I.

           
A. A World of Regions
Since the end of the Cold War, Peter J. Katzenstein argues that regions have
become critical to contemporary world politics. This view is in stark contrast to those
who focus on the purportedly stubborn persistence of the nation-state or the inevitable
march of globalization. In detailed studies of technology and foreign investment,
domestic and international security, and cultural diplomacy and popular culture,
Katzenstein examines the changing regional dynamics of Europe and Asia, which are
linked to the United States through Germany and Japan. With specific reference to
Germany and Europe as well as to Japan and East Asia, this argues that these changes
in world politics tend to reinforce a new political regionalism that expresses different
norms, which, in the foreseeable future, are unlikely to be assimilated fully into one
normative global order.
The main protagonists of the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union,
both lost that war to two trading and welfare states, Japan and Germany, who learned
similar lessons from their disastrous involvement in power politics in the first half of the
20th century.

A. Japan
Japan, was a prominent trend in the 1980s. It can be traced along many
dimensions relevant to economic competitiveness and regional political power.
Most dramatic and probably most important is the shift in global capital markets.
In the history of capitalism there has never occurred a comparable shift of capital
in as short of a time. Japan's technological dynamism is heralding an important
shift in political and military relations in coming decades. In areas such as
electronics, infrared sensors, optics, avionics, and ceramics, Japan's leading
manufacturers are often well ahead of American defense corporations. Japanese
firms also enjoy a substantial lead in many aspects of technology relevant to the
defense industry.
In the foreseeable future there appear to be two limits to Japan's
increasing power. First, Japan's political imagination is still too constricted to
have developed a clear-cut view of Japan's role in global politics. Secondly,
political constraints, both domestic and international, weigh against a dramatic
rise in Japan's military power.
As long as Japan is not developing interballistic missiles, stealth technologies,
and offensive, conventional military power in Asia on a large scale, we can be
reasonably certain that Japan will operate within the political limits that it has
imposed on its exercise of military power since 1945. This policy is hardly a
surprise. Japanese policymakers define national security in comprehensive terms
to include economic, social, and political issues besides military considerations.
They are much more attuned to finding an appropriate political role for Japan,
 rather than seeking to develop national military options in a world marked by
decreasing international tensions. Playing a central, perhaps the central, role in
an Asia that is defined so broadly as to encompass also the United States, is a
far more urgent and appealing task.

B. Germany
Germany have also been very marked trends that found visible expression
in the opening of the Berlin Wall in 1989, German unification in 1990, and the
promise of the withdrawal of the last Russian soldier from German territory by
1994. Several examples illustrate the drastic divergence in the political fortunes
of the former Soviet Union, Russia, and Germany. German unification within the
context of an integrating Europe and the Western alliance is a culmination of
West Germany's foreign policy objectives as articulated by Chancellor Adenauer
in the early years of the history of the Federal Republic. This German experience
contrasts sharply with the breakup of the Soviet Union and the growing problems
of cohesion that mark the Russia of today. Ethnic and political tensions have
become very strong in the crumbling central pillars of the Russian republic. In
economic terms as well, Germany and the Soviet Union are striking. In the
winter of 1990-91 the Germans organized an unprecedented, spontaneous,
massive, private economic assistance program to help stave off hunger and
starvation in the major Soviet cities where food supplies were reported to be
barely adequate.
Furthermore, Germany has become the most ardent advocate pressing
the Soviet cause in international meetings by trying to persuade the United
States and Japan, which are less than ready to develop a broadly-based
international economic assistance program, to help revitalize the Soviet
economy. Germany's social market economy, on the other hand, is inspiring
political confidence in Central Europe as a form of capitalism worth emulating.
As is true of Japan, Germany's political role in world politics will remain
restricted in the coming years for two reasons. First, the end of the Cold War, as
well as the Gulf War, showed deep fissures in Germany's political culture. There
is no consensus about the role that Germany should play in the world. The mix
between political, economic, and military dimensions of power as well as the
balance between national initiatives and international obligations remain very
much contested. Second, as is true of Japan, Germany is unlikely to emerge as a
major independent military power in the near future. German unification brought
about a fifty percent cut in the combined military strength of West and East
Germany. In terms of men and equipment the Soviet forces outnumber
Germany's by a ratio of about 10:1.
 The globalization of law is a process of undeniable importance in the modern
world. It is one important legacy of the informal American empire that is gradually
receding in world politics. However, because Germany, Japan, and other states in
Europe and East Asia embody different norms and are endowed with different
capacities, globalization will not lead to homogenization. The spread of legal norms will
remain politically contested. European integration is driven by a legal revolution; the
integration of East Asia is not. The U.S. occupation of Germany and Japan after 1945
and U.S. involvement in European and East Asian affairs have been consequential and
their effects will outlast the formal influence of the United States. Yet, these effects are
unlikely to overcome two defining features of international affairs after the Cold War:
that global politics will be polycentric in structure, and plural in substance.

B. Global Divide: The North and the South

GLOBAL NORTH GLOBAL SOUTH

-United States, Canada, Western - Africa Latin America
Europe, Outermost Regions of the
European Union, Developed parts of -Developing Asia, Including Middle East.
Asia, Australia, and New Zealand. -Third World
-Home to all the members of G8 and to -Poor and less developed region
four of the five permanent members of
United Nations Security Council. -5% has enough food and shelter

-First World -Source for raw material of the north

-Richer and developed region -cotton production = slave labor

-95% has enough food and shelter -depended entirely on cotton=profitable

-Economy: industries and major

businesses, commerce and finance
-Textiles, lumber, clothing, machinery,
leather, and wooden goods
-Railroad construction
 MAJOR DIFFERENCE
GLOBAL NORTH GLOBAL SOUTH
 Less Population  Large Population
 High Wealth  Low Wealth
 High standard of living  Low standard of living
 High Industrial development  Low industrial development
 Industry  Agriculture

NORTH SOUTH

Political External threat – The internal affairs of the

widespread od terrorist nations – reasons (mostly
activity in the worldwide political struggles and
corruptions)

Economy Manufacturing – cheap Agriculture – Cotton,

labor tobacco, rice, sugar, cane

Social Determined by life in the - Plantation owners and

cities. their families
-Both religion and - Only children of plantation
education were organized owners received any
education
-there were schools and
churches in most towns - Small farmers had little or
no education
-college was reserved for
the wealthy - The culture of the South
revolved around plantation
life

During Cold War – Primary Global Division was between East and West, predicted upon
security and power balance.
After Cold War – Many see Primary Global Division as being between North and South,
and predicted upon economic inequality.
The North-South divide is broadly considered a socio-economic and political
divide. Generally, definitions of the Global North include the United States, Canada,
Western, Europe, as well as Australia and New Zealand. The Global South is made up of
African, Latin America, and developing Asia including the Middle East. The North is
home to all the members of the G8 and four of the five permanent members of the
United Nations Security Council.
In economic terms, the North - with one quarter of the world population
-controls four - fifths of the income earned anywhere in the world . 90 % of the
manufacturing industries are owned by and located in the North. Inversely, the South -
with three quarters of the world populations - has access to one-fifth of the world
income. As nations become economically developed, they may become part of the
"North", regardless of geographical location similarly, any nations that do not qualify for
"developed" status are in effect deemed to be part of the "South"
In economic terms, the North - with one quarter of the world population
-controls four - fifths of the income earned anywhere in the world . 90 % of the
manufacturing industries are owned by and located in the North. Inversely, the South -
with three quarters of the world populations - has access to one-fifth of the world
income. As nations become economically developed, they may become part of the
"North", regardless of geographical location similarly, any nations that do not qualify for
"developed" status are in effect deemed to be part of the "South
The North mostly covers the West and the First World, along with much of the
Second World, while the South largely corresponds with the Third World. While the
North may be defined as the richer, more developed region and the South as the
poorer, less developed region, many more factors differentiate between the two global
areas . 95 % of the North has enough food and shelter. The Global South "lacks
appropriate technology, it has no political stability, the economies are disarticulated,
and their foreign exchange earnings depend on primary product exports." Nevertheless,
the divide between the North and the South increasingly corresponds less and less to
reality and is increasingly challenged.
The "Global South is a term that has been emerging in the transnational and
postcolonial studies to refer to what may also be called the "Third World"
Global South is more than the extension of a "metaphor for underdeveloped
countries. "In general, it refers to those countries' "interconnected histories of
colonialism, neo-imperialism, and differential economic and social change through
which large inequalities in living standards, life expectancy, and access to resources are
maintained
Global South Versus Third World
THREE WORLDS THEORY
FIRST WORLD
Encompassed all industrialized, democratic countries, which were assumed to be allied
with the United States in its struggle against the Soviet Union.
SECOND WORLD
Was anchored on the industrialized, communist realm of the Soviet Union and its
eastern European satellites
THIRD WORLD
Was defined simultaneously as non-aligned world and as the global realm of poverty
and under-developed.

The Origins of the Third World

HOW THE “THIRD WORLD” BECAME THE GLOBAL SOUTH
European colonies *global sources of economics, political, and military power
- As published in the international encyclopedia of the social sciences edited by A.
Heelblod (2007)
- Global north (developed or high-income countries)
- Global south (developing or low-income countries
The world was largely divided into several empires in the 19th century
Alfred Sauvy *the third world was coined in 1952
Barbaric
Growth rate in some Latin American countries have surprised many. They have been
continuosly high for some years and promise to be so in the next period as well.
Global Conception Emerged from the Experiences of Latin American Countries

C. Asian Regionalism
Asian regionalism is the product of economic interaction, not political planning. As a
result of successful, outward oriented growth strategies, Asian economies have grown
not only richer, but also closer together.
-East Asian economies, in particular , focused on exporting to developed country
markets rather than selling to each other.
-Asian economies are becoming closely intertwined. This is not because the region’s
development strategy has changed; it remains predominantly nondiscriminatory and
outward- oriented.
Regionalism versus Globalization
-Regionalism is the process of dividing an area into smaller segments called regions.
-Globalization is the process of international integration arising from the interchange of
world views, products, ideas, and other aspects, such as technology, etc.

 As to nature
 As to market
 As to cultural and societal
relations
 As to aid
 As to technological advances