press. The propne ur -w- , iev 

large capitalists and financiers, p, - ^^ 

eqmped printing plants, their own - tac^r^ where 
paper ,s manufactured for them, and their bwn^gl 
a P . al. The whole oi the -influential- press | s ; n Je 
un<.sotd,e imperialistic bourgeoisie. t!u. . 
wts Where does even the mew .- •- 

°Jj he \ ne »n when the organs of hi"fora 

and publicity are under the vigila.n eve and tl 

comrol o, the large capitalist..? \< J C nin n| x^b 

ceiverpeo^" 1 ^^ 

Against the dictatorshi,) of the bour5co«te 

passes : the people. 1,.- 

us own conc ?] n of the iHitatorsInp , 

is 

SarSS 






THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE 



^^J_^ h 191 



Soviet Russia Answers the Allies 



Rl FERRINu ir, your Irllrr Of December .^olli, 
m ' irnni thai we eanjioi share your opinion of 
uii.ii yon consider to be the necessity of ihr 
Soviet Government'/! making an Immediate declaration 

as (0 tlir Conditions 011 the Iwsis of which (hat (inv 
enimcnl WOUld he refldy to COIlClltde peflCe with (lie 

Allies, \\- know thai when ihc Allies, being the 

offending jciMv, shall foimiibitr their demands 0t1 lliG 
Soviet f invernment. the latin will not hesitate to rlc 

dare f*j>cniv and In the ciearesi terms to what extent 
it can meet ihmti demands. N'ot only has the Soviet 

( iovcrnment never been informed directly as to the 
conditions of peace which the Allies wish to put to 
Russia, but similar peace propositions emanating both 
from ihc Central Government, as well as from its 

representatives in the foreign countries have never been 

answered, notwithstanding the fact that the possibil- 
ity of a change in internal and external policies was 
Indicated Clearly in a message to President Wilson, 
dated December 24th. 

"Hie Soviet Government therefore shares oi\r 
opinion that there is no reason to repeat peace pro- 
positions or other declarations, in the name of Russia, 
since the Allies continue to give no indications for 
peace with Russia. 

We are nevertheless ready to re-capitulate our views 
of possible peace couditons which were already ex- 
pressed in our conversation of December 25th. 

Lord Milner recently declared that one of the objects 
of Allied intervention in Russia was to protect the so- 
called "Russian friends of the Allies" against the dp"- 
pressions threatening them when the regime of the 
Soviets should be established in those parts of Russia 
at present occupied by the Allies. However, this fear 
should in no way be an obstacle to an agreement be- 
tween the Allies and the Soviets, since the latter arc 
ready to give the so-called Russian friends of the Allies 
all the necessary guarantees assuring them their liberty 
and amnesty for their past crimes. Regardless of their 
politics and their past social standing, they will have 
a real opportunity to collaborate in the Soviet system 
in accordance with their ability, their education and 
their adaptability. 

We are convinced that as soon as foreign interven- 
tion ends, the civil war in Russia under its present 
form will stop, and it will then be unnecessary to con- 
tinue any restrictions of the liberty of the press. 

We are likewise certain that as soon as Russia ob- 
tains the opportunity to work under normal conditions, 
and (he population has adapted itself to the new social 
order, there will only remain a ridiculously limited 
portion of this population which will need to be rest- 



Letter of Maxim Litvlnoff and Worovshi 
\Soulet Ambassador in Sweden) to a Socialist 






Recognition or Invasion 
Pram a nafi of MatUn Utvhieff to Pmtdeni Wilson, 

Ih-cemhrr .' \, 101H, 

Tlir thief aim oi the Soviets is to iCCtifcl h>r Ihc tolling 

majority 61 Russian people economic liberty without whit It 

MIttCfll liberty is of no Avail to them. J' or eight mr.tHhs tlt< 

Soviets endeavored to re&Wze their alma hv peaceful rmftodt) 
milium resorting to violence, adhering (0 the- aholition of 
capital pUnhjhmefit which abolition had been part of theii 
pregfghi, It w;is oidy when their adversaries, the minority 
Of the Russian people, look to terroristic acts flgflinSt popular 
members of the Government and invoked the help of foreign 
tri-iopp, that the laboring masses were driven to acts of ry.- 



"' 8PP J y ''" 1" pl« ■ ■ 

and to how | ,, 

Ru i. hi peoph 

An for th< proem and 
Government with regard to Pol 
othei reg 
will con 
of these region U, di 

aneouHty itMH.t, thm 

foreign power what, 

'1: ' or between the pan - 



legions, ('mil the relation! bet .- 
He Soviet Government 
modus Vivendi must be cr< 



iroaps, mat tne laboring masses were driven to acts of e*- modus Vivendi must be CtezirA ■ 

nspefatlon and gave vent to tlioir wrath and bitter feelings ,| I( . operation and mftv™** 

agamsi theif former oppressors. For Allied invasion of Rut " lji t u movement of railn 



Man territory not only compelled the Soviets against th L „ 
own will to militarize the country anew and to divert their 
energies and resources so necessary to the economic recon- 
struction of Russia, exhausted by four years of war, to the 
defence of the country, but also cut off the vital sources 
of foodstuffs and raw material exposing the poplution o 
most terrible privation bordering on starvation. 

I wish to emphasize that the so-called red terror, which is 
grossly exaggerated and misrepresented abroad, was not the 
cause but the direct outcome and result of allied interven- 
tion. . , , 

The Russian workers and peasants are determined to de- 
fend their dearly won power and liberties against invaders 
with alt the means theiir vast country puts at their clispos- 

r understand that the question of relations with Russia is 
now engaging the attention of Allied Statesmen. I venture 
then to submit to you. Mr. President, that there are now only 
two courses open to ihem. One is continued open or disguised 
intervention on the present or on a still larger scale which 
means prolongation of war, further embilterment of the Rus- 
sian masses intensification of internal strife, unexampled 
Woodshed and perhaps total extermination of the Russian 
bourgeoisie by the exasperated masses, final devastation of 
the country and in case of the interventionists' after a long 
struggle obtaining their end, a white terror eclipsing the atro- 
cities of the hmnish white guardists, inevitable introduction 
of military dictatorship and restoration of monarchy leaditte 
to interminable revolutions and upheavals and paralysing the 
economic development of the country for long decades. 

The other alternative, which I trust may commend itself to 
you. is impartially to weigh and investigate into the one sided 
Bccusa ions against Soviet Russia, to come to an understanding 
with the Soviet Goverment. to withdraw the foreign troops 

o?' t bi Rl1 u ,a, V err , ,,0r> " a "V° raise ihc economic blockade, 
soothing thereby he excited passions of the masses, to help 
Russia to regain her own sources of supply and to give her 
technical adv.ee how to exploit her natural riches in he 



(tie operation and movement of railr, 
telegraphic communications, exchange, : ' 
transportation and traffic, free , 
In order to work out its ecoi 
needs the technical, scientific, and nLj 
thai other countries can offer p 0r J 
ease there is an agreement with the Mil" 7 
Government would be ready to revise !Tu J 
concern the foreign obligations of R UM £ t« ' 
countries, without however in -,„,. . l ! Warf Uther 



most effecivc way for the benefit of 
need of foodstuffs and raw materials 



all countries badlv 



This First 



THOSE of us who only know the welldressed. res- 
* pectably innocuous first of May of recent vears 
have no conception of the power and the impetus that 
it evoked when ii was first proclaimed as the holiday 
of the world proletariat by the Internationa! Congress 
at Pans m r88o. The motion as adopted by the Con- 
gress, it is true, simply provided for demonstrations 
m favor of the 8 hour day and social legislation, leav- 
ing the form the- demonstrations were to take to the 
national units of the Social-Democracy. 

The first May Day found Germany in the midst of 
a tremendous political rejuvenation, the period imme- 
diately following upon the fall of the notorious Social- 
ist exception laws. Early in 1890 the party had gone 
through an exciting Reichstag election campaign with 
Hying colors The intense agitation of the Socialist 
forces which had emerged from this period of enforced 
seclusion more determined than ever, and the virulent 
attacks of the Bismarck government parties, which 
frcmiemly eliminated In actual physical assaults upon 
Sociabst agitators and workers bad aroused a fever 
ol "terest all over the country, As R result of the 
election Bismarck, the originator of the anti-Socialist 
laws, was shortly afterward overthrown; the Soci ah 
^mocrat.c movement of Germany had won a glorious 

. The proposed holiday of labor found the Socialist 
movement therefore, in na mood to temporize 

MtCCesa in the election had cowed the bourgeoisie and 
opes ran , , # t , B 1. 

the party and in the labor unions, hut even its hit, ere. 
opponent, felt that the day of reckoning was a a, d 

Even the moM conservative leaders of & labor nSvc- 
inenl foresaw the realization of their ideals within a 
few short years And their very confidence woke tin 
jnawering fear in the hearts of their Opponents -\ 1 
'■'•advihev seemed to hear the thunder of the coming 
^volution, and great, enthusiastic mas,,, ((f organi/ed 
labor rejoiced m the coming. 



ncted in the active exercise of the rights of citizens 
luit until these conditions have been realized the So- 
viet Republic should have the time and the opportunity 

of May — Promise and Achievement 

By Ludwig Lore 



needs the technical, scientifir **A ., 

Him nfhpr , .;1 J r / and _^tenal -. 

Hie* J? 

Government would be ready to revise ,Tu ' 
concern the foreign obligations of R u .-S ,J ' 
countries, without however, in any Wl . . ard f ^er 
fundamental principles of that governmC l ' ng ih * 
and financial policy. ^eminent •. ■ 

Among other things special attention m- u 
to the interests of small creditors TnZZj * g ^ 
The Russian government, which i sn di i 
makmg known to the world the i.Ten 
Which it is based, and in fighting S S?™^ *» 
of lies and calumnies which W^Ztf* 
against the Soviets and their work won , J™ ^ 
from any propagantla in Allied countrie ' rf ' r 2 
to lay itself open to the accusation of int fe , 
their foreign affairs. In this *mj*£*£?£ 
dare in the most hnal manner, that the CuX 
never been responsible for an Swft* 
foreign country, except perhaps in Germany 

The Soviet Republic demands only that the Mlie, 
promise to cease everv direct or indirect military actS 
against Soviet Russia, every direct or indirect materia 
assistance to Russian or other forces operating agaimt 
the Soviet Government, to refrain from all acts of 
economic hostility or boycott under any form whatever 
against the Soviet Republic. 

These are the principal questions which we fook 
up 111 our conversation. The positions we have ex- 
pressed precisely reflect those of our government. You 
are at liberty to use this letter in any way you think 
proper, in the interests of peace between the ranfttffa 
concerned. 



Such was the temper of labor especially in the larger 
cities that few manufacturers dared to oppose fhe 
general holiday Red flags flaunted thc ° ^age 
he face of a badly frightened bourgeoisie. The spirit 
Hat enthused the demonstrants in these first year 
fled the hirst of May above the intent of its or- 
ators It was more than merely a demonstration for 
social legislation and an 8 hour day. J„ the eyes of 

* * * 
But there came other May Days. Where lint the 
h~Z rk T, M 7 'f " ad b «" tht ^ » 
checked there, and shook their heads Bavelv over the 

■mmmm 

bttiktt. May Ki r vr l', ( K f e f°" t0 Put on the 
-ing dem^tSS ffiSg g $ft% g 

a »fw «™ of revolution has bm n n Vhuu] ,K 
marking time have given , L > f h f Vr;i,i; (,f 

?«"•« The firs, of Mav ,, t tt . i' iiMt * r;i11 «" 

'^ day for the Kntop n / e J J ° : !r ,H,0!, - , ! ,i,k - 

fiovernment a year and a 1.1 kusMiL wI, 0»« 

•»id a half ago was louket! upon 



mad adventure, has become the leader of a new 
world movement. In Germany the compromise gov- 
ernment of social-patriots, trying vainly to adjust lt« 
self to thc growing discontei-i at home and to the 
rapacious demands of its imperialistic conqueror;, i- 
cracking under the strain. Hungary, in spite of the 
pious hope of a lying press, is defending its pi 
revolution against the attacks of the neighboring na- 
tionalililics. In Munich the rule of thc revolutions? 
proletariat persists, in the face of frenzied 1 
within and without. In France the bourgeoisie ftwljts 
the coming of the First of May with trembling desjait 
Italy is quivering on the abyss of a nation wide up- 
rising. A First of May. full of promise, full of pot- 
ent. 

America, play the role 



Nor can we here, 



passive onlooker. We too must give our First of S 

ig with the times in v, Inch wf 



a significance in keeping 
are privileged to live. 

The National office has called upon US to oW 
May Day in gigantic demonstrations as l • 
against the imprisonment of thousands of W 
women who dared to speak the truth. ^ l '- B 



"men win- dared to speak the truth V) 
protest. But not in empty meaningless phi 
protest must he a solemn concecration oi 
and our movement to the greatness of ' !i ' 
lies before us. The liberation of oui 
not come as a gift from our capitalist masters. « 
price of endless restrictions and degrading 
It must be won for them hv an undaunted, dctc " JJj 
working class, by a Socialist movement that ranp 
ly take its stand side by side and she il 
with its comrades in Europe I el "* K ' u ' 
Uds hirst f M, v 

( omrades, refuse to work on the First ol ^' .^ 
one day be youi own masters. We have ,>a '.' ''< „,„• 
so often to celebrate the holidays oi others .'" . 
day in the year belongs to us, Is our day i ,! "' 
and of happiness!