TITLE:

WOMEN'S CRAFT GUILDS AND THE

TRADITIONAL BASKETRY (GE MOT)
OF HARAR, ETHIOPIA

AUTHOR(S):

ASANTE, Belle

CITATION:
ASANTE, Belle. WOMEN'S CRAFT GUILDS AND THE TRADITIONAL BASKETRY (GE MOT) OF
HARAR, ETHIOPIA. African study monographs. Supplementary issue 2005, 29: 61-72

ISSUE DATE:
2005-03

URL:
https://doi.org/10.14989/68444

RIGHT:
African Study Monographs, Suppl. 29: 61-72, March 2005 61

WOMEN’S CRAFT GUILDS AND THE TRADITIONAL

BASKETRY (GE MOT) OF HARAR, ETHIOPIA

Belle ASANTE
Graduate School of Asian and African Area Studies, Kyoto University

ABSTRACT Traditional Harari basketry (ge mot) continues to be a highly praised craft
within the Harari ethnic group. However, between the mid-1970s and the mid-1990s, a sharp
decline in weaving among the younger generation of women became apparent to outside
researchers, NGOs and the Harari alike. Moreover, the production of several ge mot styles
seems to have been significantly reduced in those waning years of craft production.
By the late 1990s, there was an attempt to preserve the material culture of the Harari people,
and also provide a forum for groups of Harari women to gain greater economic self-reliance
through craft work. The three women’s weavers associations that were established within the
old walled city of Harar at that time are still functioning. These fairly recently formed Harari
women’s craft guilds have yet to be effectively documented, yet their contributions to the
preservation of the Harari way of life may be profound.
After an introduction to ge mot, its functions, styles and indicators of a decline in production,
this paper will highlight some organizational differences, challenges, and successes of the
three Harari women weaver’s guilds.

Key Words: Harar; Ethiopia; Basketry; Women’s craft guilds.

INTRODUCTION

This study attempts to understand the importance of Harari basketry in the

context of women’s activities. Thus, while conducting six months of fieldwork
in 2002-2003, I tried to give equal consideration to the craft and the craftsper-
son, especially because the nature of traditional crafts is intrinsically interwoven
with the nature of the culture in which it develops.
Harar is the administrative capital of Harari People National Regional State,
which is in the eastern part of Ethiopia, 525 km east of the capital of Addis
Ababa. Harar has traditionally been a mercantile city. Today, Harar is an impor-
tant Ethiopian military, administrative and educational center. There are just
over 22,000 members of the Harari ethnic group in all of Ethiopia. Accord-
ing to the latest census (Central Statistical Authority, 1999), Harari people com-
prise only 7% of the residents of the Regional State of Harar. Nonetheless, not
only is the state named after this group, but also Harari, a distinct Ethiopian
Semitic language, is the State’s official language. The Harari call themselves ge
usu (people of the city), their language, ‘ge sinan’ (language of the city), and
their way of life, ‘ge ada’ (customs of the city). Ninety-nine percent of Harari
are Muslims and consider their city holy (Waldron, 1984). Today, approximately
21,000 people live in the 60 hectares of the old city that is encompassed by
62 B. ASANTE

the Jugol wall.(1) The old city is divided into five quarters. Within these quar-
ters are smaller neighborhoods called toiach that are often named after one of
the “fathers of the city” or awach (Waldron, 1975). It is the domain of the old
walled city of Harar that this study is concerned with.
Several types of basket styles are created and marketed within the multi-
et hnic city of Harar. These include baskets in the tradition of Oromo and
Amhara ethnic groups, alongside traditional and contemporary Harari basket
styles. Nevertheless, this study focuses particularly on ge mot which are those
coiled basketry bowls, plates and lidded containers which have traditionally
been a part of the ceremonial and everyday life activities of the Harari ethnic
group. Customarily, these baskets were hung on the walls of Harari homes and
have traditionally held an elevated status in the material culture of this group.
Among them are the dowry baskets a Harari bride must bring to her marriage.

PREVIOUS RESEARCH

Two researchers have published articles or monographs about Harari basketry

__ a traditional woman’s craft. The first was Elisabeth-Dorothea Hecht (1992,
1994), who carried out fieldwork in 1975. A later article written by Ahmed
Zekaria (1999) was based on research in 1993. Hecht noted the rising threat to
traditional Harari basketry coming from the competition with imported dishes.
Twenty years later, Zekaria warned that there were only about ten professional
weavers left in the city and that the knowledge of how to weave the larger
baskets was in danger of being lost. This current study has been, in part, an
attempt to expand upon the research of Hecht - to see how the tradition was
changing, and to access if there were as critically few weavers left, as Zekaria
had suggested.

METHODS

Data were collected through structured and semi-structured interviews with

professional weavers and knowledgeable individuals. There was a bias in my
sample towards professional weavers (58%). However, the bias was intentional
because I needed to get answers of practical importance. Those professional
weavers were selected for their technical knowledge about basketry more than
for their statistical representativeness. Finally, data on materials and weaving
methods was obtained through participant observation. Other supplementary data
came from semi-structured interviews with men who help decorate the baskets,
women who dye the grasses, grass merchants, and home-based basket brokers.
Furthermore, each step of the basketry process, occurring within the walled
city, was photographically recorded. Audio and video recordings were also used.
Except in the case of participant observation, all interviews were conducted
with a translator.
Women's Craft Guilds and the Traditional Basketry of Harar 63

MATERIALS

The materials used in the construction of traditional Harari basketry include

dried grasses and straws termed qarma, migir, and agargara in the Harari lan-
guage. Qarma (Hordeum vulgare) is a broad common straw. Usually dyed,
qarma is only used on the decorative surface of the basket.
A Glossary of Ethiopian Plant Names (Wolde, 1987) notes that the word “migira”,
in the Harari language, refers to Pennisetum schimperi, which is common in
the Ethiopian highlands at elevations of 1600-3100 meters. Migir are long,
sturdy, un-dyed stems, and are used as the foundation or inner structure of each
coil of the basket. Migir stems are readily available in the vicinity of Harar.(2)
Agar gara is a variant of “agar”, the Harari word for Eleusine jaegeri (the
Amhara equivalent is akirma, the common name of which is Manyatta grass).
This grass is commonly used in Ethiopian basket making (Westphal, 1975).
Agargara is used like thread in that it is sewn between and around the coils
to hold them together. Often dyed, agargara stems have decorative as well as
structural importance. After the stems are gathered in Jijiga and Addis Ababa in
late August or early September, the agargara stems are brought to the city of
Harar by the truckload. Qarma, migir, and agargara are all sold in the various
markets and footpaths of the city. However, it may be said that the task of col-
lecting and selling of grasses rests mainly outside the domain of women of the
Harari ethnic group.

COLORING/STITCHING PROCESS

During her research in the 1970s, Hecht (1992) was able to obtain the for-
mulas that Harari used to use in preparing three of the known traditional colors
made from organic dyestuff. Yet even thirty years ago, the Harari were using
pre-manufactured chemical dyes to make all of the contemporary colors. In six
months of fieldwork, no weaver could be found who was aware of the organic
dyestuff formulas; it seems as though this knowledge is completely lost to the
community.
The coloring process of today, with the use of concentrated chemical dyes,
appears to be quite simple, if not time consuming. In most cases, the powdered
dyes are simply put in a pot, mixed with water and occasionally with lemon
or kerosene to add shine. The ingredients are bought to a boil and the grasses
are soaked until the desired color is achieved (see Fig. 1). Moreover, within the
walled city, there may be as few as five households that color and sell large
quantities of grasses dyed in the colors preferred by weavers of ge mot. About
half of the basket makers interviewed did have some experience dyeing the
grasses, even if only once, yet most chose to buy the material from the few
professional dyers.
Harari basketry uses an oversewn coiling technique in which the weaver
works in clockwise fashion with the decorative side of the basket towards her.
64 B. ASANTE

Fig. 1 Dyeint the gresses

Examples of the stitching technique may be found in Fig. 2. After the ini-
tial flat disk is created (see Fig. 2-c), the weaver may begin making a design
by inserting split pieces of qarma underneath the edge of a stitch before the
aga rgara stem is pulled tight. Henceforth, any alteration of colored qarma or
agargara stems will result in a decoratively patterned basket.

2
1

a. An awl is inserted into initial b. One long agargara stem is separated, looped
knot of agargara stems. and inserted in the gap created by the awl.
This stem becomes the “sewing” stem.
The other becomes the “overhanging” stem.

.h

c. Once the central knots of the bitti are completed,

thicker migir stems are inserted as the “overhanging” stems.
Fig. 2 Examples of stitching technique
Women's Craft Guilds and the Traditional Basketry of Harar 65

CATEGORIZATION OF BASKETS

Thirty types of traditional ge mot have been recorded. These may generally
be categorized into two groups: those that are primarily utilitarian baskets of
frequent use, and those whose function is primarily decorative/ceremonial.
There are eight styles of utilitarian baskets. These tend to be composed of
natural colored grasses. The decorative ornamentation on these baskets is lim-
ited to leather, vinyl and cowrie shells. The afuftu basket (used to winnow
grains) is an example of this style (see Fig. 3). Of the eight known types of
traditional utilitarian ge mot, bessir mot (used to carry meat), darma darat (a
medium-sized bread plate) and shalda gar (used to store razors) are all in dis-
use. Thirty years ago, eraz mudai (a basket for storing clothes) was available
(Hecht, 1992), but now it is no longer made.
Twenty-two styles of primarily decorative/ceremonial baskets have been
recorded. The decorative ornamentation on these baskets tends to include com-
plex stitched geometric patterns of colored grasses, leather, vinyl, and cow-
rie shells. The dowry baskets required of Harari brides are among this group.
Examples include: hamat mot (a present from a bride to her mother-in-law,
which may be used to cover food at ceremonies); and bisha mudai (used to
send chewing gum to the house of a wedding ceremony), (see Fig. 4; Fig. 5).
Of the twenty-two known types of primarily decorative/ceremonial styles,

Fig. 3 afuftu basket

Fig. 4 hamat mot Fig. 5 bisha mudai

66 B. ASANTE

duldula mot (used as a lid to cover food gifts), maqamat (a vase shaped ves-
sel), bitti mot (miniature shallow plates), and qotbay qot (a small, tiered basket)
are all in disuse. While aw mot (phallus-shaped basketry presented to male rel-
atives), and sini wa berelle (lidded basket which holds a small saucer) are no
longer made. It therefore seems that one-third of traditional ge mot baskets are
either rarely made or exist only in a few antique examples.

DOWRY BASKETS

While a decline in the production of ten basket styles has been noted, it
seems that the variety of baskets required for a minimal dowry set has act ually
increased by one style. The price of the minimal(3) dowry set has increased

Table 1. Minimal Dowry Basket Set

Basket Quantity Quantity/ Price per outfit
1985 2003
Bisha Mudai 2 2/300
Etan Mudai 2 2/300
Sahana Sagari 4 6/1800
Aflala Uffa 4 2/600
Fijan Gar 4 2/1000
Gufta Mudai 0 1/1000
Total 16 15
Estimated cost 1,300-1,500 ETB 5000 ETB
Source of 1985 statistics: Hecht (1992)
During my research period, USD1= 8.6 Ethiopian Birr (ETB).

Fig. 6. Estimated Cost of Dowry Set (n=21)

Women's Craft Guilds and the Traditional Basketry of Harar 67

more than threefold in eighteen years and the cost of materials to make such a
set has gone from 200 birr to 500 birr. Table 1 of the “Minimal Dowry Basket
Set” in 1985 vs. 2003 discloses some notable indicators of the current state of
ge mot: 1) prices for dowry baskets have increased as the number of persons
with the skills to weave these complex baskets has declined, and 2) while some
basket styles may decline, those required for dowry sets have stayed significant
in number. Hecht (1992) estimated that the sixteen baskets required for a min-
imal dowry set in 1985 would cost 1,300-1,500 ETB. Based on several inter-
views with groups of weavers, an estimate of the cost of a minimal set in 2003
was found to be 5,000 ETB.
Twenty one women were questioned about the cost of an average dowry
basket set. The estimated cost of a minimal dowry set shows that 18 women
(86%) said that the average set would cost between 4,000 and 5,000 ETB. This
range is not exaggerated since it approximates the estimate of 5,000 ETB from
Table 1. It may be that between 4,000 and 5,000 ETB is a widely known and
reasonable estimate for dowry baskets among Harari women.

MARKETING

Both utilitarian baskets and decorative/ceremonial baskets are for sale in the
walled city. Once a Harari girl or woman completes a basket, which she intends
to sell, she has a number of options when trying to sell her basket. First, the
weaver may sell her basket directly from her house to a customer. Secondly,
she may decide to sell it to a professional weaver (or guild of weavers) who
will mark up the price and resell the basket from a shop. Or, the individual

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Fig. 7. Marketing of Basketry

68 B. ASANTE

weaver may choose to sell her basket to a basket broker who sells large quan-
tities of baskets from her home.
Fig. 7 identifies shops and homes that sell substantial quantities of baskets.
Many places sold a fairly equal mixture of tourist and traditional ge mot bas-
kets. Many shops sell predominantly tourist types, while only two shops sell
predominantly traditional ge mot baskets. Individual income earnings from
ba sketry sales by informants were also noted. Among informants who sold at
least one basket the previous year (who reported their earnings), the range of
the previous year’s estimated income from basket sales was between 600 ETB(4)
($70) and 3,100 ETB ($363). According to the World Factbook (CIA, 2001),
the 2001 estimated per capita GDP for Ethiopia was only $700. It therefore
becomes apparent that these basketry earnings may constitute significant contri-
butions to Harari women’s financial security.

CHANGES IN BASKETRY

Innovations in Harari basketry are numerous. A new type of basket, popular

with tourists and Harari alike, fits in the category of “touh-touh” style. Touh-
touh baskets resemble traditional ge mot in shape and often size but the quality
of the coiling technique is inferior. The new popular styles are made of mono-
chrome grasses and are ornamented with silver beadwork (see Fig. 8). Another
notable change in style is the sewing of brightly colored acrylic yarn over coils
of migir, as a replacement for agargara and qarma stems.
Among Harari weavers, both touh-touh and acrylic fiber baskets are techni-
cally considered ge mot. That is, they are baskets of the Harari ethnic group
that have a place in the recent material culture of the group. Touh-touh styles
do have a status much inferior to the traditional ge mot, but because they are
inexpensive, most Harari homes are presently decorated with many more touh-
touh styles than traditional ge mot. Acrylic fiber baskets, however, maintain a
high status because they are decorated with traditional geometric ge mot pat-
terns.
Harari women also weave several new shapes and patterns. These include the
“Africa” plate (see Fig. 9). Moreover, the historical significance of older pat-

Fig. 8 One of the new popular styles

Fig. 9 “Africa” plate
Women's Craft Guilds and the Traditional Basketry of Harar 69

terns and their names is no longer commonly known. For many younger Harari
weavers, the meaning behind the names of some patterns has been lost to his-
tory. Still, a few older women are well versed in the links between basketry
pattern names and historical people and places. Previously, the knowledge of
these links was passed by means of oral traditions in the setting of mooy gar
(alternating house for basketry work among groups of girlfriends). However,
with the disappearance of the tradition of gathering at the mooy gar, today’s
younger weavers are likely to have only a vague association with the history
behind the patterns unless the name has an obvious linguistic correlate. It may
be significant that the loss of details about basketry nomenclature hints at the
greater loss of common knowledge of historical details. Indeed, Camilla Gibb
(1997: 383) pointed out that “by making interpretations of history a part of
daily life, incorporating them into aspects of dress and architecture and ulti-
mately ‘tradition’ and culture, Ge usu [Harari] are reminded every day of their
shared history in these particular terms” .
The functions of some of the traditional baskets have also changed. For
example, aflala uffa basket lids customarily covered the black clay aflala jars
used to store valuables (Hecht, 1992). Nowadays this basket is often filled with
artificial flowers and hung upside-down on the central wall of the living room.
Furthermore, some ge mot have fallen into extreme disuse with the availability
of durable manufactured alternatives. For example, shalda gar, traditionally used
to store shaving supplies has been replaced by plastic alternatives. Also, enam-
elware bowls, or teacups are often hung on the walls in the places previously
reserved for baskets. Finally, it is a major innovation that men are contributing
to the crafting of Harari baskets. Informants suggested that it is only within the
last 10-15 years that young boys have been employed by women weavers to
ornament their touh-touh style baskets with beads.

WOMEN’S CRAFT GUILDS

In recent years, some Harari women noticed the sharp decline in the produc-
tion of traditional ge mot and have joined forces to maintain the tradition. In
the walled city of Harar, there now exist three official associations of women
weavers. Members of these associations say that they shared common goals at
the time of their official formation in the mid to late 1990s when basketry pro-
duction in the city was really waning. The women wanted to preserve their cul-
ture by continuing their prized craft tradition in a group setting which is the
traditional setting for weaving baskets. They also wanted a way for the guild
members to earn extra income by combining resources and having a forum to
market their baskets. Common features of the associations are: written rules;
officers such as secretary, cashier, disciplinarian, are chosen once a year or once
every two years; members are required to work between 2-6 scheduled shifts a
week in the shop; and any profits of the association are distributed to the mem-
bers once or twice a year (although the weavers do receive periodic income
70 B. ASANTE

when their own baskets are sold in the shop). There are also differences among
the associations, which are highlighted below.
Enayasia may be the most successful of the associations. The twenty-member
association was founded in 1998 at the suggestion of a Catholic NGO and the
Regional Bureau of Culture. The members of this association are not required
to pay membership fees. Their shop is centrally located in the annex of the
famous Arthur Rimbaud house and includes a large room used for the storage
of the grasses, which are provided to members by the association. There is also
a large workspace for the members to weave their baskets. Enayasia received
assistance, in the form of a 200,000 ETB loan at the time of its formation,
which has not been repaid. The guild also received the donation of rent-free
accommodation in the Rimbaud House from the regional government. The mar-
keting success of Enayasia allows for the resources needed for the guild to
purchase baskets from weavers in the community for resale at its shop. Further-
more, guild members specialize in the crafting of high quality, intricate, tradi-
tional ge mot styles.
The twenty-three-member Aye Abida association began gathering at the home
of one of the members in 1997, then officially formed and acquired a shop in
1999. At the time of their formation, members paid a fee of 100 ETB. How-
ever, subsequent monthly dues have not been required. The association received
some assistance in the form of an 11,000 ETB loan, which has been repaid.
Aye Abida is housed in an extremely small shop in the center of the city. The
association does not provide its members with the grasses to make their bas-
kets, but keeps resources in order to buy baskets from weavers in the commu-
nity for resale at its shop. The baskets that are sold at the Aye Abida shop tend
to be touh-touh style, or simpler patterns of traditional ge mot styles
The third women’s craft guild is a forty-five-member weavers group, which
is a part of the Harari National Women’s Association (HNWA). This weav-
ing association was established in 1995. The members of the HNWA weaving
guild are only required to pay 1 ETB a month as a membership fee. The large
shop of this association is centrally located in a rent-free building that has been
donated by the regional government. The financial situation of this association
does not allow for the provision of basketry materials to the members, neither
is the association able to buy baskets from the general community for resale
at the shop. The weavers of HNWA mainly consist of impoverished women
for whom basketry sales contribute a large share of their household income.
In many cases, the women were taught the skill of basketry through programs
offered by HNWA and they are not necessarily proficient in the refined tradi-
tional Harari basket styles. Consequently, the basketry styles sold at the HNWA
shop are mainly Oromo and Somali types.
Ultimately, the weaver’s associations of Enayasia, Aye Abida and HNWA are
potential role models, which can encourage the interest of younger women in
basketry especially in three ways. First, there is increased visibility of basketry
within the town. The shops are all centrally located within the Jugol wall and
Harari women can now be seen weaving baskets in the shop windows of the
Women's Craft Guilds and the Traditional Basketry of Harar 71

main streets of town where in the past this activity was confined within the
walls of individual compounds. Secondly, the purchase of baskets from com-
munity members promotes the skill of basket making for income generation. As
previously mentioned, two of the associations are able to buy baskets directly
from the general community. Especially during school vacations and around the
wedding season, young girls who are proficient basket weavers are therefore
assured a small source of income. Thirdly, these associations may be seen as
innovative examples of the entrepreneurial potential for Harari women. Indeed,
the success of these associations has the potential to encourage young women
to seek career options in basketry. In effect, production of ge mot may be seen,
not only as a skill which may grant one occasional income, but may be a
potentially profitable business venture, even for educated women who want to
work outside of the home.
Despite the achievements of these three associations, it is unfortunate that
there are virtually no members under the age of 30, and that, furthermore,
membership into these associations is closed. It is discouraging that there are
no current, formal efforts by regional administrators, or other voluntary wom-
en’s associations to officially establish a group of weavers among the younger
generation of girls; nor to incorporate younger women into the already estab-
lished guilds. Nonetheless, the potential for entrepreneurial success of the Harari
women’s craft guilds has been recognized. The families of the women support
their business endeavors, and the community patronizes the guilds. Furthermore,
as Margaret Snyder (2000: 15) observed, “women’s micro and small businesses
augment GDP while they enhance individual and family well being-the means
and goal of development”.

CONCLUSION

It seems that Harari basketry has undergone several changes in recent

decades. Some types of traditional baskets have been replaced by manufac-
tured alternatives from plastic to enamel bowls. The new, quickly produced and
brightly colored touh-touh styles are also gaining in popularity in the commu-
nity. These are often placed on the wall-spaces previously reserved for ge mot.
Harari weavers are also relying on limited numbers of people to provide them
with materials such as dyed grasses. And for the first time, men are contribut-
ing to the production of some Harari baskets by ornamenting them with beads.
As of today, it appears that one-third of the traditional styles have gone
through a decline in production. Importantly, some Harari women are noticing
the decline in traditional styles and, through weaving guilds, are making efforts
to preserve the tradition. For the last five to six years, efforts have been made
by these women to continue weaving the traditional styles. Although this study
has presented a number of “informal” ways that Harari weaver’s guilds are
influencing the generation of younger Harari girls, understanding in detail the
extent of their influence will require further study.
72 B. ASANTE

NOTES

(1) Bianchini et al. ( 2002).

(2) Migir stems are not only used for basketry, they are also used to make the common
sweeping brooms found in the city. However, Harari basket weavers prefer the longer,
thicker brooms of migir.
(3) “Minimal” refers to the average, expected, or usual dowry basket set. The inclusion of
any other baskets, in addition to these, would be considered an exceptional set. The ab-
sence of any of these baskets would be considered an inferior or insufficient set.
(4) As of November 2003, 100 ETB = 11.70 $

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Author’s Name and Address: Belle ASANTE, Graduate School of Asian and African Area
Studies, Kyoto University, Sakyo-ku, Kyoto, 606-8501, JAPAN.
E-mail: asante@jambo.africa.kyoto-u.ac.jp