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Eastern Celts: Cultural Exchanges & Mobility

This document discusses cultural exchanges between Celtic groups and their southern neighbors as the Celts migrated eastward across the Carpathian Basin between the 4th and 3rd centuries BC. As Celtic groups advanced, they interacted and intermingled with indigenous communities in varying ways, depending on the local cultural makeup. In some areas, Celtic and local burial rites were kept separate, while in others the Celts adopted local funeral practices. This gradual process of migration and assimilation left archaeological evidence of both Celtic and native cultural influences across cemeteries marking their route of expansion eastward.
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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
183 views40 pages

Eastern Celts: Cultural Exchanges & Mobility

This document discusses cultural exchanges between Celtic groups and their southern neighbors as the Celts migrated eastward across the Carpathian Basin between the 4th and 3rd centuries BC. As Celtic groups advanced, they interacted and intermingled with indigenous communities in varying ways, depending on the local cultural makeup. In some areas, Celtic and local burial rites were kept separate, while in others the Celts adopted local funeral practices. This gradual process of migration and assimilation left archaeological evidence of both Celtic and native cultural influences across cemeteries marking their route of expansion eastward.
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© © All Rights Reserved
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The celts from Transylvania and the eastern Banat and their southern
neighbours. Cultural exchanges and individual mobility

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Univerzitet u Beogradu, Filozofski fakultet

MediterraneI
Univerza na Primorskem, Znanstveno-raziskovalno središče Koper, Založba Annales
Analles Mediterranei
Edited by Mitja Guštin

The Eastern Celts


The Communities between the Alps and the Black Sea
Edited by
Mitja Guštin
Institute for Mediterranean Heritage, Science and Research Centre Koper, University of Primorska
Miloš Jevtić
Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

Reviews: Acad. prof. Nikola Tasić, PhD; Acad. prof. Biba Teržan, PhD
Secretary: Marija Ljuština, Petra Vojaković, Andrej Preložnik
Translating and proof-reading: Vesna Pintarič Kocuvan
Cover design: Andrej Preložnik
Print: Littera picta d.o.o.
Printed in 300 copies
Publisher
Univerza na Primorskem, Znanstveno-raziskovalno središče Koper, Založba Annales

Cover: Kantharos from Beograd – Karaburma, grave 34 (original in Belgrade City Museum).

CIP - Kataložni zapis o publikaciji


Narodna in univerzitetna knjižnica, Ljubljana

903(4)‘638’(082)

  The EASTERN Celts : the communities between the Alps and the
Black Sea / edited by Mitja Guštin and Miloš Jevtić ; [translating
Vesna Pintarič Kocuvan]. - Koper : Univerza na Primorskem,
Znanstveno-raziskovalno središče, Univerzitetna založba Annales,
2011. - (Knjižnica Annales Mediterranei)

ISBN 978-961-6862-00-4
1. Guštin, Mitja, 1947-
257456384
The Eastern Celts
The Communities between the Alps and the Black SeA

Edited by
Mitja GUŠTIN, Miloš JeVtić

Koper–Beograd
2011
Contents

Mitja GUŠTIN, Miloš Jevtić


From treasure of objects to treasure of words
The past and the present research on Eastern Celts.............................................................................................7
Tomasz BOCHNAK
The Eastern Celts in the North...........................................................................................................................13
László Horváth, Péter Gergely Németh
Celtic warriors from Szabadi (Somogy County, Hungary)................................................................................20
Marija Lubšina Tušek, Boris Kavur
Srednica near Ptuj
A contribution to the beginning of the La Tène period in Eastern Slovenia......................................................31
Alenka Jovanović
Middle La Tène Female Grave 56 from Brežice, Slovenia...............................................................................51
Branko KERMAN
Celtic settlement in Prekmurje...........................................................................................................................65
Daša PAVLOVIČ
La Tène farmsteads near Murska Sobota...........................................................................................................83
Georg TIEFENGRABER
The ‘oppidum Celeia’........................................................................................................................................91
Marko DIZDAR
The La Tène culture in central Croatia
The problem of the eastern border of the Taurisci in the Podravina region.......................................................99
Mitja GUŠTIN
On the Celtic tribe of Taurisci
Local identity and regional contacts in the ancient world...............................................................................119
Maciej KARWOWSKI, Jiří MILITKÝ
The Oberleiserberg types in the context of Taurisci influences.......................................................................131
Borislav JOVANOVIĆ
Galatae and Scordisci
Eastern Celts and the Mediterranean import....................................................................................................137
Marija LJUŠTINA
Rotary quern from Židovar – a glimpse into Late La Tène economy.............................................................143
Petar POPOVIĆ
Late Iron Age ritual pits at Kale-Krševica (southeastern Serbia)....................................................................151
Aurel RUSTOIU
The Celts from Transylvania and the eastern Banat and their southern neighbours.
Cultural exchanges and individual mobility....................................................................................................163
Josif Vasile FERENZ
About the end of the Celtic presence in South-western Transylvania.............................................................171
Ivana POPOVIĆ
The Židovar treasure and Roman jewellery from the Balkan provinces of the empire...................................179
Milena TONKOVA
The silver jewellery hoard from Chelyushnitsa in Thrace – a new perspective..............................................189
Dragi Mitrevski
The treasure from Tremnik and some traces of the Celts in the Vardar valey.................................................199
Valeriu SÎRBU, Cristina BODÓ
Coins from Geto-Dacian sacred sites...............................................................................................................207
Lyudmil VAGALINSKI
A new Late La Tène pottery kiln with a bread oven on the lower Danube(northern Bulgaria)......................219
Jordan ANASTASSOV
The Celtic presence in Thrace during the 3rd century BC in light of new archaeological data........................227
Zdravka HINCAK, Mitja Guštin
Anthropological analysis of Celtic graves from Brežice and Dobova (Slovenia............................................241
Živko MIKIĆ
The Celts in the territory of Serbia – anthropological remains........................................................................255

Literature..........................................................................................................................................................261
Aurel Rustoiu

The Celts from Transylvania and the eastern


Banat and their southern neighbours.
Cultural exchanges and individual mobility
AUREL RUSTOIU

T he so-called ‘Latènization’ of the eastern Car-


pathian Basin resulted from a process of colo-
nisation, at the beginning of the Late Iron Age. Thus,
funerary elements that belonged to the pre-Celtic period,
for example the graves M 198 and M 203 (Németi 1989,
62). The typical features of local burials, dated to the
first Celtic groups advanced from Transdanubia towards period prior to the Celtic arrival, are illustrated by the
the east, to the northern part of the Great Hungarian cemetery at Sanislău (Németi 1982). On the contrary,
Plain and the Upper Tisa Basin. Further advance con- at Fântânele in Transylvania the funerary rite and ritual
tinued towards the south, along the Carpathian Apuseni belong exclusively to the Celtic tradition, although 80
Mountains and later on, some groups settled in Tran-
sylvania. These gradual movements are attested by a
series of cemeteries that mark the above-mentioned
route (fig. 1). Earlier cemeteries start at the end of Lt B1
and the beginning of the Lt B2 sub-phase, while others
were established only from Lt B2 onwards, which may
suggest a slow advance, in successive stages, covering
a period between the second half of the 4th century and
the beginning of the 3rd century BC.
On their way, different Celtic groups interacted with
the indigenous communities and a similar process can
also be observed in the newly colonised regions. How-
ever, archaeological evidence indicates that the way in
which these interactions developed varies significantly
in the areas under discussion, due to the mixed cultural
character of the local communities. For example, within
the cemetery at Muhi – Kocsmadomb in Hungary it
was observed that the Celts and the Scythians were
buried on the same plot, although each ethnic group
carefully preserved its specific funerary rite and ritual
Figure 1
(Hellebrandt 1999, 233-236, Fig. 192). Another example Cemeteries that begin in the Lt B1/B2 (white circles) or in
is the cemetery from Pişcolt in north-western Romania, the Lt B2 (black dots) phase, and the Celtic advance towards
in which a series of cremation burials preserved several the eastern Carpathian Basin (List 1).

163
Aurel Rustoiu

per cent of the graves dating from Lt B2 contain local 31-32). The jewellery includes three bronze bracelets
pottery, which may suggest a rapid integration of the (a pair and a single different one – fig. 2: 27-29), a
indigenous population. Nevertheless, despite regional silver ring (fig. 2: 24) and another one made of bronze
variations, the main funerary patterns of the cemeteries (fig. 2: 20), two bronze earrings (fig. 2: 18-19), six
from the eastern Carpathian Basin are different from iron brooches, poorly preserved and which have not
those belonging to the populations of the northern Bal- been restored (very probably they formed three pairs),
kans. As a consequence, a series of interactions between a bronze Pauken brooch (fig. 2: 25) and another of the
different communities from these two regions can be Thracian type (fig. 2: 26). Beside these, the deceased
identified within certain archaeological contexts. also wore a necklace consisting of five clay beads
First La Tène artefacts appeared in the northern (fig. 2: 1), two light green glass beads (fig. 2: 10-11),
Balkans shortly after the establishment of the Celtic four blue glass beads of various shapes and sizes
groups in the eastern Carpathian Basin. They mostly (fig. 2: 6, 12, 14-15), seven beads made of bronze wire
consist of metallic pieces, like brooches or bracelets, or sheet (fig. 2: 2-5,7-9), a bronze pendant (fig. 2: 17),
and less of ceramic vessels, all recovered from indig- a yellow translucent amphora-shaped bead (fig. 2: 13)
enous contexts. Therefore in the ‘70s, Zenon Wozniak and an amber bead (fig. 2: 16). Two simple bronze rings
(1974, 70-74, Fig. 6; 1976, 389, Fig. 3) and Vlad Zirra (fig. 2: 21-22), together with an iron one (fig. 2: 23),
(1971, 223-226, Fig. 23; 1976, 175-177, Fig. 1), while may have also been part of the necklace, if they were
discussing the origins of such artefacts and assemblages not used as garment accessories with unknown function.
in the Thracian areas, dating from Lt B2-C1, believed The jewellery set is specific for the La Tène environ-
that they are the results of various sporadic contacts ment and includes some elements of southern origin,
between these populations. Besides occasional trading like the Thracian brooch and the amphora-shaped bead.
relationships, the Celtic plundering raids and invasions, According to the typology of the Thracian brooches,
at the beginning of the 3rd century BC, were also taken made by V. V. Zirra (who wrongly includes the brooch
into consideration. The more recent discoveries from from Fântânele in the sub-variant Ic: Zirra 1996-1998,
the northern Balkans did not significantly change the 38), the piece under discussion belongs to the sub-
overall distribution pattern of La Tène artefacts from variant IIIb, dated to the first half of the 3rd century
the Thracian environment. Aside from the metallic BC. All other associated jewellery may help establish
and ceramic finds recovered from sites in present-day the dating of the grave towards the beginning of the
eastern Bulgaria, which might have been related to 3rd century BC. Concerning the amphora-shaped bead,
the existence of the Kingdom of Tylis (Anasstasov similar pieces were imported into the Carpathian Basin,
2006; Lazarov 2006), the number of other artefacts from the Mediterranean world, from the second half
and assemblages dated to the LT B2-C1 remains small, of the 4th century until the beginning of the 3rd century
compared with the territories inhabited by the Celtic BC (Popović P. 1997). The bead from Fântânele was
groups in the Carpathian Basin. perhaps brought to Transylvania through the indigenous
At the same time, a series of artefacts from the communities from the south of the Carpathians, where
southern region has been discovered in La Tène con- such pieces were very popular (see for example the
texts from Transylvania and the Banat. For example, bead from Zimnicea: Alexandrescu 1980, Fig. 52: 6).
a few Thracian brooches are known from different All the above-mentioned artefacts illustrate the
Celtic assemblages (Zirra 1996-1998, 34, 42-44, Fig. existence of some contacts between the La Tène com-
7-8). A similar brooch has been recovered from an munities from the inner Carpathians area and those from
inhumation burial belonging to a woman, from the the northern Balkans. Many finds may have not been a
cemetery at Fântânele. Its funerary inventory con- result of commercial exchanges, since the mechanisms
sists of a rich set of jewellery, an iron knife with a through which material culture circulates across wide
curved blade (fig. 2: 30) and two ceramic vessels (a areas can be diverse (for the nature of various possible
truncated bowl and a beaker, both handmade – fig. 2: relationships between Iron Age communities see Ven-

164
Aurel Rustoiu

clová 2002, 72-74). Regular commercial contacts usually


underline a more general orientation of economic inter-
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
ests towards certain geo-cultural areas. Therefore, such
exchanges are often archaeologically visible through the
concentration of specific artefacts in distinct areas of 10 11 12
14
13 15
distribution and consumption. On the other hand, some
imported artefacts appear as isolated finds in foreign 16 17
cultural environments, which may suggest that they
were less likely the subject of constant and consistent
commercial exchanges. In such cases, the individual
23
mobility must have played an important role in the dis- 18 19 20 21 22

tribution of culturally specific artefacts over wider areas.


The practice of exchanging gifts between political
and military leaders of different communities represents 25
another way through which some artefacts may have 24
26

travelled between various cultural areas. For example,


the well-known golden torques from Gorni Tsibar, in
Bulgaria, might have been the material expression of
certain political relationships established by a Celtic
group with a Triballian chieftain from today’s north-
western Bulgaria (Theodossiev 2005, 85-86). An iron
horse-bit found in the La Tène cemetery from Ciumeşti,
in north-western Romania, dated after the second
quarter of the 3rd century BC (Bader 1984, 85-90; Rus- 27 28 29
toiu 2006a, 43-44, 64, Fig. 2: 7), may suggest similar
diplomatic connections between Celtic communities
from the Carpathian Basin and populations from the
northern Balkans. Similar pieces are known from the
Thracian environment in modern-day Bulgaria, dating
from the 5th – 4th centuries BC (Werner 1988, 34-36).
Two other horse-bits found in Oltenia (Werner 1988,
30 31 32
35, no. 116-117), closely related to the piece from
Ciumeşti, are dated to a later time, which suggests that Figure 2
Grave no. 79/1973 from the cemetery at Fântânele-Dâmbul
such harnessing elements were used for a longer period.
Popii (select inventory). 1-clay; 2-5, 7-9, 17-22, 25-29 bronze;
Very often, the diplomatic negotiations and treatises 6, 10-15 glass; 16 amber; 23, 30 iron; 24 silver. 1-29 scale
were enforced through exchanging gifts, and horses 1:1, 30-32 scale 1:2.
with complete harnessing gear were frequently included.
For example, Titus Livius (XLIII, 5) mentions a Celtic The Celtic warriors, who participated in military
embassy at Rome, who received two horses decorated campaigns in the southern Balkans and were later re-
with phalerae and accompanied by their grooms (other cruited as mercenaries in the eastern Mediterranean,
similar examples at Xenophon, Anabasis, I, 2; Tacitus, constituted another important factor of mobility. The
Germania, XV, 2). In this context, the horse-bit from well-known grave from Ciumeşti, containing a helmet
Ciumeşti perhaps illustrates the existence of similar and dating from Lt C1, very probably belonged to a
practices within the relationships between a Celtic and Celtic chieftain who fought as a mercenary in the Hel-
a Thracian community from this region. lenistic south. The burial was discovered accidentally

165
Aurel Rustoiu

phy). The greaves, made by a Greek workshop, were


not commonly imported commodities, because they
were always manufactured following the precise size
and anatomic characteristics of the owner, and these
details required a direct contact with the artisan. Thus,
the greaves were very probably made in a Mediterranean
workshop, following an order of the Celtic chieftain,
who wanted a status symbol similar to that of the Greek
officers, with whom he perhaps mingled.
However, not only warriors were responsible for
the circulation of various artefacts far from their origi-
nal area of consumption. Very recently, Betina Arnold
has brought into discussion the mobility of the women
within Iron Age societies, mostly as a consequence of
matrimonial alliances between different communities,
sometimes over large distances. The author considers
that such mobility, resulting from distant marriages,
1 2
may be archaeologically visible when the women’s
dress accessories were highly differentiated and if the
newcomers preserved their native costume and jewel-
lery in the adoptive community (Arnold 2005).
A grave discovered at Remetea Mare in Banat is
a significant example for this interpretation (Medeleţ
mss; Rustoiu 2006b, 215-216, Fig. 6-8). The cemetery
itself had a short lifespan, during the Lt B2 and at the
beginning of the Lt C1 phase. Its funerary rite and
ritual illustrate the cultural mixture that characterised
the above-mentioned Celtic cemeteries from the eastern
Carpathian Basin. With a single exception, the cemetery
only contains cremation graves, which have typical La
Tène inventories. The exception refers to an inhumation
grave that belonged to a woman, and whose inventory
3 4
includes a handmade bowl (fig. 4: 6), a wheel-made
small bi-truncated pot (fig. 4: 7), iron tweezers (?) with
fragments of cloth still attached (fig. 4: 5), a Thracian
Figure 3
Grave goods from the grave with a helmet from Ciumeşti bronze brooch (fig. 4: 3) and a segment of a belt with
(after Rusu 1969). 3-bronze; others iron. Different scales. astragals reused as pendants (fig. 4: 4).
Both the funerary rite (singular within the entire
and its inventory recovered and published in succes- cemetery) and the inventory suggest that the deceased
sive stages. The assemblage consists of two ceramic belonged to an ethnically different community. The
vessels, an iron chain, a fragmentary brooch, a javelin belts with astragals had known a longer evolution in
head (fig. 3: 2), a chain mail (fig. 3: 4), an iron helmet the north-western Balkans, starting with the Early Iron
decorated with a bird of prey made in a realistic manner Age (Jovanović M. 1998). The fragment from Remetea
(fig. 3: 1), and two bronze greaves (fig. 3: 3) (see further Mare belongs to the Osijek type, well-known in the
discussion in Rustoiu 2006a, with previous bibliogra- Scordiscan environment (Božič 1982). Similar belts

166
Aurel Rustoiu

have been found in graves dated to Lt C, but some pieces


might have already been in use during the Lt B2. The
segment recovered from Remetea Mare was reused as
a pendant, but a similar practice has also been observed
in other cases. For example, in a grave from Mahrevići,
in Bosnia-Herzegovina, a pendant made of a segment
that belonged to an enamelled belt of the Hungarian 2
type was found (Truhelka 1912, 21, Fig. 12; Guštin
1984a, 340, n. 106). The Thracian brooch from Remetea
Mare belongs to the IIb variant and was dated to the
first half of the 3rd century BC (Zirra 1996-1998, 41,
  0 2 cm

Fig. 4/5, but here its drawing is wrong). These brooches 5

are widespread mainly in north-western Bulgaria and


southern Romania (at Zimnicea and Bâzdâna), but
also in the southern Banat (Banatska Palanka) and the 1
Danube’s Iron Gates region (Zirra 1996-1998, Fig.
10). Recently, R. Vasić has mentioned some similar   0 8 cm

finds from the western Balkans and underlined their   0 2 cm 6


concentration in the eastern Scordiscan territory and in 3
the Iron Gates region, in which they remained in use
for a longer period (Vasić 2000). Therefore, it is not
a coincidence that several hybrid pieces, showing a
mixture of Thracian and La Tène type details, appeared   0 2 cm
  0 8 cm

in the same area.


4 7
Taking into consideration the composition of jewel-
lery and garment accessories, it may be presumed that Figure 4
Grave no. 3 from the cemetery at Remetea Mare (after
the grave from Remetea Mare belonged to a woman,
Medeleţ mss; Rustoiu 2006b). 3-4 bronze, 5-iron. 3-5 scale
who came from a community settled to the south of the 1:1. 6-7 scale 1:4.
Danube, in a contact zone between the Thracians and
the Scordiscan – Illyrians, in which inhumation was fire), an iron horse-bit and two iron elements which
the preponderant funerary rite. Furthermore, she might probably belonged to a ceremonial cart. The entire
have come to Remetea Mare to fulfil a matrimonial assemblage of jewellery and garment accessories is
alliance, probably established during the first half of characteristic for the Celtic environment dating from
the 3rd century BC, between a Celtic community from the Lt C1 phase (second half of the 3rd century and
Banat and her own south Danubian people. the beginning of the 2nd century BC). The bronze belt
Yet, similar matrimonial relationships must have belongs to the so-called Hungarian type (fig. 6), well-
also resulted from Celtic women entering into ethnically known in the middle Danube region (see the discussion
different communities. An isolated cremation grave, in Stancsik, Vaday 1971; Jovanović B. 1983; Rustoiu
discovered by chance in 1977 at Teleşti in Oltenia, 2004-2005, 54-55, 67-68, Fig. 3 – distribution map).
suggests this phenomenon (see the entire discussion Therefore, the funerary inventory from Teleşti represents
in Rustoiu 2004-2005). Its inventory consists of a an isolated Celtic assemblage in a region occupied by
fragmentary bronze belt (fig. 5: 6-13), two fragmen- Getae communities, in which similar La Tène finds are
tary bronze brooches (probably a pair; one destroyed rare. The presence of this Celtic woman, who wore a
on the pyre) (fig. 5: 5), four glass beads (fig. 5: 1-4), richly adorned, albeit typical attire points to the pos-
fragments of a blue glass bracelet (also damaged by sible existence of an inter-ethnic matrimonial alliance.

167
Aurel Rustoiu

funerary ritual might suggest the presence of a suite,


which probably came together with the bride, and was
aware of and able to perform all traditional prescrip-
tions. As a consequence, such matrimonial alliances
required, even if only temporary, the movement of a
significant number of individuals from one community
to another.
The individual mobility facilitated the cultural
exchanges between different populations, often visi­
ble through the distribution of various archaeological
artefacts. However, besides the circulation of material
culture, the movement of people over large distances
also facilitated, according to Natalie Venclová, less
visible exchanges of knowledge, ideology and cultural
practices (Venclová 2002, 74-75). The above-mentioned
examples may suggest that individual mobility was a
social practice, which mainly characterised the Iron
Age elite, but is less evident in other social groups.

  0 5 cm

Figure 5
The grave from Teleşti (select inventory, after Rustoiu 2004-
2005). 1-4 glass; others iron.

Her belt, as well as other garment accessories, suggests


that the deceased came from a Celtic area, perhaps
from the middle Danube region, Transylvania or the
Scordiscan territory.
The presence of such funerary assemblages in
foreign cultural environments raises some questions
concerning the status of the deceased within the receiv­
ing communities. In the above-mentioned cases, the
deceased were buried with their specific attire and
following the rite and ritual of their own community
of origin. Therefore, the careful display of all personal
jewellery and costume accessories, which were not
hidden behind local garment elements, might suggest
a privileged status within their adoptive community, Figure 6
perhaps enforced by the diplomatic nature of the mar- Distribution of the Hungarian type belts (List 2, after Rustoiu
riage. At the same time, the careful observance of the 2004-2005).

168
Aurel Rustoiu

Therefore, despite a rather small number of specific identified within the Celtic culture and civilization in
artefacts, the relationships between eastern Celtic the eastern Carpathian Basin, but also for the Celtic
communities and the populations from the northern elements adopted by various populations from the
Balkans might have been more intense and diverse than above-mentioned southern areas.
previously considered. In this context, many of the so-
called ‘invisible’ contacts might have been responsible This paper is supported by the CNCSIS research grant no.
1256/2007-2008.
for the eastern Mediterranean and Balkan influences

1. LIST OF THE CEMETERIES THAT BEGIN IN LT   5. Cepari: Vaida 2006, 300 (with literature).
B1/B2 (X) AND LT B2   6. Copşa Mică: Zirra 1971, Fig. 3/12.
  7. Curtuiuşeni: Chidioşan, Săşianu 1982.
HUNGARY   8. Dezmir: Crişan 1964, 91-100.
  1. Aszód: Hellebrandt 1999, 11.   9. Diosig (X): Németi 1988, 72, Fig. 11/5-9.
  2. Bercel: Hellebrandt 1999, 147. 10. Dipşa: Horedt 1941-1944, 196-200; Vaida 2006,
  3. Csővár: Hellebrandt 1999, 15-21. 300-301, Fig. 5.
  4. Felsőméra: Kotigoroško 1995, Fig. 15; Szabó 2006, 11. Fântânele – Dealu Popii: unpublished.
102, Fig. 3, no. 30. 12. Fântânele – La Gâţa: Vaida 2006, 302, Fig. 10-12.
  5. Gyoma (X): Maráz 1977, p. 61, Fig. 3, 5. 13. Mediaş (X?): Nestor 1937-1940, 162-163
  6. Hatvan-Boldog: Petres, Szabó 1986. 14. Pecica (X): Crişan 1974b, 44-48; Zirra 1971, Fig.
  7. Hatvan-Bajpuszta (X): Hellebrandt 1997, 69, 1/1, 2/1.
Fig. 1. 15. Peţelca: Crişan 1973b, 51-52.
  8. Hort: Hellebrandt 1999, 168. 16. Pişcolt (X): Németi1988; 1989; 1992; 1993.
  9. Kistokaj-Kültelkek (X): Hellebrandt 1999, 199- 17. Pruniş: Crişan, Rustoiu, Palkó 1995.
215. 18. Remetea Mare: Rustoiu 2006b, 215-216, Fig. 6-8.
10. Kosd: Szabó, Petres 1992, 91-93, cat. no. 27- 19. Sanislǎu: Zirra 1972; Németi 1975, 245-248.
37; Szabó 1995, 63, Fig. 8. 20. Săcuieni: Németi1989, 113.
11. Ludas: Szabó, Tankó 2006. 21. Sălacea: Németi 1989, 113.
12. Magyartés: Maráz 1977, 61, Fig. 4/4. 22. Şeica Mică: Crişan 1973b, 52-54.
13. Muhi-Kocsmadomb (X): Helebrandt 1999, 23. Tărian: Chidioşan, Ignat 1972.
215-236. 24. Toarcla: Horedt 1941-1944, 189-194.
14. Nógrádmarcal: Hellebrandt 1999, 148-149. 25. Turdaş (X): Crişan 1973a, 46-47; Rustoiu 2005a,
15. Novajidrány-Sárvár (X): Hellebrandt 1997, 70-71, 58, Fig. 3.
Fig. 6-7. 26. Vurpăr: Horedt 1941-1944, 189; Ferencz 1998,
16. Penc: Hellebrandt 1999, 31-35. 215.
17. Radostyán: Hellebrandt 1999, 239-251.
18. Rozvágy: Szabó 2006, 102, Fig. 3, no. 16. SERBIA
19. Szentes: Maráz 1977, 62. 27. Pećine: Jovanović B. 1984; Jacanović 1992.
20. Szöreg: Maráz 1977, 62.
21. Tiszarád: Szabó 2006, 102, Fig. 3, no. 15. 2. LIST OF HUNGARIAN TYPE BELTS
22. Vác (X): Hellebrandt 1999, 55-102.
HUNGARY
SLOVAKIA   1. Arka: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 17, no. 1.
23. Cejkov: Szabó 2006, 102, Fig. 3, no. 14.   2. Bonyhád: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 17, no. 3.
  3. Bölcske – Madocsahegy: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 17,
ROMANIA no. 4.
1. Arad-Ceala: Crişan 1974b, 38-39.   4. Cece: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 17, no. 5.
2. Arad-Gai (X): Crişan 1974b, 39-40.   5. Csákberény: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 17, no. 6.
3. Aradu Nou (X): Crişan 1974b, 40-44.   6. Dunafödvár: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 17, no. 7.
4. Archiud: Dănilă 1973-1974, 479; Vaida 2006, 299-   7. Farmos (two pieces in the graves no. 5 and 6): Hel-
300. lebrandt 1999, 26-27, pl. 8-10.

169
Aurel Rustoiu

  8. Jászberény: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 17, no. 10. TRANSCARPATHIAN UKRAINE


  9. Kajdacs: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 17, no. 11. 31. Mukaćevo: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 21, no. 45-46.
10. Karancslapujtő: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 21, no. 44.
11. Kiskunfélegyháza: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 18, no. 12. SERBIA
12. Lengyel: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 18, no. 13. 32. Belgrad-Rospi Ćuprija: Jovanović B. 1983, 46.
13. Regöly: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 18, no. 16. 33. Boljevci: Majnarić-Pandžić 1970, pl. 1/1.
14. Sárosd: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 19, no. 17. 34. Hrtkovci-Gomolava: Jovanović B. 1983, 47-51.
15. Sárszentlőrincz: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 19, no. 18. 35. Mitrovica: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 18, no. 14.
16. Somlóvásárhely: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 19, 36. Novi Banovci: Jovanović B. 1983, 45.
no. 19. 37. Pečka Bara: Jovanović B. 1983, 51.
17. Százhalombatta: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 20, 38. Sombor-Bački Monoštor: Jovanović B. 1983, 47.
no. 21. 39. Umčari: Popović P. 2002, 350, pl. 1/2 (variant).
18. Szentes: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 20, no. 22. 40. Zemun-Beljarica: Jovanović B. 1983, 46.
19. Szennyespuszta: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 20, 41. Zemun-Surčin: Jovanović B. 1983, 46.
no. 23.
20. Tápiófarmos: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 20, no. 24. CROATIA
21. Tengelic: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 20, no. 25. 42. Osijek: Jovanović 1983, 47.
22. Törökszentmikós-Surján: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 43. Vukovar: Majnarić-Pandžić 1970, pl. 7/5.
20, 23-24, no. 27.
23. Vác – Gravel pit: Hellebrandt 1999, 60, pl. 27. SLOVENIA
24. Vezseny: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 7-12, 20, no. 29. 44. Valična vas: Teržan 1973, pl. 12/6.
25. Unknown site – Komitat Fejér: Stanczik, Vaday
1971, 17, no. 8. BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA
26. Unknown site – Komitat Tolna: Stanczik, Vaday 45. Mahrevići: Truhelka 1912, 21, fig. 12 (segment
1971, 20, no. 26. reused as pendant).
27. Unknown sites – Hungary (Magyar Nemzeti Muz-
eum – 12 pieces): Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 20-21, no. ROMANIA – Transylvania
32-43). 46. Ciumeşti: Zirra 1967, 29, fig. 14.
47. Turda: Róska 1944, 71, no. 134, fig. 51.
AUSTRIA 48. Valea lui Mihai: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 21, no. 47.
28. Raggendorf: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 18, no. 15. 49. Veţel: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 18; Rustoiu 2005b,
fig. 9/2.
SLOVAKIA
29. Holiare: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 17, no. 9. ROMANIA – Oltenia
30. Surány: Stanczik, Vaday 1971, 19, no. 20. 50. Teleşti: Rustoiu 2004-2005, 56-57,
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