Political Development: The Current

Philippine Experience
ROMUALDO B. TADENA

Many scholars speak of development in systemic and wholistic

terms. They maintain that movements or changes in one sphere, say
in the economic, could affect the other spheres, the social, the
cultural, and the political. It is thus, for example, that political
development is viewed "as a state of the polity which might facilitate
economic growth."1
This paper deals not with development in general but only with
contemporary Philippine political development. How such develop-
ment affects or is affected by the other specific aspects of Filipino
life will be touched upon only in broad terms.

An Interpretation of Western Thinking

A noted American political scientist views political development
as "a long range linear process of meeting new goals, demands,
etc."2. Another scholar believes that the process is concerned with 1)
the expansion of the functions of the political system, 2) the
attainment of new levels of integration concomitant with the
expansion of functions, and 3) the increase in the capacity of the
political system to cope with the new problems attendant to the
subprocess of political integration.3
Two other authors list some of the specifics constituting
presumably indicators of political development. They claim that the
process "involves the development of a capacity to maintain certain

Professor of Philippine Studies, University of the Philippines.

1Jason L. Finkle and Richard W. Gable, Political Development and Social
Change, John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1966, p. 83.
2owight Waldo, Temporal Dimensions of Development Administration, Duke
University Press, 1970, p. 101.
3claude E. Welch, Jr., Political Modernization, Wadsworth Publishing Co., Inc.
1967, p. 153.

42
 Daroy I 43

kinds of public order, to mobilize resources for a specific range of

collective enterprises, and to make and uphold effectively types of
international commitments. "4
At the level of the citizen, the process calls for "new standards of
loyalty and involvement."5 This could mean, as another writer puts
it, that political development is the "institutionalization of political
organizations and procedures. " 6
The definitions just cited are either complementary or
supplementary to each other. At the same time, all of them taken as
one, ,provide the elements of political development as seen by
Western scholars. They likewise imply that the age-old dream of an
ideal state is the objective of political development.
Political development, as cited earlier, is a long-range linear
process. This may connote not only that the rate of movement could
be slow at times and fast at other times but also that the movement
could be forward or backward at various periods. The reason for this
will be explained in a later part of this section in relation to the notion
of political retrogression.
The linearity of the process does not mean that there.is only one
possible route towards the effervescent and elusive goal of
perfection in the political sphere. Indeed, the definition of what is
perfect or ideal could differ from one society to another. The needs
of people are at least qualitatively different; and the resources and
means at their command to satisfy such needs are both qualitatively
and quantitatively different too. This explains in part why there are
various shades of democratic-capitalistic and socialistic govern-
ments.
This is not to say that governments the world over are destined to
be differentiated from each other by various types of ideology. It
could very well be that as the world approaches the millenium, there
will be a confluence of the various linear routes taken by the different
nations. The point, however, is that each nation has the opportunity
to choose its own route and its own pace to reach political utopia;
and the choice could depend on circumstances obtaining within their
geographical boundaries and in their external environment.
The notion of process could imply that there is a sequence of
steps. Each forward step is marked by new demands which could be

4Finkle and Gable, op. cit., pp. 83-90.

5tbid.
6Harvey G. Kebschull, Politics in Transitional Societies, Appleton-Century-
Crofts, 1970, p. 54.
44 I PPSJ December 1978

the by-product of cultural borrowings and acculturation. As the eyes

of the people are opened to new possibilities through their own
innovative genius or because of demonstration effect, their
aspirations could grow in intensity and in number. But those
aspirations could become the generators of frustrations if the polity
and the society in general do not have the institutional machinery,
the resources and the will to satisfy them.
Of the three elements needed to fulfill the aspirations of the
polity, the will to bridge the gap between the things aspired for and
reality is perhaps the most vital. A society may set up political and
administrative structures and institute processes to meet new and
increasingly intense demands and goals and in fact may have the
technology and resources to support the task of such structures, but
if the personnel who man those structures perform lackadaisically
and if the citizenry does not give the moral support necessary to
institutionalize the process, then there will always be a large measure
of unsatisfied demands. Correspondingly, therefore, there should be
a redefinition of the roles and responsibilities of the citizenry in
relation to their demands and aspirations. This is to prevent a sliding
back; for when the citizens' support is much less than their
demands, the stress on the political system could be too much to
bear and may result in instability.
The firmness of each step forward and upward is a function of
the degree of the institutionalization of both demands and support.
lnstitutionali~ion could therefore be viewed in terms of the
capacity of the political system to meet the growing demands and,
contemporaneously, in terms of the identification of the citizenry
with and their support of the activities of government and the goals
of society. The more closely identified the people are to such societal
goals, the stronger is the integration of the polity.
One often hears of political retrogression in the sense of a
phenomenon which is the obverse of political development. There is
an insinuation of a backward movement along a linear route. The
thesis of this paper is that the use of the term political retrogression
should not refer to the adjustments being taken in order to decrease
the incongruencies in society. This is to say that if the norms of the
sociocultural and economic orders are far behind the norms
demanded by a particular stage of development in the political
sphere, there are bound to be societal imbalances. A society cannot
preserve its integrity for long if such imbalances continue to erode
the fabric of national identity and security. It becomes imperative,
 Daroy I 45

therefore, for that society either to develop in the sociocultural and

economic sectors at a rate fast enough for the norms that
correspond to them to catch up with the more advanced political
norms or for the political movement to go back as many steps as
necessary so that all normative aspects of life could be more or less
abreast of each other.
Normative imbalances could lead to political instability. In turn,
efforts to stabilize the political system could lead to political
retrogression. This happens when the measures intended to effect
stability or to implement political reforms actually require the
internalization by the citizenry of political norms which are not at par
with the normative requirements of the sociocultural and economic
sectors. For example, it would be political retrogression if the
American people were in effect made by legislative fiat to change
from a representative system of government to another one in the
name of reforming the electoral process. This is on the assumption
that right now the normative mix in all sectors of the American
society is probably just right for a representative form of
government. This mix is uniquely American and is the product of the
evolution of the society from colonial times to the struggle for
independence then through the westward push of the frontier, the
industrial revolution, the Civil War, and the emergence ofthe United
States as a world power after the Spanish-American War in which
the Philippines was a prize. In all of those periods, the American
people underwent political, economic, and sociocultural vicissi-
tudes. But they managed to reach their present state of
balanced development because they built upon their gains at each
successive step.
Not all countries have had the good fortune and the time that the
Americans and some European peoples had to effect development
almost simultaneously in all sectors. Many countries in South
America, Africa, and Asia are undergoing political instability as
exemplified by coup d' etat and rapid changes of government
because development in the various sectors are not mutually
reinforcing of each other or because development in some sectors
are far advanced of the development in others.
It may be asked why this is so; or, to put it in another way, why
imbalances among the normative aspects of the sociocultural,
economic, and political systems exist. These imbalances could be
the result of an outright transplantation of models which the society
may yet be in no position to accept. This transplantation could be a
46 I PPSJ December 1978

part of the country's colonial heritage or the offshoot of foreign

assistance. But whatever may be the reason for this, it would seem
that political and administrative systems are easier to transplant than
economic and sociocultural systems. Given this, it would not really
be strange if political development tends to outpace development in
other sectors; hence the imbalances.
The superimposition of political models, therefore, could lead to
ambivalence and formalism or to a condition where the formal
structures exist in the host country but where the philosophical,
cultural, and social underpinnings are nice to hear about even if they
are actually inexistent or at best weak. In brief, it may be inferred
that political development has to be based on phenomena and vari-
ables which are indigenous to or have been indigenized by a people
-on their prevailing value system, world view, social institutions and
norms, and level of economic development. This therefore means
that a people are the best judge of their own political destiny and that
the state of political development they find themselves in should be,
in many respects, culture-bound.

Current Philippine Experiences In Political Development

One question which may be raised at this juncture is: If the
interpretation of Western thinking on political development were
indeed correct, what then would its implications be for the
Philippines? The answer to this question is found in the sometimes
exasperating penchant of some Western scholars and members of
the press to make judgment of other peoples' ways in terms of their
(Western) premises as if those premises were the only ones that
matter in all countries. For example, some American scholars regard
political development in terms "of the typical kind of politics basic to
already industrialized and economically highly advanced societies"
because the "advanced nations are the fashion makers and pace
setters in most phases of social and economic life, and it is
understandable that many people expect the same to be true in the
political sphere. " 7 The implication here is that a people who know
no better than to be in the van of the fashion setters are not exactly
blameless if the fashion does not fit them.
One possible reason for the virulent attack of the American press
on our current political experiment is their realization that their
political fashion is not four-square with Filipino culture and with our

7Finkle and Gable, op. cit.

 Daroy I 47

social and economic institutions. The American brand is based on

certain assumptions; but those assumptions are not necessarily valid
in the Philippine setting. The American nation has a strong middle
class while we are still in the process of reducing the marked dualism
in our social and economic existence. The American society is
largely impersonal while we are a people with strong attachments to
family and clan. The American electorate is well informed of issues
affecting· them; our people are not so well informed. Interest
articulation and aggregation is strong in the United States while here
the formation of articulate interest groups among the masses is
apparently only in its infancy; so that here a doubt may be raised as
to whether the articulators of some interests really speak for the
majority of the people or have the welfare of the masses at heart. It
may be noted that the so-called articulators in our country almost
invariably belong to the moneyed and educated class.
In the light of our political history, there seems to be no other
recourse but for us to develop politically in our own mode. In this
regard, President and Prime Minister Marcos should be credited for
leading the nation to take this course of action. In his 12 June 1978
address to the Interim Batasang Pambansa (IBP) and to the Filipino
people, he said: "It is my considered view that our own experience
as an independent and sovereign nation should ultimately give us the
form of government we desire and need for our people." He there-
fore exhorted the nation that in our political development "we
ought to be bold in our imagination, and in the process of
experimentation we should not fear to innovate, neither fear to
discover a system uniquely our own."
It should be emphasized that we have the sociocultural elements
to bring this bold experiment to a successful conclusion. Let us
mention a few aspects of such experiment.
When martial law was declared in 1972, the general reaction was
enthusiastic and hopeful. Of course, the segments of our society
whose thought processes are steeped in Jeffersonian, liberal
democratic tenets, and in the communist ideology did not agree.
Among them are what a noted Filipino columnist calls the "steak
commandos." At any rate, the question which one can pose is: Why
was the reaction of the majority of the people positive?
The answer lies in the fact that the emergence of a strong leader
obsessed with the desire to bring progress and social justice to all the
Filipino people is in keeping with our indigenous culture and social
norms. As one reviews the accounts of our pre-Spanish era and as
48 I PPSJ December 1978

he analyzes the folklore and sagas of our people, he would notice

that an element which stands out prominently in our social
relationships is the concept of a strong and benevolent leader. This
concept was reinforced by the Roman Law principle of bono pater
familia. This principle was embellished in our legal system through
the adoption of the Spanish civil law.
The paradox of it all is that the American press and scholars
consider the declaration of martial law political retrogression. In our
view, however, it was a break away from the American political
route which did not suit our temperament and tradition. It should
therefore be considered the taking of a new linear path in our
political development.
When President Marcos defined the concept of baranganic
democracy, not a few were skeptical. And yet, if the concept is
analyzed in the light of our cultural history, one would note that it is
no more than a resurrection of an aspect of the Filipino way of life as
exemplified in the term bayanihan. It may be stated at this juncture
that the spirit of bayanihan behind baranganic democracy is not the
commercial, quid pro quo type which has crept into the hearts and
minds of people who operate in an atmosphere of impersonalism;
rather it is one premised on neighborliness, or pagtutulungan, or a
desire to help others because it is a moral obligation to do so. That
moral obligation is defined by the members of small groups or
communities.
The resurfacing of baranganic democracy is a decisive step in our
political development because it builds up the capability of small
social groups within the polity to cope with demands which are best
satisfied at the lowest level of our political hierarchy. It is also a step
towards the integratio[l of common aspirations and a process of
strengthening the identification of the people with the activities,
projects, and programs of government. In Western terms, this is
essentially participative democracy. In our perception, the
institutionalization of baranganic democracy would mean the
development of a viable and vigilant political will based on national
interest.
One other case which can be cited is the inauguration of the I B P.
Many self-anointed political theorists consider the IBP a strange
creature. Here again, one may note that such judgment is based on
the fact that its features do not conform either to the American
model called the Congress of the United States nor to the
parliaments of Great Britain, India, and some other Western-inspired
 Daroy I 49

legislature. But the so-called strangeness is precisely what makes it a

truly Filipino experiment. It is with diffidence that we had to use the
term parliament which conjures to the mind certain characteristics
and procedures; and yet in actuality we perforce have to use it
because in the English language it is the nearest to the kind of law-
making body we would like to develop on premises which we
ourselves have defined or have to define.
What we are developing is a legislative body wherein decisions
are based on consensus rather than on the Western practice of
majority rule. We have seen that the practice has had a divisive
effect on our people. The result has been delay in the
implementation of government programs intended to raise the
economic and social well-being of the people.
Finally, we may cite the administrative reforms pursued since 21
September 1972. All of them are designed to develop in the
bureaucracy, the implementing arm of government, a strong
commitment to national interest through the rendition of high quality
public service. It is in this area, however, where much has to be done
and yet have remained undone in spite of the repeated exhortations
of our top leadership. Apparently, the bad habits of some public
functionaries formed durihg the pre-martial law days are hard to
eradicate. That is why there is still so much lethargy, waste, and
inefficiency in the government sector. This also accounts, at least in
part, for the tendency of some government officials to be m0re
concerned with their privileges than with their responsibilities as
servants of the people.
We have been promised that the national leadership is taking
steps to bring us to normalcy. All of us can appreciate the efforts
taken so far towards normalization. But normalcy should not be
taken to mean a return to the debilitating atmosphere before the
declaration of martial law; rather it should mean the successful
conclusion of our experiments to develop a political system based on
the normative underpinnings of our culture, social relationships, and
stage of economic development. The transition period we are in now
is really the time of experimentation wherein all of us should be
active participants. The termination of this transition period will
therefore be a function of the degree to which the citizenry will
internalize the attitudes and commitments needed to establish a
uniquely Filipino political system.
The Independence Day address of President and Prime Minister
Marcos assures us that we are well on the way to becoming a
50 I PPSJ December 1978

politically-mature society. For in the final analysis, a people who are

no longer afraid to go back to their roots and build thereon their
national institutions have attained that degree of sophistication
characterized by the ability to discriminate and differentiate and to
adapt on the basis of selective choices. This could be considered
political development in its pristine form even in the context of
Western definitions.
 Tadena I 51
DISCUSSION

Discussants: Prof. Carmencita Aguilar

U.P. Department of Political Science
Mr. Mariano Diez
Ministry of Local Government and Community Development

Moderator: Dr. Vicente Quiton

U.P. College of Tacloban

Prof. Carmencita Aguilar: The presentation of Dr. Tadena should be

really commended. I would like to commend especially the very scholarly
presentation of the substance of his paper, and also his calling attention
that political development in this country must choose the kind of political
culture and values of the Filipinos. And that the measure of political de-
velopment must not be based on Western criteria, particularly, the
American model.
He has also a very original and relevant observation on the role of the
citizens and lower implementors or the administrative personnel, in the re-
alization of the society's goals to set up a political and administrative
structure for institutionalized political purposes. However, political de-
velopment is represented in the revival of baranganic democracy as well as
through the IBP, as he had mentioned. The process of consensus, that is
very Asian and very Filipino, indeed, must be made through the represen-
tation of people's will, people's consensus. We must not repeat the same
mistake of consensus, where the elite's will is equated with the people's
will.. I'm sure that if a start can be achieved, then the institutionalization
process will not be so difficult this time.
The professionalization of the bureaucracy itself as mentioned in the
paper, I agree, must be given attention. The gap between policies and their
implementation are often due to the inadequacy of the bureaucracy. No
matter how adequate policies are if the bureaucratic structure is
incompetent or had not understood fully the philosophy and processes of
implementation, then all objectives of development and change are
meaningless.
I suppose that the region can be a useful agent of political development
in the sense of political participation if the citizenry can be really ascertained
of their role in the barangay activities so that the danger of societal
imbalance can be avoided.
Also, I should like to comment on the concept bono pater familia. Well,
we do agree that indeed this is basically a Filipino culture and value. We
accept the father of the family, of the authoritarian figure of the family, and
therefore we are so predisposed to authoritarian family relationship. But I
52 I PPSJ December 1978

suppose that a bono pater familia must be one that should really
consolidate and must anticipate the need of the children in the family. That
is my concept of a bono pater familia.
That is all.
Mr. Mariano Fiez: I will not quarrel with Prof. Tadena, when he gave
certain definitions here which according to him are Western definitions of
political development. He mentioned, among other definitions, that political
development is a long-range linear process between the goals and de-
mands. It is a pattern, according to his paper, which is concerned with the
expansion of functions of the political system, the attainment of new levels
of integration, and the increase in capacity of the political system to cope
with new problems attendant to political integration.
I conform to this definition. Perhaps there are some people who would
say that it is wrong. But I think that the same are products of our point of
view. We might take exception because we are Orientals and we are living
under a different milieu.
As a linear process, political development could even pass for a
flow-backward or forward. Put it backward and there is political retro-
gression. It can be made faster, it can be made slower. This does 11ot mean
that there is only one possible road to political perfection, that there is only
one possible road to the political utopia that all of us are dreaming of. There
are several roads.
Because needs are different. The needs of each people of each nation
are different. And the means and resources for attaining these needs, these
aspirations, are also different.
As a sovereign nation, I believe that we must choose our own road to
the dream of political utopia. We must choose also our own pace as we go
towards political perfection. And this depends upon our cultural and
economic needs. The form of government we should have should be in
accordance with our culture. It must be culture-bound.
Now, the paper states that since political development is a pattern, it
implies a sequence of steps. These steps are characterized by new
aspirations and new demands, probably due to acculturation and cultural
borrowing. Aspirations grow with intensity; they grow in number. And
sometimes it is difficult for society, for the policy to meet these aspirations.
Since society does not have the institutional machinery and resources nor
the will to satisfy these needs, the results will be political instability. But the
most important of these elements, in order to fulfill such aspirations, is the
will, the will of the people-the will to bridge the gap, the yawning gap
between the aspiration and the reality.
For example, even if there is an institutional machinery, the technology,
and the resources to satisfy these needs, if the people manning the ad-
ministrative machinery of the government are lackadaisical, then the results
will again be frustration. Another thing, if the people are not committed to
 Tadena I 53

satisfy their own needs, then the result is that all the aspirations will come
to naught.
It is therefore important, if we want to build a stable government, that
we should redefine the role of the citizens. We have to build mechanisms so
that they will support the programs, the projects, and the activities of the
government.
There is a need to redefine the citizens' role vis-a-vis their demands
because if their demands are greater than their support, the result is political
instability.
At this point, I would like to comment on the process of consensus
which, I think, is a classical process. While I would not say that this is
impossible, I would say that it is not probable. It might take a long time,
especially if the people are not disciplined.
It is important that if we want to have a legislature which decides by
consensus, all our assemblymen must be disciplined and all our people
must be disciplined also.
Thank you.
Dr. Vicente Quiton:Thank you Mr. Diez. Mayor Rivera?
Mayor Hospicio Rivera (Dolores, Eastern Samar): I did not have the time
to read the paper of Dr. Tadena but I listened intently to his lecture. I found
out later in diagnosing further his diagram that, perhaps, in my opinion, the
cultural field may be absorbed in the social fields; economics may also be
absorbed in the social field. Eventually, the social field may be absorbed in
the political field. So I think it is enough to sustain the political area of
discussion. However, I have taken into account the fact that when we plan
for development, we will have to take into account the total milieu of
society so that we will have a development-oriented plan.
I was also touched by his lecture on the need to go deeper into our
culture. According to Mr. Diez, in developing we must be culture bound;
we have to trace back our indigenous culture.
Now, will you accept, Dr. Tadena, that our culture during the pre-
Spanisli period is better than the culture we have now? Would you sustain
this idea, if we take into account the system of justice then in which a
person under trial was exposed to the ants, or dipped into water and
whoever comes out first was the guilty person? Can we compare this
system of justice to what we have now where the rules of court are there to
assist in finding out who is the innocent and who is the guilty? Which
culture would you say is less developed or more developed? To me, going
back to the pre-Spanish btuanganic democracy which was more or less do-
minated by the strong is a mistake. (If you are a strong chief, you would
even annex the next tribe.)
Dr. Tadena: I would like to react to that.
By the way, before I answer the question, I would like to tell you that
Mayor Rivera is an old friend of mine. We were together in the College of
Public Administration once upon a time.
54 I PPSJ December 1978

I would like to make some clarification, some distinction. First of all,

when we speak of indigenized culture, we can't easily say, in the same
breath, indigenous culture. In other words, we have to distinguish between
what is truly indigenous, i.e., the culture which came out of the innovative
genius of our people; and that which were of alien origins which we have
adapted into our own, i.e., that has been indigenized. This latter
phenomena has been discussed exhaustively in the paper of my good friend
Pete Daroy.
Secondly, culture is not static. It is a dynamic, moving thing. And,
therefore, according to the stage of thinking, according to the
temperament of our people, culture is bound to change. That itself is an
essence of development as Dr. Fernandez pointed out earlier this morning. I
see no reason why we have to go back to the Kalantiaw Code and the
Roman Law system because in terms of the modern concept of the reha-
bilitation of prisoners, we have come out of the retribution type of justice to
a more conciliatory and development-oriented system. So there is no
quarrel, pafiero.
We accept the rule of law; we accept the Catholic doctrine that no man
is beyond salvation. On the other hand, I would like to mention also, that in
the process of trying to change our values we need not destroy some of
those which we found to be useful for our own purposes. In other words,
we need not destory everything simply because they are not in conformity
with what the Americans taught us. It is not exactly true that everything
Western is superior. As a matter of fact, in communicating with our people
to arrive at a consensus, we have to make use of indigenous techniques.
Mr. Emmanuel Saiio (Student, Divine Word University): I am supposed
to be working in a development agency (LSBDA). Dr. Tadena, I would like
to ask if you agree that in the order of priorities of development, economic
precedes social, then from social to political, and from political to cultural?
Dr. Tadena: One of the problems contained in your question is balance.
It does not mean that everything should be equal, because it is almost
impossible to have balance all the way through. There is bound to be a
time-lag in terms of effect from one state to another. That's why, at any
given moment in time, there is bound to be some imbalances. But the
imbalance need not be so great as to create so much instability. In other
words, if we are not going to have any imbalance, hindi na tatakbo ang
makina.
Now, when we speak of priorities, we do not speak in terms of a parti-
cular subsystem. In other words, the economic, social, political, cultural
subsystems are all priorities. The point is, if our project is economic in
nature, we ask ourselves: What are the underpinnings in so far as the
social, political, and cultural spheres are concerned? In other words, we
shall speak of priorities not in terms of sectors or subsystems, but in terms
of programs and projects. But for every program, for every project, whether
they be economic or political, there is bound to be questions asked: Ano
 Tadena I 55

ang pangangailangan in the cultural and social fields? The trouble arises
when we always think as if the economic aspect of the planning process is
everything. Hindi puwede 'van. My point is that if we speak of economic
development, we should ask ourselves: What are the requirements for this
economic project to prosper? Ana ang mga social requirements? Ana 'vung
mga political requirements? Ana 'vung mga cultural requirements? That's
my message.
Mayor Policarpio Cruzada (Silago, Southern Leyte): Being a mayor, I
am exposed to the masses and I know their real problems. During my
travels to my barrios-and I'm informing you that my municipality is the
most depressed municipality in the region (laughter)-when conducting
community assemblies there, I interview the poor people on what they think
of our present system of government. And they say that in this sytem
of government we cannot achieve development by ourselves because the
source of development is supposed to be the barrios. I have organized the
Barangay Development Councils of all the barrios there. But then the
problem of the members of the councils there is where to get the resources
to fund the projects. We have none. We have no funds. Money is nowhere
to be found. And my municipality is also the smallest municipality and has
the least income-a sixth class municipality. We are facing the same prob-
lem that my barrios have. Now, how could we even achieve that goal of
equal distribution of wealth when our municipality cannot cope with the
standards of the other municipalities?
We have just finished our position description and pay plan. The
concept there is equal pay for equal work. But how could a mere campaign
clerk of my municipality equal the salary of a campaign clerk of a first class
municipality? So there is no sense in that concept of equal pay for equal
work.
Since our topic today is political development, I think I have the right to
introduce a system of government in which everybody can share equally!
I think it is the slogan of President Marcos that pantay-pantav tayang
lahat. But in this system of government, wala! Hindi taya pantay-pantav
(Applause). There are those very wealthy millionaires, while there are
beggars. So I would like to introduce to you another system of government.
Not communism! But before I mention this system of government, I would
like to ask you if you are aware of the massive development efforts of Saudi
Arabia at present. Saudi Arabia has a massive development program. They
are importing Filipinos to do the work for them. And Saudi Arabia is the
wealthiest Muslim nation because of its oil. The Philippines is also the
wealthiest nation in the Far East because of its natural resources. So why
don't we just let the Americans or aliens exploit our natural resources!
(Laughter) No, no, don't laugh at it. The Americans dug wells for Saudi
Arabia and what happens now? Saudi Arabia is one of the wealthiest
nations today. My introduction of this system of government reminds me of
President Macapagal's idea- the welfare state. Because I know that
56 I PPSJ December 1978

Filipinos are lazy people! (Laughter.) They just want to be fed by the
government. This is the system of government I am introducing now.
Dr. Tadena: Well, at least we have some innovation ... I would like to
point out a few things though. One, we should make a distinction between
equity among people and equality among political units. Hindi ho magkapa-
reho 'yan, e. lba 'yang equality ng political units.
Pangalawa po, that the concept of equal pay for equal work-and by
the way, I'd like to mention that I happen to be a consultant to the Budget
Commission, I think I know something about this technical problems re-
garding personnel administration-actually means equal pay for equal
responsibility. The volume of work is the basic factor to be considered in
the determination of equality or inequality of responsbility.
Hindi~ como sinabi natin that equal pay for equal work na everything is
equal whether it be a small unit or a big unit. A clerk in a bigger unit is
bound to have greater responsibility than a clerk in a small unit.
Ngayon, pagdating diyan sa mungkahi ng ating mayor, I think, that is
the kind of spirit which we should generate among ourselves. Because it is
only by coming out with ideas, no matter how strange they may seem to
others, that we generate discussion and in the process perhaps we will
arrive at consensus. As a politician and coming from a politician, I think I
understand the technique.
Josefino Naval (Student, U.P. College Tacloban): The speaker
mentioned about baranganic democracy as similar to participative de-
mocracy in the American context. I would like to ask what participative
means, or the extent of participation in our baranganic system, because we
all know for a fact that we are in a state of martial law which to paraphase
President Marcos comes out from the barrel of the gun (sic). This means
that we are in a state of anxiety and fear. [\low, psychologically, how can an
individual express or spell out what he feels or what he thinks about his
government if he fears something might happen to him if he criticizes the
policies and programs of the government.
Secondly, we cannot achieve political development, in my own way of
thinking, in the sense that in the present regime, there is a cordon sanitaire.
The advisers of the commander-in-chief or the president for that matter
make it appear to him that everything is okay, but actually there are some
which are not okay.
Dr. Tadena: Okay. I think there were four points raised. Some on
content; some on process. Let us try to distinguish one from the other.
Let's not mix them.
Firstly, I think I have read all the speeches of the President, and I have
not come across any statement that martial law means the barrel of the
gun! I think it is my business to read all the speeches of the President. Al-
though I have read about that elsewhere in another context.
Now, again when we speak of martial law, anong klaseng martial law
ang pinag-uusapan natin? Is it as defined by Filipinos wherein you don't see
 Tadena I 57

tanks or battleships parading? Dahil martial law connotes to us a certain

western definition. 'Yan ba ang ating ginagamit? I'd like to ask that. But in
so far as the incongruency between what is expected and what actually
happens, my challenge is this: tayong mga nasa gobyerno; tayong mga
nasa sanggunian; sa municipio, sa probinsiya; anong ginagawa natin? Pag-
dating sa tinatawag natin na participation of the citizenry in the discussion
of issues vital to the national interest-nasa atin /ahat na 'yan. Pang-apat,
'yong "cordon sanitaire." I think we have the wife of a minister here. I'd like
to tell you that the bugaboo about the cordon sanitaire may not be as
simple as it had been pictured. That's all that I would like to comment on
the comment.
Quiton: I was told that we could continue with our open forum while
taking our snacks. So we proceed up to 3:15. Ahh, yes sir!
Mayor Luis Moscosa (Arteche, Eastern Samar): I'm the mayor of
Arteche, Eastern Samar, the most depressed town in our province which is
a war zone. Our topic is "Political Development: The Philippine
Experience." This is an experience in my own municipality and the nearby
municipalities where we suffer from economic barriers because we don't
have the facilities and the aid from the government. For example, we are
agricultural but we don't have scientific methods of farming because we
don't have the culture. Some of our people don't even know how to use the
arado. And moreover, we don't have irrigation facilities.
Also, our municipality does not have adequate school buildings. Some
of our buildings are dilapidated. They have been there since the American
regime. We were given this year only two of the bagong lipunan type. Our
cultural development is very much behind because up to now we don't
have a show (movies) and other ways of teaching our people cultural
styles.
I have experienced the inequity in political development. There is
inequity in our government, in the distribution of income of our govern-
ment. If we will only receive equal aid from the government as those in
Manila and Luzon, there is no reason why we won't have development in
my municipality. So that without equal distribution of government income
we cannot have a municipal government that is as developed as the others.
Quiton: Thank you, Mayor Moscosa. We have one last question from
the gentleman at the back. No more than two minutes.
Mr. Romeo dela Paz (Student, Leyte Institute of Technology): I'm a
student delegate of the Leyte Institute of Technology. I am also a kagawad
of the Sangguniang Bayan of Dulag, Leyte. I am going to comment on two
aspects of political development: that which concerns the studentry be-
cause I am a student; and another with regards to the bureaucracy of which
I am also a member. I am very glad about the enlightenment given by Dr.
Tadena with regards to the political development of our country, martial
law. the barangay, and the so-called participative democracy.
As a student, I believe that the student sector of our society, instead of
developing politically, is now regressing. The development of the student
58 I PPSJ December 1978

sector is now at a standstill. If we shall conduct a survey of the schools and

colleges in Tacloban City, which is the educational center of the region, we
will note that unlike before, when we had forums for student participation,
e.g., the student council and student papers, there are none today. How
can the students be politically developed and be instrumental in the de-
velopment of our region if we have no student politics and student repre-
sentation in the policy-making of the schools?
We know that the problems of the school is not an isolated problem. It is
a problem not detached from the problem of the region or the society. And
so the students should be given a voice so that they can participate in the
development of the region.
Another aspect I'd like to touch on is the bureaucracy. I agree with one
of our discussants, Miss Aguilar, that no matter how good the plans of de-
velopment of the government are if there is a lack or insufficiency on the
part of the bureaucracy that will implement the good plans of government,
then the plans are nothing. I know that there are many elective officials in
this conference. I know that there are many mayors who are development-
oriented. But then we cannot deny that many of the elective officials now
are products of the old society. And since there has been no election, they
are the bureaucracy now. This orientation of many of the members of the
bureaucracy now, I think, could be one of the problems or the causes of the
failures of government programs. So I'd like to know if Dr. Tadena will
agree that the weeding out of the unfit members of the bureaucracy is an
urgent need of our government.
Dr. Tadena: I'd like to thank my friend for voicing out these sentiments.
I agree with him 100 per cent. I think that in any system of rationality, inef-
ficiency has no place. Whether it be public or private, inefficiency or inef-
fectiveness has to go overboard. Now, I would like to mention however,
that perhaps at no time in our history can the students participate more
meaningfully in our political development. You see, if we speak of political
development to mean only politics, hindi po ganoon. Because we can still
participate in the decision-making process, and decisions need not be
political in nature. !big kong sabihin, the essence of political participation is
not simply arguing pro and con on political issues. Discussions may be on
questions that are economic, or social, or cultural in nature. The moment
we give ourselves an atmosphere such that our voices are heard, that to me
is part of our attempt at political development. And politicians, parties, and
politics are different from political development. I think we should make it
clear for sometimes we commit the mistake of saying that just because we
cannot participate in political decisions we do not have political de-
velopment. For as long as we are consulted, for as long as we are free to
discuss things that affect us, there is participation in the decision-making
process.
Finally, I'd like to mention that when the Hon. Armand Fabella briefed
the members of the IBP on the concept of continuing government reor-
ganization, i.e., on the bureaucracy, he did mention four major areas of
 Tadena I 59

concern. To mention two, he dwelt on the relationship of local officials and

national officials; second, on the so-called integrated area development
scheme. This means to say that the President is not exactly unaware of the
problems besetting mayors and governors. They are known to him. And by
the way, in terms of resources for local governments, I think there are two
major sources: one is, of course, the government, but more importantly,
some of the resources for development is in the people themselves- the
goodwill of the citizenry, goodwill created by the interplay of government
activities and support of the citizenship.
Thank you.