Chapter III

REFORM MOVEMENT AND EFFORTS FOR

A SEPARATE IDENTITY
 CHAPTER III
THE REFORM MOVEMENT AND THE
EFFORTS FOR SEPARATE IDENTITY

The growth of a collective consciousness among Mappilas has two

definite stages, the first as a religio-cultural community and then as a political
community. While the available literature on Mappilas scantly deals with the
first phase, the final stage when Mappilas emerged as a political community
has been covered widely in these studies. Hence, this chapter is devoted to
the first phase of the emergence of the collective consciousness of Mappilas .

As we have seen in Chapter I, the practice of Islam in Malabar and

many of the popular mentalities, which supported it, were shaped and
moulded by the 'folk' and 'elite' religions of wider Hindu society. As people
with narrow horizons and limited world view, Mappilas were supposed to be
given to 'lax' and accommodated variants of folk worship because they were
close to the forces of nature, their religious life was parochial and localized
incorporating spirit cults and other traditions derived from non-Muslim
sources. But once, as pointed out by Barbara D. Metcalf in another context,
Muslims began to have their horizon widened through the experience of
overseas trade or through other forms of economic and social modernisation
which gave rise to greater physical mobility and an opening up of contacts
and world views, they began to loose this attachment to local cults. 1 The
religious reform movements, which started in Malabar by the beginning of
20th century, regarded this syncretic cults and rites as debasement of the
pristine purity of Islam. According to the reformists, the practice of Islam by
the majority in Malabar was 'deviant' and 'corrupt'. Hence, the most
venomous condemnation of such debased Islam in Malabar came from large
1
Barbara D. Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860-1900,
Princeton, 1982, p.124.

98
volumes of polemical and didactic writings of the reformists and revivalists in
20th century. In a discussion on the formation of a Muslim identity in
Malabar, it is of vital importance to have a critical evaluation of the impact of
those anti-syncretic fundamentalist movements of 20 th century in Malabar on
the changing perceptive of identity. A much clearer understanding of the
reform movement in Malabar may be derived from analysing the 'cultural' and
'societal' aspects of its impact both ultimately converging on the process of
formulating and strengthening the collective Islamic consciousness of
Malabar Muslims. 2 By the middle of 20th century the reform movement of
Malabar brought about revolutionary transformation of the religious and
cultural self-image of Muslims of Malabar.

The reformists, right from the last quarter of 19 th century onwards,

launched a vicious and sustained attack on the non-Islamic accretions and
excrescences of Malabar Islam and urged Muslims to return to the purity of
Islam. This forced on the Mappilas, both individually and collectively, a
growing awareness of what they believed and practiced as Muslims. The first
motive power towards this was supplied by the reform efforts of Sanaulla
Makti Thangal, who was the pioneer among the Muslim reformers of Kerala.

Makti Thangal and the Early Reform Efforts

Reforms in Muslim society mean getting rid of all un-Islamic habits

and customs that were lingering on in the life of Muslims as survivals of
ancestral traditions or as a result of acculturation. The necessity of the reform
of Mappila community was felt under the influence of British rational
traditions. Reformers like Makti Thangal (1847-1912) emerged to rationalize
3
Islam according to the change in the society. By the dawn of 20th century,
the urge for reform of the existing society was visible among almost all
2
The religious aspect of the reform among Kerala Muslims has been discussed in
M.Abdul Samad, Islam in Kerala: Groups and Movements in 20 th century, Kollam,
1998.

99
communities of Malabar, but the pace of change was relatively poor in the
case of Mappilas . Makti Thangal was a product of colonial modernity and he
was exposed to colonial values. At the same time, he anchored on Islamic
scriptures, when he attacked the blind beliefs and archaic practices of
Mappilas . Thus, the early reform movements were both reformist as well as
revivalist. On the one hand they tried to purify Islam from all later accretions,
which run contrary to its original teachings, on the other, tried to uplift the
community through secular education, stressing even on the education of
women.

The Reform movements contributed much to strengthen the

community identity as these reforms were directed against un-Islamic
practices and customs. Neither the early reformers, nor the later reformers
were against the tenets of texts of Islam - Quran and Hadith. What they
attempted was to bring Mappila's life in conformity with textual Islam rather
than to regulate their life according to the standards of colonial modernity.

Makti Thangal was influenced by western values, ideas and methods

and showed a keen interest in cleansing Islam of impurities. But, for him, the
necessity of reform arose from Quran itself and not from modern ideas. It
was the modern ideas that pushed Muslim intellectuals to turn to Quran itself
to find answers to the problems of the community.

Makti was born at Veliyamkode in 1847, as the son of Sayid Ahmad

Tangal, the disciple of Veliyamkode Umar Khazi. He belonged to the Sayid
family, the descendants of Prophet Mohammed. 4 He acquired both secular
and religious education from Ponnani. Besides Arabic and Malayalam, he

3
Fortunately, the complete works of Makti Thangal, have been collected and
compiled by K.K.M. Abdul Kareem with the title Makti Thangalude Sampoorna
Krithikal (Mal), Kerala Islamic Mission, Tirur, 1981, (hereinafter MTSK).
4
K.K.M. Kareem, Sayid Sanaulla Makti Tangal (Biography- Mal), Kerala Islamic
Mission, Tirur, 1981, p.11.

100
was proficient in English, Hindusthani, Persian and Tamil. He served the
British government as an Excise Inspector for a short span of his life, which
he resigned for concentrating on his missionary work.

The second half of 19th century witnessed the hectic Christian

missionary activities in Kerala and umpteen tracts were published denigrading
Islam and Muslims. They published such tracts even in Arabi-Malayalam to
attract the Mappilas . Another means for propagation adopted by these
missionaries was the street sermons. Through both oral and print means, they
attacked Islam and used extremely objectionable language in describing the
prophet and other heroes of Islam, deriding the personal character of prophet
Mohammed. One such tract wrote that 'Mohammed's character was worse
than his religious teachings and there was no one equal with him in
licentiousness and doing wicked acts. He did not consider age or relationship
in gratifying the cravings of flesh. He was a notorious robber. 5 There were
two missionary societies in Kerala, which actively indulged in missionary
works- Bible society, and Tract society. 6 These Christian missionaries
represented Muslims in pejoratives and in the most uncivilized language.
Even a liberal missionary like Herman Gundert spoke about prophet
Mohammed in deregatory terms like 'womanizer' or 'opium eater' etc. 7 It was
in this backdrop, Jaridha Rozgar, an urdu journal from Madras commented,
'The opponents of Islam especially Christian missionaries attack our religion
and publish stupid canards, trumped-up stories and unfounded statements
against Muhamedan religion and prophet. 8 The paper then requested the co-
religionists to help in furthering the cause of Islam against its opponents.

5
Ibid., p.11.
6
K.K.M Kareem, MTSK, op. cit., p.573.
7
M.R. Raghava Varier, Ammavazhi Keralam, (Mal) Kerala Sahithya Academy,
Trichur, 2006, pp.147-48.
8
Juridha Rozgar, (Urdu) Madras, 13th May 1893, MNNPR, TNA.

101
 It was against this background of missionary bitings that Makti
endeavored to create a kind of literature designed to restore Muslims’
confidence in the faith of Islam and arouse consciousness in them of the
superiority of Muslim culture. He was agitated by this debasement of
missionaries and resigned his government job in 1882, at the age 35, and
started his crusade against Christian missionaries. 9 He used his pen and
tongue, both sharp as razor, to counter the arguments of Christian
missionaries against Islam.

In 1884, he brought out his first book Kadora Kudaram (The Ferocious
Axe) which literally cut the Christian allegations in to sizes. He laid bare the
hollowness of the Christian belief in 'Holy Trinity'. As expected it triggered
off a controversy throughout Kerala and one Christian missionary, Vidwan
Kutty came with a counter-tract. In reply to this, Makti brought out another
pamphlet titled Kadora Vajram.10

It has to be noted that Makti shifted his centre of activities to

Travancore and from there, he moved to different centres of Kerala cutting
across the boundaries of Travancore, Cochin and Malabar, propagating his
arguments against Christianity by organizing debates and distributing
religious tracts. He was the first, who effectively used print media for
disseminating his ideas. It was for this purpose that he established a printing
press called Muhammadiya Press at Aleppey, by collecting a Kasu each from
his well-wishers at Cochin. He published a journal called Nabinanayam
(Prophet's coin) from Cochin. The idea behind its publication was to publish
counter arguments to the allegations against Islam by rival sects and to
establish the truth of his Uppappa (grand grandfather i.e., prophet

9
K.K.M. Kareem, Note No.4, p.14.
10
Detail of his books have been given in chapter on 'Print and the Imagined
Community of Mappilas '.

102
Mohammed).11 Through this term uppapa, he was indicating his pedigree
which could be traced back to prophet.

For about 35 years, he led the life of a missionary giving 'tit for tat' to
Christian missionaries. He trained youths to propagate Islam at his own
expense. He engaged in many polemical debates with Christians all over
Kerala and was cunning enough to give curt reply to the questions of
Christians. Once, in one such debates held at Changanassery, he was asked,
'if god is omnipresent, where will you piss? He retorted, 'I will do it on cross
where Jesus (your God) was crucified'. 12 Again, at Trivandrum during a court
session, he made an objectionable remark Kazhuveri about Jesus, which in
Malayalam is a deregatory term. While the judge asked him to withdraw the
term, he replied, 'As per Richard Collin's dictionary, Kazhu means 'cross' and
Eri means 'to climb' and hence, the term meant nothing but one who 'died on
cross.' The court stood aghast.

In a pamphlet Iman Salamath (Protection of Faith) he wrote, 'prophet

was always worried about his 'Ummath' (community) till his last breath.... But
being part of that Ummath, you are not worried about prophet, being abused
as Rakshasan (demon) and his wife Aysha as 'whore'. How will you get the
mercy of prophet in the next world?' 13 This kind of sentimental appeals did
create a kind of community spirit in the minds of Mappilas .

The attack of Christian Missionaries against Islam in market places,

through sermons and religious tracts, created a sense of danger to one's
cultural identity. Mappilas cutting across economic divisions, were agitated
11
Makti Thangal, Nabi Nanayam, pp.2-3 as quoted in K.K.M Kareem, Note no. 4,
p.19.
12
K.K.M. Kareem, Note no: 4, p.75.
13
Ibid., p.24. Compare this with the words of Mehrulla, the counterpart of Makti at
Jessore in Bengal. In 1899 Mehrulla wrote, 'Men, whilst professing Islam, can put
up with the denigration of prophet, are not worthy of the name of Musalman'. As
quoted in Rafudhin Ahmed, The Bengal Muslims; 1871-1906 : A Quest for Identity,
OUP, Delhi, p. 98

103
by the barbed slights at their faith by Christian missionaries. Hence, the
cultural defence against Christianity led by Makti Thangal, did help to arouse
a community consciousness among Mappilas of Malabar.

Against Sufi Tarikas

A major concern of Makti during this period was to liberate the

Muslim masses from the clutches of the Sufi influence. In 1909, he published
a tract La Maujudin Law Point (The law point of the philosophy of La
Maujud', the philosophical monism in Islam). 14 This work is a staunch
critique of the Sufi cult in Malabar. A heated debate was raging among
Muslims of Kerala with regard to the provisionality of the dikr (hymn) la
Maujud illallah (None exist other than Allah). The Ulema of Kerala were
divided in to two warring groups, one arguing that it was permissible to recite
this dikr, while the other group, argued that Islam does not permit it. Even
Mappila songs were composed legitimizing both the positions.15

Makti vehemently opposed this dikr, which he argued was against the
spirit of Islam and an adoption from eclectic Sufi philosophy. He toured
throughout Malabar speaking against this Sufi philosophy. He was against all
Sufi Tarikas, popular in Malabar. He wrote, 'these ignorant fools (Sufi pirs)
prevail upon the ignorant Mappilas to accept their leadership, telling them
that not to accept the leadership of a Imam (leader) is anti-Islamic, enroll them
16
in their register and collect the dues from them annually'. Thus, he had
realized that it was the Sufi pirs, who kept the Muslim masses in eternal
darkness. He was rebuked and manhandled at Tellichery and Valapattanam
by the murids of Sufis. Those who supported the 'Islamic monism' published
a tract called Maktiyude Mudanthanvadam (The False argument of Makti) in
14
K.K.M. Kareem, MTSK, pp.648-658.
15
La Moujid illallah Pattu and Radd la Mauju du illallah Pattu, were popular
among Mappilas during the first decade of 20th century.
16
Makti Thangal, La Maujudin Law Point, p.2 in MTSK , p. 649.

104
Arabi-Malayalam.17 Through this attack on intercessionary Sufism, Makti was
determined to rid the world of its enchanted places, that is of anything that
might diminish the believers’ sense of responsibility. He was determined to
assert the principle of Tauhid (oneness of God).
Against Marumakhathayam
Another issue, which Makti took up, was Marumakkathayam. As we
have seen in Chapter I, this was prevalent among the Mappilas of North
Malabar and certain coastal towns of South Malabar. He criticized it in the
light of Quran. He published umpteen pamphlets both in Malayalam and
Arabi-Malayalam, criticizing the system as a remnant of Hindu culture. In
Parkaleetha Porkalam he wrote, 'on material basis, this people (Northern
Mappilas ) follow the system, introduced by Sankaracharya. Even the Hindus
realized the injustice involved in the system. It is a wonder that the Muslims,
who are money minded, do not feel so. … His beloved wife does not obey or
honour him. He is compelled to leave the tarawad, once wife or her father
insists. ... Islam does not permit this kind of injustice. Muslims don't feel
ashamed of permitting wives to act as husbands. Even in terms of human
nature, a man cannot admit this system'.18 Here, Makti spoke about the
system from a patriarchal point of view. In February 1902, in a sermon at
Shaduli mosque at Koothuparamba, he told the Muslims that 'even the
animals would not practice Marumakkathayam and those who practice it are
not eligible for the grace of God and prophet'.19
Once he was manhandled at Kannur while speaking against the system.
At this hour of despair, it was the Hindus who came to rescue him from the
mob.20 At Taliparamba, he spoke to Muslims to getrid of the evil system of
17
KKM Kareem, Note no. 4, p.30.
18
Parkaleetha Porkalam in MTSK, pp.224-225.
19
KKM Kareem, Note no: 4, p.48.
20
Makti Thangal, Makti Manaklesam, (Makti's Mental Worries), p.65 in K.K.M.
Kareem MTSK, p. 1035.

105
Marumakkathayam, which was introduced in Kerala by Parasurama. He
added that 'as Allah instructed through Annisah (Chapter in Quran), those who
practice it would be punished for negating the rights of one's parents'. 21 Thus,
Makti was cutting the roots of the shared traditions of Malabar and thereby,
dragging the community to an exclusivist identity. These discussions in
public, backed by printed discourse, sharpened the Islamic consciousness as
well as greater differentiation of Muslims from non-Muslims. The early two
decades of 20th century was, thus, the formative period for developing a
scripture based conception of religion in Malabar.
Makti against the Mullas
Makti was also in the forefront of the attack against the traditional
priesthood of Malabar. The slogan, which was printed in the front page of
Arabi Malayalam journal, which he started from Cochin in 1895, was,
He has'nt the hearth or home
Nor has he met any learned
He has'nt learnt any lores

Still, fatwas are not in dearth. 22

These four lines was a true depiction of the inadequate knowledge of

the Musaliyars, in true religious teachings of Islam. Through out his life, he
remained as the betenoire of the traditional mullas. Quite naturally, the
orthodox Ulema utilized every opportunity to oppose him. They even acted
as witnesses against him in certain civil suits filed by Christian missionaries. 23
They also issued fatwas stating that religious sermons were not permissible in
Islam and those who hear and attend his sermons were outside the fold of

21
Makti Thangal, "Nammude Sancharam" Salahul Iqwan (Arabi Malayalam) (ed.)
C. Saidalikutty, Tirur, Vol.3, Issue 4, 1903.
22
KKM Kareem, MTSK, p.4.
23
KKM Kareem, Note no:4, p.68.

106
Islam.24 At the same time, there were some among the traditional ulema who
issued fatwas in favour of religious sermons initiated by Makti Tangal. For
instance, Puthiyakath Abdurahiman alias Bava Musliyar, the then Maqdoom
of Ponnani had issued a fatwa, stating that the religious sermons with the
intention of educating Kafirs (infidels) about Islam was mandatory on the part
of every Muslim.25 As seen earlier, at this juncture also, he was supported by
the Hindu friends. They were much impressed by his scholarship in Hindu
philosophy and mythology and hence, in his struggle against Christian
missionaries, they stood with him firmly. He had acknowledged this in his
autobiographical work, Makti Manaklesam (The Worries of Makti). He says
'As my attempt was novel and the might of my enemies was stronger, my own
relatives and well-wishers were afraid of supporting me. I was waging a lone
battle, without being supported morally or financially. In my endeavour to
start the first journal Paropakari, the help came from my Hindu friends'.26

The trials and tribulations that he encountered in his efforts to eradicate

the evils of Malabar society are vividly described in his autobiographical
work Makti Manaklesam. He was a true Mujaddid (reformer). He stood
against shirk (worship of any object other than God) and Bidaath (innovation)
with firm conviction. Kunhippokkarkutty Sahib says, 'He spoke to the people
that those who pray to anybody other than God and those who believe in the
intercessionary powers of Auliyas, are not true Muslims. He said all this on
the basis of Quranic injunction and it was this that infuriated Musaliyars
(priests) against him'.27

Makti's Efforts in the field of Education

24
Ibid., p.69.
25
Ibid., p.70.
26
K.K.M. Kareem, MTSK, p.1034.
27
P. Kunhippokkarkutty, Satya Prabhodhanam, preface, Amina Book Stall, Trichur,
1963, p.4.

107
 Education was another domain, which Makti was concerned about. He
realized that only through education, the Mappilas could be liberated. It was
with this intension that he organized a sabha at Kannur in 1889, with the
support of Sultan Ali Raja.28 He reminded the Muslims of the rich heritage of
ancient Muslims in the development of modern education. He argued that the
cause of the revolutionary growth of Islam in each period was not sword, but
their contribution in the field of science and philosophy. They translated
many works of physics and science from Greek to Arabic. It was from the
Arabs that Europeans got all this progress. During this golden age of Islam,
Madrasas were not centres of religious learning but secular subjects like
Geography, Astronomy, Algebra, Maths, Logic, Medicine, Craft, Sculpture,
Science, Philosophy etc were taught there'. 29 The message he tried to drive
home was that it was the progress in secular knowledge that led to the
progress of Islamic societies in the past and the Mappilas had to regain that
heritage of their brethren in the past.

He was also worried that the Muslims of Kerala were reluctant to study
English and Malayalam. Regarding this he wrote, 'Malayalam is the language
that satisfied the material needs as well as the guru that teaches all knowledge
about God and the Islamic practice, knowledge in English empowers one to
enter politics and to acquire knowledge to earn money and prestige. They who
argue that the study of these languages is against Islam, are ignorant about
religion'30. He was happy to see Mappilas reading or writing articles and
making public speeches in Malayalam.' 31 He made scathing criticism against
the 'Malayalam' spoken by Mullas, who used to speak and write without
bothering phonetics, meaning and tense. He mocked at the Mullas for using

28
KKM Kareem, Note No:4, p.56.
29
Makti Thangal, Pamphlet 5, in KKM Kareem, MTSK, pp. 700-704.
30
KKM Kareem, MTSK, p.709.
31
Ibid., p.1006.

108
terms like lacha (Raksha) chicha (Shiksha) Manoharam (cleaning after
pissing) Naskathram (Nakshatram) etc. When, once he was asked by a
Muslim youth about his opinion regarding the Musaliyar's fatwa that English
was the language of Hell, his reply was that one should learn English for if he
happened to be in Hell, he could ask the angels in Hell for a glass of water in
their language.32 A recurring prayer in the night sermons (wa'az) by
Musaliyars was, 'Oh God, save us from the sin of speaking in Malayalam as it
is the language of Kuffar (infidels) and hence the language of Jahannam
(Hell)'.33

Through this kind of scathing criticism, he could get rid of the blind
notion prevalent among Mappilas that English was the language of Hell and
Malayalam, the language of Hindus. He felt that all the books on Islam and
its fiqh had to be rendered in Malayalam, so that pupil could easily
comprehend it. It is in this context, he made the following observation about
the traditional educational system of Mappilas in a pamphlet 'Muslims and
Education'. "Children at an early age are entrusted in the hands of Mullas.
For about three years they teach them to read Quran, which is followed by
Pathu Kitabs [a collection of Ten Arabic books including Mutafarid and
Nurul Absar, probably the lecture notes of Maqdoom scholars]. Since these
are in Arabic, the students are taught the meanings of each Arabic word in
Malayalam and this Malayalam is ridiculed even by the aborigines of
highland.....Throughout the course, Malayalam is not taught.... If the Pathu
Kitabs are translated in to Malayalam the students can learn it within two
months, instead of a year. For the last 700 years this system continues....". 34
By exposing the hollowness of the existing system of religious education, he
was arguing for a structural change in the religious education of Mappilas .

32
KKM Kareem, Note no: 4, p.79.
33
K. Umar Moulavi, Ormayude Theerath (Autobiography), Cochin, 2000, p.8.
34
KKM Kareem, Note no:4, pp.40-43.

109
 He initiated a crash programme for the improvement of religious
education. In Makti Manaklesam, he made certain suggestions for the
improvement of religious instruction.35 He believed that the current system
was a waste of energy and time. Hence, he made the following suggestions
for improvements. (a) A Board in each class where the teacher writes the
alphabet and pupil copy it. (b) To institute the system of divisions instead of
single class system. (c) To improve the Arabi-Malayalam taught in
Othupallis, he published Thahleemul Iqwan, in which he tried to evolve
certain new alphabets equivalent to the Malayalam sounds. He also suggested
that not only religious knowledge, but secular knowledge also had to be
disseminated through Othupallis. He realized that only through education the
blind and obnoxious beliefs of the community could be eradicated. He held
the view that the reluctance of priests to speak to the people in public and
their preference of midnight hour for religious sermons, was due to their
ignorance of proper Malayalam. Again, he believed that the ignorance of
Muslims about civil law caused much economic loss to them. He exhorted
Muslims to study Indian classics and epics.36

It was connected with this that Makti fought for Khutuba (Friday
Sermon) in vernacular language. Khutuba was delivered only in Arabic,
though it actually was meant for educating the worshippers about the day-to-
day affairs connected with the community. In Salahul Iqwan of 21st
December 1900, Makti wrote, 'As per fiqh books, except the Sharth
(compulsory section) the advisory part of Khutuba could be in any
language'.37 Later C. Saidalikutty Master of Tirur, published the Malayalam
translation of Ibn Batatul Misri's Khutuba, which was widely used in Malabar
in its Arabic form. This was translated by Vailathur Moideenkutty Musaliyar

35
KKM Kareem, MTSK, pp.1025-1034.
36
Makti Thangal, Muslims and Education in MTSK, p.45.
37
KKM Kareem, Note no: 4, p.83.

110
and approved by 40 leading Khatibs (those who read Khutuba) of Malabar,
Cochin and Trivandrum. This was really a revolutionary movement as far as
the first decade of 20th century was concerned.
Translation of Quran
Makti also tried to bring out the translation of Quran in Malayalam.
As early as 1894, Kerala Sanchari of Calicut, in its editorial, suggested that
Quran should be translated in to Malayalam and the Government should
render help in doing it. This was an urgent matter as in South Malabar,
the Mappilas did not know Arabic and the Quran was taught by
Thangals and Mullas, whose words the Mappils regarded as gospel truth.38 In
Thandan Kondamala, Makti said that 'though 1120 years have passed since
the introduction of Islam in Kerala, not even a single chapter of Quran has
been translated in to Malayalam and the complaint that no one among Kerala
Muslims knew the meaning of the basic text exists. As nobody studies the
Quran through vernacular, it becomes an impediment to the progress of
religion, proper perception of Khutuba and effective religious sermon'.39
Though he tried to publish the first Quran translation of Mayin Kutti
Elaya of Kannur by improving its language, it did not materialize. The notion
that translation of the holy book in to Malayalam is forbidden, was strong
among Mappilas . About this Makti wrote in Makti Manaklesam, ‘In the
absence of proper command over Malayalam language, the idea that Quran
cannot be translated into it, is quite justifiable and even laudable too. But
even after the lapse of 1000 years, it is pathetic that no one realizes the
urgency of translation of Quran into the vernacular.’40

Makti on Gender Equality

38
Kerala Sanchari, Calicut, 23rd May 1894, MNNPR, TNA.
39
Makti Thangal, Thandan Konda Mala (1894) in MTSK, p.43. Thandan Konda
Mala is a tract published by Makti as a reply to the questions of one Kesavan, a
convert to Christianity.
40
KKM Kareem, Note no:4, p.62.

111
 Makti was ambivalent regarding his position about women's education.
When Moosakutty (died in 1930), a contemporary of Makti, argued for the
education of women, both religious and secular, Makti wrote
Nareenarabhichari and countered the arguments that women are equal to
men. He considered women "an object of pleasure for men, wombs to deliver
off his children and as a fertile field for sowing the seeds of men". 41 Again,
his critique of Marumakkathayam was not only on the basis of scriptures but
also on the basis of his patriarchal moorings. He also held the view that
women are to be secluded in their houses because when they go out, they
would attract the attention of other men. Hence he recommended only the ilm
ul farz (compulsory knowledge related to tenets of Islam) for women. Later
Moosakutty wrote a critique to this fundamentalist position of Makti in
Swadeshabhimani. Makti contested these through two tracts
Moosakuttikkorutharam (A reply to Moosakutty) and Moosakuttikoru
Mukhuthi (A nose ring to Moosakutty). Anyhow, later in the second edition
of Nareenarabhichari, he revised his earlier position on women's education
and argued that 'women should get education but should not cross the limits
of Shariath'. Though he was not as progressive as Moosakutty, in a milieu
where education of women was considered forbidden, this was really a step
forward.

At a later stage, in an article Rajyabhakhthiyum Desabhimanavum

(Loyalty and Patriotism) he even ridiculed those who stood for separate
schools for girls. He argued that without causing any ruins to Islamic norms,
Muslim girls could study in common schools. Hence, such separatist
demands were meaningless and contrary to the rights of citizens and would be
branded as disloyal by the Government. 42 By this time, the colonial

41
Makti Thangal, Nareenarabhichari, MTSK, pp.924-925.
42
Makti Thangal, Loyalty and Patriotism, (Mal) in MTSK, pp.726.

112
authorities might have prevailed upon him, for changing his position
regarding women and women's education.

Makti and Malayali Identity

In Desabhimanam (Patriotism), he exhorted Mappilas to have patriotic

feeling towards one's country. ‘Though Keralites are divided into many
religious groups, their birthplace is Kerala and hence forms a community. It
is the bounden duty of every Keralite to honour the motherland and to strive
for its progress. All Muslims of Kerala have to be patriotic and work for the
progress of the Malayali community.’43

Even when, the idea of a united Kerala was a remote dream, he had a
vision about it and he travelled through out Malabar, Cochin and Travancore,
wherever people spoke Malayalam and exhorted them to develop a Malayali
identity. He was the first Muslim writer to speak and write in standard
Malayalam. Titles of his books reveal that he used a peculiar Malayalam
mixing Sanskrit and Malayalam words (eg: Kadora Kudaram, Dampachara
Vichari, Moodahankaram Maha Andakaram etc.)

Makti's ire was also turned against atheists and Qadiyanis. He

published a tract in 1912 exposing the arguments of one Kunhikanaran, an
atheist, in the columns of Kerala Sanchari.44 Similarly in Hindu
Muhammadan Samvadam, he exposed the hollowness of Ahmadiya concept
about prophethood. In that tract, he praised the British authorities for taking
action favourable to Muslims, when they were involved in a dispute with
Qadiyanis in North Malabar.45

43
Makti Thangal, Desabhimanam, MTSK, p.730.
44
KKM Kareem, MTSK, p.973.
45
KKM Kareem, MTSK (Revised edition), Calicut, 2006, p.788.

113
 Makti himself had assessed his contributions to the Muslims of Kerala
thus: 'Protected Islam from the Christian danger; wiped out the evils crept in
to the Iman (belief) of Muslims and their religious education; protected
Muslims by dragging them away from the path of violence; opened the doors
of progress for Muslims; provided the materials for religious sermons and
wiped out the stagefright of Muslim preachers'.46

Thus, at the one hand, Makti tried to improve the material condition of
Mappilas through education and employments and on the other, he tried to
bring them to the path of doctrinal Islam or Textual Islam. For the former, he
sought the help of the British government and even exhorted Muslims to be
loyal to the British. He asked the Muslims 'to have respect for the crown
which is equal to devotion to God, as far as the dictates of the Crown did not
contradict with the will of God'.47 He acknowledged the help rendered by the
Government and appealed the Muslims to utilize the opportunities
provided by it to join the Government services. 48 One can notice a striking
resemblance between the reformist ideas of Makti and Sir Syed Ahmed Khan,
inspite of the disparities in their views on western culture and Christianity. 49
Due to this loyal attitude of Makti, his service was sought by the Government
to pacify the Mappilas in South Malabar during the outbreak of 1896. He
travelled throughout Malabar organizing speeches urging them the hollowness
of the belief that 'getting killed in an attempt to sue his enemy leads to
salvation.'50 He provided new interpretation to Jihad (holy war) as it was
widely misused in Malabar during 19 th century. According to him, Jihad was

46
KKM Kareem, MTSK, p.559.
47
Ibid., p. 722.
48
Ibid., p. 722.
49
Ashraf K.K, Reform and Revival among the Muslims of Kerala- A Study of Kerala
Muslim Aikya Sangam, 1922-34, An unpublished M.Phil Dissertation, JNU, New
Delhi, 1998, p.47.
50
Makti Thangal, Rajabhakthiyum Desabimanavum, in MTSK, p. 722.

114
a fight not with sword but through educating the non-Muslims about religion
and there by winning them to the side of Islam. 51 Thus, Makti adopted the
idioms of modernity without disavowing the basic grammar of Islamic
learning. He was interested in demonstrating Islam's capacity to absorb
modern science, though it drew acerbic comments from orthodox sections of
the community. The press formed the transmission belt for conveying his
ideas to larger segments of Muslim population.

K.N. Panikkar's observation about 19th century cultural defence in

India is pertinent in this context. He held the view that this cultural defence
was manifested in two ways; to create an alternative to the colonial cultural
practices and the revitalization of traditional institutions. While the concern
about education and language underlined the former, inquiry in to traditional
knowledge and an effort to translate it into contemporary practice formed a
52
part of the latter. Makti’s attack against Christian missionaries through
umpteen tracts, his efforts in the field of religious education and improvement
of Arabi-Malayalam, his position about women, and his attack against
Marumakkathayam are but different shades of the cultural defence he
undertook in Kerala.

Other Early Reformers

Makti, the poineer of Muslim Reform Movement, had inspired many in

Kerala during his life time and after his death in 1912. As Moidu Moulavi put
it, 'the later reformers of Muslim community were either disciples or legatees
of this great Mujaddid (reformer)'.53 Other reformers like Chalilakath
Kunhahamad Hajee (died in 1919) Shaik Hamadani Thangal (died in 1922)
51
Makti Thangal, Hindu –Muhammadan Samvadam in MTSK, (Revised edition)
Calicut, 2006, p.790.
52
K.N. Panikkar, Culture, Ideology, Hegemony: Intellectual and social
consciousness in colonial India, Tulika, New Delhi, 1995, p.105.
53
E. Moidu Moulavi, Preface, MTSK, p. 4.

115
Vakkom Abdul Qader Moulavi (died 1932) came to the forefront of reform in
their respective states of Malabar, Cochin and Travancore. Since all of them
were using the print media as a vehicle for disseminating their new ideas,
their works had a direct impact on Muslims of Malabar also.

Chalilakath Kunhahamad Haji (died 1919)

Chalilakath Kunjahamad Hajee was the second important Muslim

reformer of Kerala. In the backdrop of his efforts to improve the system of
54
religious education, he is called 'Sir Sayyid of Kerala'. Born in Tirur, he
was educated at Dars (seminaries) in Kozhikode and Ponnani and later at
Latheefiya College Vellore. He was the first Malayali Muslim to take degree
from Vellore. From Vellore he studied philosophy, astronomy, astrology and
languages like Urdu, Persian, and Tamil.

It was his scholarship in astronomy that led him to write Risalathul

Hisab, a treatise for determining the timings of namaz, the daily prayers. His
tract regarding the direction of mosque triggered off a controversy in Malabar
known as Qibla dispute'.55 Chalilakath, on the basis of an Arabic text
Risalathul Maradini argued that the mosque should be directed to west
straightly but with slight deviation to north.56 At Pulikkal, a polemical debate
was organized on 20th December 1910 between two schools known as Kibla
Ain (the group of Chalilakath) and Kibla Jihath (the opposite camp)57. He
issued a number of fatwas in this regard, which were compiled and published

54
C.N. Ahmed Moulavi and K.K. Kareem, (eds.), Mahathaya Mappila Sahitya
Paramparyam (Mal.) (hereafter MMSP), Calicut, 1978, p.68.
55
Mecca is the Qibla (direction) of Muslims all over the world. Hence mosque are
built heading towards Ka'ba (the holy shrine of Mecca) which lies to North West of
Kerala.
56
K. Moidu Moulavi, Ormakurippukal, IPH, Calicut, 2001, p.56. Also see KKM
Kareem, K.M. Moulavi Sahib, Tirurangadi, 1985, p.38.
57
MMSP, p.484.

116
as Tuhfathul Ahbab (A.M) by Sulaiman Musaliyar.58 This dispute rocked the
Muslim community in Malabar in the early decades of 20 th century and
initiated the reform movement in Malabar. It helped the Mappilas of
Malabar to realize that many a practice prevalent among them were not
according to the norms of Islam and had to be changed.

In 1909, he was invited to Darul Uloom, a prominent institution of

religious learning in Vazhakkad, where he joined in 1909, as the chief
instructor. He was given full freedom by the management, and he initiated a
series of reforms in the basic structure of the system of education. 59 His first
reform was the introduction of class system as per the level of knowledge of
students. Benches, desks and black boards were introduced. Malayalam was
adopted as the medium of instruction. He wrote Aksharamala in Arabi-
Malayalam for the students of lower classes. 60 For the upper classes, he
wrote books like Tahleemul Quran, Diniyath, Amaliyath, Al-luguthul
Arabiya, Madarijul Qurath, Kitabul Surf and Kitabul Nahv.61 Besides
religious instruction, Arithmetics, General Science and Malayalam were
taught at elementary level itself while logic, geography and astronomy were
taught in higher classes. He also introduced modern devices like globe and
maps for effective teaching. At a time when orthodox Ulema denounced
newspapers and journals as lahvul Hadith (meaningless utterances),
Chalilakath advised his students to read newspapers in different languages. 62
He even advised the students to study Kerala Paniniyam of A.R. Raja Raja
Varma. He introduced all these changes at a time when the orthodox
Musaliyars stood against any changes in the traditional system of pedagogy in
58
Ibid.
59
M. Abdul Samad, op.cit., p.50.
60
K.K. Kareem, K.M. Moulavi Sahib, (Biography- Mal), Al-Khatib Publications,
Tirurangadi, 1985, p.62.
61
Ibid., p.63
62
M. Abdul Samad, op. cit., p.50.

117
Othupallis. They even composed a Mappila song, which says, ''M' is the last
letter of Jahannam (Hell). Since the first alphabet of 'M'adrasa (M) is the
last alphabet of Jahanna'm', the path to Madrasa is the path to Hell'.63

He also stood for education of women and he set an example by

sending his daughter to schools, defying the dictates of orthodox Ulema. 64
They who were dare enough to send their children to schools were branded as
Kafir by the orthodox Ulema.65 These Ulemas turned against him and
prevailed upon the management of Darul Uloom, urging that Waqf properties
should not have been used for Madrasa education. They even held the view
that the chalk-dust, fallen on the ground while writing the name of Allah on
blackboard, would be treaded by human feet and this would be equal to
dishonouring God himself. Finally, Chalilakath left Darul Uloom but
established similar institutions at Mannarkkad, Valapattanam, Badagara, etc. 66

Through these dars at various pockets of Malabar, he fostered a gang

of disciples who propagated his programme throughout Malabar. Through
these dars, he could produce hundreds of erudite scholars capable of carrying
on his ideas further. Among them, the notable were K.M. Maulavi, E.K.
Moulavi, Chalilakath Abdurahiman, P.K. Moosa Maulavi, Sulaiman
Musliyar, Cherusseri Ahmed Musliyar, E. Moidu Moulavi, P.N. Moulavi and

63
K. Ummer Maulavi, op.cit., p. 9.
'Oru Kalathum la Thajalul Banina
Madrasa Vazhiyil Yatha allamuna
Miman li Madrasathin Wamimu Jahannami
Onnanu Changathi Bila Thavahumi' (K. Moidu Moulavi, op. cit., p.86).
64
MMSP,op.cit., p.485.
65
One Kunhi Mayan of Tellicheri was branded as 'Kafir Kunhi Mayi' for sending his
daughters to colleges. (K. Moidu Moulavi op.cit., p.44). Also see Kasim Irikkur,
"Kafar Mayine Talasseri Vindum Anyeshikkunnu" in Madhyamam, Annual Issue,
2007.
66
MMSP, op.cit., p.486.

118
P.P. Unni Moideen Kutty. These were the scholars who spearheaded the
Islahi (Reform) movement in Malabar during 1920s and 1930s. Following
the footsteps of Makti, Chalilakath too propagated against Qadiyanis. He
wrote a critique to Tuhfathul Malabari written by Ibn Hasan, an Ahmadiya.67
Through this work, he distanced Qadiyanis from the fold of Islam. This
strategy of exclusion was part of forging a new identity for the Muslims.

Hamadani Thangal (d. 1922)

Though Hamadani Thangal and Vakkom Moulavi were working in

Cochin and Travancore respectively, their efforts to reform the community
did have its impact in Malabar. Hamadani Thangal was the moving spirit
behind the formation of Nisphakha Sangam, which was the forerunner of
Kerala Muslim Aikya Sangam. Similarly, his efforts to translate Islamic
Classics into Malayalam and his Arabic-Sanskrit-Malayalam Dictionary did
influence the Muslims of Malabar. Like Chalilakath, he worked for
educational emancipation of Muslims. For the progress of the community,
Hamadani put forward a Five Point programme through The Muslim in 1916.
It included, (a) establishment of Madrasa in all areas on the model of
elementary schools, secondary Madrasas in towns and one higher centre for
specialised studies in Quran and Hadith in each state; (b) Religious and
secular education for women, as it was essential for a healthy society (c)
establishment of companies and co-operative societies for the economic
growth (d) Formation of welfare committee for weaker sections.68

In his Ilfath-ul-Islam, he advised his fellowmen to desist from

quarrelling with each other like pre-Islamic Arabs. 69 He said, 'Muslims should

67
Ibid., p.485.
68
Hamadani Thangal, "Chila Nirdesangal", (Mal) The Muslim, Vol. V. No.8,
Meenam 1091 (1916).
69
E.K. Moulavi, "Islahi Prasthanam" in Al-Ithihad, Vol. III, No.3, April, 1954.

119
consider Quran and Sunnah (words and deeds of prophet) as the basis of their
life. Muhammadiya Tarika (the order of Prophet Muhammad) is beyond all
Tarikas (Sufi orders). Any rituals, which are against Sunnah, have to be
given up.70 This book made profound impact among Muslims of Malabar.
E.K. Moulavi considered it as the guide for his later reform activities. 71 He
founded many Muslim organizations like Muslim conference (Travancore)
Lajnathul Muhamadiya (Aleppey) Lajnathul Hamadaniya (Azhikode)
Lajanathul Islam Sangam (Eriyad). In short, he provided the framework for
later Muslim reformers of Malabar. He was given eight acres of land at
Alway for the establishment of a Muslim college on the model of Aligarh by
Sir C.P. Rajagopalachari, the then Diwan of Travancore. Though he worked
hard to establish this institution at Alwaye, his long cherished desire was not
materialized, due to dearth of support from the community.

Vakkom Abdul Kader Moulavi

Vakkom Abdul Kader Moulavi (1873-1932), of Travancore, was

another reformer of this period, who tried to revitalize the Muslim community
through the print media. He firmly believed that 'revitalization of Islam
meant bringing back to it the pristine purity and wiping out the accretions
from outside.72 Through his journals Al-Islam (AM), Deepika, and Muslim,
his message reached the length and breadth of Malabar. As put in by Roland
E. Miller 'There is no doubt that Vakkom Moulavi's five issues of
'Al-Islam' sowed the seeds of Islamic reform in Kerala. They created a storm
which swept through from one end of Kerala to the other'. 73 Through this

70
K.K.M. Kareem, "Reform Efforts before Aikya Sangam" (Mal) in Shabab,
Seminar issue, Calicut, 1997, pp.108-111.
71
E.K. Moulavi, Al-Murshid (Mal), Tirurangadi, September 1966, p.6.
72
Mohamed Abda (ed.), Vakkom Moulaviyude Therenjedutha Krithikal, (Mal),
Vakkom Foundation, Vakkom, 1976, p.158.
73
Roland E. Miller, Mappila Muslims of Kerala, Madras, 1976, p.271.

120
journal, he scathingly criticized all kinds of superstitious beliefs and bidath
(innovative practices) of the Muslims of Kerala and naturally the ire of the
traditional Ulema turned against him and they branded him as Wahabi (the
follower of Ibn Abdul Wahab) which was a deregatory term in those days.

Early Reformers against faked Tarikas

Besides these known figures, there were many scholars who tried to
wipe out the syncretic religious practices of Muslims in Malabar. A major
concern of these scholars of late 19 th and early 20th century was the rotten
Tarika cult of Mappilas . Umpteen fatwas were issued in this regard as well
as other non Islamic rituals by the leading Muftis of Malabar during 19th
century itself.74

During the 19th century, a series of fatwas were issued against the
Tarika of Konditty Thangals, pointing out the un-Islamic side of the practice
followed at the Takia of Kondotty. Majmuathal Fatwa, compiled in 1858 is a
collection of fatwas of different muftis of orthodox Sunni fold against Ishtiaq
Sha of Kondotty, who used to ask his murids to perform sujud (prostration)
before him, at the time of baiyath (official pledge).75 Kunjamutti Haji of
Kozhikode (d. 1843), in his fatwa, advised that 'those who are eager to enter
heaven, ought to keep away from such people (Kondotty Tarika) and those
who have already fallen in to their trap, have to return to religion'. 76 Qasi
Abdulla of Tellichery (d. 1838), qazi of north Malabar in reply to a question
raised by Abdul Fatah, the qazi of Kondotty, issued a fatwa which says 'as per
Quran and Hadith, prostration before humanbeing is Kufur'.77 Similarly,
Shaik Ahmed Makdoom of Ponnani (d. 1853) in reply to the query of

74
KKM. Kareem, Note no: 72, p.110.
75
,MMSP,op.cit., p. 280.
76
Ibid, p.282.
77
Ibid., p.283.

121
Muhiyudin Musaliyar, a disciple of Kondotty Tarika, issued a fatwa which
says 'your shaik (Ishtiaq sha) is outside the fold of Islam. Our protest against
your practices like shirking of namaz, use of alcohol and ganja are not issues
of peripheral importance or polemics related to minor issues'. 78 Again
Puthiyakath Ahmad Musaliyar (d. 1878) qazi of Tirurangadi, issued a fatwa
stating that 'prophet, Ashabs and Ulemas in the light of Shariath, Haqaiqath
and Mahrifath, had made it clear that 'one who prostrate to human being, even
if he is a prophet, or Wali would be a Kafir.79

Baithal Ahmed Musaliyar (d. 1897) the qasi of Payyanad, also issued
fatwa against Kondotty Tarika. Chalilakath Ali Hasan Moulavi (d.1938) of
Tirurangadi also opposed Kondotty and Naqshabandi Tarikas on the basis of
Islamic scriptures80. Moulana Chalilakath Kusai Haji, popularly known as
'Kutthayi Haji' (1818-1863) of Tirurangadi, a contemporary and friend of
Umer Qazi, issued fatwas against Kondotty Tarika.81

All these fatwas testify to the fact that through out Malabar, a new
awareness had developed with regard to what was Islamic and un-Islamic in
the practices of Mappila Muslims. This created new consciousness among the
Muslims to check every age old custom in the light of scriptures.

Against Un-Islamic Rituals

The early reformers also turned against other innovative practices of

Mappilas of Malabar. In 1888, Moulavi Mammi Ibn Moosa (Manjeri) issued
a fatwa called Ilharul Haq criticizing the rituals associated with death called
Chavadiyanthiram. The same was approved by Mankada Unnin Moulavi. 82

78
Ibid.
79
Ibid., p.284.
80
Ibid., p.328.
81
Ibid., p.280.
82
Ibid., p.110.

122
Umar Qazi of Veliyancode (1765-1857) was a social critic and ridiculed the
elitist thought of big Muslim families of Malabar. He wrote a poem which
cuts the very root of ethnic and communal consciousness of Mappilas and
heralded the renaissance among Mappilas .83 He did not spare the Ulemas
and their group fights. He wrote 'The first syllable of 'Alim' (scholar) has
changed in to 'la' which means lalim (villain) and hence religious scholars
(Alims) have turned in to villains'.84 He opposed Nercha, Chandanakudam and
all kinds of bidath (innovations)85 Along with his disciple Parappanangadi
Abubacker Musaliyar, a reformer, he issued fatwas against Kondotty Tarika
also.86

Karipanakkal Kunhipokku Musaliyar, in his Irshadul Amma, took a

similar position. He wrote, 'In Kerala some are claiming that the rites
associated with death like Kannuk (3rd day death ritual), Othikkal (recitation at
tomb) Nalpath (40th day of death) are part of Sunnath. Hiding the fact that
these practices are forbidden by authorities in Islamic theology, they (Ulema)
concoct new Ibaraths (evidence).87 Another work of this genre is Vaithulyam
(A.M), a work by Syed Fakrudhin alias Koyatti Thangal, which vehemently
criticizes the faked Tarikas of Malabar. This was written during the last
decade of 19th century. In it, he says 'Likewise certain ballads like Mohiyidin
Mala are venerated as sacred texts by those who claim to follow Ahl ul
Sunnath (the followers of prophet's path). But such practices are not
permissible'.88 Similarly Kottalungal Kunji Marakkar Musaliyar, in his

83
See Chapter on 'The Phase of Popular Islam in Malabar'.
84
Husain Randathani, Mappila Malabar (Mal.), Islamic Publishing Bureau, Calicut,
2005, p.130.
85
C.K. Kareem (ed.), Kerala Muslim Directory, Vol.3, Cochin, 1991, p.253.
86
Ibid., p.253.
87
Ibid., p.110. Also see KKM Kareem, Note No: 62, p. 185.
88
Syed Koyatti Thangal, Vaithulyam (p.278) as quoted in KKM Kareem, Note No.
72, p.111.

123
Thanbi hullalleen, printed at Tirur in 1915, argued that any new additions,
even with good intentions, which contradict Quran or Hadith or Imam's
injunctions, would be considered Bidaath (innovation).89

Syed Abdulla Thangal, nephew of Mampuram Alavi Thangal was

another early reformer of Malabar. He started the first Arabi-Malayalam
Magazine Hidayathul Iqwan from Tirurangadi. He worked for the spread of
modern education among the Muslims.90 E. Marakkar Musaliyar (father of E.
Moidu Moulavi) composed a poem called Durachara Mardanam in 1927,
which exposed the blind beliefs, related to miracles of saints at Thanur and
Muthupetta. He wrote:

'Those who were to Muthupetta

Cameback, realizing the hollowness of 'miracle'

Similar is case with 'Kuttayi water'

Fraud was the thing that prevailed there too

How many have fallen in that trap'91

Here, he exposes the irrationality of the belief in the healing power of

Muthupetta Maqam and the 'sacred water' at Tanur Maqam92. Kattil Veetil
Ahmad Koya popularly known as 'Awwa Musaliyar' was another scholar who
fought against the un-Islamic practices of Mappilas. In 1923, at the time of
Appani nercha in Calicut, he led a procession with burning torches against the
nercha and picketed the Maqbara.93 He also composed songs and distributed
pamphlets to enlighten people against ritualistic religion. His
89
KKM Kareem, Note no. 72, p. 111.
90
K.K. Kareem, Note No: 72, p.110.
91
E. Marakkar Musaliyar, Durachara Mardhanam (Mal), Kodungallur, 1927. Also
see, MMSP,op.cit., p.513.
92
MMSP,op.cit., p.513.

124
'Paurohitythinte Maranamani' (Death knell to Priesthood) was one such work
with definite purpose. Valanchira Kunhahammed (1842-1912) of Manjeri was
another Muslim reformer of South Malabar. He was a disciple of Makti
Thangal and he wrote books comparing the beliefs of both Islam and
Christianity and engaged in debates with Christian missionaries. He was a
94
staunch critic of the blind beliefs of Mappila. He was the brain behind the
first Muslim organization in South Malabar called Hidayathul Muslimeen
Sabha of Manjeri, established in 1897. He went to Madras to meet the
governor and got permission to build two mosques at Manjeri. 95 His Akbarul
Hind deals with the heroic fight of Hyder and Tipu against the British.

Saidalikutty Master of Tirur, (1856-1919) a school inspector and a

multifaceted scholar of Malabar, was another reformer who tried to
understand the real problems of Muslims. In order to awaken the Muslims
from their slumber, he started two journals in Arabi-Malayalam. The first
Salahul Iqwan was started in 1899 and continued till 1906 and the second,
Rafiqul Islam lasted till 1910. The impact of these two journals was
immensely high at a time when religious education was not properly managed
and secular education was anathema to Muslims 96. He wrote textbooks for
students, which were followed in schools for many years. His book,
Matavijnana Rashmi ('Rays of religious knowledge') published in 1908, deals
with the belief and principles of Islam. His journals published articles related
to Turkey Sulthan and stories like Arabian Nights. 97 He was the man behind
the publication of the translation of Jamua Qutuba in to Malayalam and he
prevailed upon forty Khatibs of Malabar to follow the same in their respective

93
P.P Mammed Koya Parappil (hereafter Parappil Koya), Kozhikotte Musalimgalude
Charithram, Focus Publication, Calicut, 1994, p.338.
94
C.K. Kareem (ed.), Note no. 87, p.363.
95
Ibid., p.364.
96
Ibid., p. 368.
97
MMSP,op.cit., p.408.

125
mosques. He was also instrumental in the foundation of Maunathul Islam
Sabha, the missionary organisation founded in 1900. His books like
Musligalum Naveena Vidhyabhyasavum (Muslims and New Education),
Musligalum Sasthravum (Muslims and Science), 'Mathavijana Rasmi' etc did
yoemen service in reforming Muslims.

Pulikottil Hydru (1879-1975), a native of Wandoor was a well-known

Mappila poet of Malabar. Though he was loyal to the British and opposed to
the Congress, he stood firmly with reformists in religious perspectives. With a
reformist zeal, he wrote a number of poems, which had magical impact on
average Muslims. The poems, which belong to this genre, are
Dhuracharamala, Kaliyugam, Kathukuthumala, Streemardhimala,
Maranmarude Thakararu etc.98 Thazhekot Ahmadkutty (d. 1940) wrote a
poem 'Kathukuthumala' depicting the horrors and un-Islamic content of the
ear piercing.99 Similarly, M. Kunhava Musaliyar composed a song 'Bidath
Mala', criticizing the innovative practices crept in to Malabar Islam.
Chalilakath Ali Hasan Moulavi of Tirurangadi (d.1938) was a staunch critic
of Chavadiyanthiram and Kodikuthu nercha.100

All these were efforts in the path of reform carried out by individual
leaders. These were isolated attempts by individuals without any
organizational basis. Very often, they failed to get the support of the Muslim
masses. Makti Thangal was always complaining about the lack of support for
his efforts from among the Muslims. One common thread that could be seen
in all of them, was that they were against the superstitious beliefs among
Mappilas and therefore strived hard to bring them to the fold of scriptural

98
See M.N. Karassery (ed.) Pulikkottil Krithikal (Mal), Mappila Kala Sahitya Vedi,
Wandoor, 1979. A detailed analysis of his poems is given, in chapter on 'Print and
the Imagined Community of Mappila'.
99
MMSP,op.cit p.507.
100
Ibid., p.325.

126
Islam. The early reformers felt that the basic cause of the spread of pagan
beliefs among Muslims was lack of knowledge in the basic principles of Islam
and hence, they adopted the method of teaching and preaching true Islamic
tenents, as propounded in Quran and Hadith.

Due to different factors, these leaders could not bring about an

extensive movement itself. One major block was the educational
backwardness of the community. The state of Muslim education throughout
19th century and early decades of 20th century was pathetic, as testified by
William Logan C.A. Innes etc. Similarly the absence of interaction with their
fellow brethren inside and outside Kerala was another factor. They were cut
off from Muslims of North India by the barriers of geography as well as
language. While North India was severely influenced by puritanic ideology
of Abdul Wahab in 19th century, Mappila Muslims remained aloof from it,
and through their Thangals from Yemen, they remained under the
conservatism of Arab Sunni Orthodoxy. The early reformist preachers, by
their constant emphasis on exclusive character of Islam, urged Muslims to
discard all un-Islamic accretions from local beliefs and practices.

Kerala Muslim Aikya Sangam and the beginning of Oraganized Reform

Movment

As we have seen already, the early individual efforts in the direction of

reform of the Muslim community, brought about a distinct cultural
consciousness among them, at least in a rudimentary form. But by about
1920's, this consciousness was crystallised in to a movement, with the
formation of Kerala Muslim Aikya Sangam.

The traumatic experience of Malabar Rebellion prevailed upon the

educated sections of Muslims to think about the ways in which they could
overcome the pathetic situation and save the community from the stalemate.

127
They also realized that only through organized efforts, not through individual
initiatives, they could chalk out a programme for improvement of the
community. The real push came when the internal disputes between the
leading families of Kodungallur reached its climax and began to threaten the
unity of the community. In this background, a group of spirited leaders
invited the Muslim scholars of Kerala to attend a conference at Eriyad
(Kodungallur) in 1922, to discuss the main issues related to the Muslim
community of Kerala and to form an organization to give vent to their
grievances. Kodungallur was one of the few Muslim pockets in Kerala,
where there was a wealthy and educated Muslim intelligentia. During the
Malabar Rebellion, most of the scholars of Malabar like K.M. Moulavi had
been given assylum at Kodungallur. Thus, in 1922, the learned Ulema and the
reformist leaders like K.M. Moulavi, Hamadani Thangal, Manapatt. P.
Kunbahamed Haji, Seethi Mohamed etc. formed an association called
'Nishpaksha Sangam', to settle the disputes among Muslim families of
Kodungallur.101Hamadani Thangal, the chairman of the meeting in his
presidential speech (published later in Arabi-Malayalam as 'Kutubatul
Hamadaniya') urged the Muslims about the need for an organization. He said,
'It is obligatory on every Muslim, by the command of Allah, to support and
help each other, to form an organization to advise the good and prevent the
evil ..... If such an effort is not made, the Islamic rituals will become
meaningless and the vice will overpower the virtue'. 102 In this speech, one can
see a clear sign of the community identity slowly but steadily gaining ground
in Kerala.

Though the Sangam failed to stop the family-feud in Kodungallur,

which ofcourse was its initial objective, its activities began to spread in the

101
K.K.M. Kareem, Note No: 62, p.42.
102
Hamadani Shaik, "Kutubatul Hamadaniya" Presidential Address in the Formation
Meeting of Nispaksha Sangam. Kodungallur, 1922.

128
neighbouring areas. Following the advice of the chairman, the Sangam
convened its first meeting at Eriyad in 1922 itself and decided to expand its
activities and renamed it as Muslim Aikya Sangam.103 Thus, the first Muslim
organization representing the Muslims of Malabar, Cochin and Travancore
was set up in 1922. The pan-Kerala stamp of the organization is evident from
the fact that the first annual conference of the Sangam at Eriyad in 1923, was
attended by leaders from the length and breadth of Kerala like Mohemad
Serul Sahib (Kasargod) Mohamed Kunji and Mammu Sahib (Tellichery) T.P.
Moidu (Mahe) Vallanchira Kunji Moyi (Manjeri), Vakkom Kader
(Travancore) etc.104 Besides, the political leaders associated with Khilafath
Movement in Malabar, like E. Moidu Moulavi, Mohemad Abdurahiman
Sahib, K.M. Moulavi and E.K. Moulavi were also active in it. Basically it
was an association of the educated Muslim middle class and the enlightened
religious leadership of the community and lacked popular support.

It was Makti Thangal who had made Kodungallur a favourable soil for
the efflorescence of reformist ideas. He had fostered a young Muslim group
in Kodungallur, receptive to reformist ideology.105 The general mood of the
audience in the meeting was to transform it in to a permanent organization
with a pan Kerala stamp.

The following were the main objectives of the Sangam.

1. To unite Muslims of Kerala for the general good of the community,

setting aside their internal feuds.

2. To enlighten Muslims through oral and print media.

103
E.K. Moulavi "Kerala Muslim Aikya Sangavum Navothanavum" in P.A Said
Mohamed (ed.), Kerala Muslim Directory, Cochin 1960, p.470.
104
K.K.M Kareem, Note no. 62, p.144.
105
N.K. Ahmed Moulavi, "Aikya Sangavum Kerala Muslimkalum" Shabab Seminar
Issue, Calicut, 1997, p.114.

129
3. To set up a panchayath to settle disputes within the community.

4. To eradicate all un-Islamic practices and to strive for the religious,

moral and economic betterment of the Muslims.106

Thus, the main focus of the Sangam was unity of the community and
upholding of the concept of Tawhid (unity of God). It held the view that the
real cause of the dilemma of the Muslims was that they deviated from the
teachings of the scriptures and hence, it advised exhorted them to go back to
vedas or Quran and Sunnath. Quite naturally, its primary target was the
destruction of 'popular Islam' in Malabar. The Sangam vehemently opposed
the un-Islamic practices like Chandanakudam, Kodikuthu nercha, Ratib,
Mala and Moulud.107 They could stop the Chandanakudam at the Saipinte
Palli in Ponnani and tried to stop the Kodikuthu nercha at Manathala
Hydroskutti Moopan's Maqam. It was as per its mediation that Beeran Sahib,
who used to finance the Kodikuthu, declined to assist it financially.108

A prominent achievement of the Sangam was the formation of an

Ulema association called Kerala Jamiathul Ulema (hereinafter KJU). The
first conference itself had decided to from an organization of that sort and
E.K. Moulavi was entrusted the task of framing its constitution. In the second
conference of Aikya Sangam held at Alway in May 1924, the Kerala
Jamiathul Ulema was officially formed, which later spearheaded the Islahi
movement in Kerala. The leaders of Aikya Sangam had toured all over
Kerala, inviting Ulemas to the meeting, scheduled at Alway in May 1924 with
the intention of forming an association of religious scholars.

106
Muslim Aikya Sangam Niyamangal (Constitution of Muslim Aikya Sangam)
published by Aikya Sangam, 1923, p.3.
107
N.K. Ahmed Moulavi, op. cit., 1997, p.117.
108
Ibid., p.117.

130
 Kerala Jamiathul Ulema was formed in 1924 with M.Adbul Kadir
Moulavi, as president and C.K. Moideenkutty as secretary. Prominant
religious scholars of Kerala like E.K. Moulavi (Kadavathur) P.N. Mohemad
Moulavi (Pulikkal) Moosakutti Haji (Kannur) P.M. Abdul Qader (Kottayam)
B.V. Koyakutti Thangal (Chavakkad) Palassery Kammu Moulavi (Kuttur)
P.P. Unnin Kutty Moulavi (Pulikkal) etc were the working committee
members.109As suggested by the chairman of the conference, Abdul Jabbar
Hazrath, a five point programme was accepted by the conference as the
agenda of KJU.

1. To bring unity among Muslim Ulemas, who were at daggers drawn.

2. To form a Muslim panchayath to settle dispute among them.

3. To set up a Darul Ifta to issue fatwas (religious decrees).

4. To strive to ascertain the real faith among Muslims, purging out the
anti-Islamic accretions.

5. To organize Islamic missionary activities.110

Hazrat Abdul Jabbar, in his inaugural address, urged the Muslims to

put an end to the ongoing polemics among various Sufi orders like Shaduli
and Chisthi and between schools of jurisprudence like Shafi, Hanafi etc. and
to work for the integration of Muslims in Kerala.

A remarkable achievement of Aikya Sangam was the publication of

two journals, Muslim Aikyam in Malayalam and Al-Irshad in Arabi-
Malayalam, with P.K. Muhamedunni and E.K. Moulavi as editors
respectively. In Mathrubhumi, Manappatt P. Kunhi Mohamed wrote, 'The
sole cause of the decline of Kerala muslims is ignorance about religion and
109
Kerala Muslim Aikya Sangam, Second Annual Report, 1924, pp. 40-41.
110
Ibid., p.31.

131
blind beliefs. No permanent cure is possible without knowledge of religion.
Hence, a journal to advise Muslims about religious teaching in Arabi-
Malayalam, which alone could be followed by majority, is essential in the
present context'.111 Another journal called Al-Islah (A.M) was also published
by Sangam. Though these journals could not last long, due to the opposition
of the orthodox wing and the general indifference of Muslims to reading
culture, their impact was tremendous.

The subsequent conferences of the Sangam were held at various

centres of Kerala like Calicut (1925), Thalasseri (1926), Kannur (1927), Tirur
(1928), Ernakulam (1929), Trivandrum (1930), Malappuram (1931),
Kasargod (1932), Eriyad (1933) and Kannur (1934).112 The 12th and the last
conference was held at Kannur in 1934, along with the conference of Kerala
Muslim Majlis, the first organisation of Muslim League sympathisers, formed
in 1931. In this conference, the Aikya Sangam was dissolved and merged
with Kerala Muslim Majlis, as both were striving for the same goal. The Waqf
properties of the Sangam were transferred to Rousathul Uloom Association of
Feroke, which founded Farook College, the first Muslim college in Kerala. 113

Crusade against Bidath (Innovations)

If one goes through the innumerable resolutions passed at various

conferences held between 1923-1934, it could be seen that the main focus of
Aikya Sangam was regaining the pristine purity of Islam in Kerala. They
stood firmly against all accretions to Islam that contradict the basic tenets
of Islam like Kodikuttu nercha, Chandanakudam, Kathukuthu,
Marumakkathayam, etc. which were part and parcel of popular Islam in
Malabar. In a pamphet, Al-hidaya distributed at the 3rd conference in 1925,

111
Mathrubhumi, 8th March, 1924.
112
K.K.M Kareem, Note no. 62, pp.142-154.
113
Ibid.

132
the Sangam unequivocally opposed the tomb worship, covering of Jaram,
Chandanakudam, Kodikuthunercha, etc.114. This was based on the Ibaraths of
Ibn Haitami's 'Sawajir'. It was this tirade against bidath (innovations)
practiced and supported by the orthodox Ulemas that compelled them to turn
against 'Aikya Sangam'. K.M. Moulavi's Arabi-Malayalam work 'Al-Hidaya
Ila Mahqil Bida Wadwalala' criticized the mortuary practice and tomb
worship, in the form of Chandanakudam, Kodikuthu, etc.115 In short Sangam
leaders were against all kinds of polytheism and they strictly adhered to the
Islamic concept of Tauhid. As put in by E.K. Moulavi, 'it is an undisputable
fact that all the enlightenment and encouragement that is visible in Kerala in
these days, is the product of the activities of Aikya Sangam within a period of
12 years.116

K.M. Moulavi, the foremost leader of Aikya Sangam, along with his
trusted leftenant E.K. Moulavi, played a prominent role in the dissemination
of reformist ideology in Malabar, through his reform-oriented journals
mentioned earlier. He stormed the citadels of orthodoxy, incessantly fought
against all forms of shirk (polytheism) and Bidath (innovations) that were
rampant in Muslim society. Through his public speeches, articles and fatwas
(decrees on religious issues) published through such journals, he carried on
his crusade against the evils of Muslim community.

What prompted the leadership of both Aikya Sangam and KJU to stand
against bidath was their concern about Touhid (unity of God), which they
believed was the very foundation of Islam. They held that saint worship; tomb
worship and invoking the help and intercession of the dead (Thavassul
Isthiqaza), were contrary to monotheistic foundation of Islam. They opposed

114
N.K. Ahamad Maulavi, op. cit., p.122.
115
K.K. Kareem, Note no. 62, p.181.
116
E.K. Moulavi, "Kerala Muslim Aikyasanghavum Navothanavum", in P.A. Sayed
Mohammed (ed.), op. cit., p.470.

133
all forms of Bidath like nerchas, Chandanakudam, Moulud, Ratib, dowry
system, matriliny and such practices, which had no sanction in Quran and
Hadith. They rejected Taqlid (blind acceptance of views of early Imams) and
accepted the validity of Ijtihad (independent research based on scriptures). In
other words, the reform movement initiated by Aikya Sangam and KJU,
exhorted Muslims to return to Quran and Hadith and abandon anything that
run contrary to the original teachings of Islam.117

The reformists alleged that the traditional Musaliyars were responsible

for all the decay and distress of the community. In an article, in 1930, A.
Mohemad Kunnu, a reformist scholar, exposed the Musaliyars and their
unscientific methods of religious instruction thus: 'What do the Musaliyar do
with Quran which ought to be the light of the Muslim? They use it to recite
on the tomb (not when he is alive) and to ward off the evil spirits... In this
way they amass wealth. There is no convergence between what God intended
with Quran and what Musaliyars do with the same... They strive hard to
topple all attempts to eradicate the evils like Moulud, nercha and tomb
worship and thereby, they negate the very basic principle of Islam, Touhid....
They have neihter the eyes to see the pretty face of Islam, nor the nose to
enjoy the fragrance of Islamic ideals.'118 K.C. Komukutty Moulavi, in his
presidential speech at the meeting of Kozhikode Muslim Sangam, Calicut in
1926, shared the same view thus : 'Though many causes can be discerned for
the decline of Mappilas , the prominent one ofcourse is Musaliyars. They
used Islam as a puppet in their hands and the community is suffering on

117
E.K. Ahmed Kutty, "Islam and Social Reform Movements in Kerala", Journal of
Kerala Studies, Vol. V, December 1978, part III & IV, pp.439-451.
118
A. Mohamed Kannu, "Parishkara Vairikal" (Fundamentalists among the Muslim
Community), article in E.M. Habeeb Mohamed (ed.), Sahradayopaharam, (Mal)
T.V. Press, Quilon, 1930, pp.9-17.

134
account of that. They discourage all means of modernization like schools
newspapers etc. and Aikya Sangam is anathema to them'.119

Moulavi Abdul Hameed, the Chairman of 8 th Annual Conference of

Aikya Sangam (1930), also drew the attention of the audience to the evil
influence of Musaliyars, in perpetuating ignorance and idolotory among
Muslims.120 Moidu Moulavi, in his article, 'The Thangals and Musaliyars of
Malabar' in Al-Islam, a journal published by Vakkom Abdul Kader Moulavi,
despised the Thangals and Musaliyars for exploiting the ignorant Mappilas.121

E.K. Moulavi, a prominent leader of reformist school in Malabar, in an

article "Kerala Muslims and anti-Islamic rituals", deals with four anti-Islamic
practices followed by Muslims, (a) Marumakhathayam (b) Spend thriftness
(c) Dowry (d) Tomb worship.122 About Marumakhathayam, he opined that it
undermined a chapter in Quran and ruined the unity and fraternity of Islam.123
He also opposed the expensive ceremonies connected with wedding, ear
piercing and circumcision.124 His attack against tomb worship was emphatic
when he says, 'some argue that this tomb worship is Siyarathul Qubra (visit
of tomb, which is meritorious indeed) and they, who oppose it are opposing
the visit to tomb itself. Had it been a meritorious deed, the Salafis
(companions and contemporaries of prophet) would have done it. This evil
has crept in to Islam from other religions. Certain false Shaik's miracles and
the meaningful silence of alims (knowledgable persons) led to its spread in

119
Mathrubhumi, 7th January, 1926.
120
Mathrubhumi, 25th May, 1930.
121
K.K.M. Kareem, Note No:62, p.179.
122
E.K. Moulavi, "Kerala Muslims and Anti-Islamic Rituals", E.M. Habeeb
Mohamed (ed.), Sahradayopaharam (Mal) T.V. Press, Quilon, 1930, pp.155-164.
123
Ibid., p.159.
124
In connection with his daughter's wedding Kallai Kunhahamed Koya spend 5000
Rs.5000 for fire works and for two consecutive days, the inhabitants of Kallai turned
duff (Malayala Manorama, 21st October, 1922).

135
the community125. He further argued that as per Islamic shariath, no building
is permitted on tombs and praying to an intercessor was shirk.126

The reformist stressed that saints were great men, worthy of respect but
that prayers should never be offered to them with the intention that they
would pass them on to Allah (Tawassal Isthigaza). Only Allah could be the
recipient of prayers.127 The worshippers of saint become guilty of shirk
(idolatry). Hence, the reformists relentlessly fought against bidaath like
Muharam, Kodikuthu, Maqbara building, Chawadiyanthiram (death rituals)
etc.128

The sole aim of the reformist was to spread the message of Quran and
Hadith and to familarize Muslims of the methods of Salafis (companion of
prophet). Organization of religious sermons, publication of articles and
books distribution of pamphlets, restructuring of Madrassa syllabi as per
Quran and Hadith etc. were envisaged as the effective means to achieve the
above aim.129 There was no other difficult task than to convince the Muslim
masses that what they had been practicing for centuries in the name of Islam
was not Islam at all. The reformists criticized the Musaliyars for following
the out dated system of pedagogy in othupallis and for engaging in hair-
splitting debates on unimportant issues. They were asked to comprehend the
real spirits of Quran and to try to achieve a proper understanding of Sunnath.
The reformist held the view that for the revitalized understanding of religion,
speculative reconstruction (Ijtihad), blind imitation (Taqleed), was necessary.

125
E.K. Moulavi, op.cit., p.161.
126
Ibid., p.163.
127
11th Annual Report, 1935, Kerala Jamathul Ulema, Pulikkal, 1935, p.4.
128
Ibid., p.5.
129
M. Mohemad Abdul Kader, "The place of Muslims in history of Kerala,"
Sahrdayopaharam (ed). Mohemad Habib, op. cit., p.8.

136
 The emphasis on Touhid (unity of God) led them to abhor all practices,
which smacked of polytheism. Socio-religious festivals of Muslims must be
in accordance with Islamic tenets and hence, they denounced all un-Islamic
rites like tomb worship, devotion to pirs etc. In other words, they advised to
abandon all practices and traditions, which had encouraged syncretism
between Hindus and Muslims. Social exclusiveness was the base for building
up community exclusiveness. During the pre-reformist phase, the Muslim
masses had been more influenced by common traditions shared with Hindus
in the past. The reform movement enforced a break with this past in the lives
of Muslim masses.

When the Aikya Sangam was amalgamated with Kerala Muslim Majlis,
the focus was turned to socio-political interests of Muslim community. The
most important aim of Aikya Sangam for a decade had been the theological
reform of Muslims and this was sidelined by Kerala Muslim Majlis.
Realizing this danger, K.M. Moulavi took the initiative to reactivate the
Kerala Jamiathul Ulema (hereafter KJU). K.M. Moulavi, along with his
close associates re-organized the ulema association and got it registered under
Societies Act XXI on 23 February 1933.130 From 1935 onwards, KJU
initiated vigorous campaigns through Wa'az (religious sermons) to educate
the masses about the dangers of superstitious beliefs and practices in the name
of Islam.

Wa'az (Sermon) as a means of Religious Education

The most important means to impart religious education to the masses

during this period was public lecturers called Wa'az. These were usually held
in mosque premises in the midnight hours. A host of scholars like Issudin
Moulavi, P.K. Moosa Moulavi, M.C.C. Abdurahiman, K.M. Moulavi,
Paravanna Muhiyudin Moulavi etc. were engaged in such Wa'az programmes
130
11th Annual Report 1935, KJU, Pulikkal, p.2.

137
all over Malabar and within a period of two decades (1930's and 40's) the
reformist ideology spread in the length and bredth of Malabar. 131Wa'az made
the rural Muslims intensely aware of issues concerning life in Islam, which
was far beyond the narrow limits of his daily existence in remote villages.
The Wa'az was peaceful assemblies designed to address the masses on the
importance of leading a pious life. These were effective means of
communication with the masses in the rural Malabar. With the introduction
of public address system, more Wa'az programmes were organized to
galvanize public support for their ideology. In every village, such Wa'az were
organized. Normally Wa'az programme lasted for about seven days and
during Ramzan, it lasted for about two weeks. These were occasions also for
raising funds for building mosques and Madrassas. These Wa'az provided
opportunity to bring rural Muslims together and made them concious of their
own identity. It strengthened the bonds of unity among Muslims of various
localities at a time when transport and communication facilities were meagre.
At the same time, these were occasions when Moulavi's exhorted the Muslims
to stay away from syncretic practices of Kufr or Kafir. These pejorative
terms, in a way, were objectionable to Hindus and indirectly it helped to
polarize the two communities. Thus, the Wa'az became a regular feature of
Mappila social life during the middle of 20th century and created a new
awareness of Islamic identity among them, as the reformers advised them to
revive the true spirit of Islam by changing their life style.

Polemical Debates

Another impact of the reformist movement in Malabar was the

Vadapradivadam (polemical debates) between reformists (Mujahids) and
traditionalists (Sunnis). This was an entirely new pattern of religious activity
in rural Malabar, though the debates between Makti and Christian

131
M. Abdul Samad, op. cit., p.102.

138
missionaries were held in North Malabar in 19 th century. We come across
umpteen such debates between Mujahids and Sunnis in different parts of
Malabar, like Sulthan Bathery, Kodiyathur, Panoor, Kottappuram etc. By
1930's, the priests of Malabar had joined either of these two factions. 132 These
polemical debates, called 'Vadaprathivadam' in Malayalam, were really open
public meetings held to debate controversial theological questions. Such
debate became a common occurance in Malabar during 1930's and 1940's.
These Samvadams debated a variety of questions concerning the
interpretation of various doctrinal issues, over which the rival groups differed.
The prominent issue that excited such debates in Malabar was related to
intercessionary prayers or Tawassul Isthigaza. It will be of interest to
examine one such famous debate held at Nadapuram in Kozhikode Taluk in
1933, which was the first of its kind in Malabar. The venue of the debate was
Pulikoolwayal in Nadapuram. Even prior to the debate both Sunnis and
Mujahids had indulged in a notice war against each other. 133 Kanniyath
Ahmed Musaliyar led the side of Sunnis and Kattilasseri Mohemad Moulavi,
well versed in logic, led the Mujahid group.134 The orthodox section visited
the Menakoth Maqam for their success in the debate. The whole meeting was
controlled by District Police Superindent Kalimulla, as such debates usually
ended up in clashes. Both sides were seated in opposite sides and the first
question, raised by the Sunni Musaliyar was whether the Auliyas (saints)
possess miracle-making powers (Karamath) after their death. The Mujahid
Moulavi replied that such powers would cease after death. Immediately, there
came the second question, where is the dalil (evidence)? The crowd, the
sympathizers of Sunni fold, without waiting for an answer, began to roar that
the Mujahids were defeated in the debate. The result was pandemonium and
132
K. Moidu Moulavi, op.cit, p.71.
133
Ibid., p.71.
134
The priests of Sunni fold were known as Musaliyars and of Mujahids as
Moulavis.

139
the meeting was dissolved. The issue of the debate, 'whether one can invoke
the blessings of dead saints was never settled.135 Though the Sunnis claimed
that the Mujahids were defeated in the debate, the educated Muslims of
Malabar realized that the debate was deliberately obstructed by the Sunnis and
that the formulations of the Mujahid scholars were not baseless.

Another samvadam was held at Punur in Calicut district in the late

1930's. Both parties assembled in opposite buildings and the crowd in the
middle on the road. As in Nadapuram, the bone of contention at Punur was
related to Tawassul Isthigasa or intercessionary prayer with the intention of
seeking the blessings and succour of dead saints. The Mujahids argued that
such practices were shirk and Quran and prophet had denounced it in hard
words. When the Mujahids asked, whether there was any proof in Quran
permitting Isthigaza (mediation between God and man), the Sunnis took
almost four hours to answer the same and in the midnight hour they came
with a reply- 'Since no evidence to prove that it is prohibited, it could be
inferred that it is permitted'. 136 With no concrete solution to the problem,
finally the debate was dissolved. To attend this programme, Muslims from all
parts of Malabar had flocked at Punur

In 1942, another samvadam was held at Kodiyathur between

Paravanna Moideenkutty Musaliyar (Sunni) and M.C.C Abdurahiman
(Mujahid). The topic of debate was 'number of rakath' (additional worship
units) in Tarawih Namaz (night namaz during ramzan).137 Another debate
was held at Sulthan Batheri between K. Umar Moulavi and E.K. Aboobacker
Musaliyar about the legitimacy of collective prayer after Namaz. Like any
other Samvadam, it also turned violent. Samvadam was also held at

135
K. Moidu Moulavi, op. cit., p.71.
136
K. Umar Moulavi, op.cit., p.78.
137
Ibid., p.78. Raka'th means additional worship units; The Sunnis were following
20 raka'th while Mujahids claimed that only 8 will suffice.

140
Valambur in Malappuram district in 1945 between K. Muhammed Moulavi
(Mujahid) and Alavikutty Musliyar (Sunni). The issue of debate was whether
it is bidath (innovation) to use the sword at the time of ascending the mimbar
(pulpit) during Friday congregation.138

Such debates were also held between Mujahids and Ahmadiyas. In

1933, a polemical debate was organized at Calicut in which H.A. Abdulla
Sahib of Ahmadiyas and K.M. Moulavi, M.C.C Abdurahiman etc of the KJU
took part. As usual, both sides stood with their arguments firmly, the debate
was concluded without reaching at any consensus. 139These type of debates
were also held between Mujahids and Jamathe Islami, which came late in the
picture. In the early 50's such debates between Jamathe Islamis and
Mujahids were held at different centres like Chennamangulur, Kodiyathur
etc.140

Huge participation of Muslims in these debates reflected the growing

interest of illiterate public in religious affairs and provided opportunities for
communication with other Muslims. Normally, these debate proceedings
continued for hours till dawn, but without any decision or conclusion. After
each such debate, both parties would claim that their respective leaders could
assert their views successfully and scored victories over their rival groups.
Most of these polemical debates ended inconclusively without any decision or
consensus. But the interest they aroused in religious discussion among the
masses was enormous. Also, the preachers used such occasion to appeal to
the masses to fashion their lives in accordance with the principle of Islam.
Another interesting point is that, though these meetings were concerned with
Islam, often the local police officials' presence was essential, as such meeting
threatened to disrupt public peace. Feelings ran high on such occasions and
138
Ibid., p.123.
139
Parappil Koya, op. cit., p.298.
140
K. Moidu Moulavi, op. cit., p. 148.

141
the rival parties were so determined to win the debate that when reason failed
a resort to violence was always on the cards. As Usha Sanyal observed in
another context, 'the debates being social events often attended by a large
public audiences were characterised by elements of competitive showmanship
and theatre'.141

We have got a particular genre of literature in Arabi-Malayalam which

deal with the details of such famous debates. These accounts constitute an
important material for analysing the nature of controversy between the two
factions of Islam in Malabar. Raddul Wahabiya,142 is a Mappila song
composed by a Sunni priest about Punur debate.143 Innumerable notices
justifying the stand of rival groups were also published. 144 This literature
provide a clue to the nature of issues, which were discussed in the debates.
Other issues discussed in debates were talkin (catechism recited at the grave)
tahlil (mortuary recitation) Ijthihad (independent reasoning) Niyyath (the
statement of intent before worship), Qunuth (the insertion of special prayers
in the morning namaz), Tarawih (the number of additional worship units in
special namaz during Ramzan), the position of hand during namaz, how much
of head must be wetted in the ablution prior to namaz and medium of khutuba
(Friday Sermon). Most of these issues could never be resolved because they
were questions of Ijtihad (independent reasoning) and of the opinions of the
theological scholars. But it served a purpose. As Barbara D. Metcalf
observed, 'as each competitor left the debate convinced that his side had won;
that his view was morally 'right' and the rival opinion correspondingly
141
Usha Sanyal, Devotional Islam and Politics in British India: Ahmad Raza Khan
and his movement, 1870-1920, OUP, Delhi, 1996, p.95.
142
Wahabi was a derogatory term invented by British Imperialists and Turks but
profusely used and popularized by the orthodox Sunnis in Malabar.
143
K. Umar Moulavi, op. cit., p.79.
144
For eg: 'Ozhinjumariyatharu?' a pamphlet by SKJ Ulema dated. 28th April,1945 ,
Valanchery. In reply to it KJU published 'Samasthakkarude Ahwanathinte
Ullukalli'. dated. 24th ,May,1945 which was written by MCC Abdurahiman.

142
'wrong', all participants derived psychological satisfaction from the
exchange'.145

Thus the emergence of reformist movement in Malabar led to the

formation of a public sphere of religious discourse. Through these debates
and discussion, the participants of both sects constructed discursive linkages
to the texts and ideas held to be part of universal tradition of Islam. Thus,
Talal Azad's conception of Islam as 'a discursive tradition that includes and
relates itself to the founding texts of Quran and Hadith' seems to be relevant
in this context.146 It was the theological discourse that construes diverse
speech events as Islamic by linking them to broader Muslim traditions'. 147 In
short, the primary concern of all the contenders was to bring the message of
Islam to the masses and to counter what they considered misrepresentation of
the tenets of Islam.

Reform in the domain of Education

A major thrust of the reform movement was the re-organization of

religious education in Malabar. The reformist from the time of Chalilakath
Kunhahamad Haji onwards, realized that until and unless the future
generation was not given proper religious training in proper way, the
movement that they had initiated would peter out. Reformist denounced
Othupalli system as a useless way of learning ancient scriptures by rote and
considered it as the basic cause of Muslim backwardness. All that the
students learnt was from oral dictation of Mulla.

145
Barbara D., Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860-1900,
Princeton, University Press, 1982, pp.215-16.
146
Talal Azad, "The Idea of an Anthropology of Islam", George Town University
Centre for Contemporary Arab Studies. Occasional papers series, Washington,
1986, p.14.
147
Talal Azad, "A Theological Conception of Religion: Reflections on Geerts", Man
(N.5) 18, 1983, p.243.

143
 It was in this backdrop, the reformist tried to modernize the system of
religious instruction. With this intention, Aikyasangam and KJU established a
number of Madrasas throughout Malabar, following the model and syllabus
propounded by Chalilakath. The Sangam had a plan to build a centre of
higher learning to produce religious "pundits" capable of preaching their
ideology at Alway but could not be materialised. The Noorul Islam Madrasa
was established at Tirurangadi under Issathul Islam Association in 1937.148 It
was K.M. Moulavi and M.K. Haji who worked hard behind this institution
and it was the fourth among the Madrasas established in Malabar as per the
scheme of Chalilakath. Later this Madrasa became the head quarters of
reform movement in Malabar. In 1943, under the same management, an
orphanage was opened with the assistance of Jamith Dawath Tablighe-Islami
(JDT). Another reputed institution started by the reformist was Madeenathul
Uloom Arabic College at Pulikkal in 1947.149 It was managed by
Kawakibunnayyira Association of Pulikkal and M.C.C. Abdurahiman was the
founder-principal of the college.150 Those who complete Afzalul Ulema
course (degree course) from Madinathul Uloom were given the title 'Madani'.
A major chunk of the leaders of Mujahid Movement after 1950 were the
alummi of this college. After independence, several such colleges were
started in different centres of Malabar under the auspices of Kerala Nadvartul
Mujahideen.

In the year 1934, Darul Uloom Association had taken over the control
of Darul Uloom Madrasa of Vazhakkad and the system introduced by
Chalilakath during the first decade of 20th century was revived. In 1944,
Darul Uloom Madrasa was converted in to Darul Uloom Arabic College with
148
Umari, "Parethente Sthapanangal" (Mal.) K.M. Moulavi Smaraka Grantham,
Tirurangadi, nd, p.125.
149
Ali Abdul Razak, "MCC Hassan Moulavi", MCC Smaraka Grantham,
Parappangadi, 1964, p.58.
150
The College was affiliated to Madras University in 1948.

144
MCC Abdurahiman as principal.151 Later in 1946, M.C.C. resigned, due to
difference of opinion with the management and the college itself was closed
down. In 1949, the college was opened with K.P. Mohiyudin Moulavi, the
leader of SKJU, who revived the age old Mudaris system152.

All these efforts were in tune with the resolution passed at the Kerala
educational conference held at Tellichery on May 1926 under the auspices of
Aikya sangam. The resolution envisaged a crash programme for reforming
the Dars (religious instruction) and for instituting a new syllabus for religious
education, on the model of Vellore Baqiyathusalhin.153

The Madrasas turned to be centres of secondary socialisation of

Muslim children and at this phase of secondary socialization, religious
exclusiveness came in to play. Hence, Madrasas contributed their share in
the development of exclusiveness among Mappilas .

Secular Education

The reformists also took up issues of socio-economic aspects of

Muslims. Apart from religious education, they stood for the progress of
Muslims in secular education. They raised many issues related to Muslim
education in Malabar. As per the decision of 11 th conference of KJU held at
Pulikkal, in 1934, a deputation submitted a memorandum to the Deputy
Director of education with the following submissions.

1) To attract Muslim to schools, arrangements may be made for religious

education in schools.

2) To appoint Muslim religious instructors in Mappila schools.

151
Dr. A.B. Moideenkutty Moulavi, "Chalilakathum Vazhakkad Durul Uloomum",
Prabhodhanam special issue, April 1998, pp.64-67.
152
Ibid, p.67.
153
K.P.Abdurahiman, "Keralathile Islahi Samghadana", Prabhodanam, special issue,
1988, pp.120-124.

145
3) To appoint Arabic Teacher in Schools.

4) To provide fee concession to Muslim students.

5) To appoint Muslim members in Board of Education.

6) To start more High schools and Training schools for Muslims.154

On August 23rd, 1931 Kerala Muslim conference, passed a resolution

emphasising the need for the formation of a Muslim educational Board to
negotiate with Government educational committee.155 The 4th conference of
Aikya Sangam held on 18th May 1926, passed two resolutions concerning the
Muslim education. While one resolution asked the government to appoint
Muslim religious instructors in schools, the other emphasised the need for the
education of Muslim women.156 In the 3rd conference of the Sangam held at
Calicut on 1st June 1925, Mohamad Shamnad, chairman of the conference
pleaded for sending wards to the English schools. He made it clear that
without modern education the community cannot progress in trade and
commerce.157 The second conference, held at Aluwa in 1924, passed a
resolution requesting the government to set up communal schools for
Mappilas, as the common schools would be hindrance to Muslim girls to
study.158 All these speeches and resolutions prove that the reformists were
particular about the educational uplift of the community.

Though the Sangam ceased functioning in 1934, its assets were

transferred to Farook College in 1950 as Waqf, on the condition that it should
be utilized for teaching Arabic, Urdu and Islamic History and meeting the
expenses of Muslim students. Thus, Aikya Sangam could become the
154
Al-Murshid, (A.M), Vol. I, No:2 March 1935.
155
Mathrubhumi 23rd August, 1931.
156
Mathrbubhumi, 18th May 1926.
157
Mathrbubhumi, 2nd June 1925.
158
Mathrubhumi, 29th May 1924.

146
backbone of the first Muslim college, which was infact, one of the objectives
envisaged by its founding fathers.159

Reformist and the Issue of Usury

Economic issues related to the community were also taken up by the

reformists. It was the pathetic economic condition, followed by the Malabar
Rebellion, which compelled the reformists to think about the economic
betterment of the community. Other communities of Kerala had established
their own banks during the early decades of the 20 th century itself. For
instance, C. Krishnan founded the Calicut Bank in 1909, with the intention of
financing a wide range of activities from loans to professionals and merchants
and loans for setting up teashops for Thiyyas.160 Similar communitarian banks
had been established by Christians in Travancore. Mappilas were depending
on these banks for loans and they had to pay huge amount as interests. It was
in this background that the reformist leaders like K.M. Seethi Sahib and K.M.
Moulavi thought of setting up a Muslim bank at Mathilakam. K.M. Moulavi
published a pamphlet titled 'Risalathul fil Banki' in 1929.161 In this tract, K.M.
Moulavi says, 'Usury has been threatening the community. The amount paid
by Muslims as usury ultimately reaches the hands of Christians and non-
Muslims, who use it for demoralizing Muslims'. 162 He says further, 'on the
basis of Quran, Hadith, and the scriptures of theological Imams, we feel that a
Muslim bank can be set up. Those who take loans from it can voluntarily
contribute an extra amount, besides the principal amount. The amount thus
contributed by the loanee could not be considered usury It will be Hilathu

159
M. Abdul Samad, op.cit., p.98.
160
Dilip M. Menon, "Becoming Hindu & Muslim: Identity and Conflict in Malabar,
1900-1936", working paper No:225. C.D.S., TVM, p.7.
161
K.M. Moulavi, Risalathul Fil Banki, (A.M) Eryad, 1929. pp.33-34.
162
Ibid.

147
riba'.163Actually, Moulavi wrote this tract on the basis of an article by an
Arabic scholar, Rashid Rila, in an Egyptan journal, Majallathul Manar.164

What we see here is pragmatism triumphing over obscurantism. It was

an attempt to adopt the idioms of modernity without disavowing the basic
grammer of Islamic learning. The book explained away the Islamic
prohibition of interest as a product of certain Islamic circumstances that were
no longer applicable. Addressing the issue like usury in this fashion, was
indicative of the broadening perimetres of liberal attitude of these reformist
scholars.

But, unfortunately, there were howls of protest against the book, not
only from the side of traditionalists, but even from amongst the reformists
themselves. Mohammed Abdulrahiman Sahib, E. Moidu Moulavi and even
M.C.C. Abdurahiman wrote umpteen articles against the establishment of
Muslim bank and accused the Sangam that they had made usury halal
(permissibile). Till this day, the major weapon in the armoury of orthodox
Sunnis against the Mujahids, is this tract Risalath ul fil Banki.

A heated debate started between Aikyam, the journal of Sangam and

Al-Ameen, the earlier supporting and the latter opposing the theory of Hilathu
Riba.165 Even, M.C.C. Abdurahiman, the son of Chalilakath and active leader
of Aikya Sangam, wrote against it in Al-Ameen.

163
Ibid., pp. 33-34.
According to K.M. Moulavi, 'Maintaining such institutions (banks) without interest
is impossible and at the same time, any kind of interest is prohibited by Islam.
Hence at this crisis, the learned Ulema and devoted nobles must sit together and find
out a solution to save the community from the clutches of money lenders as also
from poverty caused due to payment of heavy interest. The logic of Hilathuriba is
this preference of lesser evil in an 'either' or 'situation'.
164
K.K. Kareem, Note No: 62, p.186.
165
Ibid., p.185.

148
 In an article 'Quran and Usury' in Mitavadi (issue: 6, 1931) K.M.
Seethi replied to the critics that 'what Quran prohibited was the excessive
usury prevalent in Arabia. I only subscribed to the opinion of established
Islamic scholars that since Quran has not prohibited bank interest, it is
acceptable in the modern environment. I do believe that none of the principle
of Quran, will stand aginst the development of the community166.

As put in by E. Moidu Moulavi, 'that short treatise (Risalathul fil

Banki) and the article written by K.M. Seethi Sahib in 'Aikyam', supporting
the bank and his speeches justifying the bank created much confusion and
hallabaloo among the Muslims'.167 Mohammad Abdurahiman, through his Al-
ameen, wrote profusely against the bank and this discouraged many Muslims
from taking share in the bank. When Manapatt Kunhi Mohammad and K.M.
Seethi came to Calicut to subscribe shareholders for the bank, their request
was turned down by the higher-ups on the pretext that Islam has
unequivocally proscribed interest.168 Finally, the reformists were forced to
drop the idea of the bank and the event led to the beginning of the
disintegration of the Aikya Sangam itself.

Marumakkathayam Reform

The efforts to redefine the Mappila's sense of identity in a more

religious format, was also reflected in the anti-Marumakkathayam

166
Vakkom Moulavi Foundation, Deepika Otravakyathil (Mal), TVM, 1992, p.269.
It is to be noted that as early as 1919, a reformist scholar in Bengal had written a
tract Sud o Riba, legitimizing bank interest. See Durjathi Prasad, Bengal Muslims in
Search of Social Identity, University Press, Delhi, 1998, p. 59.
167
E. Moidu Moulavi, Ente Kottukaran Muhammad Abdurahiman Sahib (Mal),
Calicut, 1964, p. 199.
168
In the second conference of the Sangam held in 1924, Abdurahiman Sahib had
presented a resolution before the conference requesting the Sangam leaders to
support the Indian National Congress, but was rejected. Hence, he was disinterested
in Sangam and utilised every opportunity to criticise the sangam leaders and the
decision to start a bank provided Sahib, an ample opportunity to do the same.

149
propaganda. By the second decade of twentieth century itself, efforts in this
direction had begun in North Malabar, where the system prevailed
predominently. In the last decade of nineteenth century, Makti Tangal had
conducted many wa'az programmes in Kannur and Edakkad, drawing
attention of Mappilas towards the unIslamic content of the system.
Following this, in 1915, public meetings were held in Chirakkal Taluk and
else where in North Malabar drawing crowds up to 3000 people, in which the
local Qazis called upon the Mappilas to give up the matrileneal system of
inheritance.169 At some of the meetings the roused priests declared, 'If anyone
were to say that he does not want that his self acquired property should on his
death devolve according to Mohammedan law, he would turn a Kafir.'170
When the Thahsildar, as per request of District authorities, made an enquiry,
it was found that majority of the Mappilas favoured the dissolution of the
system.171 This growing concern of Northern Mappilas shows that the
sermons of Makti had its impact upon the Mappilas. Later, the Mappila
residents of Cannanore submitted a petition to the Governor of Madras stating
that 'Marumakkathayam law of inheritance was opposed to the spirit and
teachings of Islam and that they were forced to follow it owing to long
usage.'172
In 1930, E.K. Moulavi, a prominent leader of Aikya Sangam,
unequivocally stated that the system contradicted the basic tone of Quran. He
wrote, 'The system is forbidden in Islam and it is an accretion from Hinduism.
It is prevalent in North Malabar and certain parts of Travancore. It
undermines a chapter in Quran and ruins the unity and fraternity of

169
Dilip M. Menon, op. cit., p.11.
170
Ibid., p.11.
171
Report of P.A. Ammoo, the Tahsildar of Chirakkal 29th Jan. 1915 and Deputy,
Tahsildar of Quilandy, 1st Feb. 1915. DR. Public 497/published 9 th March 1915,
Arakkal Records, K.R.A.
172
Ibid.

150
Islam .......The community leaders and religious scholars, should attempt to
eradicate it'.173 No wonder, when Mappila Marumakkathayam Bill was
introduced in Madras Legislative Assembly in 1937, by Khan Bahadur
Shamnad, the Select Committee collected the opinions of various Muslim
organizations in Malabar about the Bill. 174 It is interesting to note that almost
all the opinions received, barring one or two, objected to the system from the
point of view of Islamic Shariath. The Maunathul Islam Sabha, when the Bill
was sent to them for opinion, held a meeting on 18 th April 1938, expressed its
opinion in the following words.
'It is an undeniable fact that the Marumakkathayam system of
inheritance is opposed to principles of Islam. Unfortunately the Mappilas of
North Malabar and South Canara are following this system. Khan Bahadur
Shamnad has to be congradulated on his efforts to modify this un-Islamic
system even on a small scale and to make it confirm to the laws of Islamic
Shariat (Mohammedan law)'.175
E. Moidu Moulavi, Sub editor, Al-Ameen made the following remarks:

'Islam does not allow Marumakhathayam which is the cause of many

domestic troubles in Mappila Tarawads. The Mappila youths of South
Canara and North Malabar have been raising a hue and cry against the system
and have for the past many years been demanding the introduction of
Makkathayam system.......If Shamnad Sahib has really moved the Bill with a
view to root out the un-Islamic system I would ask him why he has given the
Bill an un-Islamic name'.176
173
E.K. Moulavi, "Kerala Muslims and Anti-Islamic rituals" (Mal.) in
Sahrudayopaharam (ed). E.M. Habeeb Muhammad, Edava, 1930, pp.155-164.
174
L.A. Bill No:8 of 1937, Madras Govt. Press. 1938 Arakkal Records, Sl.No. 8119.
K.R.A.
175
Opinions received by Select Committee an Mappila Marumakkathayam Bill of
Shamnad Sahib, MLA. LA. Bill No.8 of 1937, Madras Govt. Press. 1938, Arakkal
Records No:8119, K.R.A, p.67.
176
Ibid., p.67.

151
 Similar is the tone of the opinion expressed by Muslim Association of
Paravanna in South Malabar. Regarding the Bill the Association members
opined that 'the system which is found in some places of Malabar is quite
anti-Islamic. A Bill bringing the Mappilas following Marumakkathayam
within the boundary of Islam is urgent and necessary. Therefore
Mr. Shamnard's Bill is to be changed totally and a Bill in the aforeside
manner should be introduced.177 Salahul Islam Sangam of Calicut opined that
'the Bill in no way accelerate the introduction of Islamic Makhathayam
system in the near future.178

What is of interest in this context is that while Marumakkathayam

communities like Nairs stood for its dissolution in the background of the
pressure of modernity and the structural changes brought about by colonial
government, the Mappila opposition to the system was anchored on scriptural
Islam. Thus, every institution and custom practiced by Muslims were
juxtaposed with scriptural Islam and if some contradictions were detected,
such practices were anathemised.

Reformists and the Translation of Quran

Another area where reformist made their mark was the rendering of
Quran in vernacular language. In sharp contrast to the traditionalists, they
emphasised the importance of rendering scriptures in to the vernacular or
tafsir (commentary). Although tafsir literally means interpretation of Quran,
it includes translation also. 'Because the inimitability of Quran belies the idea
of translation, all rendering of its words in to other tongue was generally
considered to be interpretation'.179 The traditional Ulemas had a strong
reluctance to translate God's words in to an ungodly language like Malayalam.
177
Ibid., p.75.
178
Ibid., p.77.
179
John R. Brown, Muslims through Discourse: Religion and Ritual in Gayo
Society, Princeton University Press, Princeton 1993, p.64.

152
But this hesitation to translate or interpret was not unique to Malabar
Muslims, but through out the Arabic speaking world. The Sunni Musaliyars
believed that it was a capital offence on the part of a Muslim either to
translate or to read such translations.'180 In 1931, a reformist leader lamented,
that, ‘It is a pity that even educated Muslim are under the impression that
Quran is a mantra with which sins of the dead could be salvaged, if recited at
his Qabar or that it could be used to annihilate the enemies or to win over
friends... Translation of Quran is the only way to purge out such embedded
darkeness.'181

In 1930, KJU had decided to bring out the Malayalam translation of

Quran. With this intention, Muslim Literary Society was established at
Calicut. The first portion of Quran (5 chapters) was translated with
commentaries by P.K. Moosa Moulavi, K.M. Moulavi, M.C.C. Abdurahiman
and P. Muhiyudin and published it from Calicut. 182 The second part was
published by Tellichery Muslim Literary Society, but the remaining portions
could not be brought out.

Mohammed Abdurahiman Sahib had realized that translation of Quran

was essential to bring about a renaissance within the community. He chalked
out a wide programme for the translation, with the assistance of religious
scholars of the time. He contacted the Nizam of Hyderabad, the wealthiest
man in India then, and the Nizam promised to support this venture. But the
orthodox sections in Malabar through letters and telegram prevailed upon
Nizam and the miserly Nizam took this as an excuse and withdrew from his
offer.183 Sahib entrusted P.K. Moosa Moulavi and P. Mohamad Moideen with

180
K. Moidu Moulavi, op.cit., 75.
181
V. Kasim Pilla, Deepika, Issue:1 Vol:1 1931.
182
K.K.M Kareem, Note no. 62, op.cit., p.189.
183
M. Rashid, Muhammed Abdurahiman (Mal), IPH, Calicut, 1994, p.74.

153
the task of translation. But due to the paucity of fund, only the first few
chapters were published.

In 1946, the Muslim Communists of South Malabar area also tried to

interpret Quran in tune with the ideology of Communism. One Moyin
Moulavi from Kondotty, on the basis of Quranic verse 'Araithalladi' argued
that these anti-communists were misinterpreting the religion. A communist
Muslim from Angadi Mugar interpreted certain Hadiths from Sahih Muslim
compilation, to justify communism and published it from Ponnani. 184 It was
in this context, C.N. Ahmad Moulavi published 'Islamite Dhanavitharana
Padhathi' (the wealth distribution system in Islam), countering the views of
Muslim communists.185

Though such isolated attempts were made in rendering Quran in to

Malayalam right from Mayinkutty Ilaya in 1861, the first full fledged
Malayalam translation came out only in 1961, by C.N. Ahmad Moulavi,
exactly after a lapse of a century of the first attempt. 186 Through 'Ansari', a
journal started by him in 1949 from Karuvarakundu, he published the chapters
of Quran in Malayalam. From 1951 to 1963, he was exclusively involved in
translation work. His translation had tremendous impact on both Muslim and
non-muslims alike.187

It is interesting to note that the traditionalists, who had strongly

objected to the translation of Quran, came out with their own version of
Quran translation in 1970’s, which shows that reformist initiative in this

184
K. Moidu Moulavi, op. cit., p.123.
185
Shihabudhin Arambram, "C.N. Ahmad Moulavi", Prabodhanam, special issue,
1998, p. 97.
186
M.N. Kasassay, "Kerala Charithravum C.N. Ahmad Moulaviyum", (Mal),
Mathrubhumi, Ramzan Supplement, 2005, pp.61-64.
187
It was on the basis of this translation that K.C. Raghavan Nair composed his
'Amrutha Vani' (Quran in Malayalam verse), IPH, Calicut, 1997.

154
direction made tremendous impact in the Muslim society of Malabar. 188
These were the people who manhandled K. Ummar Moulavi at Nadapuram in
the 1940's, when he tried to sell the Quran translation published by Calicut
Islamic Literary Society.189 At Palakkad, similar untoward incident occurred,
when Umar Moulavi tried to sell the copies of Quran translation. 190 Thus,
Aikya Sangam eventually became a source of inspiration to its detractors in
this matter. Tafsir (commentaries) became a symbol of Reformist struggle.
They rightly perceived the significance of vernacular rendering of scriptures
in the overall struggle for religious enlightenment.

Women and Islam

The position and role of women was another major area of discussion
initiated by the Reformists. The reformist preachers always stressed the idea
of gender equality in Islam. They emphasised that in Islamic Shariat, women
enjoyed rights to property and inheritance. The attempt of Makti Thangal in
this domain has already been dealt with.

By about 1920 itself, books on women issues in Islam began to be

published. The first one ofcourse was the translation of Shaik Munir Husain
Qidwai's urdu work 'women under Islam' by Mssr's.K. Pareethu Pillai and M.
Ahmad Kannu,191 which was published with the title 'Islam Mathavum
Sthreekalum' (Islam and Women) in 1920. In the preface of the work
Vakkom Moulavi wrote, 'it is pertinent here to admit that it was the pathetic
condition of Muslim women that provided a chance for western and other

188
The first attempt in this regard among Sunnis was the translation of Quran by
K.V. Muhammad Musliyar. With its publication, the opposition of Sunnis to
translation of the scriptures ceased to exist.
189
K. Moidu Maoulavi, op. cit., p. 75.
190
K. Umar Moulavi, op. cit., p.112.
191
Vakkom Moulavi Foundation, Vakkom Moulavi Prabandagal Smaranakal (Mal.),
Trivandrum, 1982, p.93.

155
scholars to criticize the religion of Islam.' 192 The reformists realised that the
reform and management of women was central to the religious reform of
Muslims. Women's ignorance of religion was a problem for society as a
whole, for they infect their children with a contagion of indiscipline and
ignorance. Hence they need to be managed through proper instruction in
Islam. Further, the Christian missionaries and other non-Muslim communities
criticized Islam for the low status accorded to women and for lack of
education among Muslim women. As K.M Moulavi observed, 'the main
impediment before the Islamic missionary workers, when they try to win over
the lower caste Hindus to the fold of Islam, is the misconception, current
among the general public about Islamic conception of women. 193 He pointed
further that the position of women in Islam was theoretically higher than their
current status. The cause of this discrepancy was adherence to false customs.
It was to wipe out that misconception, K.M. Moulavi wrote the treatise
Islamum Sthreekalum (Islam and Women) in 1936.194 In the first part of it,
K.M. Moulavi proved, on the basis of scriptures, that both men and women
were having soul and having equal rights and obligation in belief and
rituals.195 In the second part, quoting Hadiths, he made it clear that women
could participate in all collective prayers in the mosque along with men. He
added that, during the time of prophet, women used to take part even in
battles. Citing the example of Ayisha, he held that women used to take part
in battles during the time of prohet.196 The third part of it dealt with the right
of women to education, both religious and secular. In the 4 th section he dealt
with 'Islam and Purdha' in which he made it clear that women were asked
only to cover their body except fore arms and face. Even without covering
192
Ibid., p.93.
193
K.M. Moulavi, Islam and Women, (Mal) Ishaath Committee, Aleppey, 1936, p.I.
194
Ibid.
195
Ibid., p.5.
196
Ibid., p.7.

156
their face, they could go out and engage in all activities. He concludes,
'irrespective of gender distinction, Islam permits Muslims to do any
profession but it prevents and abhores begging...but Islam does not provide
unlimited and indecent freedom to women, as the women of the western
countries...'.197 Thus, Moulavi exposed the hollowness of the long held
patriarchical belief that keeping women in ignorance and seculsition was part
of their religion.

Due to the initiative of the reformists, a renewed interest could be seen

in the Muslim public sphere, regarding the rights and obligations of women as
laid down in Islam. In the days of the prophet, women had the right to
divorce their husbands, by forgoing Mahr, but it was never allowed in
Malabar. Similarly, the female attendance of congregational prayers in
mosque was another practice that had fallen in disuse in Malabar. All these
rights conceded in Islam to women, but not socially in vogue in Malabar,
were thoroughly discussed in the 1940's and 1950's.

Orthodox Reaction and Formation of Samastha Kerala Jamiyathul Ulema

While the reformists under Aikya Sangam and KJU had been making
steady progress, there had been a simultaneous growth of orthodoxy in
Malabar. The traditionalist opposition grew in intensity when their religious
leaders, Thangals and Musaliyars, came under sharp criticism from the
reformists scholars. Organized efforts were made to counter all the criticisms
of the reformists' which brought into focus the basic opposition between
scriptural Islam and Malabar Islam. Perhaps it was the uncompromising stand
of reformists against the popular beliefs and practices of Muslims, which
invited vehement opposition from the traditionalist Ulema. Since this cut the
very basis of their economic existence, they were in the forefront of counter
attacks against the reformists.
197
Ibid., p.23.

157
 At the inaugural meeting of Kerala Jamiyathul Ulema, which was held
during the second annual conference of Aikya Sangam, all the Ulemas of all
shades of Malabar took part as it was chaired by Abdul Jabar Hazrath, the
guru of all the then leading Ulemas of Kerala. But during the 3rd Annual
conference held at Calicut in 1925, certain traditional Ulemas raised some
doubts and K.M. Moulavi, the leader of KJU answered such questions.
Satisfied with this answer, Pangil Musaliyar, who later became the president
of orthodox SKJU, said that Aikya Sangam was based on Ahlussunnathwal
Jamath and prayed for its existence till the doomsday.198 But the same
Musaliyar, along with Varakkal Mulla Koya Thangal and others, met at
Kuttichira Juma Masjid and formed a parallel organisation called Kerala
Jamiyathul Ulema in 1925. On 26th June, 1926, a convention of the orthodox
Ulema was held at Calicut Town Hall and the organization was renamed as
Samastha Kerala Jamiyathul Ulema, with Varakkal Mulla Koya as president
and P.V. Mohammed Musaliyar as secretary. 199 The organisation was
registered on 14th November 1934 with 40 member committee (Mushavara).
It is pertinent to note that 80% of the Mushavara members belonged to South
Malabar and none from outside Malabar. 200 Unlike KJU, which had in it
working committee, members from all part of Malabar, Cochin and
Travancore, SKJU was basically a Malabar based organization. The following
were the aims as stated in the constitution of the SKJU drafted in 1934.

1) To propagate Islamic principles in accordance with the strictures of

Ahlusunnath wal Jamath.201

2) To oppose those who stand against these strictures.

198
P.A. Sayed Mohamed (ed.), Kerala Muslim Directory, Cochin, 1960, p. 473.
199
Samastha 60th Anniversary Sourvenir, Calicut, 1985, p.27.
200
Ibid., p. 12.
201
Those who adheres to the traditions of Prophet and his righteous followers. In
this sense all groups except Shias are Sunnis.

158
3) To protect the communitarian and religious rights of Mappila Muslims.

4) To promote both religious and secular education (which are not against
religion).

5) To save the community from disunity, blind belief, immorality and

anarchy.202

Among these, the second and fifth clauses were aimed at Aikya
Sangam and the desciples of the Tarikas of Korur, Chottur and other faked
sheiks and in the 1940's the Jamathe Islami.203 But their enemy number one
remained to be the reformists whom they termed as 'Wahabis'. As per the
constitution of Samastha, anybody who has studied 'Alfiyah', 'Fathul Muin'
and 'Jalalaini', under a leading Ulema, could become member of Samastha.
But the interesting aspect of its terms of membership was that only the
Ulemas who could cooperate with the British government were eligible for
membership.204 This shows that connivance of the British also was a factor
behind its formation. The 15th resolution passed at the 6th Annual conference
of Samatha at Feroke on 5th March 1933, makes this political stand of
Samastha clear. The resolution says, "This meeting reaffirms our earlier
decision that the main aim of the Samastha was the revitalisation of the
principles and practices of Ahlussunnath wal Jamath and that those
Musaliyars who become members of SKJU, ought to be non-congress and
pro-govt'.205. The British might have played their role as the Aikya Sangam

202
Samastha 60th Anniversary Souvenir, op. cit., p. 28.
203
Ibid., p.28.
204
Samatha Kerala Jamyanthul Ulema Memorandum, as quoted in Sunni Yuvajana
Sangam Souvenir, 1989, p.120.
205
Samstha Resolution of 6th conference (Feroke) as quoted in P.K. Kutty, "Samastha
Kerala Jamiyathul Ulema" (Mal), in Prabhodanam special issue, op. cit., pp.131-
135.

159
leaders like K.M. Moulavi, E. Moidu Moulavi and Mohammed Abdurahiman
were staunch opponents of the British Rule.

But the real cause behind the polarization of the traditional Ulema
under the new organization was that the reformist propaganda against the
popular Islam threatened their status and even livelihood itself. Majority of
the traditional Mullas were strongly in favour of the various institutions which
were embedded in Malabar Muslim life, like tomb worship, mortuary rituals,
Maulud, intercessionary prayers etc. These were profitable source of income
for rural mullas and their abolition would have affected them adversely. They
derived their income for subsistence from such religious rites and social
functions they officiated. Besides, their role as rural doctor-cum-exorcist also
earned them much of their income. Unlike the reformist scholars, the rural
priests were not merely preachers but functionaries, closely involved with the
life and aspiration of rural Mappilas . The social base of the reformist
scholars, most of them from middle class background was also a factor behind
their failure in the rural Malabar. Hence it was difficult for them to break the
hold of these Mullas over the masses. The rural Mappilas had to depend
upon the mullas even for a small thing like the ritual slaughter of chicken. 206
Bulk of these rural mulla classes remained opposed to the reformists and
supported the traditional system with its peculiar blend of Islam and local
cults. Unlike the chaste Malayalam spoken by the reformists, the traditional
mullas spoke a pidgin Malayalam, which the Mappila masses could easily
grasp. In short, due to these factors, the SKJU, within a decade itself, could
keep the Muslim masses under their control.

Like its counterpart, SKJU held their annual conference at different

centres of Malabar (never picking up a venue outside Malabar until 1945) like
Tanur (1927 February Ist) Mollur in Walluvanad (December 2 nd 1927)
206
It was a common practice in Malabar even during 1970's, that only Mullas
(mosque functionaries) could slaughter the chicken.

160
Chenguzhi (1929 January 3) Mannarghat (1930 March 17) Vallianchery
(1931 March 5) Feroke (1933) Karyavattom (1945) Meenchantha (1947)
Valanchery (1950) Badagara (1951) Tanur (1954-2015 anniversary). 207 Some
of these conferences were memorable in terms of certain important
resolutions which triggered off religious controversies in Malabar. At the 4 th
conference held at Mannarghat on 17 th March 1930 Samastha passed the
resolution to boycott non-sunni sects like Wahabis, Qadiyanis and the Tarikas
of Chottur and Kondotty Tangals.208 Another resolution of the same
convention banned the education of Muslim women.209

The 6th conference held at Feroke on 5th March 1933 was historic in
terms of certain controversial resolutions it passed. One such resolution
advised the Malabar Muslims to disassociate from the national movement, at
a time when it had achieved considerable momentum in Malabar, after the
traumatic experiences of rebellion. The resolution says 'since it is against the
religion to oppose the government and to disobey its civil laws, it is not fair
on the part of genuine Muslims to cooperate with the Congress party'. 210 It
was the British connivance that had been at work behind this resolution. Even
prior to the formation of Samastha, the British were able to win over a section
of Ulemas of Malabar to their side, as was evident from the fatwa known as
'Mahikual Kalafath Ala Ismil Khilafath' (The truth about the Rebellion in the
name of Khilafath) by Mammed Kutty Musliyar of Ponnani, issued in 1921. 211
Another resolution, which had its repercussion in Mappila’s religious life, was
passed in the 17th conference held at Meenchantha on 17th March 1947. This
resolution, which is popularly known as 'Meenchantha premeyam'

207
Samastha 60th Anniversary Souvenir, 1985- p.28. Also see Prabodhanam special
issue, 1998, p. 132.
208
Prabodhanam, 1998, p. 132.
209
Al-bhayan, (Arabi- Malayalam) Book I Issue 5.
210
Prabodhanam, op cit., p. 132.
211
See chapter 'Khilafath and Pan-Islamism as Symbols of Solidarity'.

161
(Meenchantha Resolution) in subsequent discourses, emphatically legitimised
all the components of popular Islam in Malabar; which the reformists were
trying to exorcise. The resolution was introduced by Shihabudin Ahmad
Shaliyathi and supported by P. Kammu Musliar. It reads, 'This conference
resolves that they, who consider the customs and practices, which the
Muslims of Kerala have been observing for centuries and which have been
ratified by the Ulemas of Ahlusunnath wal Jamath, are Shirk or prohibited in
Islam, are not Sunnis and not fit for either imamath or Khatib.212 These
customs include, prayer to dead Auliyas as Tawassul, recitation of Mouluds,
Talqin, visit and prayer at tombs, belief in charms and aumulets, membership
in Qadiri or Rifai Tarikas, and recitation of fatiha or Malas like 'Manqus',
'Muhiyudhin', 'Rifai' etc.213 The same conference reiterated its earlier
resolution passed in 6th conference, to boycott the Wahabis (reformists).
Now, Jamathe Islami was also included in the list of groups to be
disassociated with.214

Thus, despite the reformist denunciation of the practices of popular

Islam, the traditional Ulema under Samastha stood firmly in favour of the
continuation of these institutions and were entirely averse to the idea of their
abolition. They exploited the sentiments of ordinary Mappilas and succeeded
in retaining their support for most of these institutions. It is pertinent to note
that these Sunni Ulemas were not opposed to all that the reformists stood for.
They shared with the reformists the concern over the celebration of Muharam
in North Malabar, as well as certain practices associated with nerchas. For eg
the Samastha resolution, passed in the 19th annual conference held at
Badagara in 1951, advised the Muslims to purge out all the un-Islamic rituals
212
Imamath means leading the namaz and Khatib means one who delivers Khutuba.
213
17th Conference Report of Samastha Kerala Jamiyyalul Ulema, 1947,Calicut,
pp.10-11.
214
Fatwa No:2, Shihabuddin Memorial Publishing Bureau, Chaliyam, 1947,
pp.13-14.

162
and to observe only those rituals which converged with Sunnath, during the
nerchas.215 The reformists and the Sunnis were unanimous in their opposition
to the ideals of Mirza and to brand the Ahmadiyas, who had organized their
Jamaths in certain parts of Malabar in the early decades of 20 th century, as
heretics. Both groups issued Fatwas and pamphlets challenging the argument
of Quadiyanis. Samastha also stood firmly against the Tarikas called Chottur
and Kurur Sheiks but supported the Tarikas of Qadiri, Chishti, Rifai and
Shaduli. It could be seen that the primary opposition to reformist propaganda
was directed against the reformist's attempt to undermine some institutions,
from which they derived their livelihood. We have already examined in the
first chapter how the Mullas derived money from mortuary rites like Telkin,
Tahlil and Othikkal and also from Moulud, Ratib etc. Another source of
income was from charms and amulets, popular remedies in which rural
Mappilas had implicit faith.216 In the 3rd Annual conference of Aikya Sangam
held at Calicut, a pamphlet 'Al-Hidaya' was released, which unequivocally
declared that tomb worship and cults like nerchas, Kodikuthu etc were un
Islamic. But the Musaliyars, who survived on these tomb cults, realized the
danger of such ideas percolated in the society and they came out with a
parallel organisation.217 Through Samavadams (polemical debates) with
reformists and religious tracts, the Sunnis could win over to their side the
illiterate masses of Malabar. The reformists succeeded only in converting
only a fraction of the Mappila population, mainly in the coastal towns, to their
point of view. Thus, the practices condemned as anti-Islamic by the
reformists a century before could be seen persisting in Malabar Muslim
society as late as the last quarter of 20th century.
215
Samastha 60th Conference Souvenir, 1985, op cit., p. 54.
216
For details see Husain Randathani, Social and Cultural life of Mappila Muslims
of Malabar, 1800-1921, unpublished Ph.D. Thesis submitted to Calicut University,
1997.
217
N.K. Ahmad Moulavi, Aikya Sangavum Kerala Muslingalum (Mal), Yuvatha
Books, Calicut, 1997, p.38.

163
 At the same time, the Sunnis had to swallow many of their earlier
fatwas related to certain issues like secular education, Quran translation and
Madrasa system. Regarding the Quran translation, Pangil Ahmed Kutty
Musaliyar, the Sunni leader wrote in Al-Bayan, the mouth piece of Samastha,
that the attempt to translate the holy Quran with the business intention or to
fill the belly or to sell it to any 'Chathan, Pothan, or Kiran' (Tom, dick and
Harry) who take it to latrin or toddy shop and thereby undermines its sanctity
218
and sacredness, is a capital offence'. He wrote this at time when Calicut
Muslim Literature Society brought out the first part of Quran into Malayalam
in the 1930's. But in 1970's, the Sunnis brought out their own version of
Quran Translation in Malayalam written by K.V. Muhammed Musliyar.
Similarly the same group which equated Madrasa with hell, started an
Educational Board in 1951 and got thousands of Madrasas registered under
the Board.219 They who despised Malayalam and English as the languages of
hell and prevented Muslim massess from studying them, started journals in
Malayalam, established schools and colleges (even for women) in many parts
of Malabar after 1950's.220
218
Pangil Ahmedkutty Musaliyar in Al-Bayan, as quoted in Shabab special issue, op
cit., p.134.
219
In 1985, there were around 5200 Madras affiliated to Samastha Educational
Board and 40,000 teachers working at these Madrasas ,Samastha 60th Conference
Souvenir 1985,, p.29.
220
Within a period of 65 years after its birth, it had to witness three major splits.
The first occured in 1966 when a section of the Samastha leaders split away from it
and formed Akhila Kerala Jaiyyathul Ulema due to difference of opinion regarding
Samastha's approach to Thablige Jamath. Another group emerged within Samasth
towards the same period under K.K. Sadakathulla and they formed a new
organisation called Samastha Jaiyyathul Ulema. The cause of the split this time was
regarding the issue of use of loudspeakers for Jumua Kutuba. The final and major
split occused in 1989 when A.P. Aboobacker Musaliyar was parted from it and
formed a splinter group with the same name. The new organization was the result of
feud between E.K.Aboobacker Musaliyar and A.P. Aboobakker Musaliyar regarding
the sharing of dias with Wahabis and Moududis at the time of Shariat dispute
connected with Sha Bano Case; Besides, the undue subservience shown by the
Sunni leaders to the Muslim League also added additional flavour to the schism.
The new group argued that any cooperation with these groups are against the spirit

164
Jamaethe Islami

Jama'the Islami was a sect founded by Abul A'la Moududi in 1941.

By about 1930's itself, the ideals of Moududi were familiar to Malabar
Muslims through their journal published from Hyderabad called Turjumanul
Qurani. V.P. Mohammadali Moulavi of Edayur (Malappuram) was the
founder of Jamathe Islami in Kerala. The earliest proponents of this sect in
Malabar were the reformist scholars themselves including K.M. Moulavi and
V.P. Mohamed Ali. K.M. Moulavi even had translated Moududi's book and
221
published it in Al-Murshid, the organ of the Reformists Ulemas In 1946,
Mohammed Ali along with Janab Issudhin Sahib, formed an organization
called 'Jamaiyathul Mustarshidin,' at Valancheri with a forty member
committee.222 It was later converted in to the first unit of Jamaethe Islami in
Malabar. Within a short period, a number of units of the organisation were
set up in different parts of Malabar like Kuttiadi, Chennamangallur,
Santhapuram, Kannur, Kozhikode etc. To form a state level committee, the
adherents of this sect met at Calicut in August 1948 which took certain
significant decisions, like establishment of central Head quarters, publication
of an official mouth piece called Prabhodanam and formation of a central
committee called 'Shura'.223 As the Jamaath also stood firmly against
innovative practices, it was the workers of the reformist KJU, who were
attracted to the ideology of Moududi and there had been cooperation between

of 'Meenchanda premeyam.' Despite these splits the Sunnis could garner the support
of the majority of Mappilas in Malabar.
221
Al-Murshid, November - January, 1936-37.
222
K. Moidu Moulavi, Ormakkurippukal, op. cit., p.124 and O. Abdurahiman "Jama
ethe Islami in Kerala", Prabodhanam special issue, 1992 p.241 and Prof. K.A. Sidiq
Hasan "Jamathe Islami Keralathil" Prabodhanam special 1998, pp.137-144.
223
O. Abdurahman, "Jamaethe Islami in Kerala" (Mal), Prabodhanam special issue,
1992, p.241.

165
the leadership of both groups. For instance, in the first annual conference of
Jamaiyuthul Mustharshideen at Valanchery held in 1947, the KJU leaders like
K. Ummer Moulavi, A. Alavi Moulavi Shaik Mohammed Moulavi, Parappur
Abdurahman Moulavi etc took part.224 In certain cases, the units of KJU,
were converted in to units of Jamath. In 1950's, to stem the rising tide of
communist ideology among Malabar Muslims, leaders of both Jamath and
KJU collectively set up an offensive missionary organization and organized a
campaign called 'Familiarize Islam'.225 They also issued a number of tracts
explaining the Islamic ideology, especially about Zakath and Socialist aspects
of Islamic ideology. It was a time when Muslim communists brought out
some tracts interpreting Quran and Hadith within a communist perspective.226
It was in this context that K.C. Abdulla Moulavi published Islamum
socialisavum (Islam and socialism) which countered many of the arguments
of these Muslim communists.227 But this honeymoon between the KJU and
Jamath did not last long. In early 1950's itself, K.M. Moulavi and six others
of KJU, issued a combined fatwa against Jamathe Islami.228

The early leaders of the movement were Haji V.P. Mohammedali

(popularly known as Haji Sahib among Jamath circles) K.C. Abdulla Moulavi
and V.K.M. Issudin Moulavi. While the Jamath agrees with almost all
the arguments of Mujahids related to Touhid, bidath and authority of Quran,
and Hadith etc, they differ with them in one respect, Taghoot, any form of
government, including democracy, Islamic or non-Islamic, which govern
people without heeding the commandment of God, is Taghoot and hence a
Muslim cannot cooperate with government or participate in any kind of
224
K.A. Sidiq Hasan, "Jamathe Islami in Kerala", Prabhodanam special issue 1998,
pp.137-144.
225
Ibid., p.138.
226
K. Moidu Moulavi, op. cit., p.123.
227
M. Abdul Samad, op cit., p.122.
228
K. Moidue Moulavi, op. cit., p.125.

166
Governmental activity and institutions. No wonder, the Jamath took a firm
decision to boycott elections and to reject Government appointments. When
the first election was held to the Parliament in 1951, the Jamath exhorted its
members to abstain from electoral activities.229 This stand of Jamath was not
acceptable either to Sunnis or the Mujahids in Kerala and both became the
staunch critics of Jamathe Islami from 1950's onwards.

Through their tracts and public lectures, the Jamath could mobilize
supporters in certain pockets of Malabar. Like other Muslim organisations,
Jamath also organized annual conventions at its major strongholds like
Valanchery (1948), Kuttiadi (1950) Mulliar Kurussy (1952) Santhpuram near
Perinthalmanna (1952) Edayur near Valanchery (1953) Malappuram (1955)
Alwaye (1957) and Calicut (1960)230 This shows that Jamath like the SKJU
was basically a Malabar phenomenon at least in the early decades of its
foundation. In 1945 itself, a publishing company called Islamic Publishing
Company, was set up at Edayur in Valanchery and the first book it published
was the translation of Moududi's famous work, The religion of Islam in to
Malayalam; which was the manifesto of Indian Jamathe Islami. An
interesting aspect of the Jamath literature was the standard Malayalam in
which these were written at a time when both Sunnis and Mujahids were
clinging to the age old polyglot called Arabi-Malayalam. A journal called
Probhodanam was started from August 1949 onwards, under the editorship of
Haji Sahib and this journal took the ideology of Jamath to the length and
breadth of Kerala. Jamaath also brought out its own translation of
Tarjumanul Quran, the commentary of Quran by Abul A'ala Moududi.
Following the footsteps of Mujahids, Jamath also started their Arabic college
229
Moulana Abul Laith, "Indian Muslims and Election" (Mal), Probhodanam, July
1951.
It was only in 1977, due to bitter experience of Jamath workers during Emergency
that they decided to cast those votes in the election.
230
K.A.S. Sidhique Hasan, Probhodanam, special issue, 1998, op.cit., p.146.

167
at Kasargode called 'Aliya College', to provide training to the scholars of
Jamath orientation. Later they started colleges synthesizing religious and
secular studies at Chennumangallur, Santhapuram, Tirurkad etc.

While the Jamath was thus gaining ground in Malabar, both Sunnis
and Mujahids turned against them and many polemical debates were held
between Mujahids and Jamath and between Sunnis and Jamaths. These
debates also stirred the religious life of Malabar Muslims in 1950's and
1960's. The main bone of contention between Jamath and others was the
issue of Taguth. Both Sunnis and Mujahids held a diametrically opposite
view to that of Jamath regarding politics. Both Mujahid and Sunni leaders
were active in political parties right from their very inception. In the initial
years, the Mujahids were anti-British and the Sunnis Pro-British. In the 30's
and 40's and after independence, the Sunni leaders were active in Congress
politics and the Mujahids in Muslim League. The ideological war started
between them and Jamath, when the latter declared that a Muslim could not
involve in politics, other than trying to establish an Islamic state.231

Conclusion

What was the impact of the activities of these three different

organisations on the religious landscape of Mappilas of Malabar?

The reformists as well as the counter-reformists brought about a new

awareness among the ordinary Muslims and as an inevitable result, helped to
transform a people in to a community. All these organizations in their own
way contributed to the growth of a community consciousness among the
Mappilas of Malabar. Despite the existance of internal difference, solidarity
of some kind or the other could be achieved by the mobilization of the masses
231
It is interesting to note that Jamath was the only Muslim group in Kerala which
keptaway from liberation struggle against the communist government in 1959. It
was in this background, KJU issued a fatwa against Jamathe Islami, Probhodanam
special, Calicut, 1998, op.cit., p.142.

168
under different banners. Through their intense propaganda work, these sects
created a new interest in Islam and Islamic way of life among their lay
followers. Due to their hectic organizational work, these organizations could
put an end to the isolation of rural Mappilas and widened the socio political
contacts of the community. With a competitive spirit, they started new
educational and welfare institutions, published umpteen religious tracts,
organised polemical debates and wa'az gatherings and thus brought
significant change in the world view or 'common sense' of common Mappilas
in Malabar. Islam in Malabar by about the mid of 20 th Century, entered a new
phase marked by intense debate and discussions among rival groups which
helped to create a new awareness of doctrinal matters among all sections of
the community. Confrontation and debates were the hallmark of the years
between 1922 and 1950, the formative period for developing a scripture-based
conception of religion in Malabar. By engaging in theological discourse,
commentaries and exegesis, these rival groups linked social events to
authoritative Islamic texts.

These organizations also helped the rural Mappilas to achieve

horizontal solidarity within the community. For the first time, the rural
Mappilas began to attach much more significance to their 'Muslim identity'
as opposed to their local or national identity, which subsequently helped to
achieve a measure of social cohesion, in a diversified and even culturally
polarized community. The emphasis on Islamic identity led to a contemptuous
rejection of every thing associated with popular Islam like
Marumakkathayam, mortuary services, Kathukuthu and even nerchas. Again
the idea of an Islamic Unity, based on equality of believers, began to gain
ground and stigmatization of Puslams (muslim fishermen) began to disappear.

The reformers like Makti convinced the Mappilas about the futility of
Jihad and preached instead a 'return to pure faith' as the right path to Islamic

169
glory. People now began to take increasing interest in mosques and Jumua
prayers. In short, the combined effect of extensive publications, preaching
tours in towns and villages, sermons divered at mosques and oral debates
together created a self consciousness about religion which was new in 20 th
century Malabar.

Thus, the religious reform efforts in Malabar Muslim society

contributed in their own way to strengthening of their identity, for generally
these reforms were directed against un-Islamic practices of the Muslims
which were mostly cultural baggages from the past. The sole purpose of the
reformist was to render the lives of the Muslims in Malabar more in
conformity with scriptural or normative Islam, rather than introduce extra-
Islamic principles to regulate their lives.

170