Spatial model

The spatial model of voting plots voters and candidates in a multi-dimensional space where each
dimension represents a single political issue[37][38] sub-component of an issue,[39] or candidate
attribute.[40] Voters are then modeled as having an "ideal point" in this space and voting for the nearest
candidates to that point. The dimensions of this model can also be assigned to non-political properties of
the candidates, such as perceived corruption, health, etc.[37]

Most of the other spectra in this article can then be considered projections of this multi-dimensional
space onto a smaller number of dimensions.[41] For example, a study of German voters found that at
least four dimensions were required to adequately represent all political parties.[41]

See also: Issue voting and Models of issue voting

Other proposed dimensions

Two-axis political compass chart with a horizontal socio-economic axis and a vertical socio-cultural axis
and ideologically representative political colours, an example for the most commonly used model of the
political spectrum[1][10][2][3][42][9][43][44]

Three axis model of political ideologies with both moderate and radical versions and the goals of their
policies

An economic group diagram based on The Political Compass

In 1998, political author Virginia Postrel, in her book The Future and Its Enemies, offered another single-
axis spectrum that measures views of the future, contrasting stasists, who allegedly fear the future and
wish to control it, and dynamists, who want the future to unfold naturally and without attempts to plan
and control. The distinction corresponds to the utopian versus dystopian spectrum used in some
theoretical assessments of liberalism and the book's title is borrowed from the work of the anti-utopian
classic-liberal theorist Karl Popper. It could also be seen as simply another name for conservatism versus
progressivism.[citation needed]

Other proposed axes include:

Responses to conflict: according to the political philosopher Charles Blattberg, those who would respond
to conflict with conversation should be considered as on the left, with negotiation as in the centre, and
with force as on the right. See his essay "Political Philosophies and Political Ideologies".[46]

Role of the church: clericalism vs. anti-clericalism. This axis is less significant in the United States (where
views of the role of religion tend to be subsumed into the general left–right axis) than in Europe (where
clericalism versus anti-clericalism is much less correlated with the left–right spectrum).

Urban vs. rural: this axis is significant today in the politics of Europe, Australia and Canada. The urban vs.
rural axis was equally prominent in the United States' political past, but its importance is debatable at
present. In the late 18th century and early 19th century in the United States, it would have been
described as the conflict between Hamiltonian Federalists and Jeffersonian Republicans.

Foreign policy: interventionism (the nation should exert power abroad to implement its policy) vs. non-
interventionism (the nation should keep to its own affairs). Similarly, multilateralism (coordination of
policies with other countries) vs. isolationism and unilateralism

Geopolitics: relations with individual states or groups of states may also be vital to party politics. During
the Cold War, parties often had to choose a position on a scale between pro-American and pro-Soviet
Union, although this could at times closely match a left–right spectrum. At other times in history
relations with other powerful states has been important. In early Canadian history relations with Great
Britain were a central theme, although this was not "foreign policy" but a debate over the proper place
of Canada within the British Empire.

International action: multilateralism (states should cooperate and compromise) versus unilateralism
(states have a strong, even unconditional, right to make their own decisions).

Political violence: pacifism (political views should not be imposed by violent force) vs. militancy (violence
is a legitimate or necessary means of political expression). In North America, particularly in the United
States, holders of these views are often referred to as "doves" and "hawks", respectively.

Foreign trade: globalization (world economic markets should become integrated and interdependent) vs.
autarky (the nation or polity should strive for economic independence). During the early history of the
Commonwealth of Australia, this was the major political continuum. At that time it was called free trade
vs. protectionism.

Trade freedom vs. trade equity: free trade (businesses should be able trade across borders without
regulations) vs. fair trade (international trade should be regulated on behalf of social justice).

Diversity: multiculturalism (the nation should represent a diversity of cultural ideas) vs. assimilationism
or nationalism (the nation should primarily represent, or forge, a majority culture).

Participation: democracy (rule of the majority) vs. aristocracy (rule by the enlightened, elitism) vs.
tyranny (total degradation of Aristocracy, ancient Greek philosophers such as Plato and Aristotle
recognized tyranny as a state in which the tyrant is ruled by utter passion, and not reason like the
philosopher, resulting in the tyrant pursuing his own desires rather than the common good.)

Freedom: positive liberty (having rights which impose an obligation on others) vs. negative liberty
(having rights which prohibit interference by others).

Social power: totalitarianism vs. anarchism (control vs. no control) Analyzes the fundamental political
interaction among people, and between individuals and their environment. Often posits the existence of
a moderate system as existing between the two extremes.

Change: radicals (who believe in rapid change) and progressives (who believe in measured, incremental
change) vs. conservatives (who believe in preserving the status quo) vs. reactionaries (who believe in
changing things to a previous state).

Origin of state authority: popular sovereignty (the state as a creation of the people, with enumerated,
delegated powers) vs. various forms of absolutism and organic state philosophy (the state as an original
and essential authority) vs. the view held in anarcho-primitivism that "civilization originates in conquest
abroad and repression at home".[47]

Levels of sovereignty: unionism vs. federalism vs. separatism; or centralism vs. regionalism. Especially
important in societies where strong regional or ethnic identities are political issues.

European integration (in Europe): Euroscepticism vs. European federalism; nation state vs. multinational
state.

Globalization: Nationalism or Patriotism vs. Cosmopolitanism or Internationalism; sovereignty vs. global

Openness: closed (culturally conservative and protectionist) vs. open (socially liberal and globalist).
Popularised as a concept by Tony Blair in 2007 and increasingly dominant in 21st century European and
North American politics.[48][49]

Political-spectrum-based forecasts

As shown by Russian political scientist Stepan S. Sulakshin,[50] political spectra can be used as a
forecasting tool. Sulakshin offered mathematical evidence that stable development (positive dynamics of
the vast number of statistic indices) depends on the width of the political spectrum: if it is too narrow or
too wide, stagnation or political disasters will result. Sulakshin also showed that in the short run the
political spectrum determines the statistic indices dynamic and not vice versa.
Biological variables

Main article: Biology and political orientation

A number of studies have found that biology can be linked with political orientation.[51] This means that
biology is a possible factor in political orientation but may also mean that the ideology a person
identifies with changes a person's ability to perform certain tasks. Many of the studies linking biology to
politics remain controversial and unreplicated, although the overall body of evidence is growing.[52]

Studies have found that subjects with conservative political views have larger amygdalae and are more
prone to feeling disgust.[53][54] Liberals have larger volume of grey matter in the anterior cingulate
cortex and are better at detecting errors in recurring patterns.[53][55] Conservatives have a stronger
sympathetic nervous system response to threatening images and are more likely to interpret ambiguous
facial expressions as threatening.[51][56] In general, conservatives are more likely to report larger social
networks, more happiness and better self-esteem than liberals. Liberals are more likely to report greater
emotional distress, relationship dissatisfaction and experiential hardship and are more open to
experience and tolerate uncertainty and disorder better.[56][57][58]

Genetic factors account for at least some of the variation of political views.[59][60] From the perspective
of evolutionary psychology, conflicts regarding redistribution of wealth may have been common in the
ancestral environment and humans may have developed psychological mechanisms for judging their
own chances of succeeding in such conflicts. These mechanisms affect political views.[61]

See also

icon Politics portal

Cleavage (politics)

Horseshoe theory

Index of politics articles

Left–right politics

NationStates

The Political Compass

Psephology
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