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The Revolutionary Age 

A Chrom cle ™d Interpretation of International Events 



Vol. I, No. 36 



Saturday, June 21, 1919 



l'rice :i Cent* 



Workers' Control of Industry 

>nary ma — 

lanced by 

_), carry in 

verv large campaign of advertising- against the 

Ln's and Peasants' Republic of Russia. Thi 



jHRK is a counter-revolutionary magazine, 
Struggling Russia (which is financed by Ameri- 
can banks with Russian money), carrying- on a 

Work- 



er, is an autocracy. Start- 



its that Bolshevism is 



us mag- 
'the central world 



aZ ine msis 

The conscious capitalist press is now stressing this 
of Bolshevism. They now recognize that it is 
roblem of pro-German agents, of mass murder, 
,s in Russia ; nor simply a Russian problem — it 
central world problem of Socialism against Cap- 
italism. . , . • 

• The determining factor in international events is 
not that Germany has been crushed, or that a number 
of small nations have emerged to "independence," or 
that the world is being divided territorially and finan- 
cially. The determining factor is that out of all this, 
out of the war and the collapse of Capitalism, has 
emerged 'the definite proletarian struggle for Social- 
ism. This struggle for Socialism is no longer a theory 
isolated in action ; it is now a fact of life itself, the 
most vital problem for Capitalism and the proletariat. 
In meeting the problem, Capitalism is fighting for its 
very existence. And it is unscrupulous in its use of 
methods. The workers of Russia initiated this world 
struggle for Socialism ; and so international Capital- 
ism, represented by the Allies, concentrates its attack 
upon the workers of Russia as the resolute defenders 
of the interests of' the workers of the world. Starv- 
ation, counter-revolutionary plots, assassination, in- 
vasion and terror, — all these -means are used in a desp- 
erate struggle to crush Socialist Russia. 
"The apologists of Capitalism try to complicate the 
problem. They try to make it difficult for the workers 
to understand. 

But the problem is very simple. It is not a problem 
of democracy, or of communizing women, or of mass 
murder, or of any of the lies spread so feverishly by 
the bourgeois press and other agents of Capitalism. 
The crux of the "Russian problem" is simply this: 
workers' control of industry. 

Let us for a moment consider the purpose of the 
Soviet Government. The political power of Capitalism 
(and its ally, the nobility) has been crushed. The 
workers have conquered political power. The workers 
are using this power to crush' the industrial power of 
the capitalists,— giving the land to the peasants and 
the factories to the workers. A capitalist republic 
(such as prevails in our own country) recognizes the 
"rights" of capital as supreme: the whole social sys- 
tem is based upon the supremacy of capital. The So- 
viet Republic, which is a republic of the masses of' the 
people, recognizes the rights of the workers alone. The 
basis of the Soviet Republic is workers' control of 
industry,— industrial democracy. Slowly, painfully, in 
spite of starvation and alien invasion, the Russian 
masses are crushing the power of capital, freeing the 
workers from the tyranny and the exploitation of cap- 
ital, and constructing a new society of communist labor 
and fraternity, of workers' control of industry, in 
which labor shall work for the peace and happiness ot 
the people, and not for the profit of the capitalists. 

The Russian revolutionary masses are introducing 
Socialism. This fact is against the interests ot Cap- 
italism, since if< Socialism proves a success in Russia 
the workers of the world will struggle for a similar 
objective. Capitalism, accordingly, mobilizes against 
the Socialist workers of Russia in order to crush tn« 
workers of the world. 

t What is Capitalism? Capitalism is a social system 
based upon private property, upon the private owner- 
*H> of industry by the capitalists. The workers are 
Wiyed of industrial property; they must secure a 
i°b in order to live, and these jobs are dispensed hy tne 
capitalist owners of industry. The owner of mflUJW) 
! s out to make profits; he employs the workers Simply 
ln order that they shall produce profits for hum _ 
Wages of the workers do not represent all the values 
Produced by their labor; the employers appropnaw 
Tart of these values, a surplus value over and a-DOVj 
*« value represented in the wages, which bWWjWJ -WW 
P r ofit of the capitalist class. In other ffOrd», t™ )\ , 
e " are robbed of a portion of the ffujts ol «'"' 1 ; l1 , 
01, t of which booty the capitalists acquire wealtn .u 

power. 



Capitalist industry, moreov~., 
££« J ' Sm . a " employer, up to the great masters of 
"nance, the capitalist class absolutely controls industry. 

mis autocratic control of industry culminates in the 
absolute control of the industrial life of the nation— 
and of the world— exercised by finance-capital, by the 
great banks and industrial monopolists, by an insign- 
ificant minority of the people. 

The workers have no say in the management of in- 
dustry under this industrial autocracy. They have no 
vote in the management of production, or in the dis- 



of Soviet Russia, means workers' control ol iiul 

How does this work? 

In proletarian Russia, the factories are put 
control of the workers. The system of contra' 
at the bottom, with the workers, not with a bureau- 
cratic stale, or politicians, or capitalists. Ever) : 
elects a Factory Committee, from among the .-. 
and the technical staff, which is supreme within the 
factory. Where the capitalist owner has r, 
eliminated (in many cases he is temporarily retained 
as a manager) he is subject absolutely, in all his actions, 



posal of the goods they produce. They must accept to the control of the Factory Committee, which regul- 



t'he decisions of the industrial autocrats. They may 
ease their bondage a bit here and there, by means of 



Rush Your Seconds! 

Resolved, hy Hie Joint Meeting of the branches of 
Local Cuyahoga County, (Cleveland), having an aver- 
age of 1821 members in good standing for the year 1918, 
that we initiate the following referendum motions, to be 
submitted to the party membership of the United 
States : 

Resolved, that the act of the National Executive 
Committee in expelling from the Socialist Party of 
Michigan from the Socialist Party of the United States, 
a state with 6,000 members, without giving the state 
a trial or even a hearing in its own defense, is hereby 
rescinded and annulled and the Socialist Party of 
Michigan restored to all the rights and privileges of 
membership in the Socialist Party of the United States. 

Resolved, that the action of the National Executive 
Committee of the Party in arbitrarily suspending the 
Russian, Ukrainian, Lithuanian, Lettish, Polish, South 
Slavic and Hungarian Federations from the Party is 
hereby rescinded and annulled. 

Resolved, that the action of the majority of the 
National Executive Committee, which is largely com- 
posed of candidates for re-election in the referendum 
just closed, in holding up and refusing to tabulate the 
vote mi Referendum B and C, for the election of the 
National Executive Committee, International Delegates 
and International Secretary, and calling a National 
Convention, is hereby rescinded and the national secre- 
tary instructed to immediately tabulate the vote and to 
declare the candidates receiving the highest number 
of votes elected, in accordance with the National 
Party Constitution. . 

Resolved, that the action of the National Executive 
Committee in preparing to place the property of the 
Socialist Partv in the hands of a Board of Directors, 
three to be elected for three years, three for six years 
and throe for nine years; these directors not being 
subject to recall hy either the National Executive 
Committee or the membership of. the Party, he reversed 
and rescinded. 



unions; but this slight advantage is offset by the in- 
creasing power and tyranny of capital. 

Under this system, the workers do not work to live 
they live to work. They live to produce wealth and 
power and pleasure for the masters of industry. 
1 This industrial autocracy of capital controls the gov- 
ernment. It controls the press. It controls the schools. 
I controls heeau.se these industrial autocrats have the 
ea I. and wealth under Capitalism means power. 
This industrial autocracy is able to purchase the serv- 
£ Of * mercenary army of intellectuals, educators, 
rr L , -n,d Journalists, whose task it is to deceive 
lie ma eV P--0L the supremacy of Capitalism. 
n , ' "r.n in government becomes a fraud under a 
' s Sere industrial autocracy nrevails. 
'So the industrial autocracy of Capitalism comes 
t n v nml oonression of the workers, wars and all 

^"i'ut: Hbunianitv. U* of this svstem dev- 

!dops die class struggle of tne proletariat to overthrow 
l ' l ^f,nn,rast to this teudde system, Hte Soviet Re- 

nuhllcof Russia loom 8 as m QflsU 



ates the purchase and sale of products, factory con- 
ditions, wages, hours, etc. 

But one factory is not independent of any other 
factory, — production is a complicated process that re- 
quires centralized management. The various factory 
committees in a particular locality, accordingly, elect 
representatives to a Lower Workmen's Council of 
Control, which regulates the relations of factory to 
factory in a particular district. These various Councils 
of Control are centralized into an All-Russian Superior 
Council of Control, which unifies factory production 
in all the country. The central organ of industrial 
control is the Supreme Council of National Economy, 
which unifies the Workmen's Organs of Control, die 
peasants' committees of management, and the Soviet 
Government. In this way are unified production, dis- 
tribution, wages and conditions of labor. 

This is the basis of industrial democracy, of work- 
ers' control of industry. All these committees and 
councils of control are elected from the bottom up, by 
the workers, who are industrial citizens -and use the 
industrial vote to control the management of product- 
ion , ■ , 

It is on the basis of this workers' control of industry 
— the end of capitalist industrial autocracy and the 
profit-power of the capitalist s— that the workers and 
peasants of Russia are constructing a new society. 

The "central world problem of Bolshevism," accord- 
ingly, is a simple workmen's proposition. It is within 
the comprehension of every man and woman who 
works for a living in shop, mill or mine ; easily com- 
prehended, in spite of the distortions of a mercenary 
press. The "central world problem of Bolshevism 
means simply the determination of the proletariat to 
crush the industrial autocracy of Capitalism and 
introduce the industrial democracy of Socialism,— 
workers' control of' industry. 

The Soviet Government itself, which is of a political 
character while elected industrially b> Hie workers m 
the factories and the peasants in the fields, is a ^'"'P^' 
an affair. Tt serves two purposes: i) to crush the 
political power and the resistance of the capitalists, 
Russian or alien; and 2) to develop the conditions for 
the construction of a new industti d government. \\ hen 
the introduction of Socialism in Russia land the 
world) is completed, then the Soviet G 



natorship of the proletariat, will disappear, having 
accomplished its purpose; then the only government 
which will remain 1 which is not a government in the 
old sense) will he the industrial administration cow- 
imsed in the management and regulationo production 
ior the workers. Tins final government |S now he 
fog constructed by the Soviet Repnhhc, throuej > 
Factor)' Committees, the Workmen s ( puncilso . » - 
trol and the Supreme Council ol \ mo.ul Economy. 

It is a simple proposition, tins workers control o 
industry: hm it means the end ol Capitalism. 






the desert, as 
fonfTnf working class emancipation. 

, /I fawtrlmenl rhe capites are excta* 
S "„ , p K&pattan In this p»w™™»t *** « ll <" 

;.;; i ^ Hlt , 1 U t .ol t hecap l .ahs l -.,, l! n 

1)1 ,., ;a„,ttl»VrorkorMndforth«wlUl 
ern ,nent uses Ita powei against the 



meiil 
uses it 



Ms, tlu Soviet go> 



i lu- workers 



' Rm! pi lw Soviet government Is to hreak 
pitaHats, and develop the condition! 
lallsm 



I'll,- purpos. 

iho power of the 



.ducliou 



.1 ft 



tlu '- ,n,u ' l m ihe'theo.v of Marx and the practice. 



Socialism, 



why Capitalism, predatory, reactionary 
presented In the VlUes, is determined to crush t.u 

^mla^ 

Uiaiian movement for workers control ot mdi 

which abne can bring peace, liberty and happ 

M Cap!taHwri means oppression, miser) and . 
Atlanta the workers The democracy i 
Minuted to polklcO is I fraud, a mea 

t the W0I fl 

unemployment st irvation wages. 
f ol ,ho workers; and wealth, ease snd tax- 
pv foi the capitalists 
industrial demoj w N 

iiu a 

plnei 1 



pression 

. .01 want 



,. worker 

ns the world U :tv - •• M 







The Revolutionary Age 

A Chronicle and Interpretation of International Events 

lon< C FKArtfA Edltor 

Contributing Editors 
jortn K.m> Sen Katavama 

N 1 Howwicn L E. Fehcuson 

LudwigLore Eadmonn MacAlpine 

C E. RUTHENBERG 

ISSUED EVERY SATURDAY 
11\ [jocfyh Boston, Socialist Party 

II, G. Stkiner, Business Manager 
^S; Washington St.. Boston, Mass, 
Subscription $i-O0 /«r six mouths (26 issues) 
Bundle orders _v a copy 



Aggression Against Mexico 

Ci >\U!TlO\S arc being developed which may mean 
American intervention in Mexico. International 
capital, particularly American finance-capital, is using 
all it* resources to bring about a state of affairs pro- 
viding the pretext for intervention. 

It is the oil wells o\ Mexico, particularly, and its 
other natural resources generally, which arc beckoning 
foreign capital to the conquest of this devastated 
country. 

The Peace Conference has said, in so many words, 
that Mexico .is legitimate prey. Its recognition of the 
Vmerienn Monroe Doctrine— an imperialistic doctrine 
for the aggrandizement of United States capital on the 
\meric m continents - indicated the general poliev ; and 
the exclusion of Mexico from membership in the 
League of Nations is proof positive of the intention. 

Counter-revolutionary generals are financed by 
banks; landits in Mexico are supplied with funds and 
munitions all in order to create that "anarchy" which 
will then become the pretext for Intervention. — to 
make Mexico safe for democracy and preserve civil- 
ization ! 

Workers w»!l do the fighting Workers will do the 
dviner. Capital will reap the profits War against 
Mexico is cmcdlv war against our own workers This 
is the new world promised out of the war.— a world 
of depredation and oppression. 

And what else did you expect? All expectation's 
of progress and peace and liberty from Capitalism are 
illusions Capitalism is predatory; Capitalism is 
pression. Capitalism and Imperialism can assure only 
war and plunder and oppression International rev- 
olutionary' Socialism must become the proletarian 
answer to this international menace. 



Expel the Party 



Ijlh National Executive Committee of the Social - 
•*• isl I'artv, overwhelmingly repudiated in (be elect- 

i i) I ■ ;i in v, X K ( . is preparing new expulsions. 

\> the Ktatc < mivention of the Parry in Massachu- 
setts, which adopted the Left Wing Manifest., and 

Program. ;> »roui> of delegate- seceded, led by two 



Ick 



rap 



red Executi 



Secretary Ger- 



mer. who ihereuoon telegraphed the N. E. C. members 
hue "i whom, lames Oncal, thereupon made this 
nmtitHi ■ 

'That the National Secretary secure documentary 

>f repudiation of party 




cvidi 

"olicv in Massachusetts, if obtained the National Secr- 
etary shall recognize that organization which Btipports 
the policy and principles formulated in national con- 
vention and by referendum." 

Power lo r-vjul fi.000 members of the Party, accord- 
ingly, is placed in the bauds of one wait, the National 
Secretary. Two reactionary "Socialists," George IT. 
Cloche! ""! [ames- P Carev. both of whom wrrc pro- 
wir: came to Hoston, looked around, and went right 
home again .Massachusetts has no use for moderates. 
The Stato Committee of Illinois— the citadel of re- 
Pan y srems to be the hold-over Executive 
•ted a long time ago—ia out with 
constitutional" casuistry to set aside a completed rev- 
lie Chicago organization.- as if "constitute 
_ -rprelation would affect tin convictions 
Ot ill" revolutionary membership. 

ini'ler orders a new county ennfer- 

11 tHisponoed Federations eliminated, 

'1 In delegates who have been partv 

1 i nnr\ one year In the local. Under 
1 r"k1 * hange in the party member 
( in- ago. this i- a perfect scheme for 
litth conference of a small group of 



THE REVOUlTIONAIlYjUiK 

W -timers who were jeHialc«g^ he C ° U " 

ferenee of May i?f> n«w *g Sgo a^ not worried 

The Left Wing element; of ( 1 ■ SP ■ tic . 

ab0ll , t hi s Tammany m» jew *• JJ™ ** -Jf?, pr U ab ly 

Kipation in the "rump conference. 1 

means more expulsions T , "Wing, 

But since the bulk of the Par tv • 1 now Left \ g 

and revolutionary Socialism will have the Party. 

Bulwark of Reaction 

THE dominant fad emerging cut of the convention 
of the American Federation of ^abor is t he 
apparent conclusion of "a temporary partnersh I 
between organized labor and the employing element 
for the suppression of Bolshevism to accompl sh 
which the former is conceded to be the best equipped 
This is the declaration in a news story by Louis >ft- 
boW, appearing in the New York World of June ifi 
This is not at all surp.ising,— except, perhaps, to the 
yellow Socialist who all these years has been buttress- 
ing the A, E. of L. as a misleader of labor, .wo ol 
these yellows— T. Mahlon Rarnes and Max S. Hayes 
—are at the convention, still pursuing their miserable, 
role of equivocation. . . - 

The A. F. of L, started as a movement to smash Hie 
old Knights of Labor, which in that day was a radical 
organization. It developed as a craft union organ- 
ization of the worst sort, actually splitting Up labor 
instead of uniting it. In all its years of supremacy, 
the A. F. of I. officially through its bureaucracy was 
the ally of Capitalism against Socialism and against 
militant labor, supporting Capitalism often while labor 
was engaged in a death struggle against the employing 
class. The V F of L was an organization of "labor 
leaders." whom Mark Hanna designated as his "labor 
lieutenants.*' These laboi lieutenants or the capitalist 
together with the aristocracy of labor, aspired 
to peth bourgeois case and status; and in the pursuit 
d< their offensive and defensive pact 
with Capitalism. The symbol ot this pact was the 
National Civic Federation, where Samuel Goropers 
other misleaders of labor wined and dined with 
the capitalist oppressors of the workers. 

' »ut of this polic) developed the A. F. of L. support 
of the reactionary war, the "labor leaders" accom- 
llenl service not alone in mobilizing labor 
for the war. hut in preventing labor making "excess- 
• tgi demands while the capitalists were making 
fabulous profits and hundreds of new millionaires 
created 

The social condition behind this co-operation of the 
A. F of L and Capitalism is comprised in "organized 
labor" consisting largely of the skilled workers, who 
domii r unions of unskilled labor- while 

the bulk of the proletariat is unorganized. The skilled 
workers occupy a sort of privileged status: thev have 
been corrupted by Imperialism and receive a "share'* 
in the spoils of Imperialism: in return for which "org- 
anized labor*' protects Capitalism and crushes the rev- 
olutionary movements of the proletariat. This is- the 
social condition, equally, that produces the savage 
war waged by the V F. of L. upon the I. \V. \V\. 
which represents (he militant proletariat of unskilled 
labor. 

The World states that the A. F. of L. "is conceded 
to be the best equipped" for waging (Tie struggle 
against Bolshevism. Why? Bolshevism, that is to say 
revolutionary Socialism, makes its appeal to labor, and 
capital must use "labor" in order to wage a successful 
campaign against Socialism. In the name of labor 
accordingly, the A. F. of L. strikes at the heart of 
labor and protects Capitalism. Capitalism in the 
I mted States, class conscious and alert, is using 
'labor to fight militant labor and maintain the sup- 
remacy of Capitalism.— precisely as was done in Rus- 
sia, as is being done in Germany and England Trades 
unionism everywhere, the aristocracy of labor is cor 
runted by Imperialism, betrays the hulk of the nrole 
tanal to Capitalism. ' 



It is the task of revolutionary Socialism to crush 
us labor bulwark of reaction, by co-operating wit 
the militant elements of t| n . A. V of ] in the 
struetion of a new labor movement or 'revolutionary 
industrial unionism. "' ll * 

The Labor Movement in Japan 

By Skx Katwvma 
A Rne story of the militant Labor Movement 
11 Japan, by a pioneer of Japanese S, ; ■ 
"dispensable to the rmcrimffl^ffl. 
Cloth $1.00 1, C opv 
THIS REVOLUTIONARY \C] 

885 Washington Street 

Boston, Mass. 



Saturday, j Une 2l 



The Russian Offensive 

THE Allies arc. still at their miserable bu ' 
■'making peace" while waging war again.? 1 ?' 
Russia,— a war that constitutes aggressi ie 

the peace and liberty of the world, na ga&jj 

In Paris, the Peace Conference has " re . 
the "Russian Government" of the Czari,/?,"^' 
Kolehak. " N A ^ira 

In New York City, the offices of the Soviet & 
sentative Martens have been «■:■*-- « 



raided 



'V<. 



seized, while Washington teems with rumors 'I 1 *' 
portation. ft| k 

These two facts occuring almost simuli ailp 
indicate a new offensive against the workers of ft ' 
and equally against the workers of the world, ^ 
Martens, according to 



Soviet representative 



bourgeois "law of nations," is covered by diploma: 
immunity, even if not recognized. K M f t ] 1( l J^ 
prevent German viol 



rder tliat t| lev 



!''c ASH 
on 
migh 



apparently, decided to 
the "law of na' )ns" only 
freely violate it themselves. 

There is dispute whether the Allies have actual'. 
''recognized" Kolehak as a government. Rut that ' 
immaterial: the fact is that the .-Mies have iiotp 6<S 
in an official form the aid and co-operation they hat* 
rendered the reactionary forces of Admiral Kolehak 
in 'their war against the people of Russia. The Allies 
in fact, "recognized" the Czarist gangster Kolehak 
months ago, by providing hint with mora! encourage- 
nient. with arms, munitions, food, money. The Allies 
have been waging war against Soviet Russia since 
November 7. to 17. 

Who is this Kolehak? What is his government? In 
March mi ;, the ISritish Government decided to creatf 
a "Provisional Government" in Siberia, with Admiral 
Kolehak at its head, as the only dependable "strong" 
man in sight. There was an experiment with a "dcni« 
oeralic government" nt Archangel, but old man Tchai- 
kovskv could not "deliver the goods." The Allies 
ai'ordinglv. centred their support upon the reactiunar 
'Vovernment" of Kolehak, which they organized am 
financed, v bile informing the world that it was tin 
government of the "Russian people"! 

Admiral Kolehak is a monarchist, a believer in 

' f ■ t'overnmenf." The Allies made a bluff of 

evading "democratic guarantees" from Kolehak. but 
wnv met with the Admiral's determination to first 
< rush the P.olsheviki, establish a strony autocratic lw- 
(TMinent. imprison democracy, and then— -call a Can* 
sti'uent Assembly! 

The "troyernmeut" of Kolehak would have beer 
r-.silv crushed by t'he-Kussian iieoplc it it had not bwi. 
for the Mbes. "it is the Allies who are vvagim.' 'Iu 
'-Mimor-revolutionarv war arain*! the Russian worker 
;«nd peasants, The ■'recognition" of the Koldiak ^ 

- t" mines at the moment that the "great offens 

o"" of the counter-revolution had collapsed, when n> 
Snwlpt , roons haf i r e-eaptured 1'fa, when it appeare 



!f !' 



Ichak government was finally to he crust 
Mi" "vllies to the rescue ! 

Ib.i this new offensive against Soviet Russia iCOjg 
couallv. ;.| a moment when the inassse ot tne , 
■"•'- about lo protest. Ifalv and l-rince ;t re atlai 

I tere isan intensive agitation W« , «l* H 

luce w ^ 



strikes; ami icre is an uueusivi; «ij ,in ''"" V urotCSl 
mass strike against intervention in Russia. .1 
strike which its origin ators hope to |)roa 
Prance and [England simultaneously. j 

More<jv<u\ the "recognition" of Kolehak, that m ^ 
ercr of the people, comes at the 
revolutionary proletariat of 
break the blockade n\ Russia, and accept 
muuist futernational. 

'-inuincnt 
sw revolt 
kc t |u 



moment when 'J. 



dm 



' recognition ' 
iet troops an 



termg, » 



hen in' 



try troops Hi 

juncture wit 



being mow! 

the troops 



.rciiarmi; 



iienst* 
is the 



-aus« "' 



s! r in''" 

world. 



viet HungaT; ^ > 

In the t'uited States, in spite of the rcaCt '.p' a jpiiliS! 
••' of I., convention, the proletarian mas- 
intervention, are developing a more 1 
for the cause of Soviet Russia. wltfC 
the worker? of the world. 

Soviet Russia Iirn eompleteh 

"ideals" of the Allies It has ■!*•"" ;; ,!,„■> 

Allies represent reaction, thai thej R« -> ,, ft J 
-'ace and liberty of the peonies ot die iVO "J 
for the proletariat to canitali/e ihi« ***"£* L RU^ 
** for ihe proletariat, the natural nllv ol >^ \ JJ 
•o accept the task of prevent iim d»e s,rn "fL| !>) ^ 
RjiMinu Revolution. The system .v;..;- ;>,.-. |; 
Ml-os. the svsiem „f Capitalism and 1 " ■, : n 
»»t ^iuiplv (be eucmv of the workers ■; K Vjf •£ 
'he ene.m of H,e workers ..i ihr world- » ^ 
Idiertv cannot prevail a> lon« as t\»» M %! ^ frffl 

II is the H-volmion.ov i.isk ..f «he "''^iTc^ 

,r, - L,iit •" '"-k tbeoovnsivc .0 i-t-';:; iju ..i- 

'■' n agaiusi Soviet Rusmo which '* M1 ' 



'he pence and hberiv of the worken ot 



iffen* 
the** 



day, June 21, 1919 

Clear the Decks! 

IV 



UK 



article, "The Socialist Task and Outlook 

Calloi May 21, Morris flill(|iii| admit* ill-, 
„<l rnlernational broke down,— altl 
Hates the I bird Communisl International 



Eui 



1, in fact, is to re-constitute the 
In speaking of the collapse of the 

says: 

the economic organisation of the 
id the pressure of immediate econ 
ls (as understood by them ) that broke (!i 
,- ,|„. Sociiih'si luU-Mialioiiat. . .. [| was 1)l)t 
r ; s m thai was primarily responsible for tlie~mfs< 
Tin' (-.r^niii-cd lalmr movement... was a move 
, r the benefit of ihe hetter-situated strata of lai 



nternj 
natioi 



iarily 

IH'111- 

clvief. 

mem 



revolutionary 

considered in i tse lf and 









l)f skilled workers. 

'bis appears as an acceptance of the 
ialisl analysis, until -it is 
I her with the conclusion. 

labor movement" was not really a labor move- 
at all, but a caste movement of the skjjled work- 
he demands of this movement were moderate 
occupied a sort of privileged position, 
ays moderate, this "labor movement" with the 
t of Imperialism, became directly counter-rev- 
nary. Imperialism requires a "satisfied" working 
class, in order to develop that ''national unity" requsite 
ii the struggles of international Imperialism. This 
labor movement"— the skilled workers — were o-i ven 
s "stare" in the profits of Imperialism; in return for 
vhich it had to support the government and accept 
social-Imperialism. This meant that the "labor move- 
ment" had to use its organized power and prestige to 
maintain the overwhelming mass of the 'workers, the 
industrial proletariat of unskilled labor, in subjection. 
Out of this circumstance developed a class struggle 
within the' working class,— a. development ignored bv 
the official representatives of Socialism. 

The industrial proletariat of unskilled labor consti- 
tuted the potentially revolutionary class; and it was 
the task of Socialism to awaken, articulate and organ- 
ize this class. The dominant moderate Socialism 5 re- 
jected this revolutionary task; it accepted the "labor 
movement" as its basis, and united with this move- 
ment against the revolutionary expressions of the un- 
skilled proletariat,— as did Morris Hillquit & Co ag- 
ainst the I. W. W. ' 

This "labor movement," hesitant and moderate, im- 
posed a hesitant and moderate policy upon Socialist 
parliamentarism, emphasized by the fact that the dom- 
inant moderate Socialism also expressed the require- 
ments of the "liberal" petite bourgeoisie. 

The fundamental task of Socialism, accordingly, 
was to split the "labor movement" of the skilled work- 
ers and organize a new militant movement of the un- 
skilled proletariat, the dominant factor in concentrated 
industry. The official moderate representatives of the 
International, and of the American Socialist Party, re- 
jected this imperative task. Under the control of the 
moderates, our party officially has been the protector 
and the ally of the ultra-reactionary A. F. of L. 

Hillquit dodges the issue completcTy. The "labor 
movement" was what it was. But the task of Social- 
ism is lo represent the fundamental revolutionary in- 
terests of the proletariat, to articulate and organize 
that proletarian class which alone is the carrier of the 
Revolution, — not to become the expression of react- 
ionary "labor." 

moreover, out of this dependence upon tTie rcaction- 
"htii ■ movemen t" and the middle class (why does 
nillquit not mention this middle class?) developed 
certain concepts of the dominant moderate Socialism: 
■ ^Socialist emphasis on parliamentarism, — accept- 
ing that "parliamentary idiocy" of which Marx speaks, 
bat imagines parliaments decide all things and 'forgets 
tne rude outside world." 

c 2 r~A«epting the bourgeois state as the basis of 
gociaiist action, and making Socialism a movement for 
St ate Capitalism. 

.. 3--~Eecoming absorbed in the petty bourgeois na- 
lonal "liberal" movement, (he dominant Socialism ac- 
ce Pted nationalism and social-Imperialism. 

4-- Repudiating industrial unionism and mass act- 
on, the revolutionary expression of the real proletar- 
m of unskilled labor. 

5-— Having abandoned the revolutionary task and 
j*«epted the bourgeois slate as the basis of action. 
■crate Socialism repudiated proletarian dictatorship, 
done is capable of realizing communist Social- 

of revolutionary Socialism to this 
locialism was mass action in Europe and 
inism in the United States, together 
m of the policy of petty bourgeois p:irl- 
id reformism. 

admits certain things which previously 
it his conclusion shows his evasion : "The 
the post-war International must, there- 



THK 'EVOLUTIONARY AfJK 



Ollgli 

Ifis 




"°»e working eh™ ,'?,? ! n,,n ; ,n;i! unioniam imoiiej 

i8 the character Tli aStm ' Smce thc who1 ' 

" f '-. oir, y SoMhwn. figln tire official A. F. 

"K ihe Party. ' ' 
lear the decks! 

Split ihe Part) for 

"labor movement" 



miti 



Left Wine th 



>gan of the moderates , s; 
Petty bourgeois Socialism, for the 
of socml-Imneriabcm i 



which 



Tl 
for 
strugg] 



Imperialism ! 
slogan of the Left VVii 



me industrial proletariat' 



Repudiation 



HE 



ugliest feature of the action of tiie NEC 
I J" trying to split the Party for moderate, petty 
nonslhwJT S °f a . !ism < » ^at the gentlemen res- 
hZfrJ? r J l ) e ! 1e , fan ? US aCt lmVe M be ™ overwhelm- 
ingly repudiated by the membership in the elections 

l.tJn f W " l " mter » a t'onal delegates and inter- 

national secretary. 

The offical vote has been secured from the following 
states: lexas, Pennsylvania, Oregon. Ohio, Colorado, 
Indiana, Delaware. New Jersev, ' Tenn 
Georgia, Rhode Island', Arkansas. M 
Minnesota, Michigan, Massachusetts, Virs 
District ol Columbia. The results for international 
delegates are as follows: 



see, Florida, 
aine, Kentucky, 



The Left Wing 

John Reed 

Louis C. Fraina 

A. Wagenknecht 

C. E. Ruthenberp- . ... 
I. E " 



14,006 
11,981 
9,061 
8,981 



Ferguson . 6,607 

The Moderates 

Victor L. Berger 2,798 

Adolph Germer 2401 

Seymour Stedman 2,100 

A. I. Shiplacoff , 1,736 

J. -Louis Engdahl 1,647 

Oscar Ameringer 1,584 

James Onea! 1,410 

Algernon Lee 1^252 

John M. Work 1,142 

L. B.Boudin 



910 

international secretary, the 
fare, 10,627; Morris I Till- 



In these same states, for 
vote is: Kate Richards ( )' 
quit, 3,720. 

At the X. E. C. session where 40,000 revolutionary 
comrades of the Socialist Party were either expelled 
or suspendd. James Oneal feelingly and sanctimonious- 
ly, spoke about "the confidence that the membership 
has in the X. F. C, which we cannot betray." Con- 
fidence! James Oneal, A. I. Shiplacoff, John M. 
Work, Seymour Stedman, and Adolph Germer were 
of the N. E. C. majority: look at the votes they secured 
for international delegates, and then measure the extra- 
ordinary "confidence" that the membership has in these 
sabotagers of the Party. 

Frederick Krafft and George II. Goebel were also 
of the X. E. C. majority that sabotaged the Party. 
They were candidates for reelection to the N. E. C. 
from District Two. In 'this district the Left Wing 
candidates swept the field, the results being (the Mary- 
land and West Virginia vote missing, but very small) : 
C. E. Ruthenberg, 5,786; Marguerite Prevey, 4,885: 
Fred Harvvood,* 2,774. Fred Krafft received 849 votes, 
and George Goebel 492. In their own slate of' New 
Jersey. Goebel received 167 votes and Krafft 246: 
while the Left Wing candidate ITarwnod received 1,158 
voles. 

lames Oneal was a candidate for re-election to the 
\.".F, C. from District One. In three states of this 
district — Massachusetts. Rhode Island and Maine — 
Oneal received 688 votes, Morris Hillquit 838; while 
the Left Wing candidates received: L. C. Fraina, 



r he N. E. C. Speaks 

WHILE j u being retwd 

"1 



j 



Oneal, A. 1. Shiplao. 

■ 
ion- foi 






. 






I his "da lai 

>f lies and slai de 
ohitionary comrade* in ll • 
Fteel agawsi the dei 
ism in the Socialist Party. . 
ate men, and of cr« 

The "declaration 
indicates an organized an 
nation-wide -scope, to capture the 
means or foul . . , using tl 
in a disgusting campaign of sland< 
and its elected officials, j 
were helpless against this cowardly 'tirade as w, 
not know what was taking place. ' 
Lett U ing organized openly to co 
revolutionary Socialism. It appe; 
ship, by means of constructive cri 
Its campaign was open. It is dish 
C. to limit the agitation to the language | 
The Revolutionary Age, the XV 
Ihe Proletarian, the Ohio Socialist, ii 
Age and other English papers that agi , / 
Left Wing policy. The moderates could not 
against the campaign, of' which they 
aware, because they had no arguments and 
pudiated by the mass or the comrades in 
"capture of the Party" is simply the party itself 'assert- 
ing its control against the reactionary 

Fair means or foul? Let die membership in L 
uses the foul methods: the Left Wing uses agitation, 

constructive criticism, ideas ; the mode: 
ion, sabotaging referendums, ;tra 
membership. Eight men split the Party, a:' 
overwhelmingly repudiated by the Part : are tl % 
means fair or foul? 

Fear means or foul? Let the membership judge: 
The N. E. C. declaration says: "If com 
of phrases, common action with goven 
and systematic sabotage of the Party are 'n\ 
ary,' then this group [the Left Wing] is correct'' Can 
you conceive anything more foul than stigmatizing the 
action of the revolutionary comrades of the Left Wing 
as "common action with government officials'*? 

The Left Wing was against the "Amnesty Con- 
vention" because it considered the convention - 
abandonment of the policy of the class struggle. The 
Left Wing agitated in favor of militant action 10 re- 
lease our class war prisoners, in favor of the mass 
strike to compel the government to act : it was 
''amnesty," appeals to the government 
ists and co-operation with reactionary bourgeois "liber- 
als." The Left Wing maintains tI1.1t only th< 
of revolutionary Socialism can compel the release of 
our imprisoned comrades. But the X. E, C "declar- 
ation" in speaking of the Left Win 11 to the 
Amnesty Conference makes tins contemptible state- 
ment: "Between betrayal inside the parly and sup- 
presion by governtnent officials, our imprisoned com- 
rades are made a sacrifice to capital is! traction." 

We urge a revolutionary Policy to rel< 
prisoned comrades — and are accused of using "com- 
mon action with government officials." We den- 
that the petty bourgeois policy of the X. F. C will 
never release the class war prisoners— and a 
matized as "making a sacrifice 1 
capitalist reaction." These are th 
by the treacherous X. E. C. against 1!" means 

of the Left Wing— of the Part v. ;' Wing is 

now the Socialist Party! 



3.130: X. 

The X. 



ive t 



ic L( 
thev 



1 fourwich, 

C. speak: 
1 perpet 
t Wing 



,544 : E. Line 



,47 



ted on si 
•andidate 



to g 
majority 

The Party membe 
iningly repudiated l 
n f moderate petty b 

\nd it is jnst as elc 

to abide by the election results, are tiviti 
elections. Comrades, protect the integrity 



but fraud could 
a large scale as 
the tremendous 



ship in the- elections has overwhel- 
1 1 >!d Guard, the representatives 

Itrgeois Socialism That is clear. 

r that the moderates, by refusing 
steal the 
the Party I 



The X\ F. C. "declaration* 5 Langnage 

Federations of trying to "'■< : 

other statement, the N 

Party. The Left Wing is acting in accord •., 

peculiarity in American social and 

its acceptance of industrial uni< ' ;>ed by 

the ./;;;<' rican revolutionary lUOVt 

A". /:, C. repudiates, is pn 

mentals of Socialism are international 

must be an international mo i 

ism" of the X. F G. is sini - 

ism." 

The X. F. C. convicts itself, ft c\ 
of revolutionary action and 

It is desperately using the -,. si 
means to preserve the 
bourgeois Socialism, to \\ reck th< 
of the Socialist Patty, act to pn 



THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE 



'•ill*; 



The Control of Government 






E\ CR^ action, whether in the press or in words 
against the /constitutional order" and the 'law- 
">i authorities of the United States is nowa- 
days severely punished. The prisons are filled with 
political prisoners, and new laws are being proposed 
O preserve our government by law." Not satisfied 
wuh the number of politicals in prison, the bourgeois 
press accuses the government of "leniency," almost of 
criminal favoritism, toward the "seditious elements" 
and demands m.>,e repressive measures and severer 
pena ties. More than one organ of the press recom- 
mends that the "citizens" take "the law into their own 
hands; which, translated into ordinary human lan- 
guage means : that instead of the court law there 
should he a resort to Lynch Law.-burnings, hanging 
and depredations by mob violence. rt "gm^ 

Bourgeois justice exists and is directed against the 
undesirable elements of our class society -a^it 
worker-strikers, Socialists, revolutionary %£' 
agams all who rise in protest at the iufLyff ££ 
talist order and parasitism. Bourgeois justice is 
chiefly directed to preventing the liberation of the 
workmg masses from exploitation, misery and opprts- 

But the indignant adherents of "severe and strict 
Ss'of tb^t 1 , " di p? ati ?S ™ -on as the role of Vi- 
ators of the lawful. institutions and authorities of the 
'and is usurped by Capitalism. The bourgeois Dress 
m this case forgetting its duty as the vigilaTeye o 
aw and order." becomes the apologist of the reject 
able violators of "government by law,"and e ve, ?Tet tl 
SenT^r th th£ & *^**5£T1 

Consider, for instance, what such a "respectable" 
0^^ tf l e i NeW Y ° rk World > «t«al vSn organ 
June joY Admimstra ""°n. «y» in its editor^ 

w lwT hat r dffferenCe wiU k make in ^ United States 
whether Germany refuses to sign the treaty or the 
Senate reuses to ratify it? In either case t e'technS 
state of war will continue. At the worst WaVsZet 
has no more to fear from the protesting German Gov 
erntnent than from the United States Senao^X 
Z« e %> there SkaU he "° **** °f P«" ^essZy 



Let us, first of all, explain the issue in question In 
accordance with the Constitution of the uSstates 

ShL a at°t C r "T the W0dd defends wl S ?oa m ' 
Wh T 8 ; 0Uth " eVery treat >' of the Uni 'ten Stages 

with a foreign power can come into force only after 

onenin f " * the S / nate " The Senate - ^vYng j£ 
opened its sessions and comprising a ma ority of Re 
publicans, refuses, out of purely political consider- 
ations based upon opposition to the Democrat Party 
adm.mstral.on. to ratify the peace treaty as drnfte 1 a 1 



By Nicholas I. Hourwich 

submitted !o Germain- bv the "Council of four" of 
the Allies. 

VVhalever. in this instance, happen to be the motives 
of the Senate majority, (he very fact of its refusal to 



in the final analysis 



The Communist International to fhe 
Proletarians of the World 
Tti<> Third Communist Internal ioiml on April 3 
addressed the proletarians <>f the world in the follow- 
ing circular letter, entiiK-il "The Latest Atrocity -■! 
[lie Sooiali.-i Government at Rerlin :" 

The German Social-Democratic Government has 
recently perpetrated a crime. The government of 
Scheidemann mercilessly caused Leon Tyshko to be 
executed. Comrade Tyshko had represented the Polish 
•Social-Democratic Party in the Second International. 
For more than thirty years Tyshko fought in the ranks 
of the workers for the Social-Democratic Cause. He 
was at the head of the heroic Polish proletariat when 
tbe first barricade was erected at Warsaw and Lodz. 
He spent many years in prison because be had come 
out for tbe interests of the workers. In 1906 he was 
sentenced to eight years at hard labor ; as soon as he 
succeeded in escaping from captivity, he resumed his 
share in the struggles of the Socialists. 

The Ebcrt revolution found him in a German jail, 
into which the Government of Wilhelm II had con- 
signed him. He was one of the most unselfish com- 
batants and an important factor in the German rev- 
olution, standing in the same rank with Karl Lieh- 
kneclit and Rosa Luxemburg. He was one of tbe 
ch.ef leaders of the Spartacus group and later nf the 
German Communist Party. International Socialism 
had no more unselfish, more cnergelic comrade than 
lysnko, who has now been shot bv order of Schei- 
demann and his cohorts, who yet still dare to call 
themselves Socialists. Comrade Tyshko was a faith- 
ful vvarrwr 11, the interests of the working classes and 
of communist ideas. He was executed because he 
MS . a n ;" r,; " enem - v of t»e bourgeoisie. The Com- 
munist International « convinced that the day is 
^Proachmg when the working d ^ of 

ete cm .ust.ee to the hangmen of the Communists, 
to Scheidemann, Ebert and Noske 
/Signed) The President of the Executive Committee 
m the Communist International, Zinovicff 



crap of paper,— -certainly ;t (! ,-i; 
Ultuted authority;" aiIr , ," 

atmckstheSena^WithTroS 

Wall Street care very | ittle w £ 
rat ifies the treaty! 

This attitude of the World t 
01 the highest institutions of ,;>' ' 
.MthefiualaualysiXbeexplai,: -' 

-J -K campaign t(Jf]is ^[ ; 

"i the Senate. But, upon c loser r K 

Portion in this case disclosesTLf 
significant social f act thaTp^^ f^ £« 

)en,ocratsaiKltbeRepubIican?V-? 

■i^Sd"r iseasa ---- n 



'raise as a manif es ta t ; ' ,**. *h£ 

"• «"" vernal justir," w 

academ,c mercenary guard ^ 7*f JonrnafiJ* 
praise promotes its purposes. apita,,s m. when 

When a "disagreement" arises h.t 
the Senate and the Socialists -llet th^ Co * 
«1 by the law. But when such a H ^ ** ,. 

dls agreemem a^ 9 * 



-■■-: 






; -': 



make" the World d^f ^ ™ ntly pr ° Ve suffide <* to 
reuv in, t T f ar£ i the treat y nu » a,ld void. \ 
treaty is not a treaty unless ratified by the Senar^ ,, 

»» "'«« Proposes making the Coiixlilulion a 



between the legislative organ ottt^ 1 

Wall Street-the attitude hangt ; ST****! 

What does all this mean ? It arair, ™ c 
rectness of the revolutionary sS« m,Sfte ««- 
substance of bourgeois parliament r sm"** ^ ** 
hy MarX and adhe -d to by the <£^»%« 

In all so-called parliamentary state, ** 
revolul.onary Socialist, the actual ™ ^ the 
ment is vested in big capitaSh S? S °^ 
l>nnks ; parliament-Congress and the ^l f ^ tbe 
the "law making bodies "exist nl ^"^-^t is. 
tj« People, to 0% pres *% n ?, ^V^^ 

he wil, of this legh]tive b . s ™5j^g 

and every person who violates it as a working S 
measure is a "seditious person" and "blasphew^S 
as soon as he legislative body becomes sudd er ? S 
ncious, or its mechanism is out of gear and TefS 
work normally in the direction indicated bv the S- 
sts.--the impertinent parliament or Congress .Vdls- 
•sotved its decisions are vetoed or simply completely 

Parliament, or Congress, is nothing but a marionette 

»i he hands of Wall Street, that is of finance capital; 

and it is finance-capital that actually- consulates the 

government." This is the Socialist conclusion derived 

trom the utterances of the World 



T"? '"If" Jf ac(i0 »ary autocrats of the National 

Parrv , I" V 1(hg " ant Pr0tcst 1S sleeping through the 
Ste "'n !1 del ^hted to become revolu-tLary 
spite of a!! the autocrats in the Party or out of it. 

nitiaied P r?f eSt "T ^ n " d b >' Local Cleveland, which 
'I neu th/r endumS f ° - re P» d ^te the N. E. C act 

men the Convention of the Socialist Partv of \ull' 
repudiated the tyrannous acts of th^K% st ^± 

S^!!uC;: e ' " ,e Gernia » '-deration of the 
• tiaiist I a.ty was in convention at Rochester N Y 

e^";: e P in^ 1 S ™P? the C ° nvenli0 " wto ie J: 

the 1 eft \V -u -c ' Germa » federation adopted 

! Vri, ue" i Ma,1]fesl o and Program, which is the 

crime of the seven expelled Federation. Will ' 

■ avage Seven now expel the German Federation' 

tile of the Party," and concluding: 



The Party Repudiating the N. E. C. 






arv sentiments of the rank and file within the party as 
manifested in the St. Louis program on the war; be k 
I here fore, 

"Resolved, that the Socialist Partv local delegates 
ol Union County of' the State of New lersev. herewith 
endorse the Manifesto and Program" of the Lett 
W mg." 



** the N. E. C. ant \rtT ( ' outra ^ Perpetrated 

^elf-respect and revolutSv VS " ^"^ t0 the 

the rank and file We ?"1? class H co "sciousness of 

of the party to communicate to A?2r U & 0n o ev ? y local p ' f'A te Exec titive Committee of the Sochte 

^0 not recognize their ukase wi^i " L ' that thev arty of Ohio - trough its Secretary, A. Vfcgertjg 

and that thev will in til a ^. ainst the rank and fife ls carrvmsr on a Mm „,;«, n t ^u«t,n n aramst th 



'-ocai Union County ( Elizabeth V t n . 
resolution. 36 against 4 to " ro l3' l ) . a<, °' Ued a 
action taken .by the N P C \ n | ? aml , lgnore th e 
-suspended' comrades as me 1 r V S? ,n J u l,,C S "" Ca,h ' l! 
I'arty." Local Union -Conn S ? the S( ^ahst 
'^--h^^adoptingZ^whr 1 ' 1 " 1 - 1 i,s ^i«" 

ssekjs ■ ci - p « «-^ "S-sff sags 



. rryiug on a campaign of education against W 
traitorous "N. E. C. Seven," repudiating their miser- 
able acts. 



'Whereas, the growth of . 



Sob parliWntarifm' wShS ^T^r" aml '"-'- 
"'ade a re-statement of the ^ na,,s[ ''arty h 

position imperative; and 



revolutionary Socialist 



"Whereas, the tendency 



-*'*X^3fi<Z±!! 



Focal McReesport. Pa. resolves : "That we condemn 
I »e action taken bv the National Executive Commit^ 
a »d demand that the N. E. C. immediately re-ui^ 
l|»e .suspended organizations, and we further donaw 
•'"at the party membership and the party P en *^ 
°"ly. shall decide the matter of the suspension ci t.- g 
organizations." Focal McKeesport then proceca «* 
aclopt. unanimously, the Left Wing M^ !te - !L J 
I rogram, 

. fhe X. F. C. has sent Otto Branstetter to "^tjf^ 
w the partv in Michigan, but is meeting "» ]v 
results, i n spite of A(1o j ph Germer whistW** 
! " keep up his courage. 

Let the partv act. Let it repudiate the r ^f^ 
x • P- C. Let it realize the fruits of its conq* j 
party for revolutionary Socialism. To the t-t" 
—the jiarty, the future, and Socialism! 



fotiirda y^ June 2\ 1919 



J[55_^EyOLUTIONARY AGE 



T H E liberal and Social- Revolutionist-Menshcvik 
scribes and politicians are much concerned over 
the question of the sociological significance of the 
fil! «ian Revolution. Is it a bourgeois revolution or 
„ re other kind ot a revolution? At first glance, this 
!radeni»c theorizing may appear somewhat enigmatical. 
The liberals have nothing to gam by revealing the class 
interests behind "their revolution. And as for the 
letit bourgeois ".Socialists, they do not, as a general 
tnk make use of theoretical analysis in their political 
..jvitv, but rather of "con%non sense," whirl, j s s j mp _ 
t another name for mediocrity and lack of principle. 
The fact is that the Milyukov-Dan estimate, inspired 
hv piekhanov, as to the bourgeois character of the 
Russian Revolution, contains not a single grain of 
theorv. Neither Yeditistvo, nor Retch, nor Den, nor 
Robo'chaya Gaseto, its head seriously affected, takes 
an y pains to formulate what it understands by a bour- 
geois revolution. The intention of their manoeuvres 



I h . e Character of the Russian Revolution 



purely practical : to demonstrate 



the 



'right'-' of the 

bourgeois revolution to assume power. EVen though 
the Soviets may represent the majority of the politic- 
ally trained population, even though in all the demo- 
cratic elections, in city and in country, the capitalist 
parties were swept out with eclat,— "so long as our 
revolution is bourgeois in character," it is necessary 
to preserve the privileges of the bourgeoisie, and to 
assign to it in the government a role, to which it is by 
no means entitled by the alignment of political groups 
within the country. If we are to act in accordance 
with the principles of democratic parliamentarism, it 
is clear that power belongs to the Social-Revolutionists, 
either alone, or in conjunction with the Mensheviki! 
But as "our revolution is a bourgeois revolution," the 
principles of democracy are suspended, and the repre- 
sentatives of the overwhelming majority of the people 
receive five seats in the ministry, while the represent- 
atives of an insignificant minority get twice as many. 
To Hell with democracy! Long live Plekhanov's So- 
ciology ! 

"I suupose you would like to have a bourgeois rev- 
olution without the bourgeoisie?'' asks Piekhanov, slyly, 
invoking the support of dialectics and of Engels. 

"That's just it!" interposes Milyukov. We Cadets 
would be ready to relinquish power, which the people 
evidently do not wish to give us. But we cannot fly 
in the face of science.'" And he refers to Plekhanov's 
"Marxism" as his authority. 

Since our revolution is a bourgeois revolution, ex- 
plain Piekhanov, Dan, and Potressov, we must bring 
about a political coalition between the toilers and their 
exploiters. And in the light of this Sociology, the 
clownish handshake of Bublikov and Tseretelli is re- 
vealed in its full historical significance. 

The trouble is merely this, that the same bourgeois 
character of the Revolution which is now taken as a 
justification of the coalition between the Socialists and 
the capitalists, has for a number of years been taken 
by these very Mensheviki as leading to diametrically 
opposite conclusions. 

Since, in a bourgeois revolution, they were wont to 
say, the governing power can have no other function 
than to safeguard the domination of' the bourgeoisie, 
it is clear that Socialism can have nothing to do with 
it, its place is not in the government, bul in the op- 
position. Piekhanov considered thai Socialists could 
"ot under any conditions take part in a bourgeois gov- 
ernment, and he savagely attacked Kaulsky, whose 
resolution admitted certain exceptions in this connec- 
tion. "Tempora leagusque mutantur" — the gentlemen 

of the old regime so expressed it And that appears 

to be the case also with the "laws" of the Piekhanov 
Sociology. 

N T o matter how contradictory may be the opinions 
of the Mensheviki and their leader,' Piekhanov, when 
you compare their statement before the Revolution 
with their statements of today, one thought does dom- 
inate both expressions, and that is. that you cannot 
carry out a bourgeois revolution "without the bour- 
geoisie." At first blush this idea would appear to be 
axiomatic. But it is merely idiotic. 

Hie history of mankind did not begin with the Mos- 
JJ>w Conference. There were revolutions before. At 
the end of the iSth century there was a revolution in 
prance, which is called, not without reason, the "Great 
devolution." It was a bourgeois revolution. In one 
01 its phases power fell into the hands of the Jacobins, 
who had the support of the "Sans-culolles," or senu- 
Proletarian workers of the city population, and who 
set "p between them and the (iirondistes. the liberal 
part > r of the bourgeoisie, the Cadets of their day, the 
ne at rectangle of the guillotine. It vv«s only the dictat- 
? rsn >Pof the Jacobins that gave the French Revolution 
,ts present importance, that made it "the Great Rev- 
olution." And yet, this dictatorship was brought about. 
01 on iy without the bourgeoisie, but against its very 
^Position, Robespierre, to whom it was not given to 
^quaint himself with the Piekhanov ideas upset all 
ir,e laws of Sociology, and. instead of shaking hands 



Froi 



By Leon Trotzky 

"TheProktrian Revolution in Russia, 
°y N. Lenin and Leon Trotzky 



r uel he ■ "?" dlSt f ' he cul off their heads. This was 

prevent Z % "° f^"* h Bllt this c ™^ did not 
l!.?,^. l ., tl,e | . 1 ' rcndl Revolution from becoming Great, 
'""its of its bourgeois character. Ah 

2 e MJ man y mal-practices are. 

( nn country, said that the 



within tlu 

'larx, 
now perpet rated 
French terror, 
memies 
_, isie was 
- the same plebeian methods of 
nm on h/V the , e r emieS of the P e °P le > the J^obins 
• rnb nf i Pr T d ! h - e bour Seoisie oi power, but applied 
v l° f W 00 " and iron with regard to the bourgeoisie, 
whenever the latter made any attempt to halt or to 



was ^iin.,1. ii Z ■ ' u,c wnoie rrench tt 

of th, ticbewn effort to dispose of the en< 

verv n ?l ge ? ,S - e / e And as the same bourgeoisie 

very much afraid of the same nlehehm L*\™ 



. It is apparent, 
out a bourgeois 



moderate' the work of the Jacobin 
therefore, that the Tacobins carried 
revolution without the bourgeoisie. 

*f„r ng t0 , the En S lish Revolution of 1648, Engels 
\ rote, in order that the bourgeoisie might pluck all 
me nuts that had matured, it was necessary that the 
revolution should go far beyond its original aims, as 
was agam the ease in France in 1793 and in Germany 
in 1&48. fhis, to be sure, is one of the lazos of the 
evolution of bourgeois society;' We see that Engels" 
Law is directly opposed to Plekhanov's ingenious 
structure, which the Mensheviki have been accepting 
and regarding as Marxism. 

It may of course be objected that the Jacobins were 
themselves a bourgeoisie, a petite bourgeoisie. This is 
absolutely true. But is that not also the fact in the 
case of the so-called "revolutionary democracy" head- 
ed by the Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviki? Bet- 
ween the Cadets, the party of the larger and lesser 
propertied interests, on the' one hand, and the Social- 
Revolutionists on the other hand, there was not, in any 
of the elections held in city or country, any intermedi- 
ate party. It follows with mathematical certainty that 
the petite bourgeoisie must have found its political 
representation in the ranks of the Social-Revolution- 
ists. The Mensheviki, whose polcy differs by not a 
hair's breadth from the policy of the Social-Revolu- 
tionists, reflect the same class interests. There is no 
contradiction to this condition in the fact that they 
are also supported by a part of the more backward or 
conservative-privileged workers. Why were the So- 
cial-Revolutionists unable to assume power? In what 
sense and why did the "bourgeois" character of the 
Russian Revolution (if we assume that such is its 
character) compel the Social-Revolutionists and Men- 
sheviki to supplant the plebeian methods of the Jacob- 
ins with the gentlemanly device of an agreement with 
the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie' It is manifest 
that t tie explanation must be sought, not in the "bour- 
geois" character of our revolution, but in the miserable 
character of our petit bourgeois democracy. Instead 
of making the power in its hands the organ for the 
realization of the essential demands of History, our 
fraudulent democracy deferently passed on all real 



power to the counter-revolutionary, military-imperial- 
istic clique, and Tseretelli. at the Moscow Conference, 
even boasted that the Soviets had not surrendered their 
power under pressure, not after a courageous light 
and defeat, but voluntarily, as an evidence of political 
"self-effacement." The gentleness of the calf, holding 
out its neck for the butcher's knife, is not the quality 
which is going to conquer new worlds. 

The difference between the terrorists of the Con- 
vention and the Moscow capitulaters is the difference 
between tigers and calves of one age,— a difference 
in courage. But this difference is not fundamental. 
It merely veils a decisive difference in the personnel 
of the democracy itself. The Jacobins were based on 
the classes of little or no property, including also what 
rudiments of a proletariat were then already in exist- 
ence In our case, the industrial working class lias 
worked its way out of the ill-defined democracy into a 
position in History where it exerts : 
primary importance. The petit bonrg 
was losing the most valuable revolutionary qualities 
to [he extent to which these qualities were being dev- 
eloped hv the proletariat which was outgrowing the 
tutelage of the petite bourgeoisie. This phenomenon 
in turn is due to the incomparably higher plan to which 
Capitalism had evolved in Ru 
the France of the closing iSth 
tionarv power of the Russian proletariat, is based upon 
its immense productive power, which is most of all 
-iwarent in war time. The threat oi a railroad strike 
'^'lin reminds us. in our day, of the dependence ot 
the whole country on the concentrated labor ot the 
proletariat The petit bourgeois-pezsnni party, m the 
verv earliest stages of the revolution, was exposed to 
., crossfire between the powerful groups 
i<tie capital on the one band 
internationalist proletariat, on tl 



irluence ot 
democracy 



compared with 
t8th century. The revolu 



and the revolntionary- 
other. In their 



struggle to exert an influence 01 their own over 'the 
workers, the petit bourgeois continued constantly harp- 
ing on their "statesmanship," their "patriotism/* and 
thus fell into a slavish dependence on the gr<. . 
counter-revolutionary capital. They simultaneously 
lost the possibility of any kind of liquidates even oi 
the old barbarism which enveloped those sections of 
the people who were still attached to them. The strug- 
gle of the Social-Revolutioniiti and i :or 
influence over the proletariat was more and we as- 
suming the form of a struggle by the proletarian part] 
to obtain the leadership of the semi-proletarian ma 
of the villages and towns. Because they roluntariiy' 
handed over their power to the bourgeois cliques, the 
Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviki were obliged to 
hand over the revolutionary mission to show that the 
attempt to decide fundamental questions of tactics by 
a mere reference to the "bourgeois" character of our 
Revolution can only succeed in confusing-trie minds- of. 
the backward workers and deceiving the peasants. 

In the French Revolution of 1848, the proletariat is 
already making heroic efforts for independent action. 
But as yet it has neither a clear revolutionary theory 
nor an authoritative class organization. Its importance 
in production is infinitely lower than the present eco- 
nomic function of the Russian proletariat. In addi- 
tion, behind 184S there stood another great revolution, 
which had solved the agrarian question in its own way, 
and this found its expression in a pronounced isolation 
of the proletariat, particularly that of Paris, from the 
peasant masses. Our situation in this respect is im- 
mensely more favorable. Farm mortgages, obstructive 
obligations of all kinds, oppression, and the rapacious 
exploitation by the church, confront the Revolution as 
inescapable questions, demanding courageous and un- 
compromising measures. The "isolation" of our party 
from the Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviki, even 
an extreme isolation, even by the method of single 
chambers, would by no means be synonymous with an 
isolation of the proletariat from the oppressed peasant 
and city masses. On the contrary, a sharp opposition 
of the policy of the revolutionary proletariat to the 
faithless defection of the present leaders of the So- 
viets, can only bring about a salutary differentiation 
among the peasant millions, remove the pauperized- 
peasants from the treacherous influence of the power- 
ful Social-Revolutionist muzhiks, and convert the So- 
cialistic proletariat into a genuine leader of the popular, 
"plebeian" revolution. 

And finally, a mere empty reference to the bourgeois 
character of the Russian Revolution tells us absol- 
utely nothing about the international character of its 
milieu. And this is a prime factor. The great Jacobin 
revolution found opposed to it a backward, feudal, 
monarchistic Europe. The Jacobin regime fell and 
gave way to the Bonapartist regime, under the burden 
of the superhuman effort which it was obliged to put 
forth in order to maintain itself against the united 
forces of the middle ages. The Russian Revolution. 
on the contrary, has before it a Europe that ha? far 
outdistanced it. having reached the highest degree of 
capitalist development. The present slaughter shows 
that Europe has reached the point of capitalistic satur- 
ation, that it can no longer live and grow on the basis 
of the private ownership of the means of production. 
This chaos of blood and ruin is a savage insurrection 
of the mute and sullen powers of production, it is the 
mutiny of iron and steel against the dominion of" profit, 
against wage slavery, against the miserable dea 
of our human relations. Capite'ism, enveloped in the 
flames of a war of its own n. ing, - uts Frc 
mouths of its cannons to hum. :ty : "Either conquer 
over me, or I will bury you in my ruins when I fall!" 
All the evolution of the past, the thousands of years 
of human history, of class si igg Itural accum- 

mulations. are concentrated now in the sole problem 
of the proletarian revolution. There is no other ans- 
wer and no other escape. And therein lies die 
endous strength of the Russian Revolution. It is not 
a "national," a bourgeois n e who 

conceives of it thus, is dwelling in the realm of the 
hallucinations of the iSlh and i<nh centuries. Our 
fatherland in time is Hit 

lot of the Russian Row V el Is eeU\ on the 

course and on the onto - on the 

evolution of class contradtctic - 
this imperialistic war is giving a cat; sti 

The Kerenskys and Kornilovs began tr*i earh «s , 
the language of competing... erats Hie Kaledins 
showed their teeth too soon The renegade Tseretelli 
too early grasped the contemptuously ontstreched 
finger of counter-revolution Vs yet the Revoh 
has spoken only its first word. It still - m ' is 

reserves in Western Furore In pi.,- of the 
shake ot the reactionary ringleaders with tl e good-for- 
nothings of the Pftitt 

unbrace of the Russian proletariat \vi lerari> 

of Europe. 



THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE 



Saturd^j^^ 



JT was the claim of the Allies that the Russian masses 
\Coulil acclaim intervention as providing the opport- 
unity to throw off the "vile yoke" of the Bolsheviki. 
Instead, events are nroviiiff that the Russian masses 



The Allies in Siberia 



War Against the People 



are eaj 
countei 

The whole course 

i he de 

impose 

masses 
imiv the Soviel ( 
tte of starvation, 

iforld, the revolutioi 



cuts Air proving that the Russian masses 
o throw oil' the vile yoke placed by this 
their liberty. 



lutionary intervention upi 

f intervention proves that ii 
lerate purpose of international Capitalism t 

an alien will upon I he Russian people. Th 

>r Russia have had ample opportunity to over 

nernmenl, if they wished; but i 

spite of war from the whol 

lasses refuse to make a 



counter-revolution, refuse to overthrow their govern- 
ment. 

Nothing but contemptible dishonesty could now 
claim that the Russian people welcome intervention. 
In Siberia, the Allies have crushed the liberty of the 
masses, have imposed a bayonet autocracy upon the 
people, have supported the infamous Koichak and his 
reactionary coterie. The masses of Siberia, accord- 
ingly, are against the Allies and their intervention. 

. This is proven by an article in the June issue of 
Hearsts Magasine, written bv Frederick F. Moore 
Ute Captain, Intelligence, of the American Exped- 
itionary Force in Siberia, under the title "The Vanish- 
ing Army of the Bolshcviki." 

Captain Moore makes the unequivocal statement- 
Nraety-five per cent, of the people in Siberia are Bol- 
sheviki/ It js clear, then, that the Allies' mission in 
bhbena is to restore the rule of a reactionary minority 
of 5 per cent.— surely a case of making 'the world 
safe for democracy! 

But, what is more important, Captain Moore proves 
he point. The Siberian masses, according to him 
have adopted the policy of passive resistance and sab- 
otage. Ims an effective expression of the will of the 
masses. The Captain says: 

"The Allies in Siberia have been surrounded by an 
army without uniforms or other visible military equip- 
ment, without any apparent machinery of organization 
Hus army has the ability to vanish without being 
missed, to reassemble when and where it chooses, to art 
up a front if it so desires, or. if it sees fit, to d ssolve 
again, concealing itsel f once more under the £ 
the very host winch is seeking to overcome it More 



over, ii is to a very large extent an army of passive 

resistance. ... ' 

'■IJuriu- the winter just past, this vanishing army 
entered Hie cities occupied by the Allies, and, in the 
guise Of refugees, or 'loyal* Russians, received food, 
clothing and shelter. Under the protection of the 
Allied guns it spent the period of bitter cold weather 
in comfort, perfecting its plans for the on-coming 
spiin- carrying on its propaganda of hostility against 
1"C merventionists. and mingling with the' troops 
which had come half way round the world to render 
it harmless. 

I Ins is how this "vanishing army" fights: 
'Take the case of one of- their earlier engagements 
with the Japanese. The attack was south of Habar- 
nvsk. it was significant that the Japanese took scarce- 
ly am prisoners. I hat was because a few of the Bol- 
sheviki held back the Japanese, giving the main Russian 
iront tune to break up. Then, when the Japanese 
forces moved forward, they passed through 'the Bol- 
sheviki army— without knowing it!— and actually ask- 
ed it where u was! 

"What the Japanese force thought it saw was large 
utmil^o, badly dressed peasants, busily at work in 

J 'verwhelmed by superior munitions and equipment, 
the Bolshevik masses of Siberia adopt their own forms 
(, i "gluing, Hiis is how they secure weapons: 

"A truck-load of Kolchak's machine-guns at Omsk 
H sappeared whde m transit from one barracks to an- 
other, and the men who were making the transfer 
dropped from sight. Some of our officers and soldiers 
; nmv how the Bolsheviki added to their own supply 
ot pistols. _ It has been estimated that ten per cent of 
the American officers travelling with orderlies had 
jimomahcs either taken by stealth or snatched 
iron the holsters m crowded railroad stations. One 
|'l these officers expostulated with a thief. 'Here*' 
- M-uted Mhat's my gun!' 'Well, you're wrong/ 

■> the reply ,„ good English; 'it's mine, and vou*d 
£««•* not start any trouble here.' It seemed good 

;< hie story going the rounds is to the effect that an 
officer o high rank, while pushing his way through a 
■lam of people m a station, followed by his orderly, 









was startled by a cry f ra 
gone! 

"' .one!" said the officer 
know better than to los 
wear it ?' 

"Meekly the orderly in<. 
holster on his right hip. 

"But you shouldn't wear i- 
the exasperated officer. 'Keep j 
mine. Look her,- And he*| 
worn well to the from on his 
chagrin spread over his face 
gone, too '.' " 

The workmen of Siberia ac< 
invaders. Captain Moore sa; 

"the trans-Siberian k. . . „ 

hands of the Bolsheviki— fi 
conductors, repairmen, signalmen swiSf"* t 
masters and, to a large extern 
Xot only do these men absorb graf %Tr °* 
their will or if against their wnl 



' 






only at 



And if instead of accepting the statJ 



the fighting Bolsheviki 
rinburg front,' the 



newspaper corresp 
anon hptr-,,. . 



understand the situation "better 

that all Siberia, all Russia, is a front!" ' ^ reafe 



_ Thi 

line against 
and the Cossacks with 



revolutionary sabotage is us^i ,11 , 
tinst the Allies, who answer with ' l 
Cossacks with flogging and won* *%? *" 
viet as an institution m Siber- , . . 
alien reaction, but it lives in the heart/3 S^ * 
n a moment, at the appropriate moment • 
will rise and assert their Communist ind^J?* 

Considering this testimony of a non-Rnl^T , 
becomes f the Allies claim concernnT^ 
by the Russian people?- Lies, all g ^ 
shoot the Russian masses into JhZ : ■ - ***** 
■hey bribe them into acce^in^ £ T "? «" 
food. Man does not live ^ ^^J*"™** 



T'lfRSR nre the resolutions adopted at a special con- 

County", r r ° I l0 eXp '" eSS the Sta,ld nf L«al Cook 
Uiuntji (Chicago) on questions before the party a-id 
made up of one delegate to each ten membe < Neadv 
^branches were represented, with membership mer 

cons^L!l r Z 1V ni d ;? lat th ? ( 0ll0win g Propositions shall 
S i i st T , P ? , r T ° f - L ° Ca] Cook Count y of the 
Conn r y lmtl1 further aoti0 ' 1 !j v a ^ture Cook 
bounty Convention, and shall be binding unon ,11 

o.hc,Kea,uh 

istPartv^u 1 " .i n * e " iat, '0" al alliance of the Social- 

grouns of othl ' Cd MatCS ° nIy With the Communist 
groups ot other countries, such as the Bolsheviki of 

as p^ESraSui USS ' a ' a " d UP °" t]K " r °S™" 

Delegate slnll i,k-,. " and , our International 

™»ff«»rWtan ( n S ° m<: dcdsivc i,cl ™> '0 
Second In.^naL,al **"" ° r Con « re " of lhe 

Socialist iiiftWA«T 7 ni Sg le < a,,< l recognizing that the 

■ -! : :;: h;is --— '-historica,,;,, 
h.>of.thc^ffir ^ d ^ ndfo^t, ^ Dirta «^ 



AJI Power to the Workers! 



Resolutions Adopted at the Chicago Convention 
May 17-18, 1919 



b and 11 y ^^^[fommittees or trustees notekctd 
b) and not responsible to the membership. 

Q) Lstabhshment of a Central Lecture Bureau, 
>t Socialism, like all other nlatformc ■ >° - a rqss and Information Bureau 

-e demand: All p^r lo P ZvorkZ T^ ^ due ^^^ ° f !*«>' P'"^ P-^^ 
•ovver as the h ac ; c (^ f ,._:,.. —local ^es and methods of organization. 

The foregoing was offered as a composite raohaim; 
discussed and adopted item by item. The further i» 
outions dealing with party questions of general appfc- 
ation areas follows: 

7) Whereas the Xational Executive C 
be Socialist Party of the United States has obxuni 
t'ie class nature of our organization bv the call icxu 
Amnesty Convention; and 

^ hereas it is essential at all times to keep the< • 
nature of our organization clearh d< iued & 

n ' u,on . w,th non-working class g 

Be it resolved: that this Convention is 
tne action of the National Executive Ct 



ooipc^ion^/X'i-^^'l^^rtv activity in 

"' order ,„ unifv i„ d„M n ™a h »l!i iT'l'" ™° nh '"- 
V iganda and action. ' " class <on S cio„ s 

v.itl' oZl ^^J» P*«y association 
'lass struggle « d ' ," " led ,0 . lhe revolutionary 

giws and the like. M «'"cipal Ownership lea- 



2- h) \ municipal nlatfnn.. „t c • ,• 
roceed on a separate CT, f Soc,a hsm cannot 

.,,,„„„. ,„ „ u ; i|n ' i ' | U «.« toata«„ t „, la , 

'ower. There arc no en 7,1 i *?',"•"* "•"" , "' l! 
■ f the class strueek „, : ; " , ' l, '" ,s "'"'"" «'« terms 

^-^•M^leSd^ul^r''^'^^^'"' 1 " 1 
'"'isl political activity. Tit 



■e-a'rU, isTtol iSttS^' f *J T°'«to„ar V pro- 
,il -" ">" Primary dependence m '^ ba " 0t ; we reali ^ 
Power and the massToS ,S' ," °" ,he m « s 

P'-ogressivism. locate ot an advanced labor 

"ig recommendation 

a) 




mum. 



the li 
plat f. 



-npenahstic con- 
to'hwend make the follow- 

; , ;" h '; onmuuee, composed o? th L Wat,0nal Em " 
he ^ "' UK National l\ Vllllv p" )ree , or '"ore mem- 
?f t fl aB l»«y officials and m , v n T ,u ' c - Vvho shall 
n \ Ule '\^'Onal headquartm P ! ^' ld,St5 u ' lh offices 
. !l) ^ "in nil by the n-iriv. . 
'^^ctecUopnWX? ^"^^^^ 

^ Control by the pa ,^ 
'^gular executive c 



calling the Amnesty Convenii. 

and that we recommend that this call be res 

S) Resolved that tin's C< ivenl S ' 

endorsing the I. \\\ \V., and t! 
>ts power to acquaint the 
olutionary industrial unionism. 

9) Endorsement of Sunday Schools 
Party control. 

io) Recommendation oi ors 
?ncl literature distribution 
industrial units, with division 
districts. 

, H) Resolution providing 
Conventions, with plenar . - 

Ot IMM-- I . I 



tne Pa^y memhershm n,, , 

omm,rt "- of »«offi^T^tt 



nf * branches. 

Pbe other resolutions ( : ; , 
nature ot greetings and r< 
! ; v ^ intervention in Russia, the Wi 
, s u -' - oms tin - V ^STS 

h .v contribution of 

general strike Mr releas s> - ■ ^ ' 

»«s to Russian So> et Repnbli - 

^partacam of Gei 
nuimst International. 



Saturday, June 21, 1919 



J2*?J* Ev m'UTIONARY 






AFTER having indicted the clomin-im 
Socialism and indicated the SS ? cSSv*? 
that produced it, the Manifesto £ 0CC c ds t«T* 
feet the fundamentals of revolutionary Socialism- " 
Revolutionary Socialists hold, with the founder, «* 
scientific Soc.al.sm. that there are two dominant d asse ! 
in modern society-the bourgeoisie and the proletS- 
, ha , between these two classes a struggle must w ' 
linti | the working c hm, through the abolition Jf S" e 
c:ipit al.st slate and the establishment of « 1C dictator! 
h ip of the proletariat creates a Socialist system rZ 
Ititionary Socialists do not believe that they can £ 
,oted into power. They struggle for the conquest nf 
power by the revolutionary .proletariat. Then wm « 
,,he transition period from Capitalism to SochlUm 
of which -Marx speaks in his Criticism of the Goth,', 
Program: "Between the capitalistic societv and the com 
munistic lies the period of the revolutionary transform 
ation of the one into the other. This corresponds to n 
political transition period, in which the state cannot 
be anything else but the revolutionary dictatorship of 
the proletariat. l 

The class struggle is fundamental to Socialism It 
is die material basis for realizing the ideal of Socialism 
But the class struggle is not as simple as moderate 
Socialism makes it appear. 

The two dominant classes in society are the proleta- 
riat and the bourgeoisie, — the workers and the capital- 
ists. In between these two dominant class divisions 
there are other minor divisions, which are .an import- 
ant factor in the social struggle. 

Moderate Socialism comprises its policy in an attack 
upon the larger capitalists, the trusts; and maintains 
that all other divisions in society — including the lesser 
capitalists and the middle class, the petite bourgeoisie, 
—are material for the Socialist struggle against Cap- 
italism. Moderate Socialism says, in substance: So- 
cialism is a struggle of all the people against the trusts 
and hie capital: and it makes the realization 'of Social- 
ism depend unon the unity in action of "the people," 
of the workers, the small capitalists, the small invest- 
ors, the professions. — in short, moderate Socialism 
actually depends unon the petite bourgeoisie for the 
realization of Socialism. But these non-proletarian 
classes are not at all revolutionary, simolv "liberal :" 
and moderate Socialism in action becomes dependent 
upon a liberal progressivism which makes for State 
Capitalism and promotes Capitalism : and which, more- 
over, under the conditions of Imperialism is directly 
co'mtef-revolutionary. 

Revolutionary Socialism, in accord with Marx and 
■the actual facts nf the class struggle, makes the real- 
nation of Socialism depend upon the industrial pro- 
letariat. Revolutionary Socialism, moreover, excludes 
the aristocracy of labor from the revolutionary move- 
ment these skilled workers being- united in policy with 
pettv hniinr°nis orcxrressivism. The realization of- So- 
cialism is the task of one class alone— the class of the 
proletariat. 
■The class strangle of revolutionary Socialism mobil- 
izes the industrial proletariat against Capitalism.— that 
proletariat which is homogeneous, united and discip- 
lined bv the machine process, and which actually con- 
sols the ha-slr industry of the nation. In this class 
strupfrle, rrvolurionav Socialism rejects compromise 
""■th anv other class in society: it is a struggle of the 
proletariat against all other social groups. The small 
_inu.(TPnisio -, nr j + ] ie an \tocracv of labor can be forced 
into line after the nmfefariat has imnosed its will upon 
*(■"-- *v. and organized the "state" of proletarian dictat- 
or*' > : n. 

MnderatP Socialism is comnromisine. vacillating, 
treacherous, because the social elements it depends 
"vt n _ t |,p Kni; ,p honrfrenisie and the aristocracy of 



S* if? Win § Manifesto and Program 



By Louis C. Frai 



m 



na 



i-W- f 



'Ot 



fundamental factor in society; thev 



Revolutionary Socialism 



they have be^ s?h ^ P u 0duce5 P° ,itical hl 



tZ%ZTll n J ta M lit y ^ duces P° liticat Stability 

by Imner" *' 
R -.- In iperialism, 

has develope 

WW action. RcvoIutionary'SocaisnradTc'reirthe 



•ech„ologicarinici;atio'n ,,, o rX CCC 

nas developed th« 
mass action. R e 
class struggle bee 



has Hpw? n " i ;""-6"*"w«" 01 . tne machine process 



"dilate between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat 



--cause through the class struggle alone 

riatser Z . stru 8f.' e -^ a n this industrid proleta- 

i s willn, ,mm . cd ' ate concessions and finally impose 

ris^ocZ M C1 t Cty ' m , this W f0rcin g the vacillating 

c dSin„ n f ?' ^ *% ("P bo ^coisie to make 

me decision of aligning with the proletariat. 

rfraSle ff S - tn,gg1 r ? cc ° rdin e to Marx, is a political 

„3'i f-, a p ? ht \ cal stru ^ le in the scnse that fe 

Purpose is pplitical-the overthrow of one social sys- 
tem and its government, and 'the introduction of a new 
social system and hs government. The revolutionary 
elass s ruggle is political, since its objective is the con- 
quest by the revolutionary proletariat of the power 
of the state. K 

The state is the expression of a particular social 
system i and its ruling class. It is organized to impose 
tne will of a class upon society. The state is organizer! 
coercion: the bourgeois state is organized to coerce 
the proletariat. The proletariat must conquer this 
state, destroy this state, destroy this political power 
of the capitalist ruling class, and organize a new pro 
iPtanan state for the coercion of the bourgeoisie h* 
the proletariat. 

Revolutionary Socialism does not propose to "cap 
hire" the bourgeois parliamentary state, but to conque' 
and destroy it. Revolutionary Socialism, accordingly, 
repudiates the policy of introducing Socialism by means 
nf legislative measures on the basis of the bourgeois 
Mate. This state is a bourgeois state: how, then, can 
it introduce Socialism?- As long as the bourgeois 
parliamentary state nrevails. the capitalist class is in 
power; it can baffle the will of the proletariat, since 
all ths political power, the army and the police, the 
nress'and industry, are in the control of the capitalists. 
The revolutionary proletariat must expropriate all 
these, bv the conquest of oower. by annihilating the 
political power of the capitalists, before it can begin 
the tasV nf introducing Socialism. 

Revolutionary Socialism, accordingly, proposes to 
ennnuer the nower of the state. It proposes to conquer 
bv means of political action hi the Marxian sense. 
And political action in the revolutionary Marxian sense 
dnes nnt simply mean parliamentarism, but the elass 
or/ion of the proletariat iVj mix fonij that has as its 
rb'ect've the ennouest of the power of the state. 

Parliamentarv action is necessarv. On the field of 
the state, of parliament, the proletariat meets the can- 
italist on,afI general issues of the class strur"de. The 
revolutionary proletariat must fight the capitalist on 
nil fronts, in the process of developing that final action 
which will connper the power of the state, and over- 
throw Capitalism. Parliamentarv political action, 
accordingly, is revolutionary : its task is- to exnose 
through the forum of parliament, the machinations of 
the state and Capitalism, to meet Capitalism on all 
icsn^s. to rally the proletariat for the stnif^le against 
Capitalism. The mimo^ of Soc->'al ; st parliamentary 
nnlihYal action is to emphasize and clarify the revolu- 
tionary character of the class struggle. 



Bul parliamentarian] cannot coi ,«er of 

the state for the proletariat. To imagine that 
ism can secure a majority in the parliament* i 
I topia, a refusal to understand that Capitalism can 
use the power of the state to disfranchise the workers . 
if necessary. 

The conquest of the power of the state ■ an extra- 
parliamentary act. It is accomplished, not 
legislative representatives of the proletariat. 
the mass power of the proletariat in action, by me 
dynamic mass action of the proletariat. The ■ 
power of the proletariat inheres in the political mass 
strike, in using the industrial power of the pro!. 
for political objectives. 

The Belgian workers secured the francl 
of the political strike. The Russian revolution 
with political strikes of the masses. The prok ■ - 
the process of conquering the power of the state n. 
start with the political mass strike, which alone ■ 
dynamic, which alone represents power and can mobil- 
ize the proletariat for the revolutionary struggle against 
Capitalism. 

Revolutionary Socialism, accordingly, recognizes 
that the supreme form of proletarian political action 
is the political mass strike. Parliamentarism is a factor 
in developing this mass strike; parliamentarism, if it 
is revolutionary and adheres to the class struggle, per- 
forms necessary service in mobilizing the proletariat 
for the mass struggle against Capitalism. 

Moderate Socialism refuses to recognize this sni*- 
rente form of political action, limits and stultifies p 
itical action into legislative routine and petty bou 
^cois parliamentarism. This is a negation of the mai 
character of the proletarian, struggle, a betraval of thi 
tasks of the Revolution. 

The power of the proletariat to conquer Capita., 
lies not in its numbers — which are scattered and ca 
be nullified — but in its control of the industrial process. 
The mobilization of this proletarian industrial control 
against Capitalism means the end of Capitalism: and 
"this proletarian industrial control can be mobilized 
onlv by means of the political mass strike. 

What isthe purpose of the final political mass strike, 
of revolutionary mass action? To conquer the power 
of the state. How is this accomplished? By destroying- 
the bourgeois parliamentary state and organizing a 
new state, the state of the organized producers, of the 
workers in the plants and the farmers in the fields. 

The revolutionary proletariat organizes a new state, 
based on industrial divisions and the industrial franch- 
ise. 

But the abolition of the bourgeois political state 
■-1r.es not immediately dispose of the political state. 
Th» nroletariat itself needs a state during the transirio- 
npriod from Capitalism to Socialism, a state rep: 
ing force, with which to coerce the bourgeoisie. 
state is an organ of coercion. The bourgeois state 
coerces the proletariat. The proletariat must organize 
a state to coerce the bourgeoisie, since the proletarian 
eonousf of power will have reserves for action against 
th n oro'etarian revolution. 

This state of the revolutionary proletariat, function- 
ing as a proletarian dictatorship, serves two functions: 
i)to completely expropriate the bourgeoisie and 
crush its power of resistance: and 2} to introduce the 
new system of Communist Socialism organized int- 
-pnrrally and based upon the industrial administration 
of the industrially, communistieallv organized prod- 
ucers. After this task is accomplished the political 
c.tnte of the proletariat disappears, together with coer- 
cion and proletarian dictatorship, them we shai' have, 
under Socialism, not the government of persons, but 
.the administration of things. 



The Bolshevik Agitation in Hungary 



fi^r THT? linic when the reptile press of the Allies 
was insisting that the Bolshevik! had definitely 
"foven thai thev were pro- German bv signing the 
west-Litovsk peace, the Bolshevik party was actively 
carrying on its revolutionary agitation among the 
-'Mistro -German prisoners of war m Russia, among the 
Austro-German troops, and in Austria. Hungary and 
Germany, 

The work of organizing the Hungarian prisoners 
fyas put in charge of Bela Kun. a Magyar Socialist. 
D>mse1 : a p r i ?oner j n one f t h e concentration camps, 
'o-dav Bela Run is head of the Soviet republic of 
"unearv. The origin of the upheaval that turned the 
anient Hungarian realm into a stronghold of Bolshe- 
vism certainly deserves the adjective humble. It was 
J fmir papp papen m) ib1ished in the Magyar 
gjKuajK a t Moscow twice a week under the title 

^lalis Forradalom." meaning "social revolution. 
. rh « first number of "The Social Revolution was 
' ss «fd on Aoril 7. iqi8. Its editorial office was in 
r ->om ^or of the Hotel Dresden. Moscow. The first 
"umb^r carried an article bv N. Bucharin, editor oi 

^Communist." entitled "Why Are We Commun- 
lsts? ' Another article, headlined "And You Will 



T?e-hel Yet" addressed to the German and the Austro- 
Hungarian armies, appeared with tne signature of 
Karl Radek. Bela Kun had a two column editorial 
entitled "What Is Imperialism?" 

The programme of the new paper was announced 
on pa^e one as follows: • 

"With the first issue of 'The Social Revolution a 
little group of Magyar Communists joins the battle 
for the international social revolution. We have to 
struggle" on two fronts at the same time. 

•'We shall fight ruthlessly, without compromise, tor 
the destruction of the oppressor of proletarians and 
poor peasants: the social order based on capitalistic 
production But we shall fight none the less ruthlessly 
against the official Social Democratic parties, which 
before and Hurine the war have betrayed the cause of 
proletarian liberation. 

"We stand firmlv on the basis of class war. I nder 
no circumstances do wc recognize a social truce. 

"Our creed is revolutionary Marxism. lo spread 
fbis doctrine, the scientific expression of proletarian 
class struggle, in a popular form, so as to make h 
intelligible i4o M, will be one of the principal anus oi 
this newspaper. 



""Our aim is the armed rebellion of proletarians and 
peasants for the capture of the power of state: social 
revolution without delay," 

The paper contains several articles attacking bitterly 
the German Majority Socialists led by Schc 
as well as the official Social Democratic party of Hung- 
ary. The Stockholm conference is assailed n< 
onary bourgeois gathering. 

The peace of Brest-Litovsk is ' in the 

article bv Radek as "the peace of the victorious brig- 
n-nls." He Havs the proletarian soldiers of Germany, 
Wxtfria and Hungary for their submtsshftaaess, for 
their "treachery toward the Russian revolution," and 
concludes : 

"You will have to rise against your governments, 
von German. Austrian. Magyar slaves, because 
Hsc can do that job for you. The German . 
ment is the bulwark of reaction in Europe; Germa* 
is the prison of peoples. It is up to you. slaves, ii 
^•0.1 r duty, to blow up the fates of that orison. Every- 
•hinf else is futile. Revolution or a slow blet 
death ; this can be the only choice. And you will rebel 
yer " 



Satnrday ^jqng 21 



The New International 

•*• **^^ form of 



X speaking of the International conference proposed 

'the Communist Party of Russia (winch d.d 

official Socialist Party, but its Left 



>f- internationalism 



By Samson Freiman 



but thai is part of the process- 

assassination ot 



form ot the Party are certainly not suffice, 
of the Party's vindication of its honor. i n ,... 
went 



Proof 
>rd 5 



,f his 



conson- 



since it adhered to the princ^o^ stetement 

,'hich it 



Revolutionary 

If tberr is any 
a means for a sue 

. lU the confident 
acts which violate 

have in a revolutionary organization is a 
•iolation 



during the war. No matter 
I i„4ccre or only erroneous, the question 
i£ up onelit to be set clear to all. It bears on a 
U b c 'f extreme importance to the success of the 
Movement throughout the world. 

one formula which is necessary as 

cessrul revolution that formula is, 

of the masses." Conversely, any 

the' confidence which the masses 
direct and 

Socialist principles. The success 
of tIl - Soviet Government of Russia lies, for one 
thing, in^the fact that the Soviets won the confidence 
of the masses and held it. Perhaps one of the most 
improve and' suggestive statements that I have read 
on the Russian Revolution is a statement appearing 
in the New York Times in an article by Arthur Ran- 
some about a year ago. His observation was , 
bat the people of the Ukraine— when the 
situation in the Ukraine was at its worst— 
having once tasted the fruits of Soviet insti- 
tutions were loath to let this Institution slip 
'~m their lives, although it was the Soviet 
jrganization which caused all the bitter 
fighting that took place in the Ukraine and 
tore that fertile land asunder. In spite of 
all the immediate misery clearly attribut- 
able to the Soviets the masses had recogniz- 
ed the true worth of the Soviets and were 
willing to pay the price, counting nothing too 
dear if they could only win back the self- 
government that was their's under Soviet 
organization. Experience had been the 
means of imbedding in their hearts the con- 
fidence that is so necessary to the success of 
the Socialist revolution everywhere. 



from the masses, 

Friedrich Adler's defense 
the Austrian Premier tries to JusMy ^ ac m ^ 
ance with the best traditions of Socialist n . J 
backroll nd that he describes as lead g hnn to 
t0 do his heroic deed is ™^"^ hscU dm> 

means nt expressi 



as far as Kerensky in his speeches— pcrha 
so far— but its deeds have failed to convince ** 



the tone of its program. 



order to 



iion. positive mass means in 
iHcate its name and traditions. 

Failure to , -resent a clear and posit. 

remment during the prose, 



front 



By its 

of opposition to the govt,,.., 

ution f the war the Socialist Party of A?^\*£ 
speak of the official party, not the memberslnp who 
will was baffled) has failed to do its part and do 
not deserve representation at the conference of he 
Xew International-that is. not unt.l the Left Wing 
conquers the party. The mere verbal adherence to 
principles such as are expressed in the St. Lotus Plat- 



Milyukov was overwhelmed the moment 
he opened his mouth and betrayed the im- 
s of the Revolution. Kerensky deceived 
tl masses with honeyed words and lasted 
omy until his deeds bred suspicion and then 
distrust. All the detestable appeals for the 
confidence of the populace made by the 
Ebert government in Germany today are a 
betrayal of trust which the inexorable de- 
mands of proletarian history will repay with 
relentless severity. \ revolution that goes 
to the very roots of society in building a new 
structure must meet a great many tremend- 
ous difficulties which it cannot overcome un- 
less it has the full confidence of the prole- 
tariat. In the face of a world of enemies 
the Social Revolution can not afford to make 
any mistakes. Yet our venture is of such a 
highly experimental nature that it is utterly 
impossible to avoid a great many errors. 
Only if the Revolutionists succeed in 
winning the revolutionary confidence of the 
masses can they expect to bring their venture 
to a successful conclusion. Surrounded by 
enemies that have no conscience, that lie de- 
liberately, tfiat try to bring all kinds of con- 
fusion into the ranks of the proletariat, 
there is nothing to hope for unless the pro- 
letariat hn; full confidence in the revolution. 
Rut this confidence which must be implicit 
is so liable to abuse that a very sharp dis- 
tinction must be made and firmly adhered to 
in punishing those that violate the confidence 
of the proletariat. Compromise breeds de- 
ceil and suspicion which destroys confidence. 
It behooves Socialism to stand clearly and 
-mly on its own ground, on the bulwarks 
«,. the proletarian dictatorship and the Com- 
munist State. The. development of this con- 
fidence may. temporarily, mean "isolation" 



TheJWirr^tant_^^ 

The Proletarian Revolution 
in Russia 

By N. Lenin and Leon Trotzky 



Edited, with an Introduction, Notes 
and Supplementary Chapters 
By Louis C. Fraina 
This unique book traces the course of the great Russian Rev- 
olution from March mi 7 to October 1918, in the words of the two 
masters of the Revolution. 

It consists of a mass of articles and paiuphHs written duriiuj 
the Revolution, covering every important phase of the Revolution, 
arranged to make a consecutive story. 

Contents: Part One — Tiic First Slape of the Revolution, by 

N. Lenin (March 12 to May 18). Part Two — The General Pro- 
gram of the Bolsheviki, by N. Lenin (tactics, program and gen- 
eral policy). Part Three — The Struggle for State Po%ver, by N. 
Lenin and Leon Trotzky (May iR to the "uprising'' of July 16-17). 
Part Four — The Revolution in Crisis, by Leon Trotzky (written 
at the end of August, analyzing the Bolshevik defeat in July, the 
Moscow Conference and the problems -of the future). Part Five — 
The Proletarian Revolution Conquers, by Louis C. Fraina (Sept- 
ember to January— the coup d'etat of November 7, the Con- 
stituent Assembly; includes articles of- Lenin and Trotzky and docu- 
ments). Part Six— The Revolutionary Struggle for Peace, by Leon 
Trotzky and N, Lenin (December to Brest-Litovsk). Part Seven— 
The Soviet Republic ?n<\ its Prnhlems. by N. Lenin (May 1018) 
Supplementary— Foreign Relations (July' to October. 1918 ■' Lenin 
Trotzky and Chichcrin). 

477 Pages— More than 200,000 Words. 
Paper Cover, $1-00: Library Edition. Goth, $1.50. 

The Social Revolution in Germany 

By Louis C. Fraina 



A fundamental studv of the great struggle 
is at the same lime a studv in revolutionary So 
able to an understanding nf the c ha 
olution. Including two articles hv 



in Germany, which 

cialism. Indispens- 

racter of the European Rev- 

Mehring. Popular, Comprehensive; Inci 
1 1-' Pages: 2^c 



Karl 
:isive. 

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as thev 

The official ponHft 
party was bourgeois pacifism, not revolutionary c/ 
cialism. It was well enough for Max Eastaii 
justify this policy of words by the official Party Y° 
1 fear that his defense is meant more as an a L 
fur his own failings. His argument is not convineW 
In fact, lie exemplifies the general action of the p a « g ' 
bureaucracy in llis personal acts. Tn a measure J 
might pardon Eastman for accepting his horn of tr ! 
dilemma in starting the Liberator, yet we cannot close 
our eyes to the fact that the first issues of the map 
azine were a betrayal of the Socialist cause. Qf 
course under the mask of Eastman's words it mirfjt 
have been found that he was camouflaging his language 
in order to issue his magazine during the hard months 
of the war. But that is just the policy that leads to ruin 
Diplomacy has always been the tool of the masters. 
The successful avengers of oppression have be en 
frank and uncompromising under all con- 
ditions. The true representative of the pro- 
letariat expresses himself in uneauivocal 
language. 

The Si. Louis platform was never reallv 
carried out by the bureaucracy, nor was it 
meant in sincerity. It degenerated into 
petty bourgeois pacifism and nationalism. 
Both Berger and Hillquit finally sponsored 
the Majority Report. It is interesting to 
recall some events leading up to the adoption 
of the St. Louis Program. 

After the break in diplomatic relations 
between the L'nited States and Germany, the 
leaders of the Socialist Party abandoned 
their opposition to the calling of a national 
convention and hastily issued a call for a 
Party Convention in April instead of June 
or September, as had been proposed by those 
wlm had been clamoring for a convention. 
Naturally the election of delegates and the 
convention policy agitated the entire Party 
membership Leon Trotzky was at that time 
in Xew York. At a general membership 
meeting in Local New York of the Socialist 
Party to discuss our attitude on the war. a 
very lively debate occurred between Fraina 
of the Left Wing and Hillquit of the moder- 
ates. The minority committee report of 
Fraina and Trotzky was defeated by the 
Hillquit report which was the nucleus of the 
St. Louis Resolution. Apparently, HillflW 
resolution covered the same ground as 
minority resolution except that it was coil 
ed in language to protect it from legal pro^ 
ution. lo make it nuite unintelligible 
masses. 



of 



Revolutionary Socialism 

By Louis C. Fraina 

What is Bolshevism, this "left wincr" Q« • i- 
Capitalism? Tto^iZ^vSSi,^^^ » ***«* 
and program of revolutionary Socialism Ti , tllC con «P«s 

and the War. Imperialism. Soda ism tf c u on ^ers Socialism 
acy, the collapse of the domnS S^ "' the Death of Demo- 
r, Socialist Readjus S Qass and'V T ^ d «*«*«nn 
Mate Capitalism. Unionism and Mat A,T atl0n > Pr °blems of 
alorship. ° Mass Action, and Prolet; 

Sen Kaiavmna, the Inbn,,„r„ c - ,. 
hook the finest inta^uuTTtl^'^ deeh ^ "«* 
International Socialism. ' C new de ™lot>ment in 

2 53 Pages : 75c a Copy. 

-run ^« VlrCSs aH ord ers 
THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE 
\Whmglon St., Boston. Mass 



tanan Diet- 



RR: 




the 



to make it quite 

It was a resolution without 



teeth- 

The tight of New York was pracrf. 
repeated at a similar meeting held in ^ 
County, New Jersey. After secimjv^ 
approval of the State Committee to t^ 
quit resolution with a few minor ^ 
George IT. Goebel presented the re> ^ 
to the Essex County Local. An op^^_ 
resolution following the lines of tlie^ ^ 
Trotzky resolution in New York ^ ^ 
presented. A heated debate uccitr^ ^ 
the Lett Wing finally won the da>. (he 
because the German nationalist g& '1 ^ 
ith the Left- M 



extreme right voted wit 
the Majority Resolution at 
then 
the Pa;tv 



St.Lou<^V bv 

s no intention of carrying 1 ^ thf 

leaders that sponsored^ -^j 



Partv deserves representation at ^t 
of the New International then V ic ^ fe & 
also deserves the recognition that ^ ^ 
accorded to the Left Wing grtj^ ^rtj 
Party, which have now conquer** 
for revolutionary Socialism.