DEATHSCAPES: MEMORY, HERITAGE AND PLACE

IN CEMETERY HISTORY
DEATHSCAPES: MEMORY, HERITAGE AND PLACE IN CEMETERY HISTORY

By KATHERINE COOK, B.A.

A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies

in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the

Degree Master of Arts

McMaster University © Copyright by Katherine Cook, August 2011

McMaster University MASTER OF ARTS (2011) Hamilton, Ontario (Anthropology)

TITLE: Deathscapes: Memory, Heritage and Place in Cemetery History AUTHOR:

Katherine Cook, B.A. (McMaster University) SUPERVISOR: Professor Aubrey Cannon

NUMBER OF PAGES: ix, 196

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Abstract

This thesis explores the relationship between landscape and experience in understanding
the historical trajectory of cemeteries, their ongoing role in living communities and their
contribution to heritage and memory. It constructs a phenomenological history of
Hamilton Cemetery, established in 1848 in Hamilton, Ontario, using a combination of
material, archival and ethnographic research, in addition to employing visual media and
statistical analyses. In tracing the physical transformations of this cemetery, as a result of
fluctuating levels of maintenance, neglect and destruction, it is evident that cemeteries are
implicated in the social processes constructing attitudes towards death, the dead, memory
and the past.

This thesis will explore three main periods in Hamilton Cemetery‟s past in order to
examine the role of commemorative activities, grave visitation, vandalism, recreational
activities and heritage or tourism. The period from 1848-1950 was one of active use and
maintenance of the cemetery landscape, with the frequency and recentness of burial
dictating a high level of reverence, respect and maintenance. Between 1950 and 1990,
treatment of the cemetery is better characterized by the emergence of vandalism, limited
use of the space, and increasing cumulative decay. Finally, from 1990 to the present there
has been a resurgence of interest in the cemetery and a transition back into active
management and maintenance associated with the importance of a green space in urban
Hamilton, as well as the local heritage value.

From their emergence as pragmatic, formalized social spaces constructed for the dead, to
the saturation of the medium and a demographic shift creating a disconnect resulting in
neglect, to revitalization as a heritage-based collective past, cemeteries represent dynamic
components of the landscape. This thesis will not only critically examine methods for
their documentation and analysis, but also the significant role that they play in living
communities.

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Acknowledgements

This work could not have been accomplished without the support and assistance of many
individuals. Primarily, I wish to express my deep gratitude to the members of my
committee for their extensive contributions to my thesis. Many thanks to Aubrey Cannon
for supervising this research, for invaluable advice on all matters, for his constant critical
gaze and for providing me with so many opportunities throughout my time here. My
thanks extend to Kostalena Michelaki, for not only inspiring the research that led to this
project but also for her guidance and for continuously exposing me to new ideas. Finally,
thank you to Ellen Badone for her assistance with ethnographic literature and continued
support throughout this process.

Additionally, I am grateful for the help, advice and support of the faculty, staff and
students in the Anthropology Department at McMaster University. I greatly appreciate the
help and support of Janis Weir, Rosita Jordan, Rabia Awan, Bonnie Kahlon and Christine
Cluney. Also, thank you to my fellow mortuary archaeologists Ani Chénier, Nadia
Densmore, Jeff Dillane and Catherine Paterson for not only their friendship but also for
allowing me to bounce ideas off of them, pointing me in the direction of useful literature
and inspiring me with their own research. Also, thank you to Meghan Burchell, who has
been a constant source of support throughout my time at McMaster, as a TA, instructional
assistant, mentor and friend.

I would also like to acknowledge the countless anonymous participants in this research.
Additionally, Robin McKee, of Historical Perceptions, Hamilton, and Bob Trimmer, of
Highgate Cemetery, London, volunteered great amounts of their own time in assisting me
in my research, for which I give sincere thanks.

Finally, I am greatly indebted to my family and friends, for encouraging, supporting and
inspiring me throughout this process. In particular, thank you to my mother, Tricia Cook,
without whom I am sure I never would have made it through. I am also thankful for the
support of the rest of my family, most notably Jennifer Cook, Michael Cook, Howard and
Linda Petch, and Wendy and Alan Walker. Heartfelt thanks to Chrissy Taylor and Sarah
Jean Wright for their steady encouragement (as well as photography assistance in the case
of the latter). Thanks to all of these individuals and many others who have sat through
incessant chatter about cemeteries, have been dragged along on countless cemetery
fieldtrips, have put up with my stress, and have generously contributed in any way they
could to my research and writing experiences.

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Table of Contents

Chapter One: An Introduction to Landscape and History in Cemetery Research.…1

Time, Objects, Landscapes…………………………………………………….….2
Experiencing and Understanding Landscape……………………………………..3
Landscape and History in Mortuary Archaeology………………………………...7
The Deathscapes Research Project……………………………………………....12

Chapter Two: Hamilton Cemetery…………………………………………………….15

A Landscape History of Burlington Heights……………………………………..16
Hamilton Cemetery………………………………………………………………22
Studying Hamilton Cemetery…………………………………………………….27

Chapter Three: Methodology………………………………………………………….29

Archival Research………………………………………………………………..30
Material and Landscape Analysis………………………………………………..31
Material Documentation…………………………………………………31
Daily and Seasonal Observation…………………………………………40
Ethnography……………………………………………………………………..41
Results…………………………………………………………………………...44

Chapter Four: 1848-1950: The Making of a Cemetery……………………...………46

Making Hamilton Cemetery……………………………………………………..38
The Impact of Landscape on Cemetery Design………………………………….49
Histories of Commemoration…………………………………………………….52
Seeing Change in Cemetery History……………………………………..53
Statistics of Commemorative Patterns…………………………………...55
Commemorative Practice and Landscape……………………………......58
Cemetery Administration and Change…………………………………………...60
Conclusion……………………………………………………………………….65

Chapter Five: 1950-1990: Forgetting Hamilton Cemetery…………………………..67

Approaching Vandalism and Crime……………………………………………...68
Vandalism and Hamilton Cemetery..………………………………………….…72
Natural Decay in Hamilton Cemetery……………………………………………81
Damage, Decay and the Process of Forgetting………………………………….. 85

Chapter Six: 1990-2010: Resurrecting a Cemetery…………………………………..88

Histories of Cemetery Usage…………………………………………………….89
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 The Practice of Visiting………………………………………………………….91
Placing Cemeteries in Contemporary Communities……………………………..93
Seasonality………………………………………………………………………102
Hamilton Cemetery and the Heritage Movement……………………………….107
The Trajectory of Cemeteries: A Comparative Analysis……………………….111
Recycled Space: Christ Church Cemetery, Mimico, Ontario…………..112
Friends of Cemeteries in the United Kingdom: Highgate, Abney
Park and Arnos Vale…………………………………………………….114
Losing Cemeteries: Camp Lowell and Other Forgotten Cemeteries…...118
Connections and Conclusions…………………………………………..121

Chapter 7: Conclusion………………………………………………………………...124
Deathscapes Research Project: A Discussion…………………………………..125
A Reflection on Methods……………………………………………………….126
Dissecting a Cemetery………………………………………………….127
Using Digital Photographic Reconstructions in Analysis………………128
Ethnography and Cemeteries…………………………………………...132
People, Monuments, Cemeteries………………………………………………..134

Appendices……………………………………………………………………………..140
Appendix I: Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time…..140
Appendix II: Temporal Distribution of High, Medium and Low Impact
Monuments…......................................................................................................163
Appendix III: Seasonal Viewscapes……………………………………………170

References Cited………………………………………………………………………182

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List of Tables

3.1 Characteristics and date range of the 12 Viewscapes 6

3.2 Daily/seasonal observation recording form 41

3.3 Natural observation recording form 42

4.1 Comparison of Peak Date in Each Viewscape and Expected Peak Date 56

5.1 Chronology of Accounts of Vandalism in Hamilton Cemetery 76

5.2 Timeline for the Decay of Monuments and the Impact on Hamilton Cemetery 85

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List of Figures

2.1 Map of the “Head of the Lake” region in 1640 17

2.2 Map of Cootes Paradise in 1793 18

2.3 Reconstruction of Beasley‟s Georgian brick cottage 19

2.4 Sketch of the fortifications at Burlington Heights in 1813 20

2.5 Portrait of Sir Allan Napier MacNab and Illustration of Dundurn Castle 21

2.6 Map of Hamilton in 1846 22

2.7 Map of the original properties of Burlington Cemetery 23

2.8 Drawing of the Gatehouse prior to 1920 and Photograph from the 1970s 24

2.9 Final property lines of Hamilton Cemetery 26

3.1 Two circular views to document visual perception 33

3.2 Map of center point of viewscapes within Hamilton Cemetery 35

4.1 Horse-drawn hearse in Hamilton Cemetery 47

4.2 The Head-of-the-Lake Historical Society in 1944 51

4.3 The three most prominent mausoleums in the cemetery 51

4.4 Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 6 54

4.5 Frequency of high, medium and low impact monuments 55

4.6 Frequency of high impact monuments in Viewscape 12 58

4.7 Frequency of high and medium impact monuments in Viewscape 11 58

4.8 Photograph of Hamilton Cemetery in the early 1890s 64

4.9 Photograph of Hamilton Cemetery today 64

5.1 A small marble lamb monument knocked over in 2010 73

5.2 A pile of damaged monument fragments 73

5.3 Graffiti in Hamilton Cemetery 75

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5.4 Numbers of monuments reported in local newspapers as damaged 1930-2010 78

5.5 Monument exhibiting sooting and pitting 83

5.6 Image of typical lichen growth on a monument 83

5.7 Marble slab monument cracked and laid flat 84

6.1 Distribution of regular contemporary uses of Hamilton Cemetery 96

6.2 Distribution of contemporary uses of Hamilton Cemetery, including tours 96

6.3 Age range of Hamilton Cemetery users 97

6.4 Distribution of activities by age group for Hamilton Cemetery Users 98

6.5 The use of the cemetery correlated with sex of users 99

6.6 The distribution of individuals and activities based on cemetery sections 100

6.7 Hamilton Cemetery in the winter 104

6.8 A young coyote scavenging fallen mulberries in the summer 104

6.9 Seasonal frequency of cemetery usage 106

6.10 A rare archived photograph taken during the winter in the 1970s 106

6.11 The Head-of-the-Lake Historical Society visiting the Cemetery 108

6.12 A tour group visiting the Cemetery 2010 109

6.13 Christ Church Mimico Cemetery, Toronto 113

6.14 Highgate West Cemetery, London 116

6.15 Camp Lowell Cemetery, Tucson 1870 120

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Chapter 1: An Introduction to Landscape and History in Cemetery Research

Placing memory and history in a cemetery landscape is no great stretch for the

archaeological imagination. However, in a discipline that recognizes the fluidity of

memory in processes of constructing and negotiating history, in addition to the

significance of embodied experiences of landscape in shaping cultural perceptions and

connections to place, mortuary landscapes become much more than simply spaces where

ancestors were buried. Cemeteries can therefore be understood as places where histories

can be reworked, where heritage can be maintained, neglected or even destroyed, and

where the past can not only be read from monuments but can also be experienced and

embodied in different ways over time. In anchoring historical imagination and stimulating

social engagement with the past, cemeteries must be recognized as more than simply

historical repositories. Rather, mortuary landscapes, or deathscapes, are active

components in the construction and negotiation of memory, heritage and attitudes towards

death and the dead. An exploration of the historical development of cemeteries must

therefore examine the entangled histories of people, places and material objects in pursuit

of an understanding of the relationships between experience and practice.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Time, Objects, Landscapes

One of the greatest challenges in approaching such an understanding of historical

processes is the common disjuncture between people, small-scale actions and events, and

large-scale structures and long-term developments (cf. Beck et al. 2007, Harding 2005,

Lucas 2008). This struggle is evident from post-processual archaeology to Annales

history and the boundary has only been further highlighted by the recent emphasis on

agency, individual identity and site-based context in archaeology. Recognizing that short-

term mechanisms are generally inadequate to explain long-term continuities, Hodder

suggests that the two are incongruous and therefore different scales require different types

of theory (1999:130). Although the connections between multiple scales of analysis are

often problematic, the suggestion that long-term, grand narratives and short-term

narratives of lived experiences should exist as separate entities in archaeology condemns

the actions and experiences of individuals to background noise rather than understanding

them as significant behaviour. While multiple scales may not always mirror each other,

they are mutually constitutive and therefore can only be understood in relation to one

another. Both the tensions and connections between scales provide meaningful avenues

of study and separating them only serves to isolate strongly intertwined phenomena. One

way of bridging the gap between individual choices and large-scale social trends is to

explore historical development in terms of memory and embodied practice in material and

social landscapes.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Experiencing and Understanding Landscape

In archaeology, the fundamental reconceptualization of space and place as more

than a backdrop for human history has increasingly transformed the way that we approach

landscapes in the past (Trifković 2006:257, see also Knapp and Ashmore 1999).

Influenced by post-processualism and cultural geography (most notably Cosgrove 1984;

for discussion of the cultural geography of death in particular see Kong 1999), landscape

archaeology emerged as an attempt to deal with extensive and chronologically complex

cultural landscapes. In reorienting studies of archaeological landscapes to explore their

role in socio-historical processes, these studies necessarily overlapped with and drew

upon theory pertaining to embodiment, experience and corporeality, premised on the

notion that our subjectivity is defined by our sensory experiences; that is, knowing

oneself hinges on the body‟s interaction with the world (Hamilakis 2002:100). Originally

defined by phenomenological philosophers, notably Husserl and Merleau-Ponty,

experience has come to be seen as the source of all knowledge. Identity or sense of self,

memory and history, and cultural attitudes and practices are therefore inextricable from

perception, sensation, and experience through time; new sensations or experiences are

only meaningfully understood in relation to past experience, which is entirely personal

(Merleau-Ponty 1962:17). In moving beyond the Cartesian divide to reunite mind, body

and matter, archaeologists now recognize that thought and knowledge cannot be separated

from social and material contexts (Burkitt 1998:64; see also Boivin 2004).

From this pedigree, the anthropology of the senses emerged from the 1980s‟

interest in bodily modes of knowing and, “how the patterning of sense experience varies...

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

in accordance with the meaning and emphasis attached to each of the modalities of

perception” (Howes 1991:3). While this has most popularly been translated to the

archaeology of technology and daily practice, its influence on examinations of landscapes

has highlighted the necessity of exploring visionscapes, soundscapes, touchscapes, and

even smellscapes in understanding cultural development (Tilley 2004:27; see also Tilley

1994). The connection between knowledge, motivations, and other thoughtful activities

and physical or bodily engagement and activity within material landscapes highlights that

societies and the landscapes they inhabit are therefore co-constructed. This lays the

necessary foundations for an archaeology that can connect the actions and choices of

individuals to larger-scale phenomena. By considering micro-events and activities as they

were experienced and acted upon in relation to long-term and broader changes and

developments, macroscalar shifts are grounded at the level at which they were being

produced and reproduced. Archaeologists taking on such phenomenological goals have

engaged with performative and experimental forms of analysis, including deep mapping

advocated by Michael Shanks (c.f. Pearson and Shanks 2001) in addition to more

interpretive styles of writing and presentations (c.f. Edmonds 1999). These methods and

styles have certainly alienated some archaeologists, who criticize these efforts as losing

connection to data and going beyond the evidence, producing circular arguments and

being largely self-serving (Fleming 2006:273). It has however been suggested that

reworking theory and frameworks to move away from subjective epistemologies may

make it possible to study these processes archaeologically (Barrett and Ko 2009:285-

287). Most significantly, it is necessary to recognize that because both subjects (and their

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

agency) and material culture are constructed in history in relation to one another, traces of

these processes are preserved in the archaeological record. This is beginning to be visible

in studies that seek to understand material culture and landscapes, not as separate

phenomena or products of people, but as intertwined with agents (cf. Nesbitt and Tolia-

Kelly 2009).

The idea that through dwelling in landscapes, people engage in specific activities

related to the experience that the space affords, in turn gathering and embodying

meanings specific to that time and place, as presented by Ingold (2000:192), has perhaps

been one of the most significant influences on archaeologies of landscape. People, it is

argued, do not perceive landscapes as spectators but rather as participants performing a

nexus of tasks; as such, people engage with one another, with objects, with landscapes,

and with multiple rhythms of time. In turn, it can be understood that the accumulated

history of these engagements structures both the space and understandings of the space,

which will shape future engagements, activities and experiences (see also Pauketat and

Alt 2005). Because the tasks that comprise this nexus of activity are ongoing and never

complete, the landscape cannot be conceptualized as „built‟ but rather as perpetually a

work in progress (Ingold 2000:199). The landscape then is a palimpsest of any number of

pasts embedded in the present which in turn impacts the processes through which social

practices are reproduced and negotiated (Bailey 2006, Olivier 2004, MacGregor 1999).

Recognizing that places accumulate their own life histories through their ongoing

involvement in these social interactions and that the meanings invested in the material

world can change, be negotiated and renegotiated implies that landscapes cannot be fully

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

understood at any one point in their existence, necessitating a biographical approach

(Gosden and Marshall 1999, Kopytoff 1986, Holtorf 1998). This conceptualization has

been expanded in some cases to argue that, in engaging in social interactions, material

objects and places can develop social identities and even a level of agency (cf. Cloke and

Jones 2004, Hoskins 2006, Sillar 2009). As such, an approach to archaeological sites

must recognize the constant, mutually constitutive transformation of people and the

material landscape.

While developing increasingly dynamic approaches to landscape, archaeologists

have also sought to reorient analysis to the scale of practice, placing the body as the

central axis of inquiry (Meskell 1996). In doing so, it becomes possible to identify and

examine actors in the past, explore the relationship between individuals, groups and

structures, and link actors with the context (symbolic and environmental) within which

they operate (Trifković 2006:258). The intertwined spatial, material and corporeal

dimensions of cultural processes highlight the role of embodied practice as it relates to the

construction and contestation of cultural identity and meanings and the construction and

manipulation of physical landscapes (Pauketat and Alt 2005). By embedding activities in

the varying scales of social context and highlighting the „sensual and experiential person‟,

it is possible to begin to explore the production of different forms of knowledge, the

motivations behind actions and the connection between small-scale choices and the long-

term trends most visible to archaeologists (Knapp and van Dommelen 2008:23). Beyond

simply highlighting the individual or the body, conceptualizing new perspectives of

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

personhood in landscape archaeology necessitates the fusion of the global, macroscalar

and long-term with the local, microscalar, bodily and individual (Trifković 2006:270).

Landscape and History in Mortuary Archaeology

Despite the clear connections between the body, the landscape and the cemetery,

these emerging theoretical paradigms have only begun to influence mortuary

archaeology. However, the role of funerals and cemeteries as arenas for the construction

of social relationships, for display, and for connecting the living with the dead and the

past (Hayden 2009:41, see also Bennet 1994, Dubisch 1989, Reimers 1999) necessitates

an approach that considers the actions, experiences and motivations of individuals in the

development and transformation of funerary practice. Unfortunately, standard approaches

to studying cemeteries have the tendency to simply to describe details of their past,

whether demographic, material, economic, social, or religious, and to correlate them to

known chronologies and histories on a larger scale (cf. Little et al. 1992, Sattenspiel and

Stoops 2009, Walker 2001). While these studies present detailed descriptions of the space

itself, a lack of understanding of the ways in which these cemeteries contribute to the

social processes of history provides little more than a confirmation of what was already

known. They contrast with studies that confront the more difficult task of using

cemeteries for historical research, with the pivotal sense that people‟s engagement in

funerary activities or their interactions with mortuary landscapes are active social

processes that are connected with and contribute to broader historical and cultural patterns

and structures (cf. Keswani 2003, Morris 1987, Preston 2007). In making cemeteries a

part of the context of change, not just a reflection of it, and the dead thereby one of the

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

mechanisms, these studies can interpret variability of mortuary behaviours as dynamic

components of broader patterns and structural consistencies. This approach to

deathscapes can take a variety of shapes. Conceiving of mortuary practice as fashion, for

instance, including processes of adoption, emulation, saturation and obsolescence,

recognizes agency, differential rates of change and large scale social patterns in the

sequential phases of material change (Cannon 2005: 42, see also Cannon 1996). As such,

the continuous transformation of funerary practice can only be understood in the context

of historical development.

The relationship between time and mortuary landscapes is however complicated

by interweaving threads of memory, heritage, and practice in addition to the tensions

between rapid modification through the regular addition of new burials and slower

processes of fashion and decay. However, temporality is repeatedly noted as lacking from

traditional approaches to landscapes, including cemeteries. There is a tendency to treat

monumental features in the landscape as static, neglecting an understanding of refiguring,

subversion and improvisation; however, “it is possible that mnemonic devices of these

locales primarily resided in their constant processual rebuilding and refiguring as an

ongoing process rather than being complete and finished works in their reconstructed

totality” (Borić 2002:50). Similarly, Sayer (2010) has criticized archaeological

approaches to time as having neglected the dimension within which people experienced

each other and expressed each others‟ identities in life course rituals like funerals, failing

to recognize the fact that people buried within a cemetery would have participated in each

other‟s lives and burials and the impact that this would have on the reproduction and

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

transformation of funerary traditions over time. Both scholars call for a finer

chronological scale to be able to link people and practices.

Nonetheless, an emphasis on temporal, spatial and material context in

understanding practices and interactions can be detected in a handful of studies that look

at recurrent social practices, the ways in which they reify and change the social system

and the strategies of people who used cultural and material resources to restructure the

system (cf. Barrett 1990, Lucy 1998). This has led to a multitude of approaches to the

ways in which practices engaged with cemeteries, including commemoration, mourning,

pilgrimage and ancestor worship, construct space and at the same time reproduce or

modify the social system and meanings within which they exist (cf. Margry 2008).

Laviolette‟s (2003) ethnohistorical/ethnographic analysis of Cornish identity through

landscapes of death is framed upon the premise that these spaces both contribute to and

reflect changing, multi-vocal identities throughout prehistory and history. However

lacking a more refined understanding of the connections between different periods,

Laviolette falls short of truly recognizing the temporality of these landscapes by lumping

long sequences into static snapshots and losing sight of the processes that lead from one

material practice to another.

Chapman (2000) better captures the fluidity and dynamic nature of the processes

connecting changing practices, meanings and systems by emphasizing the multiscalar

traditions that created burial sequences and their relationship with the landscape in

Hungarian Neolithic burials (see also the use of sequence in constructing histories in

Higham and Thosarat 1994). Similarly, McGuire‟s (1981, 1988) analysis of historic

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

cemeteries in New York demonstrates that monuments and cemetery structure reflecting

different and often contradictory attitudes, such as the expression of inequality, or

changing social and economic conditions, were visible on a day-to-day basis, sometimes

even side by side within the same cemetery. This material incongruity constructs and

reinforces modern ideologies in their perceptions of the past and the present (McGuire

1988:467). By conceiving of cemeteries as components of long-term historical processes

not just punctuated burial events, and by approaching them from an empirical study on a

larger scale, deathscapes can be employed in the construction of historical narratives

pertaining to much longer time periods and much broader issues than has previously been

attempted.

Finally, while the performative, interactive and communicative values of funerary

ritual have been recognized by archaeologists for about four decades (Brown 2007; for

examples in mortuary archaeology, see MacDonald 2001, Moore 2006, Tarlow 1997,

1999), its role in constructing culture and identity has yet to be sufficiently engaged with.

Existing frameworks associated with identity construction through habitual reinforcement

via habitus or daily practice, fundamental elements in the study of technology and

household, are inadequate in irregular ritual contexts, and the idiosyncratic and unstable

nature of burials due to their irregular timing has been highlighted elsewhere (Chapman

2000, Mizoguchi 1993). This does not however undermine the suggestion that partaking

in funerary activities is a significant and necessary component of identity, even if there is

some variability from one death to the next. By nature of its emotional, social, economic

and even political significance, in addition to religious ideals of sacredness or reverence,

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

death provides for very particular social interactions and sensory experiences that

contribute to memory, social networks and structures.

Inherent in this observation is the idea that a change in funerary practices must

also result in a change in meaning by modifying the experience or the social networks

that are enacted. The localized and continuously changing nature of ideas about burial

treatment have been documented in many contexts (cf. Lucy 1998) and lack of change is

also seen to be the result of active behaviour and resistance. The implications of these

changes for the construction of identity, personhood and self have been touched upon in

some cases (cf. Blake 1999, Brück 2001, Sørensen and Rebay 2008) but are rarely

expanded upon as a meaningful context in which to examine the historical processes of

identity construction. Generally, changes in funerary practice are interpreted as resulting

from or a symptom of identity crisis in situations of culture contact, conquest,

assimilation or other disruption, rather than a contributing mechanism to broader

processes of cultural change because the cultural treatment of the deceased continues to

be seen as a reflection of identity rather than necessary for its maintenance and

negotiation. For instance, in Blake‟s (1999) examination of ritual and mortuary practices

in Sardinia from the second millennium to first millennium BC the chaotic mixture of

traditional and radically new practices is interpreted as a reflection of identity crisis.

While Blake is interested in identity formation dynamics within transition period

Sardinia, she implicitly assumes that social identity is being transformed elsewhere

resulting in changes in funerary practice to fit. In the evidence presented, it is also

possible to suggest that funerals and burials were in fact a necessary element in

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

transforming social identities and were active and meaningful components of cultural

interaction.

The Deathscapes Research Project

With these considerations in mind, this thesis project set out to explore the

relationship between human experience and the maintenance and neglect of historic

cemeteries to understand cultural constructions of mortality, mourning, history and

identity. Although the widespread erection of durable funerary monuments, the

establishment of perpetual care systems, and the legal safeguarding of burial grounds are

motivated by ideals of permanent preservation, equally active forces of forgetting and

destroying are discernible in graveyard vandalism, neglect of responsibilities toward the

dead, and conscious demolition of mortuary landscapes. What facilitates or stimulates the

transitions between or the simultaneous existence of acts of remembering, forgetting and

destroying mortuary spaces? The starting hypothesis focussed on the role of experience of

landscapes as a significant influence in the historical trajectories of these spaces and

understood the accumulation of sequences of actions to be integral in transforming both

the cemetery space itself and the ways in which the living related to these places and the

dead. Without an understanding of individual experiences and engagement with

deathscapes, it would be impossible to fully grasp the connection between micro-scalar

actions and broader structural patterns. The goals of this research were:

1) An exploratory engagement with methods for recording and analyzing aspects of

experience in the past both qualitatively and quantitatively

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

2) To engage in long-term landscape analysis combined with material, archival and

ethnographic methods in order to construct a detailed and chronologically-

complex interpretation of a cemetery landscape

3) To better understand how processes of commemoration, maintenance, neglect,

destruction and renewal are interrelated and contribute to a composite landscape

4) To develop a sense of the temporality of historic cemeteries at multiple scales,

from chronologies of individual lifetimes and experiences to broader trends and

developments

5) To contribute to frameworks for understanding how monuments and cemeteries

and their materiality are implicated in social processes

With these goals in mind, a local historic cemetery was selected for analysis. Hamilton

Cemetery, established in 1847 in Hamilton, Ontario, presented the opportunity to tackle

all of these goals due to its accessibility, long history of engagement with the living

community and complex physical history. The intensive investigation of Hamilton

Cemetery was paired with comparative analysis of both prehistoric and historic cemetery

landscapes to better contribute to an understanding of how these concepts and

frameworks apply to a much longer and more diverse history.

In documenting the life history of Hamilton Cemetery, including its physical

transformation and the social relationships tethered to it, this research included spatial and

material analysis to document temporal changes and activity-based space use. These data

were paired with long-term documentation of daily and seasonal changes resulting from

environmental conditions and human actions to explore the relationship between

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

landscape and behaviour. Archival records in conjunction with ethnographic study of

people involved in habitual use of the cemetery were also used to reconstruct human

interactions with the cemetery through time.

This thesis will develop our understanding of how humans interact with cemetery

landscapes beyond the most evident funerary activities, which have long been the

emphasis in archaeological contexts. A social history of space and place in these

landscapes recognizes cemeteries as material accumulations of all past activities and as

one of the primary spaces within which a society experiences death and memorialisation.

By documenting the changing uses of these spaces in relation to acts of maintenance and

neglect, and their material manifestations, it is possible to meaningfully interpret the

relationship between experiences of deathscapes and sociocultural constructions and

expectations of mortality, cemeteries and mourning. Deathscapes are mechanisms in the

construction and negotiation of identity, heritage and attitudes towards death, rather than

mere reflections of these processes. As such, cemeteries can be seen to influence

commemorative practices while stimulating memory and later historical imagination and

social engagement with the past.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Chapter 2 – Hamilton Cemetery

Following the conclusion of the War of 1812, eight men convicted of treason were

hung from temporary wooden gallows set up near the ramparts that had been constructed

on Burlington Heights (the northern extremities of modern-day Hamilton). After being

cut down and beheaded, the executed were then buried in an unmarked mass grave,

becoming the first occupants of what would become Hamilton Cemetery less than thirty

years later. While the fate of these eight men had largely been forgotten by the time this

space became a consecrated burial ground, the eroded remains of the fort stand as

testament to a fascinating history. This is, however, only one of a series of human

interactions with this landscape that have transformed it over time – shaping not only the

physical place but also the experience that it provides, the memories associated with it

and even future actions and attitudes. Traces of many of these transformations form the

material composite that is the cemetery today. This thesis is a story about Hamilton

Cemetery, but more significantly, it is a story about how people shape and are shaped by

places of the dead and of the past, and how archaeologists can uncover these stories.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

This chapter will introduce the lengthy history of the landscape in which Hamilton

Cemetery was established and the ways in which this history influences the ever-changing

use of space. Following a brief history of prehistoric and early colonial uses of Burlington

Heights, the development of the cemetery will be outlined in detail. This will serve not

only as an orientation to a temporally-complex landscape but also as an introduction to

the activities, events and trends that contributed to the relationship between the Hamilton

community and this cemetery.

A Landscape History of Burlington Heights

The Burlington Heights are a gravel ridge that once separated Lake Iroquois from

the waters covering Dundas Valley, later serving as an important land route connecting

the Niagara River area to northern Lake Ontario, and eventually York (modern-day

Toronto). As an important geological feature, the Burlington Heights have been part of

seasonal occupations of the region as far back as 9500 years ago and it was later used by

the Mississauga and the Iroquois as part of their seasonal migrations (Ellis et al. 1990:65).

Their trail provided the basis for the development of the first roads through this area

(Figure 2.1) and what would eventually become York Boulevard, which defines the

Heights today. By the late 17th and early 18th centuries, the Mississauga had established a

definite presence on Burlington Heights, following successive wars with the Five Nations

of Iroquois. Historical records suggest that some Mississauga families spent as much as

eight months a year on the Heights, hunting, gathering, fishing, growing crops and trading

(Schmalz 1991, Smith 1987:3, 7-8). Despite the fact that many Europeans that moved into

the region as early as the seventeenth century considered the land unoccupied, the Heights

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Figure 2.1 Map of the ‘Head of the Lake’ region in 1640 indicating the trails recorded by early French traders and
missionaries, with the region of Burlington Heights marked in red (Burkholder 1938:17).

were an important point of orientation for the seasonal movements of many Mississauga

families.

However, without evidence of occupation as the Europeans conceived of it (i.e.

maintained and regular land use with the view to improve it), Richard Beasley, a Loyalist

from New York, began squatting on the edge of the Heights by the 1780s. Beasley had

recognized the strategic significance of Burlington Heights with a local native population

to trade with, proximity to the lake to aid in the transhipment of furs and other goods, as

well as the potential to develop side ventures including milling and land speculation.

Heavily entrenched in European ideals of land development as a means of displaying

one‟s status, Beasley immediately set to work „improving‟ the Heights, and had largely

cleared the land of most natural vegetation by the early 1790s (Figure 2.2). While

Mississauga use of the Heights continued into the early nineteenth century, Beasley had

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Cootes Paradise

Figure 2.2 Map of Cootes Paradise in 1793, including Burlington Heights (outlined in green) and a small square
structure (red) at the base of the Heights, likely Beasley’s original habitation (Triggs in McAllister 2002:124).

acquired full title to the land by 1798. He gradually exerted greater and greater control

over the property through the establishment of his business and the enclosure of large

portions of land for cultivation. Eventually, the Mississauga only temporarily camped on

the Heights near Beasley‟s home in order to carry out trade.

Although Beasley is purported to have been an inept business man (Carter and

Holland n.d.), this was a significant period of transformation of Burlington Heights as

Beasley appears to have invested almost all of his irregular profits into the development

of his property to sustain an image of material prosperity. This included the construction

of a Georgian brick house on the top of the Heights (Figure 2.3), a garden, an enclosed

field system for rye, hay and wheat, an orchard, outbuildings and a large wharf. The

clearing of the land and the establishment of more controlled nature, including a stand of

hardwoods in place of a natural forest of softwoods, completed Beasley‟s improvement of

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Figure 2.3 Reconstruction of Beasley’s Georgian brick cottage (Dundurn Castle Library in McAllister 2002:74).

the land. By 1800, he had accumulated the title to 976 acres on the Heights, 150 of which

he had “under good improvement” (Canadian Constellation in McAllister 2002:69).

However, in the midst of both development and growing financial difficulties,

Beasley‟s property was taken possession of by troops under the command of General

Vincent during the War of 1812. Beasley and his family were forced to leave the

premises, which were once again severely transformed by their new occupants. Following

the Battle of Stoney Creek on June 6th, 1813, the army retreated to and fortified

Burlington Heights, considered to be a naturally defensible peninsula, and they held their

position there until 1815. Large quantities of Beasley‟s hardwood were cut down in

addition to the destruction of some of his fields and outbuildings for the construction of

barracks, storehouses and fortifications. Most significantly, an existing earthen mound,

likely constructed by Middle Woodland occupation of the Heights c. 2000 B.P., was

enhanced to form the basis of the first earthen defensive wall, with a ditch and a cheval de

fries (pointed wooden posts sunk in the face of the mound as an obstacle to attacking

troops) (Figure 2.4) (McAllister 2002:92). However, concerns with the security of this

first line of defence soon led to the construction of a second line a few hundred metres to

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Figure 2.4 Sketch of the fortifications at Burlington Heights in 1813, by Lt. Col. Ralph Bruyeres, with the first (red) and
second (green) lines of defence indicated (Hamilton Military Museum in McAllister 2002:125).

the north. While the site had good natural lines of communication and connections to the

navy, there were issues with the suitability and security of this position and following the

end of the War of 1812, the site was abandoned.

After Beasley regained his land from the military, he continued his previous

trends in land improvement until he was forced to sell it to John S. Cartwright in 1832 as

a result of increasing debts. Cartwright immediately resold it to Allan Napier MacNab, a

lawyer and politician, for ₤2500. MacNab dreamed of constructing a miniature version of

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

A B

Figure 2.5 A) Portrait of Sir Allan Napier MacNab. B) Illustration of Dundurn Castle from original plans (Burkholder
1938: 67).

his grandfather‟s estate in Scotland, the Dundurn (Figure 2.5). MacNab‟s „Dundurn

Castle‟ (as it is known today), built on the foundation of Beasley‟s home, was completed

around 1835, though it continued to be modified and enlarged. Not unlike Beasley,

MacNab is reputed to have spent more than he could afford on his abode as well as the

lavish entertainment he gave there.

The City of Hamilton purchased Dundurn Castle in 1900 and it is now operated as

a civic museum, with over 40 period-style rooms open to the public in addition to the

Hamilton Military Museum which is housed in one of the outbuildings. More recently,

the City has begun renovations of the gardener‟s house and a walled garden in order to

add it to the museum‟s attractions. In addition to being open as a museum, Dundurn

Castle is also used for weddings, photoshoots and other events, housing a banquet hall in

the stable block. It has become an iconic component of Hamilton‟s heritage movement

and is visible from many sections of Hamilton Cemetery, which sits across from it on

York Boulevard.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Hamilton Cemetery

In 1847, Sir Allan MacNab sold part of his large estate to the Anglican Christ

Church Cathedral to serve as a graveyard after the Church Wardens recognized that their

churchyard was becoming inadequate for the burial needs of a growing city (Figure 2.6).

Soon after, Christ Church divided the land and sold 18 acres of it to the city for a public

burial ground in 1848, and eventually a further 3 acres to the Anglican Church of

Ascension in 1875 (Figure 2.7). It immediately became known as York Burial, and was

“the place to go” (Elliott 1993), attracting the burgeoning Hamilton community as an

integral social space to see and be seen. Formally opened as Burlington Cemetery, the

three burial grounds were operated independently of one another, which is reported to

have created a rather hodgepodge feel, with varying levels of maintenance and styles of

landscaping.

Figure 2.6 Map of Hamilton in 1846, highlighting the growth from the original town site in 1816 (A), to the town limits
in 1833 (B) to the city limits in 1846 (C) (Manson 2003:16).

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Figure 2.7 Map of the original properties of Burlington Cemetery (Modified from Hamilton Public Library).

In its early years, the cemetery underwent a number of changes. In 1854, the Gate

Lodge (known today as the Gatehouse) was constructed at the main entrance off York

Boulevard (Figure 2.8). It was to be used not only as a residence for the caretakers, but

also as a public waiting room and mortuary chapel. Concurrently, a cholera epidemic hit

Hamilton and for two months the cemetery faced some of its heaviest traffic and an

incredibly intensive burial regime. The quick disposal of the bodies, mostly in the public

sections of the cemetery, would have as much of a lasting impact on the cemetery as the

gatehouse, resulting in a large, grassy open area with few markers that contrasts with

more saturated sections all around it. A later cholera epidemic resulted in a similar open

space further north in the cemetery.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Figure 2.8 A) Drawing of the Gatehouse prior to 1920, with its original wooden spire B) Photograph from the 1970s
showing a stone structure replacing the spire (Hamilton Public Library, WTL Collection).

Finding it difficult to afford the maintenance, the Church of Ascension and Christ

Church Cathedral eventually transferred the responsibility to the City of Hamilton, which

was looking to expand the burial grounds to meet the demands of a growing, industrial

centre. In 1892, after more than forty years of operating independently, the Municipality

of Hamilton took over the care and maintenance of the entire property, which established

the first municipally owned and operated cemetery in Canada. The name was then

changed to Hamilton Cemetery, which was thought to be more fitting and to avoid

confusion with the municipality of Burlington to the north. New regulations were

immediately introduced to better mark burial plots and boundaries, limit the materials

used for monuments to limestone, granite and marble, and to disallow the erection of

fences or hedges around burials as well as the mounding of earth over burials. By 1899,

the Board of Management of the Hamilton Cemetery was founded in order to deal with

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

the lack of uniform methods or systems governing the maintenance and administration of

the cemetery, which had resulted from its initial three-way ownership. The Board‟s main

goals were to “change the character and appearance of the old-fashioned cemetery into

one more modern and park-like... by the removal of all obstructions, by a uniform general

system of levels, and by authoritative supervision over and care of individual lots”

(Hamilton Spectator 1901). The Board initiated projects to properly lay out the roadways,

improve water and drainage systems, and install more systematic caretaking of both

private plots and public sections. Despite some controversy regarding these

modifications, the Board strongly advocated that, “what might be called sentimental

objections... [had] to be overcome, and... that the whole care of the cemetery, both public

and private, should be placed in the hands of the board” (Hamilton Spectator 1901). In

1916, a system of perpetual care was introduced to help with this responsibility, by which

a percentage of the lot price was set aside for its continued upkeep post-burial.

The cemetery itself continued to expand northward to run almost the length of

Burlington Heights. In 1867, prior to the unification of the three properties, the city had

bought an additional 9 acres. From that point on, purchases of Crown Land or private

acquisition of land continued, including two properties from the Roman Catholic Diocese

in 1891 following the opening of the Catholic Cemetery on Plains Road, Burlington. In

1929, the last annex was opened – the Sunken Garden. This 3-acre burying ground was

opened on the edge of Cootes Paradise, providing an additional 1200 graves, and

rounding off the property of Hamilton Cemetery at 100 acres (Figure 2.9). A foot and

road entrance was added as the Garden is located down a steep slope from the rest of the

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Figure 2.9 Final property lines of Hamilton Cemetery, totalling 100 acres (Hamilton Public Library).

cemetery. There was also the addition of a sundial and ornamental pond, which was later

filled in for safety as well as maintenance concerns (as a result of rocks being tossed into

it at night “by children roaming across the cemetery”) (Hamilton Spectator 1960). New

gates and fences were also installed in the 1950s to help regulate the closing time and

curtail vandalism.

Having maximized the expansion of Hamilton Cemetery, the Board was in the

process of opening new cemeteries by the late 1930s, including East Lawn Cemetery, as

well as having annexed the cemeteries of adjoining towns, such as Bartonville Cemetery,

Stoney Creek Cemetery, Burkholder Cemetery and St. Peters Cemetery. However, the

maintenance and use of Hamilton Cemetery continues today. While all the plots within

the cemetery have been purchased, burials continue to take place, though at a swiftly

declining rate. Today, there are over 21, 500 monuments that dot the landscape of

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Hamilton Cemetery and continue to define the space, its uses and its relationship with

living communities.

Studying Hamilton Cemetery

Hamilton Cemetery represents many clear advantages and opportunities for study,

which led to its selection for this research project. Location and accessibility were key

concerns from the outset, to facilitate frequent visits throughout the year under many

different conditions. Situated at the edge of Hamilton and never locked, Hamilton

Cemetery fit the necessary characteristics to make this fieldwork feasible. Furthermore,

the cemetery is one of the oldest and largest in the area allowing for a long history to be

studied and in great detail. The comprehensive archival record, its continued use both for

burial as well as other activities, and its connections to an emerging local heritage

movement also made this cemetery ideal. Finally, as previously mentioned, the trajectory

of this cemetery from three independent cemeteries, to the first municipal cemetery, to its

current state of transition to inactive cemetery created a dynamic context in which to

pursue the goals of this study.

Through the selection of Hamilton Cemetery, I was able to thoroughly document

the cemetery‟s history for a complete year as well as use material, archival and

ethnographic research to take advantage of the greatest time depth possible. The emerging

data allowed me to engage with issues of landscape, material culture, time and change,

emotion and experience, memory and heritage. Because cemeteries represent a principal

venue for learning about death and interacting with the dead, and because in many cases

they are visible, easily accessible components of the landscape, these spaces shape

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

attitudes and these attitudes in turn shape the space itself. The emerging narrative captures

the trajectory of cemeteries from their emergence as pragmatic, formalized social spaces

constructed for the dead, to the saturation of the medium and a demographic shift creating

a disconnect that results in a level of neglect and devaluing of the space, to its

revitalization as a heritage-based collective past to be valued and preserved.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Chapter 3 – Methodology

As a result of the issues and concerns with existing methods for accessing

experience, phenomenology, historical development, and multi-scalar phenomena,

outlined in Chapter 1, the methodology in this research project was largely exploratory.

This thesis then is as much a story of Hamilton Cemetery and the social processes

associated with cemeteries, as it is an examination of appropriate methodologies for

reconstructing these landscapes. Using existing phenomenological and historical studies

as a jumping off point, this research faced the challenge of documenting chronologically

and materially complex landscapes in meaningful ways to access changing experiences of

place in the past and the present. Using a unique combination of photographic

reconstructions of the landscape through time, quantitative and statistical analysis, textual

and photographic research, and engagement with contemporary communities, it was

possible to begin to access these important phenomena throughout the cemetery‟s history.

An approach to historical development is necessarily predicated on reconstructing

the greatest time depth available to observe a full historical trajectory. To make use of the

longest possible life history of Hamilton Cemetery, my methods were threefold: 1)

archival research; 2) archaeological material and landscape analysis; and 3) ethnography.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Through their combination, I was able to amass relatively comparable data for Hamilton

Cemetery from its establishment through to the present. The results of this intensive study

of Hamilton Cemetery demonstrate that a more dynamic understanding of deathscapes is

accessible when they are approached from the scale of human experience and interaction

with material landscapes through time.

Archival Research

A range of textual and visual records were available for this research project.

Newspaper articles from the Hamilton Spectator and the Herald, housed at Hamilton

Public Library‟s Department of Local History and Archives, were the most substantial

written records employed. More recent newspaper articles were also available through

online databases. These sources were invaluable not only for chronicling events in the

cemetery‟s history, including changes in administration and vandalism, but also as a

gauge for public interest in the cemetery. Secondly, some cemetery records and

publications were accessible, including regulations, rules, and city ordinances. These

were employed to indicate attitudes and what was deemed appropriate behaviour strongly

„suggested‟ to visitors. They are also useful as an indicator of inappropriate behaviours

that were actually occurring, based on the principle that rules are generally created to

modify existing behaviours. The combination of newspaper articles and cemetery records

produced a strong suggestion of changing values and interests associated with the

cemetery, while providing a tight chronology of major events in the cemetery‟s history.

In addition to these textual archives, the archived photography collection housed

at the Department of Local History and Archives, and most recently made accessible

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

online through a digital collection database, was a crucial resource for the reconstruction

of a visual history of Hamilton Cemetery. These photographs are from the collections of

local photographers as well as recordings of outings of the Head-of-the-Lake Historical

Society and other active historical groups in the area. Images from this collection date

back as far as the 1850s and thus represent an integral component of my research. These

were heavily drawn upon in conjunction with my own landscape analysis to help

reconstruct the development of the space throughout the cemetery‟s history.

Material and Landscape Analysis

Analysis of the cemetery itself made up the bulk of this research project.

Fieldwork was designed with two separate intentions: 1) to document daily and seasonal

changes in the cemetery for a complete year; and 2) to document evidence of changes in

the cemetery since its establishment in 1848. Limited archaeological and ethnographic

fieldwork was also carried out at other contemporary and historic cemeteries as a basis for

comparison of historical trajectories.

Material Documentation

In designing my fieldwork, it became evident that common recording practices

targeting individual monuments would not be a sufficient means of documenting this

dynamic landscape to address the principal research questions. In order to reconstruct the

physical development of this cemetery, it was necessary to find methods of quantitatively

and qualitatively analyzing the cemetery through time at a level compatible with human

perception of space and place. Inspiration for moving beyond monuments as the unit of

analysis was taken from GIS approaches to landscape, and in particular the methods

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

published by Hamilton et al. (2006). This detailed methodology for recording

archaeological landscapes places emphasis on familiar and everyday experience, making

it an ideal foundation for my study. Although cemeteries are typically classified as ritual

rather than everyday, I would argue that principals of studying the familiar or habitual are

equally applicable in these deathscapes due to the routine visitation of graves and the

significance of these interactions to developing cultural understandings and experiences

of death. Hamilton et al. suggest that habitual experiences in domestic or every day

environments is connected to the sights, sounds and smells of the immediate landscape,

which can be documented, analyzed and compared by breaking them into units

compatible with human perception (2006: 35). A consideration of the relationship

between Italian Neolithic to Iron Age village sites and the landscapes surrounding them

produced circular imaging techniques to represent major features, visibility and

accessibility. However, its development on the relatively featureless locales these

prehistoric village settlements turned out to be problematic in this context.

Nonetheless, the concept of the „viewscape‟, based on a 360° circular view to represent

three-dimensional space, was borrowed for this study in order to break up a large

cemetery into manageable units of analysis while also taking into account the experiential

goals of this research. Based on the concept that we look around rather than at, mapping

landscapes from a single, central standing point is the best means of representing visual

perception because:

the impression of circularity is the modus operandi for registering human vision...
Human visual perception defines a circle wherever the standing body is positioned.
This is self-evidently the outcome of the human body being able to turn through

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

360 degrees at any given fixed point, and the head being able to swivel through an
arc of approximately 180 degrees (Hamilton et al. 2006:38).

Hamilton et al. pursued this concept by drawing detailed figures of circular views of their

village sites (Figure 3.1), transforming the landscape into simple, graphic models that

could easily be reproduced and compared. In approaching Hamilton Cemetery, this

method proved to be too challenging given the complexities of a landscape cluttered with

thousands of monuments, trees and other features, as most modern cemeteries are.

However, a camera placed on a tripod was found to record this same 360° visual

perception more quickly and easily, and therefore photography was used to document

viewscapes in Hamilton Cemetery. This modification of Hamilton et al.‟s methodology

made the study of a number of different viewscapes throughout the cemetery feasible in a

relatively short period of time and also allowed for their repeated documentation

throughout the year to represent seasonal changes. Finally, it produced a more detailed

recording of other valuable aspects of the viewscape beyond visibility, including colour,

form and shadow.

Figure 3.1 Two circular views produced to document visual perception from their centerpoints. Shading represents
areas that are obscured or invisible from a central standpoint (Hamilton et al. 2006:41).

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Because the number of viewscapes within a space as large as Hamilton Cemetery

is almost infinite, a sample of twelve viewscapes was selected (Figure 3.2). The majority

of these were evenly dispersed throughout the cemetery to represent its entire chronology,

taking into account its gradual expansion northwards. This was necessary to explore

cemetery development and transitions in design and practice over time. A few viewscapes

were strategically placed to capture significant features, such as the earthworks and

mausoleums of Viewscape 5 and the veteran memorials of Viewscape 12. These sought to

explore the impact of natural landscape features as well as particular historical events on

the processes evident in the rest of the viewscapes. Together, these viewscapes represent

the different timing and rates of development that produced the cemetery landscape that

exists today, and are therefore associated with different burial fashions, experiences and

regulations, in addition to different types of engagement with the landscape (Table 3.1).

The sample size and procedures were considered to be indicative of cemetery-wide

processes, where observations were consistent across viewscapes. Processes that were

observed solely in anomalous viewscapes were considered indicative of viewscape-

specific occurrences and influences.

Working from a Spring level of visibility, because it represents the least

obstruction from trees, snow, leaves, etc., all visible monuments within a given viewscape

were recorded in order to analyze the viewscapes as a whole. Emphasis was placed on

dates of monuments, to create a temporal sequence for each viewscape. This also enabled

documentation of the physical components of the monuments that most impacted visual

perception of the space, including height, material and style.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Figure 3.2 Map of center point of the twelve selected viewscapes within Hamilton Cemetery.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Table 3.1 Characteristics and date range of the 12 viewscapes.

View- Total Earliest Latest Peak Most Visible Features

scape Monuments Monuments Monuments Usage

1 295 1850 1997 1880-1899 Dundurn Castle, houses

2 335 1848 1979 1890-1909 houses, escarpment, trees
3 459 1848 1992 1870-1909 houses, maintenance bldg
4 338 1850 1995 1870-1889 Cootes, large monuments
5 180 1852 1992 1870-1909 Mausoleums, Gatehouse
6 352 1854 1992 1870-1919 Mausoleums, building
7 326 1862 2006 1900-1919 building, Cootes
8 302 1875 2002 1900-1919 Cootes, large monuments
9 327 1893 1995 1919-1929 Cenotaph, Cootes
10 207 1860 2006 1900-1909 Cootes, Sunken Garden
11 151 1930 2001 1930-1939 Stairs, cliff, train tracks
12 388 1908 2008 1920-1929 Vet mems., York Blvd
Total: 3660 1848 2008 1870-1919

The height of monuments affects perception of the crowdedness of a given

section, as well as visibility and focal points. Monuments were recorded as being flat,

short, medium, tall or extra tall. While this measuring system is very general, it was based

roughly on the impact that a monument would have on experience, visibility and viewing,

whether it was barely visible among the grass, required you to crane your neck to look at

it, or blocked views or movement. Flat monuments were those laid flush with the soil or

that only protruded a few inches; these had the least impact on visual perception of space.

Short monuments were those that were no taller than knee level; while visible, these

monuments were unlikely to obstruct views of other monuments or give the sense of

obstructing movement. Medium monuments were those that were between knee and

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

shoulder height; they tended to have a more significant impact on the sense of

crowdedness or obstruction of space and visibility. Tall monuments were shoulder height

to just above one‟s head; while obstructing visibility and movement, these monuments

tended to require the least craning or bending to be read by passersby. Extra tall

monuments were those that were much taller than the average person; these required

substantial craning to view the whole monument, particularly up close, but also tended to

be visible from further away. In some cases, there were older monuments that had been

laid flat (due to breakage or other damage) but had evidently once been standing. In these

cases the estimated height when standing was recorded, but its current state was also

documented to gauge cumulative decay.

The material from which monuments were manufactured was also recorded. This

was seen to not only impact visual perception but also durability, which affected the

condition and decay of monuments. This variable was impacted by fashion, but it was

also increasingly limited by administrative regulations. The vast majority of monuments

were made of either marble or red or grey granite. In some cases, metal, sandstone,

limestone, concrete and combinations of stone were also recorded. Where material could

not be confidently assigned, due to damage or plant/lichen coverage, the colour of the

material was recorded where possible; otherwise these monuments were not included in

analyses of material.

Finally, the general style of the monuments was also recorded. This variable

impacted uniformity or diversity within a space. Although there is an incredible level of

diversity in the style of monuments erected, particularly during the Victorian era,

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

categories were based on simplified groupings of styles, once again largely based on their

visual impact on perceptions of the space. Monuments were recorded as being slab,

complex slab, three-dimensional sculptural element, obelisk/column, structure

(mausoleums/crypts), or as other, in cases in which monuments did not fit into any of

these categories or where style could not be confidently assigned due to damage.

Following the recording of these variables for each monument within each

viewscape, the overall composition of individual viewscapes was examined through time.

Each variable was analyzed both as the total number added and the cumulative number

existing in a viewscape in 25-year increments. The 25-year increments was used as an

exploratory unit, rather than a meaningful component of patterns. Once patterns were

discerned at this scale, alternative methods, including statistical analysis, were used to

refine the temporal scale. The overall dataset was simplified to aid in this refinement,

reducing the variables and features of monuments within a viewscape to a single variable

indicating their overall impact.

The physical components of the monuments, including but not limited to height,

material and style, were combined to create a monument impact index, where monuments

were categorized as high, medium or low impact based on their attributes and how well

they stood out in the landscape. This hierarchy was evaluated on a case-by-case basis, to

be able to take into consideration the unique features of individual monuments as well as

their context and history. This flexibility in classification best represented the connection

between perception and impact, as features of monument design do not stand alone in

dictating visibility, but rather time and space are also major features. Classifying all of the

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

monuments in this study according to their impact in the landscape made it possible to

analyze the overall composition of each viewscape both quantitatively as well as

qualitatively. This allowed for the study of changing trends in investment and elaboration

of monuments in the context of how they would have been experienced or perceived in

the cemetery.

Viewscape analysis also involved digital manipulation of photographs to

reconstruct images of how each viewscape might have appeared in different periods.

Using digital photography software (Photoshop), monuments were incrementally

removed from the 360° panoramas taken in Spring 2010 (again representing the greatest

visibility). It is recognized that this can only create an estimation of what the cemetery

might have looked like at some point in the past, due to changes that are no longer visible

today, such as monuments, trees, and other features that have gradually been lost or

removed over time. Where possible, further features were transposed from archival

photographs of the cemetery in order to help confront this issue. Regardless, this visual

history proved to be essential in truly understanding the development of the cemetery and

how this would have impacted viewers‟ perceptions. The digital manipulation of

photography of Hamilton Cemetery, in combination with material analysis and archival

research, enabled the investigation of the visual landscape in short developmental

sequences, rarely available to the archaeologist. Combining the more „subjective‟

qualitative analysis of photography with the quantitative analysis of monuments produced

multiple facets of the same story that contributed to a fuller understanding of cemetery

landscape development, fashion and tradition, and agency and choice.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Daily and Seasonal Observation

In calling for a different type of temporal understanding of landscapes, Bradley

has underlined the limitations of typical approaches to landscape survey and study that

focus on deeply stratified sites through excavation, arguing that no sequence of this kind

could have actually been experienced in the past with the same directness (2003:153).

Moreover, traditional recording procedures make us insensitive to features that impact

perceptions and actions of people. The need for prolonged exposure to archaeological

landscapes can help to stimulate research of multi-dimensional landscapes. A final facet

of landscape analysis pursued in this research was therefore founded on long-term

engagement with the cemetery in order to expand my own understanding of the space. In

combining this type of reflexive landscape analysis with the aforementioned approaches

to the temporality of viewscapes, it was possible to extend a consciousness of perception

and experience into the past while maintaining a connection to the scale at which it would

be experienced.

Daily and seasonal documentation of the cemetery was done through regular visits

to the cemetery at different times of the day and in different weather conditions and

seasons. Written recording of conditions in the cemetery (including data from all senses)

was coupled with general photographic recording of the cemetery as a whole (Table 3.2).

More intensive documentation of select areas of each viewscape sought to document in

greater detail the changes that occur in the cemetery on a seasonal basis.

Local weather was recorded from online weather reports but was modified in the

field if necessary. Special attention was paid to conditions, temperature, wind, humidity

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Table 3.2 Daily/seasonal observation recording form.

Date: Start Time: End Time:

Area:

Temp.: Weather:

Other: Photo#

Vehicles: Pedestrians:

Other Observations:

and visibility. Other observations made in the field included auditory observations

(particularly with regards to level of noise from nearby York Boulevard and highways,

but also noise from events at Dundurn Castle or within the cemetery, and natural noise

such as birdsong). Numbers of vehicles and pedestrians were also counted during each

visit to help gauge cemetery usage in relation to weather and time of day/season. Finally,

any other observation impacting general experience of being in the cemetery during each

visit was also recorded, including unusual sightings or experiences. These daily and

seasonal changes were observed to have a major impact not only on the activities and use

of the cemetery and its visual appearance, but also on the general impression or impact

that this place had on visitors.

Ethnography

Although some written records exist detailing the current administration,

condition and use of Hamilton Cemetery, ethnography was used to get a fuller sense of

contemporary community connections to the cemetery. Following ethics approval through

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

the McMaster University Research Ethics Board (Protocol 2010-008), I undertook

ethnographic research on three levels. The first involved naturalistic observation of

cemetery usage, that is, the study of behaviour in natural environments. The second was a

widespread survey of cemetery users both in person as well as online through a

questionnaire. Finally, a more detailed, long-term interview process was designed for

individuals and groups that had greater or more long-term involvement with this cemetery

and others.

Natural observation of cemetery usage was completed during every visit to the

cemetery, including during monument recording and photography sessions (Table 3.3).

Time, weather, and basic information regarding the individual or group of individuals was

recorded. If evident, their activity was also noted, as well as whether or not they used

paths, took breaks or were visibly interacting with the monuments. This was the first step

in gauging who was using the cemetery, when and why.

The questionnaire, which drew on Francis et al.‟s study of cemetery users and

neighbours in London (2005:218-235), was designed to monitor routine usage of the

Table 3.3 Natural observation recording form.

Date: Start Time: End Time: Weather:

# of Ind., Sex and Age Grp:

Activity:

Path: Yes No Break? Yes No

Interaction:

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

cemetery in greater detail in addition to measuring the impacts that such visits had on

users. Participants were asked a series of 12 questions, as well as optional personal

information including age, gender and occupation. The questions involved frequency of

use, purposes of visits and timing. They also asked about memories of past visits to the

cemetery, comparability to other cemeteries and individual knowledge of the history of

the cemetery. Finally, participants were asked their opinions about the future of Hamilton

Cemetery and how it should best be managed. The questionnaire targeted recreational

users of the cemetery, rather than individuals visiting graves. Some individuals were

approached in the cemetery while others were invited to participate through online forums

and discussion boards relating to Hamilton heritage, genealogy, history and other

interested parties. A total of 34 questionnaires were completed between July 19, 2010 and

January 1, 2011.

It was hoped that through the interview process a detailed understanding of certain

individuals more intimately tied to the cemetery and cemetery management could be

ascertained. Unfortunately, while many parties connected to Hamilton Cemetery were

contacted to participate in this study, including cemetery administrators, members of

paranormal societies, and historical groups, only one individual agreed to take part in this

component of the research. Robin McKee, of Historical Perceptions, who has run bi-

weekly tours of Hamilton Cemetery for the last eight years, generously offered to

participate and allowed me to take part in a number of his tours throughout the summer

and fall of 2010. This fieldwork allowed me to interact with both tour goers and the tour

guide, providing a better sense of current interests in the preservation of the cemetery as a

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

heritage space. Interactions with McKee also allowed me to better understand his goals in

providing these free tours as well as his own background, experience and perspective of

the cemetery. Additionally, a meeting with Bob Trimmer, Trustee and PR officer for

Highgate Cemetery, London, United Kingdom, provided comparable data on

administration, tours and use of that cemetery. While greater participation would have

been greatly beneficial, the detailed pursuit of other components of my research program

largely made up for this deficiency.

Results

This methodology was specifically designed to provide the data from which to

write a phenomenological history of human engagement with the Hamilton Cemetery

landscape, from establishment through to its present status as a cemetery in transition

between active and inactive use for burial. This history can be divided into three

processes of maintenance, neglect and revival that have clear correlations with the

development of the landscape and the attitudes of the community. To begin, the period

from 1848-1950 demarks a period of active use and maintenance of the cemetery

landscape. This period had the most significant impact on the physical landscape, and the

frequency and recentness of burial dictated a high level of reverence, respect and

maintenance. The second period spans 1950-1990, and is characterized by the emergence

of vandalism, limited use of the space, and increasing cumulative decay. These factors

contributed to an overall period of neglect, both active and passive, which peaked around

the 1970s with an apparent lack of interest, aside from continued burial in some sections

of the cemetery. Finally, the third and current period emerged in 1990 with a resurgence

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

of interest and a transition back into active management and maintenance associated with

the value of a green space in urban Hamilton, as well as the local heritage value.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Chapter 4 – 1848-1950: The Making of a Cemetery

The establishment of new burial grounds on Burlington Heights in the middle of

the nineteenth century represents a significant shift in the funerary experience of

Hamiltonians (Figure 4.1). In contrast to the increasingly cramped churchyards, these

grounds were placed at the edge of town, with relatively open green space and near the

illustrious abode of Sir Allan MacNab. The three new cemeteries were in keeping with

the fashions emerging in England. Large garden-like cemeteries were being established to

fit Victorian aesthetics and ideals of nature, death and mourning. This development also

coincided with a shift in funerary culture that placed even lower class families under

immense pressure to invest in elaborate funerary accoutrements, including stone

monuments that were becoming more and more accessible in the region. Although the

stimulus for these changes have been considered elsewhere (see below), the experience of

these dramatic transformations have not been examined, nor have the lasting impacts that

they had on deathscapes.

Because Hamilton Cemetery acquired new sections gradually over time, the

viewscapes selected for this research present a unique opportunity to study the

development of cemetery landscapes. Most importantly, they represent different periods

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Figure 4.1 Horse-drawn hearse in the expansive park-like setting of early Hamilton Cemetery (Hamilton Archives
Blackmount Collection).

and therefore different trends, regulations and experiences without introducing the

possibility of idiosyncrasies from stitching together multiple cemeteries to achieve the

same temporal depth. It was however necessary to be able to deconstruct the viewscapes

as they exist today into analyzable sequences appropriate for recognizing both

developmental and embodied histories of landscape. In so doing, it was possible to

reconstruct the visual experience of each viewscape from its initial period of formation

through to the present to understand the relationship between these changing experiences

for cemetery users. The results highlight the impact that early commemoration within a

viewscape can have on the choices made for later commemoration as well as the long-

term influence that various other landscape features and historical events can have on

cemetery development.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Making Hamilton Cemetery

Although churchyard burial grounds remained the norm in many rural settings

throughout the nineteenth century, the emergence of garden cemeteries in Britain in the

1820s and 1830s, and soon after in Canada and the United States, introduced new

landscapes of death characterized by their large size, situation on the outskirts of town,

and naturalistic style (Tarlow 2000:218). Scholars have proposed a range of reasons for

this major shift in the venue for burial and commemoration, including sanitation and

health concerns, foreign influences (primarily from Paris), religious dissent, the Victorian

ideal of „improvement‟ of land, display of status and sophistication, and changes in the

expression of grief and sentimentality (Rugg 1998, Tarlow 2000). While the level of

elaboration that characterized British garden cemeteries, including full-size replicas of

Greek and Egyptian architecture (cf. Curl 2002:208-213), did not reach Canada to the

same degree, the basic principles of extremely large, „natural‟ landscapes for burial did

become increasingly popular in the mid-nineteenth century.

Monument traditions and fashions were also heavily influenced by Britain and the

rest of Europe, in addition to the influence of the United States (Hanks 1974:3). Between

the 1830s and 1850s, professional monument carvers became increasingly established in

Ontario, augmenting the quality, variety and complexity of monuments. While the

majority of monuments erected in the last few centuries in Europe and North America are

rectangular slab monuments, with varied linear outlines, there are also a large number of

more sculptural monuments, particularly from the Victorian period, ranging from

columns and urns to life-like busts and statues. These monuments can range from flat to

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

extremely tall (18-20 feet high), though on average they stand between three and a half to

five feet tall. The most common materials are marble and granite, though limestone,

sandstone, slate, wood, metal and concrete have also been used.

The period between the three cemeteries‟ establishment as the York Burial

Ground in 1847 to their unification as the municipal Hamilton Cemetery in 1892 and their

subsequent reorganization in the early 20th century had major implications for burial and

space use. It is evident that the cemetery was designed and modified over time in

accordance with the principles of landscape design, fashion and aesthetics. However, it

also developed its own unique character as a result of its placement in Hamilton‟s

landscape and early choices in commemoration.

The Impact of Landscape on Cemetery Design

Sandwiched between Cootes Paradise and Burlington Bay, Hamilton Cemetery‟s

elevated position on Burlington Heights offers water views in two directions. It is also

quite visible in the landscape and located on a major thoroughfare that has seen high

levels of traffic throughout its history. Perhaps most significantly, however, is the impact

that military occupation has had on the layout and design of the cemetery, including the

fortifications from the War of 1812. The fortifications included two lines of defence

defined by earthworks that were built by the military (see Chapter 2). While large

sections of Hamilton Cemetery are relatively flat, the area between the first and second

lines of defence contrast sharply in their low hills and valleys that break up visibility and

shape pathways through the space. Many visitors presume that these grassy hills are

natural phenomena, however they are in fact the remains ramparts. Although heavily

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

eroded today, these earthworks are still very visible and have shaped decisions in

commemoration and design, as well as the experience of being in the cemetery (Figure

4.2). For instance, the winding roadways of Hamilton Cemetery fit with the principles of

Victorian cemetery aesthetics, however many are influenced by efforts to work with the

existing historic landscape.

Monument placement has further been affected by the earthworks. Initially burials

were permitted on and approaching the earthworks meaning that monuments could be

elevated to a more visible position or alternatively be largely obscured by them. Three

structures in particular gained advantage by their placement on the ramparts (Figure 4.3).

The mausoleums of the prominent Sanford, Tuckett, and Watkins families occupy

„Millionaires‟ Row‟, as it is now known. The mausoleums were erected in the 1890s

amidst protest against building tombs into the Lines, largely the work of the Wentworth

Historical Society. Although the fort was relatively recent, it had already been

incorporated into community heritage and represented a role the War of 1812 that

Hamiltonians were proud of. The City Council eventually passed a resolution that the

earthworks were to be preserved. Soon afterwards a plaque (visible in Figure 4.2) was

posted on the ramparts to indicate to visitors the history behind them and to

commemorate their military significance. Apart from keeping the ramparts largely intact,

the very prominent position of the three mausoleums that had created the initial outcry

was ironically also preserved by ensuring that no future monuments could crowd or

overshadow them. To this day, the mausoleums are some of the most visible features of

Hamilton Cemetery and have become familiar icons associated with the space.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

nd
Figure 4.2 The Head-of-the-Lake Historical Society in 1944, gathered around a remaining section of the 2 defensive
line, which have impacted road and monument layout (Hamilton Archives Black Mount Collection).

Figure 4.3 The three most prominent mausoleums in the cemetery today, highlighted by their position on the
nd
ramparts of the 2 defensive line (Spring 2010).

It is undeniable that the existing landscape and the principles of Victorian

cemetery design had significant impacts both on the early formation of Hamilton

Cemetery and on later development. The original layout of buildings, roadways and

cemetery sections has remained largely unchanged and the cemetery today maintains the

garden-like feel of winding paths and grassy fields. The ridge of the Heights, remains of

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

fortifications and other early landscape features also helped to direct the ways in which

the cemetery developed as it grew and changed. However, these earlier features and

cemetery landscaping were not the only phenomena influencing the character and history

of Hamilton Cemetery, or the experience that it would provide for decades to come. The

process of burying and commemorating the deceased also had major implications for

future use of the cemetery.

Histories of Commemoration

There has been intensive archaeological investment in constructing robust

chronologies of all facets of funerary practice, yet there are still large gaps in our

understanding of how these practices actually develop and transform. The complexities

and dynamics of funerary practice were recognized early on in the work of Kroeber

(1927) on methods of disposal of the dead in California. Struck by the irregularities and

instability of practices and the contrasting distributions of different cultural traits, Kroeber

classifies funerary practices as fashion, akin to dress, luxury and etiquette, rather than as

basic biological or social needs, or as formalized or codified behaviours, instead

recognizing consciousness and emotional toning (1927:314). While some have instead

argued that this variability results from changes in the expression of grief and emotion

(Tarlow 1998, 1999), perhaps the strongest and, in this case, most applicable adoption of

Kroeber‟s view has been Cannon‟s (1989) comparative analysis of cyclical change in

display and ostentation of mortuary behaviour. Cannon highlights that, in the context of

sufficient historical depth, it is possible to observe consistent patterns of mortuary

elaboration and simplification that correspond to increasingly competitive display to the

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

point of expressive redundancy, resulting in reduced effectiveness (1989:437). While

Cannon‟s observations are clear at the level of large-scale cultural fashions, including

Victorian-to-modern England, how would this dynamic have played out in individual

cemeteries? Were these cycles perceptible on the micro-scale and what role did

individuals play in creating them?

Seeing Change in Cemetery History

Digital photographic reconstructions were produced to visualize the changing

landscape in 25-year increments for each viewscape in Hamilton Cemetery (Figure 4.4,

see also Appendix I). This technique immediately highlighted how quickly the general

characteristics of each section were established and the lack of impact that later additions

were able to create as a result of pre-existing monuments and features. These patterns

would have been imperceptible without means of visualizing the historical trajectory of

each viewscape. However, it was unclear from the images alone whether this was limited

to the level of perception of space or whether this saturation of the landscape impacted

choices in commemoration. To move beyond subjective impressions, determine if this

pattern had real implications for the choices of individuals and interrogate it at a finer

temporal scale, rigorous quantitative analysis examined the sequence of each viewscape‟s

monument composition. This was based on a monument impact index, where each

monument was assigned to a category of high, medium or low impact based on its height,

material and style (see Chapter 3). The frequency of each category of impact was

calculated for every viewscape and for the cemetery overall in five-year increments

(Figure 4.5, see also Appendix II). Quantification demonstrated that there was a pattern of

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

1875

1900

1925

1950

1975

Figure 4.4 Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in a section of Viewscape 6, Hamilton Cemetery.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Viewscape 6
25
20
15
10 High
5
0 Medium
1854-1859
1860-1864
1865-1869
1870-1874
1875-1879
1880-1884
1885-1889
1890-1894
1895-1899
1900-1904
1905-1909
1910-1914
1915-1919
1920-1924
1925-1929
1930-1934
1935-1939
1940-1944
1945-1949
1950-1954
1955-1959
1960-1964
1965-1969
1970-1974
1975-1979
1980-1984
1985-1989
1990-1994
1995-1999
Low

Figure 4.5 Frequency of high, medium and low impact monuments erected in 5-year periods.

rise and fall in the use of elaborate, high impact monuments in Hamilton Cemetery,

whereby increasing elaboration reached a point of saturation or expressive redundancy,

followed by decline in use. However, this trend that is visible in individual viewscapes,

does not temporally conform across the cemetery. That is, each individual viewscape

followed an independent, micro-scalar process of elaboration, saturation and decline at

different times. This suggests that individuals were reacting to the existing cemetery

landscape in selecting monuments, which in turn contributed to later commemorative

practices and the trajectory of the cemetery in general.

Statistics of Commemorative Patterns

Statistical analysis was used to further refine the pattern identified. The peak date

for high, medium and low impact monuments was calculated in each viewscape, as well

as for the entire cemetery, using the median year to represent the overall distribution of

each category. In order to prove that these do not represent random distributions, the

calculated peak dates were then compared to statistically expected peak dates; that is, the

date at which a category of monuments should peak, based on the entire cemetery sample

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

and given the temporal range for each viewscape (Table 4.1). If individuals were for the

most part following broader fashion trends, the peak date for individual viewscapes

should correspond more or less to the overall peak date for that impact category.

However, this is not the case. Not only do some viewscapes demonstrate high use of

elaborate monuments long past when they were declining in use overall, but more

specifically the peak in use in individual viewscapes consistently falls either earlier or

later than the statistically expected date depending on the date at which they were opened

for burial. Sections that were opened for burial early on peak earlier than expected, likely

riding the thrust of fashion and the impact of context. This thrust however meant that

these sections reached a saturation point earlier on and use of elaborate monuments

correspondingly declines, even though they were technically still fashionable on a larger

Table 4.1 Comparison of Peak Date in Each Viewscape and Expected Peak Date

Actual Expected
Vscp Median Year Median Year Diff. Start Date
4 1879 1895 -11 1848
3 1885 1895 -10 1848
1 1890 1895 -5 1848
5 1891 1895 -4 1852
6 1892 1896 -4 1854
2 1898 1895 3 1848
10 1902 1897 5 1860
7 1903 1897 6 1862
8 1909 1901 8 1875
9 1918 1909 9 1893
12 1917 1917 0 1908
11 1940 1937 3 1930

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

scale. Sections that were developed later, on the other hand, see the continued use of

elaborate monuments past peak popularity because they still had a visible impact in these

new, relatively empty spaces. As a result of declining popularity, however, there is a

slightly lower rate of use of high impact monuments in these sections but this serves to

extend their efficacy in display so that these sections took longer and longer to reach a

saturation point before declining.

Two anomalous viewscapes highlight the fact that this process can be a) cut short

by drastic changes to the landscape, and b) that at a certain point, fashion does overcome

context. The sudden re-allotment of space to features like veteran memorials or other

large features that overpower the visible landscape can disrupt these processes. This is

evident in Viewscape 12 where roughly 10 years after being opened for burial, large

sections were given over to the erection of hundreds of homogenous monuments for

veterans that had died during the First World War (Figure 4.6). This completely

overwhelmed the space and any other monuments and displays were largely ineffective,

truncating the cycle of elaboration and decline. On the other hand, sections that were

opened after ostentatious monuments had fallen completely out of use do not show any

cycle of elaboration and decline (Figure 4.7). Evidently once this form of commemoration

is truly out of fashion, it is out of fashion for everyone regardless of the impact that

elaborate monuments might make in new sections.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Figure 4.6 Frequency of high impact monuments erected in five-year increments in Viewscape 12, highlighting the
sharp decline in usage following the placement of hundreds of veterans’ monuments in the 1920s, overwhelming the
space.

Figure 4.7 Frequency of high and medium impact monument erected in five-year increments in Viewscape 11,
showing the overall lack of use of elaborate monuments at this late date.

Commemorative Practice and Landscape

Overall, this suggests that as a new section of the cemetery was opened for burial,

individuals responded with a tendency to invest in elaborate monuments that would make

a dramatic impact in the landscape. This was likely the result of attempts by families

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

burying their dead to establish and draw attention to these new sections, to lay claim to

the space as well as simply to take advantage of the most impact for their investment. As

more and more monuments accumulated in a given section, the landscape became

saturated and gradually new monuments had less and less impact. People responded by

opting to not invest in such showy monuments, selecting more moderate or medium

impact monuments, or by moving on to new sections in which they would have greater

impact. On a large scale, these individualized actions contributed to the pattern of rise and

fall in elaboration typical of the Victorian period. However at the same time, people were

still guided by general fashions, and eventually elaborate monuments become so

redundant overall that they are no longer used to create a display as they were previously.

These results have considerable implications for our understanding of

commemorative practices, highlighting the significance of context, individual choice and

display in shaping cemeteries while still connecting them to large scale trends by

approaching historical change from the level at which it was experienced and created. The

interpretive frameworks associated with variability and display are innately visual,

suggesting that there is something fundamental about the ways in which the living were

experiencing commemoration in these cemeteries that influenced their responses and

actions. However, these concepts have never actually been applied at the level of the

cemetery landscape and explored in ways that people would have experienced changing

spaces. This research project does suggest that individuals are at least in part acting

within and reacting to specific spatial and temporal contexts. This is not to suggest that

emotion, identity, economic conditions, and other phenomena did not factor into these

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

practices, or that they were independent of broader fashion. However, it does indicate the

possibility that micro-scalar practices contribute to large-scale trends, and most

significantly that individuals apply them based on the contexts of their own lives. The

suggestion that levels of investment in monuments and the types of monuments selected

change in response to existing monuments in a given cemetery or section of a cemetery

further highlights the necessity of a landscape-based approach to memorials that

recognizes the impact of temporal and spatial contexts on commemorative processes.

Anchoring research on commemorative behaviour to the actual experience of place, and

the ways that this experience has changed over time, highlights the processes of

commemoration and the production of memory and landscape.

Cemetery Administration and Change

As well-defined commemorative traditions were developing in Hamilton

Cemetery, it is also evident from archival records that connections to the space remained

strong throughout the first 75 years or so. The cemetery was an important social space

and as such attracted large numbers of visitors during this period. The frequent use of the

space and the recentness of burials encouraged a strong connection between the

community and the cemetery and there was a great deal of interest in the administration

and maintenance of this cemetery throughout this period. The issues that the City of

Hamilton confronted and the regulations that the City put forward during this time were

the subject of many newspaper articles and other widely distributed publications –

demonstrating a high level of public interest.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Immediately following the establishment of the municipal cemetery in 1892, a

new code of rules was introduced. These regulations included a number of stipulations

that impacted the cemetery landscape. The City required that all plots be defined by posts

of limestone, granite or marble at the corners of the boundaries, no higher than 6 inches,

with the number of the plot clearly indicated. Fences or hedges were barred from any

burial plot and materials for monuments were limited to marble, granite or limestone.

Finally, the City prohibited mounds of earth greater than 3 inches over graves not only to

facilitate the proper cutting of grass but also to „improve the general appearance of the

lots‟ (Hamilton Spectator 1892).

While there is some indication that these modifications were not favourably

received, these initial changes were far from the full extent of the municipality‟s

ambitions. By 1899 The Board of Management of the Hamilton Cemetery was

established to deal with the lack of uniform methods or systems in place for its

administration and maintenance. In a statement published in 1901, the Chairman

comments that “the older parts of the cemetery resembled in many respects an ordinary

graveyard on an extended scale” and that the patchwork appearance that had resulted

from independent workers had resulted in a cemetery made up of different parts rather

than a unified space (Hamilton Spectator 1901). The aims of the Board were to, “change

the character and appearance of the old-fashioned cemetery into one more modern and

park-like” (Hamilton Spectator 1901). After circulating letters to the owners of lots in

1899 asking them to consent to placing their lots in the hands of the Board, work began

transforming the cemetery with the aims of properly laying out roadways, improving

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

water and drainage systems, levelling the cemetery to establish proper grades, and

developing a system of maintenance to improve the appearance of the space. These four

main goals were coupled with plans to remove iron fences and walls around plots and

remove overgrown plantings and other obstructions, to which there were “sentimental

objections” by some parties. Nonetheless, the Board managed to overcome any protests

and modified the cemetery to fit its goals.

These physical changes were accompanied by new rules and regulations for sales,

burials and visitation, which came into effect between 1903 and 1904. Some of the main

changes include regulation of prices and costs of maintenance, the requirement of

approval by the Board for any major changes to the level of the ground, the erection of

large monuments or structures or any other major work, and the limitation of the types of

monuments that could be placed in the cemetery and other types of modifications to the

plots. For instance, while proprietors were permitted to have trees, shrubs or plants, the

Board reserved the right to remove any plantings that were deemed improper, were

obstructing the view or were interfering with the general effect. The quality and style of

monuments also had to be approved; no wood, iron or marble veneer was permitted,

single plots could only have one monument no higher than 2 feet, slabs had to be placed

flat or required intensive foundations, and had to be kept up or the stones would be

removed. Concerning visitors, the Board put forward a number of rules, including

requiring adult supervision for children, restricting the use and speed of horses and cars,

barring picnics and smoking within the cemetery, banning dogs and firearms and

establishing new opening and closing times. Visitors were reminded that, “these grounds

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

are sacredly devoted to the burial of the dead, and that the provisions and penalties of the

law will be strictly enforced in all cases of wanton injury, disturbance or disregarding of

the rules” (Board of Managers ca. 1903-1904:18).

These changes had major implications for not only the physical space itself but

also for how it was used and experienced. Certainly the changes made to the monuments

and cemetery layout drastically altered the appearance of the space, particularly with the

removal of fences and other boundary demarcations around plots (Figure 4.8, 4.9). In less

than fifty years, many of the original sections that had been opened for burial were

already exhibiting signs of being overcrowded and disorganized, evident both in the

archival images and in the statements made by the municipality and the Board of

Management at the time. Today, while these original sections are full, they have a much

more open feeling, as a result of these modifications as well as the removal of probably

quite a number of monuments over the years.

Another significant change during this period was the establishment of a system of

perpetual care. This was pioneered at the beginning of the 20th century when the Board of

Management was introducing new fees, regulations and rules. At this time, the Board set

up certain sections that were Perpetual Care Sections, where plots were more expensive

($45 per square foot compared to $20 in other sections). Individuals who had already

purchased plots could obtain perpetual care by paying in advance for grass cutting,

watering, maintenance of the monument, etc. for the number of years desired. However,

in 1916, the cemetery introduced a system of perpetual care governing all plot sales. A

percentage of the lot price was set aside, originally 10-15% of the purchase price but later

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Figure 4.8 Photograph of Hamilton Cemetery in the early 1890s, prior to the modifications by the Board of
Management (Hamilton Archives Black Mount Collection).

Figure 4.9 Photograph of Hamilton Cemetery today. While there are still many trees and shrubs associated with
monuments, the removal of fencing around them has significantly changed the appearance (Summer 2011).

raised to the Ontario-wide regulation of 35%. This money provided for the upkeep of

both plots and monuments even after no family was remaining to do it themselves or pay

the cemetery to do so. This money was invested so as to provide for the future of the

cemetery. While economic recessions and depressions have inevitably affected this
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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

system, it has nonetheless provided for a relatively high level of maintenance for all

sections of the cemetery. The swift expansion of the cemetery between 1890 and 1930 put

a great deal of stress on the maintenance of the cemetery and the further addition of other

cemeteries, including Woodland Cemetery in 1919 and East Lawn Cemetery in 1938

further stretched the Board‟s administrative and financial responsibilities. As of 2001, the

city of Hamilton is now comprised of six former municipalities and as a result the number

of active cemeteries has increased from 15 cemeteries to 67. Hamilton Municipal

Cemeteries is now one of the largest known municipal cemetery organizations in Canada

and has to balance its goals of providing cemetery services and preserving local heritage

while maintaining many diverse cemeteries in a large area. As a result, concerns have

been voiced regarding the level of attention that Hamilton Cemetery will continue to

receive, an issue which is discussed in later chapters.

Conclusion

Perhaps by virtue of archaeologists‟ typical position of looking at completed or at

least abandoned cemeteries, particularly in prehistory, there has been little critical

consideration of the mechanisms of deathscape formation and the ways in which early

cemetery activity impacts later development, use and experience of these places. This gap

can lead to unwarranted interpretations of burial practices and illogical conclusions about

their structure, organization and histories. It is necessary to keep in mind the realities and

practicalities of burial and the experiences and memories that are shaped through these

practices. While memory and agency have begun to play a role in the understanding of

time, small-scale change and mortuary practices (cf. Chapman 2000, Mizoguchi 1993), it

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

is more often the case that large-scale changes are targeted and attributed to larger

cultural shifts, particularly in extreme cases such as catastrophes, natural disasters, and

population collapse (cf. Garazhian and Yazdi 2008, Jackes 2007). However, it is

important to recognize shifts in burial patterns on a smaller scale and the impact these

shifts have on later burials – particularly when above-ground structures or

commemoration for the dead are used, where there is greater opportunity for early

patterns and choices to directly influence later ones.

The establishment of burial grounds on Burlington Heights was heavily influenced

by the needs of a growing population in an urban city centre but the history of the

landscape influenced the way that the cemetery developed, in addition to fashionable

design at the time. However, the actual choices that were made in burial and

commemoration of the deceased at Hamilton Cemetery during this early phase were also

significant in impacting later burials and commemoration, and the experience of future

cemetery users. Finally, the regulations and modifications introduced when the

municipality of Hamilton took over the property had major ramifications for the

relationship between the living community and the place of the dead, increasingly

limiting and controlling the ways in which people interacted with this important

landscape.

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Chapter 5 – 1950-1990: Forgetting Hamilton Cemetery

While the period between 1847 and 1950 was largely characterized by a high level

of maintenance and investment, Hamilton Cemetery was beginning to experience a shift

by the end of its first hundred years. Many of the original burials no longer had family

members left and there was a growing disconnect between the deceased and the personal

memory of the living community. Furthermore, despite constant upkeep and the

establishment of the system of perpetual care, the monuments of Hamilton Cemetery

were beginning to decay, as was to be expected in an industrial city like Hamilton.

Finally, although the regulations introduced by the Board of Managers were to benefit the

appearance and therefore the experience of the cemetery, the extensive rules regarding

who could use it, when and in what ways did reduce the numbers of visitors, which in

turn made the place more susceptible to neglect and even crime.

From 1950 to 1990, there is an observable shift in attitudes accompanied by a

transformation of the social space itself. Increasing rates of crime and decay made the

space less and less desirable to the community. Vandalism increased not only in its

regularity but in its intensity, sometimes hitting hundreds of monuments in one night. The

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cemetery was also neglected as a component of Hamilton‟s heritage; while programs

emerged for other heritage sites in the city, this cemetery, which was now over 100 years

old, was not generally part of these endeavours, possibly stemming from a level of taboo

or discomfort associated with death and the dead.

It is easy to condemn the acts and the actors that destroy evidence of the past,

however it is more valuable to contextualize these behaviours to understand their

relationship to processes that construct and negotiate heritage, identity and community.

This section will explore neglect, decay and destruction in Hamilton Cemetery as the

consequences of both human actions as well as more natural and environmental factors.

These phenomena will be critically examined in connection to the transformation of

experience and perception to highlight the relevance of forgetting (actively or passively)

to changing conceptions of history.

Approaching Vandalism and Crime

There has been relatively little academic writing regarding the vandalism of

cemeteries despite their cultural significance. Journals focussing on the topics of death

and commemoration, like Mortality and Omega, have been surprisingly mute on the

subject. Archaeology for its part has mainly concerned itself with the political nature of

the destruction of sites or the impact that this vandalism has had on the archaeological

record and our ability to do archaeology (cf. Holtorf 2001, Layton and Thomas 2001,

Stutz 2011). Rarely is vandalism conceived of as a meaningful component of site

production. However, it is possible to recognize throughout prehistory the coexistence of

paradoxical views of preservation and destruction in cultural relationships to death and

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the past, and that the modification of these places is part of a long-term process of

reinterpreting them in the context of changing practices and understandings (Baines and

Lacovara 2002, Holtorf 1998).

Even in venturing outside archaeology and mortuary studies, to legal studies,

sociology, anthropology and cultural studies, there remains a relative paucity of data

concerning the destruction of cemeteries. Nonetheless, a general profile of vandalism

exists recognizing the community context in which vandalism occurs, the meanings the

activity holds for participants, and the actual process or experience of the action. This

approach complements the goals of this thesis because it conceives of people‟s actions

based on the meanings they have for them, and this meaning is derived and modified

through their interpretive process and social interactions associated with that experience

of action (Prus 1996:9; see also the „phenomenology of youth‟ Visano 1996:91-97).

Viewed from this perspective, vandalism cannot be understood in isolation; it is

embedded in a „lifestyle‟ network of processes, situations, experiences and moralities

through which the participants become implicated or engaged in a number of activities

and meanings defined as „bad‟ or culpable by the community at large (Prus 1996:36).

Vandalism is most commonly defined as destructive behaviour that is wilful and

deliberate but is not accidental or the by-product of another crime (LaGrange 1996:132).

While there is a long history of vandalism, with evidence being uncovered in a range of

archaeological contexts from Abydos to Pompeii, it has come to be described as an

epidemic in the last fifty years (Baird and Taylor 2010, Simpson and Hagan in LaGrange

1996:133). Although the motivations for vandalism are difficult to expose as a result of

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

multiple, underlying unconscious and even conflicting factors (Lévy-Leboyer 1984:1),

typical explanations for vandalism are “dispositional” (personal deficiencies or

weaknesses of offenders), social (class, neighbourhood), and institutional (social and

cultural structures) (LaGrange 1996:136-8). However there are also “opportunistic”

factors, resulting from the nature of modern city life. The place, time and frequency of

crime are directly linked to the routine activities of the area. Additionally, the decreased

unity of these neighbourhoods and the relative anonymity of individuals living in urban

environments contribute to patterns in vandalism (LaGrange 1996:139-141).

Although environment is tangentially part of these considerations, the impact of

the physical landscape is rarely seen as a major influence. However, the architectural

design and social lifestyle of an environment may make certain places more likely to be

vandalized than others (Newman 1969). In particular, communal or anonymous zones

used by a large population, impossible to keep under surveillance and disconnected from

residents, become choice targets. Other factors that increase the likelihood of vandalism

are newness, the accumulation of evidence of previous acts of vandalism, inadequacies of

an environment, sensory overload (stimulating frustration or aggression), chances of

being seen, as well as accumulated damage from negligent, careless or routine behaviours

(Lévy-Leboyer 1984:6-7, Webb 1984). In face of these observations, it is necessary to

approach the problem of vandalism by looking at the relationship between individuals and

their environment (Lévy-Leboyer 1984:7, 9).

Examination of vandalism that specifically occurs in cemeteries is extremely rare,

perhaps as a result of the even lower levels of prosecution of perpetrators or the

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separation of cemeteries from the main parts of the city and urban life. However, the

symbolic and cultural significance of cemeteries, as well as their historical importance,

requires a better understanding of the types of destruction that occur in such locations and

the reasons behind this destruction. The two conditions most applicable to considerations

of vandalism in cemeteries are: 1) levels of use; and 2) the experience or perception of the

spaces (cf. Paine 1992, Voller 1991). Particularly in the case of historic cemeteries, which

have fewer numbers of people visiting and maintaining specific graves, but also in

contemporary cemeteries where periods of activity cluster in the day time or even in

particular seasons, the chance of being sighted and caught are low, which invites crime.

However, conservation studies also argue that the physical environment contributes to the

issue and that a maintained space gains societal respect and discourages vandalism (Paine

1992:65). On a more theoretical or abstract level, it has also been suggested that the

enclosure of property, serving to remind individuals to act with dignity and solemnity,

further encourages vandalism. In a study of the relationship between graveyards and their

cultural context, Voller contends that:

This propriety... is precisely why cemeteries are violated. Desecration is

possible only when claims to sanctity are made; disrespectful frivolity is
possible only when solemnity is insisted upon... Those who accept only
partially or do not accept those dominant values are provided with a perfect
semiotic playground for the articulation of their frustrations in either benign or
violent expression. (1991:7)

Voller notes that the cultural conflict between the reverence and sanctity associated with

death and a general desire to sanitize or even deny death further intensifies this situation,

regardless of whether participants are conscious of this semiotic or political

understanding (1991:8).

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

This study of the neglect and even active destruction of Hamilton Cemetery will

draw on these theories and understandings of vandalism, crime and death to better

understand its treatment between the 1950s and the 1990s. Following an outline of the

damage caused by vandalism as well as natural decay, interpretations of the timing,

contributing factors and long-term results will be presented. It will be argued that a

demographic shift in addition to the changes in the general experience that the space

provided to users contributed to this period of neglect and destruction in Hamilton

Cemetery.

Vandalism and Hamilton Cemetery

Despite the limited study of cemetery vandalism, criminal destruction of

cemeteries is unfortunately a rather commonplace occurrence in most cities in Canada.

Although large-scale events of vandalism may only occur once every decade or so, the

human-caused attrition rate of monuments in Hamilton Cemetery is surprisingly high. In

this research program‟s year-long intensive engagement with the place, more than 30

monuments came to have what looked to be damage caused by humans (Figure 5.1). This

damage ranged from monuments being knocked over to being broken into multiple

pieces. Most of these monuments have yet to be addressed; among those that have, some

were set upright again if possible, while others were simply removed and disposed of

(Figure 5.2). The only broken monument that received intensive restoration was a

veteran‟s memorial in the Sunken Garden, and it is likely that the individual and

associations with the military and patriotism influenced this investment.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Figure 5.1 A small marble lamb monument that was knocked over during this research (July 2010).

Figure 5.2 A pile of damaged monument fragments removed from the cemetery and awaiting disposal (February
2010).

The high level of damage that occurred throughout my fieldwork raised a lot of

questions about the causes of vandalism, which seem to run contrary to the goals of

memory and preservation evident in the high investment in monuments, systems for

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

perpetual care, and general reverence for the dead. When and why does vandalism

emerge in Hamilton Cemetery? Who most often participates in it? What are their

motivations? Are there ways to cure or at least curb vandalism in cemeteries? It is hoped

that this research, although preliminary, will contribute to both academic discussions of

vandalism in cemeteries, as well as more pragmatic concerns about the preservation of

these heritage places.

Of course, the desecration of monuments is only one of many types of damage

that can occur as the result of criminal activities within cemeteries. Vandalism that is

unrelated to monuments, including graffiti on walls and other structural elements of

cemeteries (Figure 5.3), must also be considered. Unlike damage to monuments, which

can be misconstrued as natural decay, this latter type of vandalism is unmistakable to

cemetery users and can impact their experience and desire to return. It is also not always

clearly connected to the mortuary context of cemeteries, and in some cases may fit better

with urban patterns of graffiti more generally. Cult-based and paranormal activities,

which can also result in damage to the cemetery or monuments, should also be seen as

distinct from other types of vandalism, due to contrasting motivations and results. Finally,

there are many other crimes that occur in cemeteries; drug dealing and even murder have

been recorded as taking place in these locations (Danto et al. 1996). The cumulative

impact of these occurrences and any physical damage resulting from them contributes to

an environment that draws fewer and fewer visitors, which in turn makes the cemetery

even more appealing for crime.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

Figure 5.3 Graffiti in Hamilton Cemetery (July 2010).

Although material evidence of vandalism occasionally survives in cemeteries, it is

difficult to infer any information regarding the actual event. Consequently, the main

source for information regarding past cases of vandalism in Hamilton Cemetery was

archived newspaper articles on the subject. This is unfortunately a potentially biased

source in that it is affected both by the level of community interest in the subject and the

Cemetery Board‟s attitudes towards reporting vandalism in this public forum (with some

feeling that newspaper reports only serve to inspire further crimes rather than to curb

vandalism). This means that the cases studied here are likely an under-representation of

the actual number of incidences of vandalism and possibly an over-representation of the

worst acts of vandalism. Less sensational case are potentially less likely to be picked up

by the newspapers. While the Board of Management for Hamilton Cemetery was

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

approached for assistance with filling in a more accurate report of incidences of

vandalism, it failed to comment on the subject. Nonetheless, the known cases do serve as

a baseline for characterizing vandalism and crime in Hamilton Cemetery (Table 5.1).

The first known incident of vandalism in Hamilton Cemetery occurred sometime

in the early 1930s, with the theft of a brass locomotive top piece off the monument

commemorating the 1857 Desjardins Canal Disaster. It is notable that the brass ornament

was stolen during the Depression and it is presumed that it was sold and melted down as

Table 5.1 Chronology of Accounts of Vandalism in Hamilton Cemetery

Date Number of Type of Vandalism Age of Estimated Cost

Monuments Monuments of Damage*

1930s 1 Theft (brass locomotive) 1857 NA

1954 54 Destruction Oldest section NA
1967 12 Destruction NA $4025
1969 +100 Destruction NA $12 370
1981 200 Destruction NA NA
1981 1 Theft (1 skull) 1850 $62 190
1985 200 Destruction NA NA
1997 6 Destruction (cult activities) 50-150 years old $6620
2000 34 Destruction 140 years old $6630
2001 4 Destruction NA NA
2001 37 Destruction +100 years old $12 300
2006 230 Destruction NA $6600
2007 0 Intent to destroy NA $0
* equivalent value in 2011 with calculated inflation
NA: information was not available in archived records

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scrap metal. Nonetheless, this still indicates a shift from the sanctity of the space and a

level of disconnect that made it acceptable in this period of suffering to essentially steal

from the dead. Little is reported after this point regarding vandalism until a 1951

newspaper article reports the introduction of new security measures, including gates,

fences, and increased enforcement of closing times, to curtail mounting vandalism

(Hamilton Spectator 1951). Although reports are vague or even non-existent for long

stretches of time, it is possible to gauge some sense of the progression of acts of

vandalism. For instance, one article in 1954, which described the vandalism of 54

monuments in the oldest sections of the cemetery, commented that although this was not

the first incident of vandalism it was by far the worst (Globe and Mail 1954, Hamilton

Spectator 1954). The impact that this 1954 act of vandalism had is evident in its coverage

not only in the Hamilton Spectator but also in the Globe and Mail. Additionally, extra

police officers were assigned to the investigation and the mayor, city controllers and other

community members were all called in on the case. Unfortunately, while it was

characterized as the worst case ever in 1954, it seems relatively mild compared to later

incidents.

Vandalism that occurred between that incident and the present ranges from

relatively small incidents involving a few monuments to large events involving the

toppling of 200 or more monuments in a single night. Some of the most sensational

stories include that of three young men breaking into a mausoleum in 1981 to obtain a

human skull for one man‟s desk, resulting in damages of roughly $62 000, and the story

of a group of five individuals between 16 and 21 years of age breaking into a family crypt

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

to engage in “cult activities”, causing damages of $6600 (Hamilton Spectator 1981,

1997). While comments from police, city administrators, judges and community members

demonstrate that they were typically horrified and shocked by these acts, vandalism only

intensifies between 1930 and the present (Figure 5.4).

The majority of these incidents were either never solved or at least it was never

reported if the culprits were caught. Where reported, the individuals were universally

under the age of 25. In a rare case, following the desecration of 230 monuments on

„Devil‟s Day‟ (June 6, 2006), one teen was interviewed by the Hamilton Spectator

regarding his motivations and experience. The youth, who happened upon the cemetery

with five of his friends after some monuments had already been knocked over, described

it as, “a kid‟s energy rush in a candy shop. They run around wanting this, this and this. It

was that type of rush, we were just having fun” (Hamilton Spectator 2006). After he

bragged about it at school, his classmates were disgusted and threatened him, demanding

Figure 5.4 Numbers of monuments reported in local newspapers as damaged as a result of vandalism between 1930
and 2010. The 1990s shaded area represents an unconfirmed case of vandalism.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

that he turn himself in. The youth then expressed shame and remorse for his part in what

is the largest incidence of vandalism reported in the local newspapers.

While these acts seem somewhat disparate, spread out over the history of the

cemetery and varying in type of vandalism and intensity, there are some similarities in the

cases. To begin, all cases in which the culprits were identified were the acts of youths or

young adults, and prevalently male, which corresponds to typical profiles of vandals

(LaGrange 1996:135). The story of the aforementioned Devil‟s Day teen suggests that

vandalism is primarily incidental to the activities of normal teens, as the product of the

interaction between circumstance and opportunity (LaGrange 1996:L142). However, the

reactions of his friends and his subsequent remorse highlights that cemetery vandalism is

not widely condoned even amongst youth populations and suggests that social

consequences can be more effective than legal or financial penalties. Second, all of the

reported acts occurred during periods of reduced usage and visibility, as calculated from

ethnographic work which will be discussed in greater detail in the following chapter. The

likelihood of being seen, and therefore caught, is relatively low in busy urban

environments, even at night, and the existence of such a large, dark and anonymous space

likely encourages this type of behaviour. Finally, there is evidently a range of motivations

for vandalism, including cultish behaviour, skeletal fetishes, teenage angst, peer pressure

and rebellion, and therefore there cannot be only one solution.

On the other hand, while it is easy to condemn vandals and the destruction of

monuments as horrific and criminal acts, there is growing recognition among a small

constituency of scholars engaged in heritage studies of the cultural contexts and meanings

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

associated with destruction of the past. Rather than assuming that heritage matters, a life

history perspective on the commemoration of the past suggests that vandalism and

preservation are part of the same process in which living communities engage with the

representation, promotion, transformation, manipulation, invention and rationalization of

the past (Barthel-Bouchier 2011, Dicks 2000, Holtorf 2011, Smith 2006). This

perspective does not seek to justify illegal activities; rather it contextualizes vandalism as

a meaningful and potentially necessary way of negotiating memory production. This has

already had some very practical implications, where heritage landscape architects have

begun to apply the principles of fluidity to their design, updating historical landscapes for

modern-day use and even designing memorials to be impermanent, literally decaying

away to give the next generation the opportunity to memorialize the past in a way that is

meaningful for them (Burden 2011; Viteretto and O‟Donell 2011). Social media and

technology have also undoubtedly increased the independence of communities and

individuals to commemorate the past as they see fit, regardless of mainstream, academic

or government narratives.

Nonetheless, the suggestion that heritage does not need preservation and active

intervention but rather that we should take our cues from the needs and wishes of

contemporary generations divides heritage scholars; should we act on the intentions of

past or present populations in managing historic monuments (Russell 2011)? Monument

and cemetery design highlights a desire for preservation in perpetuity, but if this past is no

longer meaningful in the present, should they be left to pass into oblivion? This question

poses a range of moral, ethical and practical issues to consider, however it is evident that

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addressing destruction of cemeteries requires a deeper understanding of the relationships

between contemporary communities and the material remains of the past that exist in the

present.

Natural Decay in Hamilton Cemetery

People are of course not the only cause of damage to monuments. If left

completely on their own, monuments still would not stand in perpetuity. Although there

has been a move towards stronger materials, particularly granite, even the best materials

are susceptible to environmental conditions, including snow, ice, lichen, and acid rain.

Weathering and decay of monuments varies over time, particularly with reference to

climatic changes and industrialization, and geographic region, including proximity to

oceans, wet vs. dry climates, etc. (cf. Hinds 1995). In fact, weathering and decay can even

vary within different sections of large cemeteries and be dependent on the direction that

the monument faces, its shape, material and degree of exposure to the elements. Since

industrialization, one of the most aggressive forms of „natural‟ decay that cemeteries do

battle with is the result of air pollutants, to which carbonate-based stones (marble,

limestone, sandstone, concrete) are most susceptible (Meierding 1993:569). Sulphur

dioxide, associated primarily with the combustion of charcoal and high-sulphur coals

including industrial processing and metal ore smelting, was identified by Meierding

(1993) as the greatest threat, with monuments in industrial cities exhibiting as much as 15

times the level of damage recorded in surrounding areas (see also Šrámek 1990). The

growth of microorganisms (lichen, fungi, algae) is another major concern, which in

addition to concealing monuments, can also release organic acids and cause chelation

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

(Baedecker in Meierding 1993). There is a lengthy scientific study of these processes,

however it is also important to recognize the impact of gradual, natural decay of

monuments on the experience of cemetery users and in turn how this weathering shapes

attitudes and treatment of the place.

Unfortunately, Hamilton Cemetery is located more or less adjacent to the

industrial sector of Hamilton, which from the mid-nineteenth century defined Hamilton‟s

economic growth and prosperity. Early urban development was characterized by

industrial production and metal ore smelting, largely using coal combustion, which would

have contributed to high levels of sulphur dioxide. This created not only a high level of

air pollutants, which have blackened more porous monuments but also acid rain that has

caused pitting and flaking of monuments, particularly on soft stones like marble and

limestone (Figure 5.5). Furthermore, the relatively damp climate has encouraged some

lichen growth (Figure 5.6), though the high level of air pollutants has likely discouraged

the level of growth seen in more rural settings with similar climates (Meierding

1993:576). While levels of air pollution and even climatic conditions have fluctuated

since the establishment of Hamilton Cemetery, their cumulative impact is highly visible

and contributes to the experience and visual perception of the cemetery.

Cracking and breakage is also an issue, though one that in this context is very

difficult to distinguish from vandalism. However, weather conditions, particularly the

freezing and melting of water, or even flaws in the stone can result in major damage to

monuments over time. The most common type of breakage evident at Hamilton Cemetery

was missing sculptural elements or top pieces, including urns from atop columns as well

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

SOOTING

PITTING

Figure 5.5 Monument exhibiting both sooting, particularly on the upper extremities, and pitting, which has affected
one of the two visible panels of lettering. The monument also toppled during the summer of 2010 (Fall 2010).

Figure 5.6 Image of typical lichen growth on a monument that is roughly 60 years old.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

as crosses from pedestal monuments. The breakage of thin marble slab monuments was

also widespread, often resulting in these monuments being laid flat, if preserved at all

(Figure 5.7). Like vandalism and the removal of damaged monuments, natural breakage

can significantly modify cemetery landscapes, particularly since sculptural monuments

are often highly visible within viewscapes. This can also result in the removal of

information from the cemetery and contribute to the feeling of an unmaintained or

unpleasant space.

A final category of natural decay includes erosion and the gradual sinking of

monuments into the earth. This can result in the gradual displacement of monuments,

which can cause breakage by putting stress on the stones or throwing off the balance of

the monument. Additionally, the earth can effectively swallow whole monuments. Flat

stones, or broken slabs that have been laid horizontally, are in danger of disappearing

Figure 5.7 Marble slab monument that has cracked into four pieces and is now laid flat.

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M.A. Thesis – K. Cook; McMaster University - Anthropology.

completely. Seasonally obscured by leaves or long grass, the deposition of dirt on top of

monuments and continued sinking will over time make them wholly invisible, save

perhaps for a depression or a particularly flat part of the field. The experiential impact of

this type of change includes the visual erasure of monuments from the landscape and the

accumulation of sunken depressions, which can be dangerous for pedestrians.

Damage, Decay and the Process of Forgetting

While the character of a viewscape may be set relatively early (see Chapter 4),

this study of neglect and destruction has demonstrated that the landscape is far from static

from this point on. Weathering or lichen growth in Hamilton Cemetery generally results

within approximately fifty years of placement. However, it is closer to 75-100 years

before decay is intensive enough to be noticeable from a distance. These timelines are

significant with regards to the history of Hamilton Cemetery (Table 5.2). For monuments

in general, fifty years, or two generations, is considered to be a significant milestone as

the point at which many monuments are no longer being maintained by visiting family

members, and therefore any maintenance is the responsibility of the cemetery. In a study

of patterns and trajectories of grave visitation in London, U.K., Francis et al. (2000:45)

Table 5.2 Timeline for the Decay of Monuments in Hamilton Cemetery

Timeline State of Monuments Effect

50 Years Mild decay Perpetual care system

Disconnect from the living Changes to landscape

75 Years Noticeable decay Vandalism emerges

100 Years Increased noticeable decay Rampant vandalism reaches

point of concern

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found that less than 6% of visits were to graves more than fifty years old. Such a

downturn in visitation has serious consequences, leaving many monuments without

advocates in the living community. The administrators of Hamilton Cemetery have both

reacted to and taken advantage of this situation in the past. For instance, the Board of

Management made use of the fact that large sections of the cemetery were disconnected

from the living to implement drastic changes, including the removal of some monuments

or portions of monuments. Shortly thereafter, in 1916, the Cemetery implemented a

system of perpetual care, a development which was again in part the result of many

monuments reaching the point where there was no one left to maintain them. However, if

monuments start to accumulate noticeable amounts of decay at the same time that there

are fewer and fewer visitors to maintain them, this situation has long-term implications

for the visual impact of the space and the effect of cumulative decay on the experience of

cemetery users. Additionally, since evidence of neglect and a disconnect from the

community can encourage vandalism and other destructive behaviours, the accumulation

of visible decay corresponding to a decline in close relations with the deceased likely

contributed to the emergence of vandalism.

As noted, sometime in the late 1920s and early 1930s, roughly 75-80 years after

the cemetery was established, the first act of vandalism is recorded. By the 1950s,

roughly 100 years after establishment, vandalism was rampant enough that the cemetery

had to invest in new security measures, including gates, fences and increased enforcement

of closing hours. The emergence of changes to cemetery administration or vandalism at

these points is very likely the result of both a disconnect from populations that

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remembered the individuals buried in the older sections of the cemetery as well as the

cumulative natural decay of the monuments which gradually transformed the cemetery

and the experience it provided. This decay contributed to further neglect because it

gradually transformed the cemetery into a less desirable space. As decay, neglect and

crime increased there was a corresponding decrease in the community interest in and use

of the space. Furthermore, these activities will likely influence future interactions,

effectively erasing not only monuments but also parts of Hamilton‟s history.

The accumulation of decay and destruction of monuments, however, is not an

irreversible process of forgetting. Resurging interest can breathe new life into a cemetery,

bring new visitors in and re-establish a memory of the past that has been neglected,

although this process is not without challenges. The possibility of resurrecting a cemetery

will be discussed in the following section examining the history of Hamilton Cemetery

from 1990-2010. The emergence of new types of interactions with old cemeteries can

rebuild connections – even tenuous ones – on the basis of an overarching, collective sense

of heritage, rather than on direct personal memory. The new significance of the cemetery

as a heritage site can spur a renewal in maintenance and preservation.

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Chapter 6 – 1990-2010: Resurrecting a Cemetery

Despite decades of relative neglect and at times even active destruction of

Hamilton Cemetery and its monuments, there is nonetheless evidence of a resurgence of

interest in this space and a transition towards increased maintenance and security. Visit

the cemetery on a sunny weekend afternoon in the summer and the evidence of neglect

and forgetting largely melts away in a landscape of manicured grass, tended flowerbeds,

and a scatter of community members walking dogs and cycling. The increasing value of

this open green space within the urban city of Hamilton and the value of easily accessible,

tangible connections to the past have contributed to this resurrection, increasing traffic in

the cemetery and consequently the demand for a well-maintained and secure

environment. Nonetheless, the decline in use of the cemetery for burial, lack of funds for

heritage development and urban expansion threaten the future of this deathscape. This

section will consider archaeological approaches to contemporary relationships with the

dead, and will present a comparative analysis of current engagements with historic

cemeteries to demonstrate the ongoing and active role they play in constructing

perceptions of death and the past.

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Histories of Cemetery Usage

Extensive changes in attitudes towards death, mourning and the dead in the past

200 years have transformed the ways in which living communities engage with mortuary

landscapes from the past and the present. During the Victorian era, a period of heightened

social display and ostentation associated with funerals, cemeteries were the place to be

seen. As part of the garden cemetery movement, winding promenades and non-memorial

focal points were incorporated into landscape design to not only accommodate but to

encourage regular social use that extended far beyond simple visitation practices.

However, as the levels of display and intimacy with death exhibited in Victorian funerary

culture declined, argued variously to be the result of the intensity of death during both

world wars, the medicalization of death, saturation of the medium and the rise of

cremation (Blauner 1966, Cannadine 1981, Cannon 1989, Parker Pearson 1982, Tarlow

2000), so did the regular use of cemeteries for social practices beyond burial. Several

generations of heightening taboos associated with death in Western society have led to

avoidance and ignorance of the landscapes of the dead. Writing in the 1970s, Curl aptly

characterized the commonly held view that an interest in cemeteries was perverse, noting:

The aversion of eyes from the hearse; the studied avoidance of a glance at a
passing coffin; the hurried disposal of corpses in the municipal incinerator
with next to no ceremony; and the somewhat glazed and embarrassed
expressions of many who pass by a cemetery, a burial ground, or an
undertaker‟s shop are witness to an extraordinary change in public taste in the
last few decades (1972:xiii).

This level of discomfort with death transformed the position of cemeteries within

communities and their ongoing maintenance and use. Initially established on the outskirts

of town, many cemeteries have now been surrounded by urban expansion, which has

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nonetheless failed to embrace them, often walling or fencing them without engagement.

But even in the 1970s, the „incalculable‟ value of cemeteries in cities was gradually being

recognized as “temporary havens for the living” (Curl 1972:xiv).

It is still far from customary to spend a great deal of time in cemeteries. Doing so

continues to trigger raised eyebrows and uncomfortable silences in some circles, however

increasing traffic in cemeteries is both resulting from and encouraging changing attitudes.

The taboo, recognized by Gorer (1955) and Ariès (1974a, 1974b, 1981), is being

gradually revised through the increase in personal expression in the face of death, which

has gradually emerged since the 1960s (Walter 1991, 1994) and even through exposure to

death and mortality through increasing public engagement with fields like biology,

psychology and archaeology (Sayer 2011). These changes have significantly impacted the

ways that death is dealt with, not to mention how it is thought about and talked about in

contemporary culture. A veritable explosion in popular television series, including Six

Feet Under (2001-2005), Dead Like Me (2003-2004), Pushing Daisies (2007-2009) and

Death Comes to Town (2010), in addition to innumerable films have sought to add

humour and personal drama to notions of death and dying. These changes have perhaps

been counteracted to some degree by the more or less equal popularity of horror movies

and the recent zombie and vampire cultures that continue to connect a level of fear with

cemeteries. In fact, Hamilton Cemetery itself was used in the filming of Resident Evil:

Apocalypse (2004), is frequented by paranormal interest groups and is often the

destination of the annual Hamilton Zombie Walk. These competing interests and attitudes

continue to play out in historic cemeteries across North America and Europe, but

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regardless, interactions with death are re-emerging one way or another in mainstream

culture.

The Practice of Visiting

There have been extensive studies of grave visitation and bereavement in

contemporary Western societies from sociological, psychological and anthropological

perspectives. As a result, this study did not focus specifically on these practices for

reasons of feasibility and in correspondence with principles of ethical research in studying

sensitive topics. However, grave visitation contributed significantly to the use of this

cemetery in the past. Although it continues to play a role in defining Hamilton Cemetery

today, it is a role that is swiftly declining.

Visitation of graves in combination with other mourning practices, as directed by

culture, religion, and even the funeral industry, is considered to be an integral part of

educating the bereaved in, “the public expression of private emotions” (Francis et al.

2005:55). Moreover, the relationship of survivors and graves impacts landscapes,

transforming spaces with both short-term changes, like the mounding of upturned soil

following a recent burial, and long-term additions like monuments and plantings. As a

result, these landscapes become encoded with specific material manifestations of

distinctive cultural, religious and ethnic discourses, representing constructions of memory

at multiple levels, including the individual, familial and collective (Francis et al.

2002:95). The financial investment and burial rights associated with plot ownership also

become significant motivators for visitation, with a sense of pride and permanence

intertwined with graves leading to a sense of custodial obligation (Francis et al 2000:83,

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89). In turn, the grave and the monument become important foci of memory, but ones that

require sustained interaction. Stained, weathered and broken monuments are interpreted

by cemetery users as, “the material enactment of forgetting,” while stones that are in

better condition are considered to reflect the devotion and respect of the family and a

perpetuation of memory (Francis et al. 2000:113). Visitors also maintain a connection to

the cemetery overall; as one London cemetery visitor commented:

I like the whole cemetery, I know every bit. I‟ve been here forty-odd years. Every
week, I look around generally. I look at all the flowers, both on the graves and on
the bushes in the spring. And I look at and read the headstones. I try to see new
headstones I have not seen before and to find the oldest, and then I try to beat it the
next week (Francis et al. 2000:99).

Similar practices were witnessed at Hamilton Cemetery where individuals that had come

to visit graves also spent time wandering around other monuments in the vicinity, both for

pleasure and in the process of getting water, disposing of waste or coming to and from

parked cars. Individuals visit cemeteries, not isolated graves; the relationship between

mourners, graves, and mortuary landscapes therefore continues to impact deathscapes

beyond the initial act of commemoration. For visitors, monuments are seen as a proxy for

the respect and love of the family, but the condition of the cemetery landscape is similarly

connected to respect for the dead, even if its maintenance and management rests in the

hands of those who are in no way personally connected to the deceased.

Although industry professionals have noted an increase in visitation and public

expressions of grief (Francis et al. 2000:62), a number of factors contribute to the low

rates of visitation that emerged following the Victorian era. The increase in cremation,

following which remains may be placed in cemeteries or mausoleums, or may be

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dispersed or kept in survivors‟ homes, has certainly contributed to the decentralization of

the dead. Furthermore, increased mobility, with families spread across countries and even

continents, has also impacted the visitation of graves; in these cases, family members may

only rarely be able to visit the city in which a relation is buried, making it impossible to

sustain a lasting relationship with graves. The dispersal of families and friends and its

impact on mourning activities can be seen in the proliferation of new technologies to

„take the place of‟ cemeteries, including website-based memorials (“cybercemeteries”),

iPhone apps, and other means of effectively visiting graves from one‟s computer or phone

(cf. de Vries and Rutherford 2004; Roberts 2004). While I would argue that there are

certain incompatibilities between mourning practices and these technologies, including

issues of permanence (cf. Jones 2004) and the lack of visceral, embodied realities, these

innovations in commemoration do reflect shifts in relationships to mortuary landscapes

that will have serious implications for existing cemeteries, their role and their

maintenance.

Placing Cemeteries in Contemporary Communities

Unlike many historic cemeteries that were established on the outskirts of towns

but are now being encroached upon by urban development as a result of population

growth, Hamilton Cemetery‟s position on Burlington Heights has so far helped to shelter

it from such an imposition. While it is skirted by houses on its southern edge and now

looks out over a busy highway to the west, the narrowness of the Heights and the

existence of Dundurn Castle, a long-established heritage site, to the east have protected

the constricted peninsula from too much development while also creating a hub of

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heritage activities in Hamilton. Consequently, as a large, relatively quiet green space

located between the urban centres of Hamilton and Burlington, the cemetery has come to

play an active role in the community, in spite of its connotations of death. The emerging

recreational use of Hamilton Cemetery is increasingly shaping the landscape as burial and

grave visitation decline in frequency.

Regular observation of cemetery usage throughout the year (sample size of 290

individuals) combined with survey data (sample size of 34) highlighted the range of

functions that Hamilton Cemetery has come to fill (Figure 6.1). More than half of

cemetery users utilize the space for exercise, including dog walking, jogging, and cycling.

These individuals typically use the cemetery on a very regular basis, including daily or

weekly visits as part of a regular routine. Dog walking is by far the most prominent use of

Hamilton Cemetery, in fact roughly the same number of dogs use the cemetery on a

regular basis as people. This function has come to impact the cemetery itself, with

regularly-spaced trashcans and signs warning to keep dogs on leash and to clean up after

them posted around the cemetery. Regardless, many dog owners use the space as an off-

leash zone where canines can actually get the chance to run free in an otherwise busy

urban area. Minimal traffic, open grassy areas and fencing are noted as the main

attractions for dog owners. Walking, jogging and cycling are also important uses of the

cemetery, with individuals being drawn to the paved and well-maintained paths, lack of

cars and overall peacefulness. There were markedly fewer walkers, joggers and cyclists in

the cemetery in the fall and winter months, while the number of dogs and their owners

remained high, probably as a result of the year-round need for exercise for dogs and the

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possible transfer of human exercise indoors to gyms and studios during periods of

inclement weather.

There was greater variability in the timing and rates of other types of use. Heritage

attracted roughly 18% of cemetery users on a regular basis, though during the summer

when free tours are offered, that number can soar to 56% of cemetery users, attracting up

to 50 or 60 individuals on each tour (Figure 6.2). On a smaller scale, genealogical and

academic research accounted for the other individuals using the cemetery for heritage

purposes. This type of usage ranged from regular visits as part of field work, or sporadic

visits separated by months or even years when necessity arose. This can also vary

substantially from year to year, as Hamilton Cemetery has been used at various times for

elementary and high school programs, as well as university-level assignments.

Cemetery users that were confidently identified as visiting graves accounted for

roughly 11% of individuals observed during the course of this study. This number is

likely a slight underestimation of visitation practices though due to situations where

individuals using the cemetery for exercise and other practices were also visiting graves.

There was also a significant “miscellaneous” activity category, including individuals that

were using the cemetery as a hangout spot, artists, and individuals whose activity or

purpose could not be ascertained. As expected, this range in activities is accompanied by

correspondingly irregular timing and rates of use.

The age range of cemetery users is extreme, stretching from infants to seniors

(Figure 6.3). Based on a sample size of 113 individuals for whom age could confidently

be estimated, the vast majority of users are adults, particularly those estimated to be

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Regular Contemporary Uses of Hamilton

Cemetery

Dogwalking
Excercise
Cycling
Heritage
Visitation
Other

Figure 6.1 Distribution of contemporary uses of Hamilton Cemetery, based on a subsample of 110 from observation
2010-2011. Tour groups were excluded from this calculation because of their irregularity (see also Figure 6.2).

Contemporary Uses of Hamilton

Cemetery, including Tour Groups

Dogwalking
Excercise
Cycling
Heritage
Visitation

Figure 6.2 Distribution of contemporary uses of Hamilton Cemetery, including the full sample of 290 individuals.

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between 40 to 60 years old, who accounted for 50% of cemetery users. There is likely to

be a higher number of adolescents and young adults using the cemetery than recognized

here, however their tendency to use the cemetery at night and to hang out in more

secluded areas of the cemetery reduced their visibility in this study. Nonetheless, the

prevalence of adults and seniors in the cemetery suggests that the taboo associated with

death in the past was either exaggerated or is reversing itself, promoting use of this

important green space. Different age groups were also seen to be engaging in different

activities (Figure 6.4). Adults were more likely to be using the cemetery for dog walking

and exercise than younger individuals, while heritage interests were relatively consistent

across all age groups. The age distributions also point to an aging population that is

engaged in grave visitation, with almost three quarters of grave visitors estimated to be

above the age of 40.

Figure 6.3 While the age range at Hamilton Cemetery is extreme, the majority of users are adults aged 40-60.

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Figure 6.4 Distribution of activities by age group for Hamilton Cemetery users.

There was also a significant variation in the use of the cemetery by sex (Figure

6.5). While females made up 60% of Hamilton Cemetery users, males only made up 40%

(sample size of 100). Significantly, females made up a much larger portion of the dog

walkers in the cemetery (more than 75%). Sex distribution in the other categories of

cemetery usage was more or less equal. While there have been some broad claims that

women are more comfortable with death and engaging in and dealing with expressions of

grief, I would argue that the equality in most activities, most notably heritage and

visitation, suggests that the overrepresentation of women in the case of dog walking may

be the result of some level of labour distribution associated with domestic tasks and dog

care rather than a difference in attitudes towards death and landscape, however this needs

to be examined further.

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Figure 6.5 The use of the cemetery correlated with sex of users.

Finally, levels of foot traffic varied throughout the cemetery and specific activities

were seen to fluctuate in correspondence to different sections (Figure 6.6). By roughly

dividing the cemetery into historic sections (sections that were most heavily used prior to

the 1930s) and recent sections (those developed following the 1930s and still

recognizably recent for participants of this study), it became evident that traffic in historic

sections (73.1%) was dramatically higher than traffic in recent sections (24.1%) (sample

size of 145). There was some expected division in the types of activity in each section;

visitation was more frequent in recent sections whereas heritage activities were more

often focussed on historic sections. However, activities like dog walking and exercise,

which are not necessarily influenced or enhanced by the age of the graves or section, were

also far more common in historic sections than in recent ones. This pattern is perhaps the

result of the proximity of historic sections to the most common access point for local

users, where only the original, southern end abuts Hamilton proper and the Jones Street

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Figure 6.6 The distribution of individuals and activities based on cemetery sections reveals disparity between the
number of people using historic sections and those using recent ones.

entrance is easily accessible to the residential community. The extremely long, narrow

cemetery may mean that some users turn back before reaching recent sections, located at

the far northern end.

However, survey results suggest that two other factors dominated individual

choice to use historic sections. The first is the beauty and ambience of these older

sections, which have reached a level of „romantic decay‟, where the natural weathering of

monuments has contributed to an attractive atmosphere and conveys a sense of “pastness”

(Holtorf 2011b) that is particularly appealing to cemetery users. In fact, many of the

participants in this study did not or could not distinguish between natural weathering and

active destruction of monuments by vandals. The variability of monuments and the

connection to heritage also encouraged users to stay in these sections. The second factor,

less commonly cited but still evident in many interactions, was the uneasiness associated

with being in recent sections. Individuals expressed a desire not to disturb funerals or

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individuals visiting graves, as well as the discomfort of being around the recently dead. It

was evident that where monuments appeared to be old and decaying, their associations

with death were considered to be relatively benign, but where monuments followed recent

trends, were still fresh and clean, and where it is more likely to pass graves with upturned

soil, fresh flowers, and even close relations visiting them, the proximity to death was

palpable and tended to be avoided.

This mirrors Francis et al.‟s (2005:201) findings in the U.K. that the older,

„romantic‟ cemeteries dominate public imagination, while modern municipal cemeteries

are seen to be “too close to death” to stimulate anything but reluctance and revulsion at

the idea of visiting. In the Hamilton case, where these two situations coexist, recreational

users modify their routes and movement through the cemetery in keeping with what they

deem to be appropriate behaviour reflecting a sensitivity for the bereaved. This

attenuation of associations with death has been integral to encouraging renewed

community use of the space. Most dog walkers who note the open grassy areas in the

cemetery as a draw are not thinking about the mass graves of cholera and influenza

victims below that created these spaces above. Likewise, joggers and cyclists are not

thinking about the many hearses, initially horse-drawn and later motorized, that have

followed the same paths through the cemetery‟s long history. The entangled actions of

people with natural processes of weathering and environmental change have had a notable

impact in structuring the cemetery that exists today and will continue to impact its

trajectory in future, as changes gradually accumulate and continue to impact community

relationships with the cemetery.

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The spectrum of activities and the demographic range of users highlight the

challenges presented by contemporary reuse of space. Divergent motivations for use lead

to contradictory demands on the space – where maintained paths, easy accessibility and

natural green space may be important for exercise-based use, restoration of monuments

and maintenance of landscape focussing on securing their survival are critical to heritage

goals. Balancing these needs with financial constraints and the needs of plot owners or

relatives may seem next to impossible. However, in recognizing that some of the

contributing factors to vandalism and other destructive activities are the lack of the space

and the appearance of neglect, it is clear that encouraging the community to re-inhabit

this landscape by managing their complicated demands is critical for its long-term

survival.

Seasonality

Of course, one of the dominant factors influencing use of space on a regular basis

is environmental. The annual transformation of a cemetery landscape from spring to

summer, fall to winter has a staggering impact on the experience that the space provides

its visitors (Appendix III). In my own experience of doing long-term fieldwork, engaging

with the landscape during all seasonal changes, the contrast between seasons regularly

had a drastic impact on my own impression of the cemetery. I found the cemetery in the

winter to be desolate. Even on sunny days, there is a sense of emptiness that cannot be

lifted. The bare branches fail to break the wind, which seems to tunnel straight through

the cemetery, and the sounds of traffic are unmasked. When blanketed in snow, there is

an overwhelming monochromatic greyness to this space. Although the roads are ploughed

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frequently, and there is evidence of other visitors in the footprints in the snow, the

extreme decline in foot traffic contributes to a sense of being forgotten (Figure 6.7) and

there is only the occasional sighting of geese or winter birds. Indeed, my field notes from

this period are riddled with words like „forlorn‟, „unpleasant‟, „uninviting‟, „neglected‟,

and as a result my research at that time also focussed on the neglect and destruction of the

space, rather than its use and maintenance.

Spring and summer, in contrast, could not be more different. Transformed into

botanical gardens, the cemetery is ripe with greenery and flowers of every variety,

including magnolia trees, spring bulbs, and flowering bushes. The constant chatter of

chipmunks, squirrels, and many species of birds as well as sightings of other wildlife also

enliven this deathscape (Figure 6.8). Not even the rain seems to be able to dampen this

liveliness for long. The dense foliage on the trees along with birdsong also helps to muffle

or cover the sounds of traffic from York Blvd. and Highway 403, which sandwich the

cemetery, making this a peaceful oasis amidst urban hustle and bustle. The constant foot

traffic in the cemetery also casts a pleasant glow on the space; there is peacefulness

without complete isolation. I started my fieldwork in winter, and when spring finally

came, there was a sudden realization that I had temporarily overlooked some of my initial

interests in people, use and experience of landscape, rather than just its neglect and decay.

The struggle to balance all of the goals of this research in the midst of the fluctuating

experience of the cemetery itself is a telling indicator of the level of impact that seasonal

changes can have on attitudes towards the cemetery and its use.

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Figure 6.7 Despite evidence that others have been here recently, the emptiness of the cemetery in winter is
overwhelming at times (January 2011).

Figure 6.8 A young coyote scavenging fallen mulberries in the summer (July 2011).

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Weather undeniably influences the use of Hamilton Cemetery. Two thirds of

participants in this study noted that weather and season were the most significant

conditions influencing their choice to use Hamilton Cemetery (sample size of 34). The

highest rates of cemetery use span June, July and August, in contrast to minimal use

between October and April (Figure 6.9). It can also be suggested that these seasonal

trends are common for most of the history of Hamilton Cemetery. While use of the

cemetery for burial and grave visitation would have encouraged higher levels of foot

traffic during the peak usage of the cemetery (roughly the 1870s to the 1930s), archival

records still suggest possible seasonal variation in usage. Out of almost a hundred

archived photographs of the cemetery, only three are identifiable as winter shots (based

on the existence of snow and bare trees), suggesting lower frequencies of use during the

winter (Figure 6.10). Similarly, although articles reporting on vandalism or administrative

news were published throughout the year, general interest pieces were restricted to the

warmer seasons, predominantly falling between April and August. Finally, the large

number of regulations concerning visitors, including longer visitation hours during the

summer and rules to limit bicycle riding and prohibit activities like picnic parties and

picking flowers, also suggest higher rates of use of the cemetery in the warmer seasons

(Board of Managers ca. 1903-1904:17).

While this seasonal pattern of use is rather commonsense and is true of most

outdoor spaces, it does have implications for the cemetery‟s use and preservation. Almost

40% of cases of vandalism occurred between December and March, when traffic in the

cemetery would be at its lowest. While earlier sunset times would certainly contribute to

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Monthly Trends in Cemetery Users, 2010-

2011
30
Number of Users/4 Hours

25
20
15
10
5
0
Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sept Oct Nov Dec
Month

Figure 6.9 Frequency of cemetery usage based on average number of individuals observed per four hour period.

Figure 6.10 A rare archived photograph taken during the winter in the 1970s (Hamilton Public Library Blackmount
Collection).

making vandalism easier to commit in the winter, the low rates of use during this season

would also be an attractive feature for vandals. Furthermore, while it is difficult to

ascertain the motives of vandals (the majority are minors and are therefore usually

anonymous and are not frequently interviewed), the same neglect and emptiness that I

experienced in the cemetery in the winter could also contribute to the attitudes of vandals,
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disconnecting the monuments from any sense of respect, care or community. At the same

time, while there is a high frequency of occurrences in the winter, the most intensive acts

of vandalism, such as those targeting between 50 and 230 monuments or involving

breaking into mausoleums, universally take place during the warmer months, particularly

between June and September. Despite heavier traffic, at least during the day, and the later

sunset, the warmer conditions would make it easier to accomplish such large acts in a

single event.

It is evident that beyond the impact of long-term environmental conditions on

monuments and cemetery landscapes (see Chapter 5), seasonal factors have a significant

impact on the level of traffic and the types of activities engaged in, in turn influencing

experience and treatment. These disparate experiences can encourage vandalism and

crime during the winter, as well as avoidance and neglect, or engagement with heritage,

exercise and activity in the summer, and thus have significant implications for the

continued preservation or neglect of the space itself. The issue of seasonality and activity

use should be pursued in cemeteries in climates with less extreme seasonal changes,

including cemeteries in year-round cold or warm climates to further investigate the

influence of environment on attitudes, activities and the preservation of historic

cemeteries over time.

Hamilton Cemetery and the Heritage Movement

Despite fluctuating interest in the site, there is a history of engagement with

Hamilton Cemetery as a locus of heritage and history for the city of Hamilton and the

surrounding region. Already by the end of the nineteenth century, the Wentworth

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Historical Society, the Wentworth Women‟s Historical Society, and later the Head-of-the-

Lake Historical Society were actively engaged in exploring, preserving and contributing

funds to Hamilton Cemetery as a key military site, the resting place for important

Hamiltonians, and therefore a tribute and testament to the city‟s illustrious past. In

addition to adding plaques and monuments throughout the cemetery, and raising the

necessary funds to do so, the historical societies also engaged in frequent tours and events

within the landscape (Figure 6.11).

After a period of relative inactivity, between the 1960s and the 1980s, interest in

the heritage value of the cemetery increased in the 1990s as tours began to be offered.

After a brief interruption caused by the sudden death of the original guide, tours resumed

under the wing of community member and Historical Perceptions founder Robin McKee

in 2002 (Figure 6.12). McKee, with a background in history and an interest in local

heritage, has been researching, designing and giving free tours of Hamilton Cemetery

Figure 6.11 The Head-of-the-Lake Historical Society visiting the Ferrie family monuments as part of a tour event
(Hamilton Archives Black Mount Collection 1944).

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every year between May and November for almost a decade now. An interview with the

Cable Public Affairs Channel highlights his perspective on cemeteries: “I see it more as

the museum without walls, I also see it as an art gallery. The stones tell stories” (CPAC

n.d.). McKee is passionate about teaching history in a unique and entertaining way,

emphasizing the art and craftsmanship of memorials in Hamilton Cemetery while also

seeking to teach proper cemetery etiquette, the importance of preserving historic

cemeteries and the fact that cemeteries are not spooky or unpleasant places but rather are

filled with the lives of our past. McKee has a number of different tour themes that he

cycles through each year, often trying to add a new tour each year. The themes range

from tours of mayors, veterans, Masons, and firefighters‟ graves, to tours of important

Figure 6.12 A tour group visiting the Ferrie family monuments (September 2010).

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Hamiltonians, Hamiltonians connected with inventions and innovations, as well as

disasters and tragedies. These tours are offered every other Saturday, commencing at 11

a.m. at the Gatehouse, and run for roughly two hours. On most days, the tours attract

upwards of 50 or 60 people, of a range of ages and backgrounds. Many participants were

local, however the tours also draw individuals from surrounding cities, and occasionally

from as far away as the U.S. Many community members attend multiple tours with an

interest in learning more about the history of Hamilton and the people behind it, while

also engaging in a unique heritage experience.

Community members taking the tours I attended were most interested in the

individuals and lives of Hamiltonians, as well as in some cases the circumstances of their

demise. While long-winded discussions of the history of Burlington Heights and the City

of Hamilton occasionally resulted in glazed expressions and background chatter, the

stories of Hamilton Cemetery‟s occupants were certainly the focus for most tour

attendees. This observation correlates with my survey results in which cemetery users

most commonly cited the monuments of individuals and the stories that go with them

when describing their favourite parts of the cemetery or their most vivid memories.

Unfortunately, the tours themselves often focus on the big and powerful, as well as the

„heroes‟ of the past, with very little recognition of women, children, and minority groups.

These tours then serve the purpose of engaging the public, getting them into the cemetery

and recognizing the importance of the place.

There are also a number of other programs that have run in or used the cemetery,

including school programs, art courses, and other youth education projects that emerged

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in the late 1990s. These projects challenge prevailing attitudes among youth towards

cemeteries in the hopes of discouraging cycles of vandalism. Finally, the recent

popularity of genealogical research hand-in-hand with an emerging „graving‟ movement,

fostered by websites like ancestors.com and findagrave.com, have produced a generation

of amateur cemetery researchers and grave enthusiasts committed to the recording and

sharing of monument data. These various activities anchored in the contemporary heritage

movement have popularized cemetery research and have increased the use of cemeteries

by individuals concerned with their preservation, which is instrumental in ensuring

continued maintenance. It is when foot traffic declines that neglect goes unchecked and

irreversible decay can accumulate, sending cemeteries hurtling towards more destructive

events.

The Trajectory of Cemeteries: A Comparative Analysis

Hamilton Cemetery has only recently emerged out of a lengthy period of relative

neglect, which although not overwhelmingly destructive, has had long-term impacts on

the space. Lack of funds for continued maintenance, demolition of buildings, clearance or

rearrangement of monuments, the shortage of available burial space, and urban

development are widespread threats to historic burial grounds (Francis et al. 2005:198-

199). Their treatment or modification today suggest new narratives or histories, changing

ideas of nature, and transformations in relationships with death. An analysis of other

historic cemeteries in the area, as well as across North America and the United Kingdom

can help to highlight both the processes and idiosyncrasies of the trajectories of

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cemeteries and the impact that experience and use can have on their preservation beyond

peak usage.

Recycled Space: Christ Church Cemetery, Mimico, Ontario

Christ Church Cemetery, originally established in 1832 around Christ Church

Mimico which burned down and was fully demolished in 2006, comprises over 100 grave

markers and 500 burials. Relatively small in comparison to the garden cemeteries that

were emerging around the same time period and shortly thereafter, Christ Church

Cemetery is quite open, aside from an avenue of mature trees leading to the back of the

property. Today it is slotted between a public transit station parking lot and a housing

development, however its central location accounts for a great deal of its use today and

the modifications that have been made recently. Designated as a property of cultural

heritage or interest in 2009 following growing concerns for its preservation, the site was

dramatically modified in order to create more of a modern park-like setting. Pathways of

interlocking brick, modern black metal benches, a cedar pergola and cross structure, and

new gardens have been put in at the front of the property where the church used to stand

(Figure 6.13). As a growing focal point for the community, the space has been redesigned

to welcome use as a park for gathering and socializing. In some cases headstones have

even been realigned to fit between new pathways and gardens. The landscape has

certainly been designed to encourage use, which was viewed as an important component

for its continued protection. Not much older than Hamilton Cemetery, this church burial

ground has been preserved in Toronto largely as a result of the interest of community

members and the recycling of space in this packed urban environment. It will be

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Figure 6.13 Christ Church Mimico Cemetery, November 2011. On the right, brick pathways and bench clusters create a
gathering space in urban Toronto. On the left, cedar pergola and cross stand as a legacy of the church that was
recently destroyed, with funerary monuments visible in the background.

interesting to see how traffic and use of the space continue in future following this major

transformation in space, however it is already clear that the modifications have given the

cemetery a new lease on life and have contributed to a resurgence in preservation that

would not likely have otherwise been possible following the sudden destruction of the

church and the decision that it not be rebuilt.

Christ Church Mimico is far from an anomaly; the modification of cemeteries,

which take up huge amounts of space after they have fallen into disuse, in order to make

them useable for other purposes is becoming quite common. Recently, Toronto‟s Victoria

Memorial Square, associated with the illustrious Fort York site, underwent similar

transformations to both improve park amenities and the commemoration of the site‟s

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history (cf. Wellington Place Neighbourhood Association 2011). In cases like these, it is

not uncommon to move some or all monuments, in some cases setting them into facades

or laying them flat in the ground to reduce maintenance costs while opening up the space

for other uses. This movement largely reflects the circumstances in Ontario, as in many

provinces, where under Section 62 of the 1980 Cemeteries Act, transference of ownership

of abandoned cemeteries to municipalities has placed the responsibility for maintenance

on the city (Paine 1992:60). The City of Hamilton, for instance, is responsible for 145

cemeteries, 78 of which are inactive. The weight of this responsibility has led many cities

to seek ways of decreasing maintenance costs while also repurposing the sites to make

them useable for the community as parks and green space. As such, much of the heritage

value has been compromised and components that are associated with death and burial

are often pushed to a far end of a site or somehow segregated from activity areas, as at

Mimico Cemetery where monuments are barely even visible from the front entrance, with

the new pathways, seating areas and pergola forming the focal point. This diffusion of

connotations with death is likely seen as crucial to encouraging public use, however

transferring focus away from monuments may negatively impact their long-term chances

of survival.

Friends of Cemeteries in the United Kingdom: Highgate, Abney Park and Arnos Vale

Unlike Ontario, it is now very common in the United Kingdom for many of the

older cemeteries to be under the management of trusts, community groups and other non-

profit organizations, particularly those that were originally owned by companies. In the

U.K., private cemeteries emerged earlier than in Canada and in many cases went

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bankrupt, leaving the cemeteries to decay at an alarming rate). While the cemeteries may

still be the property of the city, administration and decision-making largely rests in the

hands of non-profit organizations. These groups were often formed after significant

damage and decay had already occurred as a result of the dramatic cessation of

maintenance. As a result, many are still in the process of restoring the landscape.

Perhaps one of the most famous cemeteries in the UK currently being conserved

in such a manner is Highgate Cemetery, in London, run by Friends of Highgate Cemetery

(FoHC) (Figure 6.14). Established in 1839, the 170-year-old cemetery has been cared for

by FoHC since 1975 (for a complete history, see Friends of Highgate Cemetery 1992).

Maintenance had declined dramatically in the 1930s as burial space ran out and therefore

profits declined as well. Facing bankruptcy, its owners, the London Cemetery Company,

were absorbed into the United Cemetery Company, who equally had trouble maintaining

the 50-acre site. When funds ran out in 1975, the FoHC was formed to protect the site and

they have been engaged in restoring it for 36 years. Attracting more than 80 000 visitors a

year, the trust now raises funds through contributions by members, admission fees, paid

tours, and other activities, and relies heavily on the labour of volunteers. The FoHC has

made significant progress in restoring the cemetery and although the West Cemetery is

still closed to visitors except for guided tours, the East Cemetery is fully accessible.

The FoHC‟s approach to Highgate is manifold. Recognizing that it is first and

foremost a cemetery, burial and visitation are ongoing and the Trust does its best to be

sensitive to this in all research, restoration and community activities while balancing the

need to bring in money to keep the cemetery going. The architectural and historical

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Figure 6.14 Highgate West Cemetery, balancing nature and heritage conservation (April 2011).

values are also significant. In the effort to preserve and celebrate the heritage of this site,

the FoHC has sought to balance restoration efforts with maintaining the historical

ambience, primarily seeking to conserve monuments and mausoleums to prevent further

damage without reversing evidence of their age. The organization recognizes Highgate‟s,

“wealth in the biographies of the people. It is what makes it meaningful [to visitors]”

(Bob Trimmer, FoHC trustee, pers. comm.). As such, tours are focussed around

individual stories and the cemetery celebrates individuals of both local and national

importance. As a Grade II listed park, Highgate is also home to more than 44 species of

birds, 227 species of wildflowers, 18 species of butterfly, and many native tree species

(Yuille n.d.). With a small team of full-time staff trained in conservation management, the

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FoHC has aimed to create a managed natural woodland, balancing the clearance of

invasive species and plants causing damage with the creation of a sort of nature preserve

in the middle of London, even putting in a pond in one corner to develop a rare wetland

environment. Finally, the FoHC is committed to establishing good public relations for

Highgate and cemeteries more generally to elevate their place in communities. There is,

for instance, a great deal of concern about fostering good publicity and use of the

cemetery, hand selecting the research that goes on there and avoiding associations with

Dark Tourism, a growing movement focussing on death, pain, suffering and even the

supernatural rather than celebrating the lives of the people buried in cemeteries (cf.

Lennon and Foley 2000, Stone 2006). This level of involvement and investment in every

aspect of the cemetery has certainly contributed to the cemetery‟s renewed successes.

Similarly, Abney Park Cemetery, London, and Arnos Vale, Bristol, have both

undergone serious transformations in recent years, following decades of neglect as a

result of decline in income and inactivity (Abney Park Trust 2011, Cloke and Jones 2004,

Francis et al. 2005). Clearing vegetation and restoring buildings and monuments as funds

allow, the process in these cemeteries has been slightly more contested than at Highgate.

In trying to balance the ecological value of the woodland wilderness that has developed

from years of neglect and admiration of the „romantic decay‟, with the preservation of the

buildings, monuments and landscape design of the original Victorian cemeteries, the

Trusts‟ work has been more slow moving and large sections of the grounds remain very

natural looking with the intent to manage it as a rare nature preserve in the inner city.

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These examples from the UK, where the maintenance of many historic cemeteries

has become the responsibility of charitable organizations, highlight both the necessity of

community involvement and the significant transformations that can occur naturally to a

large landscape with just a few decades of neglect. Without the passionate and vocal

communities in London and Bristol, from teams of volunteers to the almost guerrilla-style

efforts of the Arnos Vale Army, these cemeteries might have been lost to development or

dereliction. Today, they are places for community education, outdoor activities, and even

private events, as many cemeteries today rent buildings for conferences, functions and

social gatherings. The decades of neglect, on the other hand, have transformed these

spaces into more than a heritage site, as nature has reclaimed these large open spaces

within the urban environment. The difficulties in balancing these facets are clear in these

examples, but they also highlight the stability that can emerge when such movements are

successful.

Losing Cemeteries: Camp Lowell and Other Forgotten Cemeteries

Unfortunately, not every cemetery is reclaimed by living communities in the ways

exhibited in these cases in the United Kingdom and Ontario. As cemeteries fall into

disuse, they may equally be completely abandoned, forgotten, and even actively

destroyed. At a certain level of accumulated decay, the damage may be considered

irreversible, undesirable or dangerous, or over long periods of time the exact location of a

cemetery may be forgotten if little or no material evidence remains on the surface.

Countless cemeteries have been lost this way and it is not uncommon for cities that have

recently conducted cemetery surveys to have several known cemeteries without positive

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locations. Hamilton itself lists 32 „lost‟ and forgotten cemeteries (City of Hamilton 2005:

1). There may be the odd reference in archival documents but actually locating them can

be difficult, if not impossible.

The Camp Lowell Cemetery, formally established in Tucson, Arizona in 1869 as

part of a U.S. Army Camp established there following the Civil War, is a prime example

of a cemetery that was lost for decades until urban development necessitated a full

cultural assessment of the area (Figure 6.15) (O‟Mack 2005:31). The relatively small

cemetery did not have a long history of use, and although the military continued to use

the same cemetery ground after the camp was relocated 7 miles northeast of Tucson in

1873, the level of neglect that followed was noticeable almost immediately. In 1881, a

Tucson resident attending the funeral of a Corporal, wrote to the Arizona Weekly Star,

condemning:

the neglect and desecration which rests upon the mural monuments of the
brave dead. It is nearly sad as death to think we live among human beings
who would be so degraded as to make targets of tombstones; and yet the
ravages of these iconoclasts was [sic] painfully visible. The other “signs” of
beastliness are unmentionable (O‟Mack 2005:36).

Civilian burial continued at and around the site of the old camp cemetery even after the

city pulled down the wall around the cemetery in 1884 and exhumed partial remains of 74

individuals (from roughly 100 burials). The exhumed were relocated to the new military

cemetery at Fort Lowell, some of which were later recovered again and moved to the San

Francisco National Cemetery when the fort was abandoned in 1891 (while some civilians

were left in the Fort Lowell Cemetery, the exact location of this cemetery has also been

lost). Prevailing attitudes and treatment of the dead were necessarily implicated in these

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Figure 6.15 The earliest photograph of the cemetery at Camp Lowell taken in 1870, showing the adobe wall that
enclosed the cemetery and the main gate (O’Mack 2005:32 fig. 4).

shifts, however it is likely that the impetus to close the Camp Lowell Cemetery and

establish a new one was heavily influenced by the development of downtown Tucson,

including the establishment of a railroad that cut over one corner of the cemetery, and the

increasing value of the land itself due to its central location (O‟Mack 2005:40). The land

was used first for residential development, including a school, and was later converted to

exclusively commercial properties.

Despite the recorded exhumation of burials that were moved to Fort Lowell, the

excavation of the area by the Joint Courts Archaeology Project ahead of development

revealed more than a thousand burials, many of which were relatively intact, even with

more than a hundred years of building on top of the site. These burials likely reflect a

complete cross section of the early population of Tucson, not just military personnel (Hall

et al. 2008:11). Considering the large number of burials and the immediacy of neglect and

destruction, why was there so little reverence or value for this cemetery? The case is

complex, however the history of cultural interaction and politics in this region likely

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influenced the lack of respect for the dead, as the cemetery served a diverse and

conflicted population, some of whom did not have a long history in the area.

Old Frankfort Cemetery, established in the early 1800s in Frankfort, Kentucky,

follows a similar trajectory. It was used largely for the burial of the working class,

immigrants, the poor and the enslaved until the 1850s when a new cemetery was

established (the new Frankfort Cemetery) (Killoran and Pollack 2005). Following its

disuse, the site was heavily neglected and by the 1860s it was overgrown and neglected.

In the following decade, development of the property began and by the 1950s all evidence

of the cemetery had disappeared. Its location was largely forgotten until construction re-

discovered it in 2002. Archaeological excavation uncovered approximately 250 burials,

and was followed up by an intensive project of forensic portraiture and three-dimensional

bust sculpting, as well as the placement of a monument within a nearby park to

commemorate the individuals that had been interred in the forgotten cemetery.

Connections and Conclusions

These case studies do not of course provide a predictable trajectory for cemeteries

as they fall into disuse. However, they do point to a number of important patterns in

understanding the relationship between communities, cemeteries and the landscape. To

begin, it is undeniable that that the period just before and immediately following the end

of active use for burial is the most critical time during which neglect can dramatically

increase to the point of irreparable damages, particularly if the impetus for maintenance is

removed (as in the case of the Camp Lowell Cemetery after many of the military burials

were exhumed and moved elsewhere). Following this neglect, the cemetery is in danger

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of complete destruction in the face of development if land is at a premium, which it often

is in urban environments. Development can regularly overcome any other concerns,

including community protest and the expense of exhuming burials. However, if

development is not an immediate issue, cemeteries can remain neglected for decades,

gradually decaying in the middle of busy cities.

There are two obvious routes for their preservation. The first is the recycling of

space for another purpose that does not necessitate complete destruction of the cemetery

(as in the Christ Church and Victoria Memorial Square cases). The transformation of

cemeteries into parks, while potentially compromising the original cemetery layout, does

ensure a certain level of continued maintenance. In turn, this encourages the community

to be in the space, which may decrease levels of vandalism. However, this in turn

introduces a slew of issues regarding balancing the preservation of the historical value of

cemeteries and the promotion of the ecological value of green spaces. On the other hand,

in instances where communities are particularly vocal or the circumstances are right for

promoting the heritage or ecological value of a cemetery, the landscape may be conserved

by a trust or charitable group that works to restore the space while balancing the natural

value of the ecosystem that has developed there. Of course, it must be recognized that a

cemetery is never really preserved in perpetuity and it is relatively easy for a space to be

destroyed or repurposed for development at any time.

Hamilton Cemetery rests at this pinnacle point where active burial is rapidly

declining and most burials now take place at one of the other 67 active cemeteries in the

Municipality of Hamilton. With declining profit and the heavy municipal responsibility to

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maintain such a large number of cemeteries, all with diverse conditions and needs, I

would argue that Hamilton Cemetery is indeed in a challenging position. Preservation is

part of the Hamilton Municipal Cemeteries‟ Board mission statement and its main office

is located on the grounds of Hamilton Cemetery in the former gatehouse. However, the

Board declined to comment on its plans for maintaining the cemetery as it transitions into

inactivity or on the consistently high levels of vandalism and damage to monuments that

persist today. It has as of yet failed to truly embrace a future built on heritage. While the

Board allows McKee‟s tours to take place, it does not actively promote or support them.

Its lack of enthusiasm or engagement with researchers will also have a serious impact on

the cemetery and more than one participant in this study commented on the difficulties of

doing research at Hamilton Cemetery. It is evident that, despite community efforts

through tours and other educational programs, the future of Hamilton Cemetery is far

from certain. More generally, once routine burial ceases, the preservation of the landscape

is tenuous at best, particularly if the living community cannot find the means to maintain

strong emotional attachment to the place and the individuals buried within.

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Chapter 7 – Conclusion

This research project pursued long-term landscape and material analysis in

combination with archival and ethnographic research in order to examine the relationship

between experiences of and attitudes toward cemeteries. Hamilton Cemetery, and its

complicated history of development, decline and revival, provided the opportunity to

deconstruct a composite landscape to better understand how processes of construction and

commemoration, maintenance, neglect, destruction and renewal are interrelated and

contribute to one another. Marrying multiple temporal and spatial scales of analysis, and a

unique blend of visual media and qualitative and quantitative analysis, this project

provided a new way of seeing historical development in mortuary landscapes. This

enabled recognition of sequence and consequence in relation to perception and experience

that would not otherwise have been possible. Without this scale of understanding, it is

impossible to access the motivations behind actions and the mechanics of change in

landscape. It is evident that cemeteries play an active role in the processes of constructing

and negotiating history, identity, cultural attitudes towards death and the dead, and

relationships to space and place.

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Deathscapes Research Project: A Discussion

The existing landscape and its history will extensively shape the development of

cemeteries, but the significance of choices in commemoration and trends in monuments

in this process cannot be overlooked. While connected to broader fashions, the choices of

individuals are also notably influenced by the existing monument composition in a given

section of a cemetery. As such, a cycle of elaboration and decline is visible in individual

viewscapes, where early use is characterized by typically high levels of ostentation and

elaboration as a result of the high impact that monuments can make, in addition to

potentially attempting to establish or draw attention to these new sections. High impact

monuments continue to be used until a level of saturation is reached, at which point the

return for investment in these elaborate monuments is no longer as substantial and their

usage declines. Individual sections of the cemetery follow their own cycles that do not

temporally conform to the trend overall for the cemetery, nor for the region. However, the

placement of monuments is only the beginning of a lifetime of transformations.

As the care of close relations declines and natural decay accumulates, monuments

and the cemetery as a whole may transition into a period of neglect. The increasing lack

of use of the space as a result of its growing unpleasantness and signs of dereliction

encourages vandalism and crime, which in turn further alienates the living community.

These attitudes extend to newspapers and other community networks as the cemetery

gradually recedes into the shadows of the community, with the exception of necessity as

new burials arise. The physical changes to the space clearly have a significant influence

on the sensory experience that it provides, and therefore the meanings and memories

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gathered when it is used. The transition from active use for burial to inactive use is an

equally critical point in the cemetery‟s life history; the financial burden combined with

the lack of regular use can result in decades of neglect. However, these transitions are not

necessarily irreversible.

The perceived value of the space as an urban oasis and its historical value in the

emerging heritage movement can resurrect cemeteries from this state of being forgotten.

The development of tours and other programs is one of the most significant tools for

educating the community and for bringing people in, however dogwalking, jogging,

cycling and other recreational activities create more routine patterns of use. As these new

employments of the space and the meanings associated with them develop, so too do they

transform it to fit contemporary needs. These transitions however are tenuous and ever-

changing; it is up to each generation to reinterpret and reinvent these landscapes.

A Reflection on Methods

As a result of the lack of effective methods to document and analyze embodied

engagement with temporally complex landscapes, the methodology for this research

project was from the outset largely experimental. It is necessary at this stage, then, to

critically reflect on the contributions of different elements of this research programme in

order to assess their value, feasibility and applications in future research. In exploring the

best means to build a phenomenological history of a cemetery, landscape and material

analysis, archival research and ethnography were combined to create a layered narrative

of Hamilton Cemetery‟s past, present and future. The elements that most contributed to

the strengths and limitations of this thesis included novel approaches to sampling,

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documenting and analyzing cemeteries, the use of visual media, and the incorporation of

ethnographic research.

Dissecting a Cemetery

In designing methods appropriate to the goals and motivations of this research

project, it became clear that traditional methods for recording and analyzing cemeteries

would not convey the necessary aspects of human interactions with landscape. Typically,

research in cemeteries centres on monuments through the recording of a variety of

features, including inscriptions, iconography, style, size, and material. These are certainly

valid methods for answering a range of questions regarding mortuary culture, trends and

fashions, demographics, and more. However, it is very difficult to make the leap from this

scale of research to the scale of the landscape because it is impossible to reconstruct the

relationships between monuments. As such, it was necessary to start at the scale of the

landscape, breaking the space into feasible and accessible units (the viewscape), and then

use finer-grain recording of monuments within those units to supplement analysis of their

composition. This approach made it easy to reconstruct an analytical profile of individual

viewscapes, including their historical development, while also being able to combine

them into a master sample of the entire cemetery for statistical testing and comparative

analysis of different sections.

This method is relatively simple and feasible – its technological requirements are

low, it creates meaningful sample units that can be recorded more quickly than targeting

the entire cemetery and it could easily be applied to many cemeteries, regardless of size

or style. There are of course more technologically advanced methods that could develop

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some of these analytical techniques further. There are increasingly accessible GIS

methods involving mapping, satellite imaging, GPS, LiDAR and computer imaging that

could allow for the construction and analysis of almost infinite numbers of viewscapes

within a cemetery. These methods, however, entail much more intensive technological

investment and skill, in addition to time requirements both in surveying and recording

monuments as well as analyzing that amount of data. The benefit would be the enhanced

ability to reconstruct the temporal and spatial relationship between monuments and

features of the cemetery, as well as the relationship between different sections. However,

for the most part, the lower technological requirements of the methods used in this

research accomplished the goals of the project in providing a strong basis from which to

analyze and present a temporal landscape more closely connected to the ways in which

people experience and perceive space and place. These methods also provided the

necessary foundations for the creation of photographic reconstructions of the cemetery

through time.

Using Digital Photographic Reconstructions in Analysis

Visual media technologies played an essential role in this research in enabling the

documentation, analysis and presentation of landscape while highlighting

phenomenological or sensory elements. However, these relatively new technologies must

not be applied uncritically to archaeology. Part of the persuasive power of photography

resides in the almost unconscious assumption that a photograph conveys a likeness that is

universally recognizable and therefore requires little to no commentary or critique

(Thomas 2009:167). While this idealism has faced a barrage of criticism in recent years

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(Burke 2001, Evans and Daly 2006, Schneider 2007), an inherent belief in the

authenticity and meaning of these images from the past remains. There is a danger then in

using photography as a means to represent our own perspectives without additional

evidentiary support, and this danger is particularly present where extreme manipulation of

images has taken place, as in the case of digital reconstructions. In these instances, the

majority of the image might be fiction, constructed simply by pixels and the imagination

and skill of the maker, and yet the images present the same innate sense of authenticity of

any other photograph. This is the major difference between using historical illustration

and creating images with digital photography – while both may hold a level of visual

persuasion that is compelling, only the latter has a built in facade of realism, and the

alteration of photographs may not always be clear. It does not necessarily make the

results any less real than those reached quantitatively or through the interpretation of

historical records and artifacts. However, it is necessary not only to question the

confidence that we ourselves place on this evidence, using other forms of data to check

and support interpretations, but also to equally caution audiences and be forthcoming

about the limitations of these „reconstructions‟ in any context.

Labelling this approach as „reconstructive‟ may be a little optimistic in and of

itself. These digital images are certainly the products of concrete evidence, utilizing not

only archival evidence where it exists but also benefiting from the dates available on

monuments to create relatively accurate and precise representations of visual sequences.

However, there are many issues that limit these as merely possible fragments, and thus

the line between reconstruction and simply construction becomes blurred. In the case of

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the Hamilton Cemetery project, the viewscapes selected represent merely twelve of an

almost limitless number of viewpoints, and six moments in over 150 years of existence.

While these methods only begin to confront Roth‟s (2009) concerns with the limited

ability of photography to represent historical duration, they do present a major advantage

in visualizing processes with the ability to represent change within a consistent frame of

view, rarely available from archival images alone. As in any historical study, it is

necessary to contend with balancing the representation of variability and complexity with

feasibility. Producing visual representations of every year, for instance, would be almost

inconceivable for even a small-scale study like this one, let alone to communicate it in

print or other available formats. On the other hand, such a fine temporal scale would also

be largely unnecessary, as the changes would be almost imperceptible and the key

component is the accumulation of change, not the event. Likewise, one could not seek to

represent every point within the cemetery where a visitor might stand but a large enough

sample will capture the patterns and variability necessary to make an argument for

consistent processes. While these are problems faced in any study of time and space, the

aforementioned sense of realism afforded by the incorporation of photographic evidence

can influence levels of confidence in the patterns that emerge. It is therefore necessary to

be critical of interpretations and incorporate other evidence to ensure that visualizations

are not merely of our own constructs.

A final issue highlighted by this project is the way in which the incorporation of

visual media into our analysis and interpretation privileges eyesight and visual

components of experience. However, research aimed at understanding phenomenology or

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aspects of corporal embodiment in history cannot be restricted to sight. Sight is certainly

a strong component, influencing senses of crowdedness, openness, naturalness, beauty,

decay, etc. However, smell, sound, touch and feeling are also important. The experience

of a cemetery can completely shift in response to the sounds of traffic versus birds, the

sensory impact of sunny, warm days versus windy, cold or wet days, and even smell and

sanitation, in the case of pre-Victorian cemeteries. These aspects are very difficult to

build into photographs or other representations compatible with print format. While these

senses can be incorporated through descriptive narratives, the power and strength of

photographs as evidence of visual perception and the lack of methods to quantify and

analyze other senses may continue to overpower underlying narratives of complete

corporal experience. Nonetheless, it is a useful exercise at present to continue to

manipulate technologies, push the boundaries of what is considered possible and continue

to work on all aspects of embodiment, not only those most readily accessible.

Although digital manipulation of archived or contemporary photographs may yet

be unconventional, I would argue that it is a legitimate means of producing historical

narratives when used in combination with historical records, material studies, and

quantitative or statistical analysis and deserves further attention. In the case of Hamilton

Cemetery, it was possible to recognize micro-scalar commemorative practices based in

experiences of landscape that were previously imperceptible and thus contribute to our

understanding of agency and change in funerary practice as a result of our ability to

visually capture these considerable changes. While the implications for landscape studies

are evident, these methods are applicable to a much wider range of historical and

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archaeological studies, with interesting prospects for the incorporation of photography

into studies of even prehistory. The images produced are of course partly created by our

own historical imagining, however they are invaluable in stimulating new and alternative

understandings. They can therefore contribute significantly to the production of narratives

that incorporate understandings of experience, perception and embodiment into

conceptualizations of historical processes and contexts.

Ethnography and Cemeteries

In designing this research to encompass the entire life history of the cemetery,

ethnography was seen as a critical component to best access contemporary attitudes

towards Hamilton Cemetery, complementing historical data gathered through archival

and archaeological research. Given the paucity of data regarding contemporary

relationships with cemeteries beyond simple grave visitation, including recreational uses,

heritage and more destructive activities like vandalism, natural observation,

questionnaires and interviews produced a large body of data relatively quickly. These

methods are not appropriate for all circumstances and the managers of some cemeteries

express concerns about approaching individuals using the cemetery to ask questions, as

there is a need for sensitivity in these environments.

Ethnographic research did provide systematic data regarding the uses of the

cemetery, and their timing, relationship to weather, motivations and regularity, as well as

the attitudes that accompany them. While this data mostly confirmed expectations,

systematic data do not exist elsewhere and it was therefore necessary to explore this

aspect of the research. The greatest drawback was the difficulty in fully accessing and

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contextualizing the embodied experiences of the participants involved in this research. As

Beatty (2010) has recently highlighted, emotions and experiences are not easily

generalized because they “are not the creation of a moment; they participate in manifold

relationships formed over periods of time” (2010:430). While Beatty highlights that our

writing must be able to represent this complexity, so too must our methods of gathering

data. I do not believe that the ethnographic methods employed in this research were able

to represent the personal histories necessary to fully understand the position of the

participants and therefore could not fully contribute to the aims of this project.

Unfortunately, persuading individuals involved with the cemetery to participate in

this study turned out to be a more difficult task than anticipated. On the part of the

cemetery administration, the difficulty was in finding someone who would spend the time

and prioritize the research, whereas in other cases individuals were inaccessible due to the

nature of their relationship with the cemetery (for instance, paranormal societies tend to

frequent cemeteries at night which is technically not permitted and therefore members

wished to avoid engagement with the project) or because their identities are unknown

(most cemetery vandals are minors). It is possible that more in-depth and long-term

engagement with participants could have enriched this research, as in a preliminary study

of the interactions between people and monuments (Cook 2011) where longer interviews

were able to access not only participants‟ interpretations of monuments but also their own

backgrounds, which provided essential context for their responses. However, there are of

course wider problems that have been recognized in studying emotion through

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ethnography, particularly due to its diversity (cf. Rosaldo 1984) that correspondingly

limit archaeological pursuits of phenomenological research.

People, Monuments, Cemeteries

The Victorian funeral is certainly infamous for its ostentation and extravagance; it

was in this period that black ostrich feathers, crape and velvet became the language with

which to express grief, identity and status. From feasts of ham, port and cakes to lengthy

processions of horse-drawn hearses and hired attendees, funerals became critical social

events, but they remained just that – events: short periods during which life centered

around the deceased. However, once the remains were buried, and the period of mourning

drew to a close, families and friends gradually returned to their regular clothes, routines

and responsibilities; memories of the event would fade and eventually die with those that

had attended. What remains is the material culture of death, most notably the funerary

monument and the cemetery. As an anchor for historical imagination and a stimulus for

social processes, the interaction between people and cemeteries governs the relationship

between the living and the dead, popular conceptualizations of the past, and the

maintenance, neglect or even destruction of these places in whole or in part.

Despite relatively intense investment in the disposal of the dead, including the

preparation of the body, the purchase of a coffin, transportation to the cemetery, and the

purchase of a plot, this level of engagement with the physical remains is of short duration.

Once buried, these connections begin to fade rapidly, as mounded earth over fresh graves

is eventually levelled and re-sodded, and as the focus moves from the remains below to

the tending of the plot above, including the placement and maintenance of a monument,

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weeding, and in some cases planting flowers and shrubbery. This reorientation of

meaning and practice is mirrored by the activities and interactions of most cemetery

users, who do not have direct knowledge of the individual commemorated, and therefore

engage most readily with the landscape, including monuments but also plants, paths and

buildings. As these places accumulate biographies, age, change, and impact the actions

and understandings of people (and therefore have agency), they are integrated into the

social processes governing attitudes and treatments of death and the dead, and heritage

and the past, in addition to the construction of contemporary community and individual

identities.

This process can be seen on the smallest scale by examining the ways in which

different people interact with and interpret individual monuments and the social meanings

that are assigned to those interactions. An informed, collective memory provides a basic

framework for the interpretation of monuments, creating common threads, informed by

symbols, dates and other communicated information relating to family, gender roles,

religion and ethnicity based on cultural values and knowledge passed on through history

classes, popular culture and family traditions (Cook 2011:194). In this way, not only do

individuals emerge with a certain sense about the identities commemorated, but these

monuments also become sites of memory, reminding present observers of past time

periods. However, personal prescribed memory creates meaningful variations in

interpretations because of the living individual‟s own experiences and beliefs. In the

process of interpreting monuments, peoples‟ own personal narratives become intimately

connected with the stories that they construct about the past and contribute to the

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negotiation of their own identities, in addition to contemporary constructs about the past.

At a slightly larger scale, in viewing a series of monuments as you would in passing

through a cemetery, individuals are more likely to respond to and remember monuments

if they have a personal connection to them. Monuments with names that viewers were

familiar with, that triggered emotional responses, or that stimulated curiosities reflecting

personal knowledge from travel, literature, hobbies or background, consistently made

more impact on viewers than monuments that did not communicate an identity that

participants could personally connect with.

Beyond demonstrating the types of social engagement that occur between

monuments and people, and the impact of these interactions on attitudes and identities,

understanding the connections that people make with the material manifestations of

commemorative activities is important in understanding when and why cemeteries are

preserved, neglected or destroyed, in whole or in part. Monuments that the community

connects with most are more likely to be the focus of research, restoration, and cemetery

events like tours. At the same time such monuments can also attract negative attention

and become magnets for vandalism. If monuments do not make an impact on the living or

can no longer communicate an element of the past that is meaningful in the present, it is

more likely that they will be neglected or forgotten.

Monuments, of course, do not stand in isolation. The accumulation of large

numbers of monuments in cemetery landscapes, and their interactions with both the

natural environment and with people at a much vaster scale, must also be considered in

understanding the relationship between people and material forms of commemoration. At

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this level, cemeteries contribute to a more general experience of the living community

that is less tied to particular monuments and individual narratives from the past, and is

governed more by sensory responses and perception of place. These experiences are

gradually accrued through long-term engagement with the space, whether through visiting

graves or more recreational uses that have emerged at various times, most recently

including dog walking, jogging and cycling. As the space itself changes, both naturally

and as a result of human actions and intervention, so does the experience it affords, and

ultimately the meanings that are gathered from it. In turn, people act and react on the

basis of their understandings of the space, which will then shape future engagements and

the space itself. Activities that seek to maintain cemeteries and those that are more

destructive are all reactions to varying experiences of the care, decay, historic character or

naturalness of the landscape.

Finally, I would argue that the interactions between people, monuments and

cemeteries that I have outlined here, whether contributing to the preservation, neglect or

destruction of these spaces, are all part of the same process of dealing with the past and

making it meaningful. Moshenska (2010:21), in a study of British World War II

monuments and sites, has argued that monuments and memorials are “stubborn lumps”

from the past that cannot be fully integrated into contemporary life. In contrast, I would

suggest that, although the interactions with living communities may transform over time

alongside changes in attitudes, interpretations and valuing of the space, we are constantly

contributing to these spaces, even if these contributions are perceived as neglect,

destruction and forgetting. The lives of these monuments and cemeteries continue

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regardless of the ways in which living communities‟ attitudes or treatments change and

we cannot discount any part of that biography; even the engagement of archaeologists

with these material worlds needs to be considered to understand the processes through

which meaning is invested in material culture.

It has been claimed that it is up to every generation to rewrite history for itself and

I think that the active engagement of living communities long detached from these

mortuary landscapes involves exactly that process of negotiating the past. Because the

majority of physical remains buried in older cemeteries and the individuals themselves

are no longer personally connected to living populations via memory, it is necessary to

rework these spaces in the present. This is visible in the ways in which the living interpret

monuments, melding the information communicated with their own experiences, and in

the changing aesthetic and experiential value of historical landscapes more broadly. Our

understanding of the production of heritage must be one that recognizes the fluidity of

this process and the need to negotiate these sites of history.

It is sometimes difficult to reconcile contradictory actions of community groups

that are heavily invested in promoting heritage, restoring monuments and protecting

cemeteries, the vandalism, theft and other damages caused by humans that destroy

countless monuments every year, the large sections of the population that are either

oblivious to the existence of these spaces within their communities or are intentionally

avoiding them, and even the actions of administrations that actively maintain and restore

some cemeteries or sections of cemeteries while destroying or neglecting others.

However, by approaching these phenomena from a perspective that highlights interaction

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and engagement and understands the impact that material objects and landscapes have on

the choices that contemporary populations make in the treatment of past places, it is

possible to not only better understand these processes and the motivations behind them,

but also to re-examine how to manage them. It is necessary that these places be

meaningful for living communities, whether in the experience they provide as rare green

oases in urban centers or in their historical narrative value.

In conclusion, cemeteries may be collections of earth and stone, but their role in

commemoration and heritage is neither static nor passive. Whether borne out of motives

to remember, to dominate or to display, there are many ways through which people

continue to interact with mortuary landscapes for extended periods of time. The

connections that these places make with living communities for generations to come will

affect not only their chances of survival but also the impact that they have on memory,

identity, heritage and popular views of the past. Approaches to heritage and cemeteries

have traditionally centred on people. This thesis, however, has highlighted the need to

integrate a recognition of the significant and long-term impact that material monuments

and mortuary landscapes actively have on attitudes, understandings, emotions and

identities, and ultimately on the processes through which contemporary populations

engage with history and make the past meaningful in the present.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1875

1900

1925

1950

1975

Figure 1a. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 1, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1875

1900

1925

1950

1975

Figure 1b. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 1, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1875

1900

1925

1950

1975

Figure 2a. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 2, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1875

1900

1925

1950

1975

Figure 2b. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 2, Hamilton Cemetery.

143
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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1875

1900

1925

1950

1975

Figure 3a. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 3, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1875

1900

1925

1950

1975

Figure 3b. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 3, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1875

1900

1925

1950

1975

Figure 42a. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 4, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1875

1900

1925

1950

1975

Figure 4b. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes Viewscape 4, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1875

1900

1925

1950

1975

Figure 5a. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 5, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1875

1900

1925

1950

1975

Figure 5b. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 5, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1875

1900

1925

1950

1975

Figure 6a. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 6, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1875

1900

1925

1950

1975

Figure 6b. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes Viewscape 6, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1875

1900

1925

1950

1975

Figure 7a. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 7, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1875

1900

1925

1950

1975

Figure 7b. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 7, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1900

1925

1950

1975

Figure 8a. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 8, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1900

1925

1950

1975

Figure 8b. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 8, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1925

1950

1975

Figure 9a. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 9, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1925

1950

1975

Figure 9b. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 9, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1875

1900

1925

1950

1975

Figure 10a. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 10, Hamilton Cemetery.

158
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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1875

1900

1925

1950

1975

Figure 10b. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 10, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1950

1975

Figure 11a. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 11, Hamilton Cemetery.

1950

1975

Figure 11b. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 11, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1925

1950

1975

Figure 12a. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 12, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX I – Digital Reconstructions of Hamilton Cemetery Through Time

1925

1950

1975

Figure 12b. Digital reconstruction of temporal changes in Viewscape 12, Hamilton Cemetery.

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APPENDIX II – Temporal Distribution of High, Medium and Low Impact Monuments

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APPENDIX II – Temporal Distribution of High, Medium and Low Impact Monuments

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APPENDIX II – Temporal Distribution of High, Medium and Low Impact Monuments

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APPENDIX II – Temporal Distribution of High, Medium and Low Impact Monuments

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APPENDIX II – Temporal Distribution of High, Medium and Low Impact Monuments

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APPENDIX II – Temporal Distribution of High, Medium and Low Impact Monuments

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APPENDIX II – Temporal Distribution of High, Medium and Low Impact Monuments

Table 1. Temporal drift of high distribution monuments demonstrating individual cycles in different viewscapes.

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APPENDIX III – Seasonal Viewscapes

Figure 1 Seasonal cycle in Viewscape 1, Hamilton Cemetery. From Top: Winter, Spring, Summer, Fall.

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APPENDIX III – Seasonal Viewscapes

Figure 2 Seasonal cycle in Viewscape 2, Hamilton Cemetery. From Top: Winter, Spring, Summer, Fall.

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APPENDIX III – Seasonal Viewscapes

Figure 3 Seasonal cycle in Viewscape 3, Hamilton Cemetery. From Top: Winter, Spring, Summer, Fall.

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APPENDIX III – Seasonal Viewscapes

Figure 4 Seasonal cycle in Viewscape 4, Hamilton Cemetery. From Top: Winter, Spring, Summer, Fall.

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APPENDIX III – Seasonal Viewscapes

Figure 5 Seasonal cycle in Viewscape 5, Hamilton Cemetery. From Top: Winter, Spring, Summer, Fall.

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APPENDIX III – Seasonal Viewscapes

Figure 6 Seasonal cycle in Viewscape 6, Hamilton Cemetery. From Top: Winter, Spring, Summer, Fall.

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APPENDIX III – Seasonal Viewscapes

Figure 7 Seasonal cycle in Viewscape 7, Hamilton Cemetery. From Top: Winter, Spring, Summer, Fall.

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APPENDIX III – Seasonal Viewscapes

Figure 8 Seasonal cycle in Viewscape 8, Hamilton Cemetery. From Top: Winter, Spring, Summer, Fall.

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APPENDIX III – Seasonal Viewscapes

Figure 9 Seasonal cycle in Viewscape 9, Hamilton Cemetery. From Top: Winter, Spring, Summer, Fall.

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APPENDIX III – Seasonal Viewscapes

Figure 10 Seasonal cycle in Viewscape 10, Hamilton Cemetery. From Top: Winter, Spring, Summer, Fall.

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APPENDIX III – Seasonal Viewscapes

Figure 11 Seasonal cycle in Viewscape 11, Hamilton Cemetery. From Top: Winter, Spring, Summer, Fall.

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APPENDIX III – Seasonal Viewscapes

Figure 12 Seasonal cycle in Viewscape 12, Hamilton Cemetery. From Top: Winter, Spring, Summer, Fall.

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