Poland Shows Hungary How Grassroots Democracy Can Defeat Authoritarian Drift

Civil society and local autonomy proved decisive in Poland's democratic revival—lessons Hungary must now learn.

https://www.socialeurope.eu/poland-shows-hungary-how-grassroots-democracy-can-defeat-authoritarian-drift



Contemporary European democracies are undergoing significant transformation: the traditional framework of representative, election-based democracy is becoming increasingly complemented by a diverse palette of democratic innovations. It is within this context that social movements and informal activism have gained renewed importance. Not merely “opposing voices” or “civil society organisations”, these forces are capable of opening new spaces for participation and democratic innovation. As the Italian sociologist Donatella della Porta emphasises, social movements strengthen the normative foundations of democracy by enabling citizens to act, introducing democratic practices within their own structures, and creating channels to express societal needs. Informal activism—in which people act through loose networks, often without formal organisational frameworks—is particularly crucial in renewing democracy.

These actors—whether embedded in tighter or looser forms of association—do more than demand a seat at the table; they introduce old and new methods: participatory budgeting, community forums, and mini-public assemblies. These tools bring decision-making closer to people and help mitigate political polarisation. Social movements are thus not only defenders of democracy but also its reinventors. This matters profoundly in the Central-Eastern European region, where participation and local self-governance face complex legal and political challenges. Hungary serves as a kind of negative laboratory, where civil society organisations, independent social movements, and local autonomies face constant attack within a depleted municipal system. The former Law and Justice (PiS) government in Poland also attempted to undermine critical thinking and democratic participation. But unlike in Hungary, it ultimately failed, demonstrating instead how societal resistance and decentralised efforts can foster resilience.

The Polish laboratory of democratic renewal

The Polish case is particularly instructive. After the 2023 parliamentary elections, which ended PiS’s eight-year rule, Donald Tusk’s new government faced the monumental task of repairing the damage to democratic institutions. Though this remains a work in progress, the real story lies at the grassroots level. Social movements, such as the Women’s Strike (Strajk Kobiet), which mobilised hundreds of thousands against the near-total abortion ban in 2020, played a pivotal role in upholding democratic norms. These movements were not merely reactive or spontaneous; they built on decades of civil society engagement, leveraging informal networks to organise protests, legal challenges, and community support systems. The 2020 protests, sparked by the Constitutional Tribunal’s ruling, were a turning point, galvanising a broad coalition that included urban youth, rural women, and even some conservative groups disillusioned with PiS’s overreach.

Decentralisation proved to be a key factor. Unlike Hungary’s centralised system, where local governments are heavily dependent on national funding and oversight, Poland’s regional and municipal authorities retained significant autonomy. This allowed cities like Warsaw, Gdańsk, and Kraków to become hubs of resistance, providing resources and platforms for activists. Warsaw’s city government under Rafał Trzaskowski, for instance, openly supported the Women’s Strike, offering public spaces for rallies and legal aid for arrested protesters. This synergy between local governance and civil society created a resilient democratic ecosystem that PiS could not fully suppress, despite its efforts to capture state institutions.

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