REVIEWER IN ISLAMIC & MINDANAO ARCHITECTURE NON-MUSLIM IN THE MINDANAO

ISLAM ORIGIN IN THE PHILIPPINES Lumad (noun)

 TWO ROUTES - Cebuano for “native” or “indigenous”

- Plural form: Lumadnon
Southeast Asia = Economic and Trade
- A group of indigenous people living in Mindanao
 The silk route (Marco Polo) trade with Kublai Khan and the southern regions of the Philippines
- A collective for the 18 non-Christian and non-
The Second Silk route during the later period of T’ang Muslim ethnic tribes in Mindanao
Dynasty, foreign merchants expelled from China including
Arabs. 18 LUMAD TRIBES

EMBRACING ISLAM IN THE PHILIPPINES  ATTA

 BAGOBO
 Business partnership and marriage one of the basic  BANWAGON
reasons  B’LAAN
 Muslims teachings and free education  BUKIDNON
 8-9th century trades with Arabs and Muslims  DIBABAWON
 Merchant asylum in Asia, principally in Malaysia  HIGAONON
(Southeast Asia)
 MAMANWA
MUSLIM IN THE PHILIPPINES  MANDAYA
 MANGUWANGAN
 Tuan Masha’ika and Karim ul Mhakdum  MANOBO
 There is no historical evidence in conversion  MANSAKA
resistance
 SUBANEN
 Practice blended to folk traditions & religion,
 TAGAKAOLO
attracted in beautiful rituals, stories and art,
 TASADAY
brotherhood
 TBOLI
 Islam is limited to high class people or Tarsilas
 TEDURAY
 Arrived lake Lanao, marriage alliances Muslim, it
 UBO
became Sultanate
AUSTRONESIAN HOUSES IN MINDANAO AND SULU
1450 BC: 3 Sultanate founded
ARCHIPELAGO
 Sulu with Sultan Abu Bakr (1450) as its first Sultan
 MARANAO
 Maguindanao, Sultan Sharif Muhammad
 TAUSUG
Kabungsuwan (1515) and Lanao, Sultan Sharif
 YAKAN
Alawi
 SAMAL
Indigenous People in Sulu Archipelago  BADJAO

 Yakan of Basilan FORTS AND ROYAL RESIDENCE

 Tausug of Sulu
- Early Filipinos constructed forts or KOTA,
 Samal & Badjao of Tawi-tawi
- A fortified settlement bordered by a palisade,
 Maranao of Lanao
which series of long strong timber stakes pointed
 Iranoi & Maguindanao of Cotabato
at the top and set close to each other to form a
 Jama Mapun near in Sabah defense wall.
They achieved feeling of belonging and brotherhood  MINDANAO
convinced by the people  SULU ARCHIPELAGO
 MANILA
- EXAMPLES:
Kota of Raja Sulayman in Manila
Kota of Sultan Kudarat in Lamitan
Archipelagic feature of the Philippines have encourage Torogan structural integrity
both terrestrial and naval architecture
 Post numbering to 22 load bearing and 3 non-
 Some are descendants of Austronesian ancestry bearing
are categorized into land based stilted dwellings  To assess the strength and resilience, it is tradition
 Locations along shorelines, built completely above to have two Carabao fights inside the structure
sea level  Panalong is the noticeable feature of Torogan
 Structural anchored into the reef floor  richly carved and colourful end-beam design that
 The Silong serves both as a shed for the both and flare upward into sculptured wings
as area for bathing.  The Naga are the sea serpent/dragon and pako
rabong are growing fern
The Sea Nomads
 The naga and pako rabong are alternately placed
 Samal on the section of the house to symbolically capture
 Tausug the sun’s energy.
 Yakan
onsod, fence-like motif Triangular or pyramidal design
 Badjao
usually applied at the facade of the house below the
MARANAO window.

 “People of the Lake” tiali-tali, rope-like motif - Rope-like design symbolizing

 The largest indigenous group in Mindanao strength and unity, generally applied at the facade of the
 Divided into four settlements house above the window.
- Pangampong/Pegawidan obar-obar, flower-like motif - Flower design often applied
(Principalities of Maranaos) at the facade of the house, including the face of the upper
Lawig front and corner columns.

 Small houses birdo, growing vine or scroll-like motif - The most common
 Stilted with Lean-to-roofing ornamental design symbolizing continuity both for interior
 Usually, single family unit dwelling and exterior uses.

Mala-a-walai MARANAO

 Large houses of well to do families  Lamin or tower built a top the house hiding the
 Without panolong sultan's daughter
 Okir decoration on baseboards, door jambs and  Annunciation of presence of Limayin(princess) and
windowsills Manga-ragas (court ladies)
 Bamboo fenced porch makrs facaded  Practice for the virtue of Virginity and Celibacy

Torogan lamin, princess' room

- A richly decorated room serving as private space

 Sultan’s house
for sultan's doughter and her attendants
 House for sultans and datus
 Multi-family dwelling lapa, princess bed
- A place of residence and office of the reigning
sultan and immediate members of his family. - An elevated bed with abundant ornamentation on
- Torogan is also the community’s venue for its sides and exclusively intended for the sultan's
important social events such as wedding, daughter.
thanksgiving, wakes aside from cultural rituals and tulang, kitchen
spiritual-related activities.
- Torogan is a huge one-room house with pukananan - A spacious area for preparation and cooking
or pugigaan (mat) assigned for every member activities inside the house. It has also "tapaan" or
staying with sultan and baol (wood chest) as fish drying area and "laya" for storing bamboo
storage for their belongings containers.
 TAUSUG

pukananan (dining) or pugigaan (sleeping area)  Tausug means “people of the current/ taong dagat
or alon”
- A mat provided for each member living inside the
 Second largest group of Muslim Filipinos and
house where he/she will take his/her meal and will
Foremost indigenous people in Sulu Archipelago
rest or sleep.
 House of Tausug is called bay sinug
- These mats, oriented east to-west, are arranged
with the sultan's security near the door and the Bay sinug
person closest to him beside his bed.
 Made of nine posts symbolized the human body
towa, stair  They believe should built it as if a person were
being formed
- The main access to the upper floor level of the
 If you don’t follow the proper order in assembling
house with the entire framework, including the
the posts, it is believed that the house will not last.
railings, made from wood
Yakan
Kerit, tread

- Pieces of rectangular boards or planks of wood  Yakans live in the mountainous interior of Basilan
used as steps in a stair Island.
 Houses individually owned and occupied by one
Lalansay family
 Rectangular, riged roofed, single room pile
- Hand-embroidered and lavishly embellished
structure of varying size and elevation from the
drapery that is vertically hanged below
ground.
“mamandiang” to cover the interior wallboards
 No ceilings and few or no windows because of
sendigan, sultan's area belief that the bad spirits could easily in through
those openings.
- An area located away from the entrance of the
house and designated for the sultan. It is provided SAMAL
with a bed (panggao) and richly ornamented fabric
 Samal mix on various islands with the Tausug who
called mamandiang, lalansay, and somandeg.
are dominant group in Jolo island.
panggao, sultan's bed  They are more dominant in Borneo
- The only elevated bed with rich carved Samal community in coastline
ornamentation all around its sides. The bed is
oriented east-to-west and is shared with sultan's pang-tuud, king post
first wife. - The central timber post that extends beyond the
Mamandiang perimeter wall to support the gable-end wall and
the ridge of the roof.
- Hand-embroidered and opulently designed piece
of fabric laid horizontally above the wall where the habong, tie beam
sultan's bed rests. - A rectangular lumber or bamboo laid across the
Somandeg upper section of the room to connect the two king
posts.
- Hand-made and richly ornament piece of cloth
horizontally laid below “lalansay”myth

Lamin hanglad, girder

- A thick lumber or bamboo which holds the floor

 Maranao showing of love, affection and respect to
joists of the house.
the sultan’s daughter (Limayin)
 Nowadays the practice is no longer extant bubung, roof
 - The gable roof with moderate slope usually made - Bigger houseboat
of nipa thatch material on bamboo or wood - With katig
purlins. The roof also has an extended roof for the
LUMA
open deck and built just below the end of the main
gable roof.  Permanent dwelling
 Floating shanty
tukalog, stud
 Sand stilted
- Secondary posts along the perimeter of the wall
used as vertical support for the exterior thatch wall Masjib – mosque

taytayan-tikus, roof beam  A muslim building or place of worship

 A place to worship, the congregation of the faithful
- The lumber or bamboo laid horizontally becomes one with God in sublime state of humility
throughout the perimeter of the wall to hold the and reverence
upper-end portion of the posts.  Literally translate from Arabic word to a “place of
prostration”
salsal, joist
ISLAMIC MOSQUES
- A whole bamboo laid horizontally at about 0.40-
0.60 meter spacing to support the flooring of the Parts of a Mosque
house.
 ABLUTION FOUNDATION
Samal house feature: Pantan or terrace oriented to East  MUSSALA
 MINARET
 MIHRAB
BADJAO  MINBAR
 Sea gypsies  QIBLA WALL
 From Zamboanga, Basilan, Jolo provinces, tawi- MASJIB IN PHILIPPINE SETTING
tawi, and Palawan
 Samal Luwaan (outcast) Evolution of Mosque typology in the Philippines
 Sama Dilaut (people of the ocean)  Annual pilgrimage to Mecca
 Boat House use their shelters as a means of Travel  Multi-tiered bamboo or wooden structure
 Whether Nomadic or settled reminiscent of a Chinese pagoda or Japanese
 Badjao boats vary in length and depending on the temple
economic status of the owner  With gaps, square plan
BADJAO: TWO KINDS OF BOAT  Mimbar is not high unlike those in western Asia
 Tabo or Jabu-Jabu are summoning instrument for
 DAPANG/ VINTA the worshippers from afar to a mosque
- Used for short fishing trips
 PALAW Two types of Muslim worship space
- Permanent dwelling place or temporary lodging  Langal or rangal literally “to meet” by Tausug
during fishing trips. (Langal is synonymous to a Chapel, convenience of
the worshipers live far from the masjib)
 Masjib ideally build near in body of water

EXAMPLES OF MAJIB IN THE PHILIPPINES

TWO TYPES OF PALAW
 SHEIK KARIMAL MAKDUM MOSQUE
 LEPA - The oldest mosque, in Tubig Indangan Tawi-tawi,
- Faster houseboat founded in 1380, National Historical Landmark
- No katig  TOMBS/ SUNDUK
 JENGNING
 - Elaborately carved markers used to identify graves Portuguese explorer, Ferdinand Magellan, Spanish Royal
with okkir Conquestor Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and Navigator Fray
 MASJIB AL-DAHAB (GOLDEN MOSQUE) Andres de Urdaneta, OSA arrival in Ma-l islands in 1521.
- By Ar. Jorge Ramos
LA SENIORITA FILIPINA
- Sponsored by Imelda Marcos and Muammar
Khadafy - Dedicated to el príncipe Felipe as "Islas de Las
 BLUE MOSQUE OF TAGUIG Filipinas"
- Maharlika Village
On 14 April 1521, Rajah Humabon was christened Carlos in
- Ar. Gabriel Formoso
honor of Rei Carlos I de España
 KING FAISAL MOSQUE AND MADRASA,
MARAWI STATE UNIVERSITY While his chief consort, Hara Humamay was given the
 SULTAN HASSANAL BOLKAIAH name Juana, after Charles' mother, Reina Juana del Castillo.
- Largest and grand mosque in the Philippines
- Funded by the Brunei Government The Baptism of Humabon and Humaymay and Image of The
- Palafox Assoc. Holy Child the beginning of the Oldest Founded church in
the Philippines, Basilica de Sto. Niño de Cebu in 1565
ARQUITECTURA MEZTIZA
1565 the story of architecture in the Philippines under
- SPANISH COLONIAL ARCHITECTURE IN THE Kingdom of Castile begins the permanent occupation and
PHILIPPINES (1521-1898) Part of Virreinato de Nueva España (Viceroy of New Spain).
PART 1 Viceroy of New Spain in Eutopia and Oriental World
GENESIS OF THE NEW KINGDOM ESPAÑA THE SPANISH LAKE: THE PACIFIC OCEAN DECLARED AS
SPANISH LAKE SERVES AS A ROUTE FOR THE GALLEON
 Isabella and Ferdinand had married in 1469 in
TRADE FROM 1565-1813
Valladolid. Their marriage united both crowns and
set the stage for the creation of the Reino de PROGRAM FOR COLONIAL URBANISM
España (Kingdom of Spain)
- Establishment of Colonial Settlements, building a
 Fernando de Aragon
chapel and erection of Fort.
 Isabela del Castillo
- Kingdom of Aragon 1571 Raja Sulayman
- Kingdom of Navarre
- Kingdom Granada abandoned the Manila (May-nilad; abundant water lily)
- Kingdom Castile 1572 Miguel Lopez de
- Kingdom of Leon
 Bandera de España, colloquially known as “la Legazpi died, he had already conquered the greater portion
Rojiqualda” of the archipelago to spread the Christianity and to
colonize the islands.
15th CENTURY - AGE OF EXPLORATION & COLONIZATION
Manila: The Genesis of a Walled Colonial City
 Ferdinand of Again and Elizabeth of Castile’s sons
- Emperor Charles and Prince Philip May 19, 1571
 Expansion of imperial domination El Adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legazpi founded conquered
- Direct change the Kingdom of Maynilad after the battle and Rajah
3G Sulayman had evacuated his Fort after the inhabitants set
fire upon their settlements.
 GOD
 GOLD 1572 Al Adelantado
 GLORY Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Fundador de Manila died, he had
already conquered the greater portion of the archipelago
PART 1 PRE-COLONIAL HISTORY
to spread the Christianity and to colonize the islands.

Pueblos ar the capitals or towns

Barangay became Barrios  Towns emerged from this concept
 Villages and later towns developed under the
Poblacion are the centers
watch and supervision of Spain's religious
Hacienda/Estancias are large estates, farmlands and missionaries.
ranches outside the walls
Reduccion y Encomienda
PROGRAM FOR THE URBANISM “LEYES DE INDIAS”
- or forced urbanization and resettlement. Where
LAWS OF THE INDIES they could be easily reached by the missionaries,
tribute collectors and the military. Urbanizing
- expanding and a comprehensive compilation of
program of Spain Building regulations and zoning.
edicts incorporating the previous decrees of Rey
It made easier for a friar to train Filipinos in the
Fernando l de Aragon and Carlos V, Empirador de
basic principles of Christianity.
pax Romano
Encomienda

- The concept of land as private property and capital

was introduced, communal and individual lands
LAWS OF THE INDIES were confiscated, divided into parcels, each
assigned to a pioneering Spanish colonist who was
- Collates all laws that dictates on planning, social, mandated or distributed to the members of
church, and economic matters pertaining to the Principalia (former Datus/Rajah/Lakan, their
colonies. families and descendants.)
Laws of Indies/ Leyes de Indias: Rey Felipe II, July 3, 1573, Cuadriculla
in San Lorenzo, Spain
- A system of streets and blocks laid out with
Prescripcion por de la fundacion de colonia municipales y uniform precision, the use of grid pattern for urban
pueblos: articulo numero 110-133 fabric, together with the adherence to the other
LAWS OF INDIES architectural rules, was a consequence of the ideal
Greco-Roma city concept.
110. GENERAL PLOT
Developed from experience in Americas
111. Topography and Resources 112. Allocation of Plaza
 Plaza mayor
113. Size of the Plaza  Cabildo (municipal building)
114. Designation of streets 115. Requirement of Streets  Mercado
 Residencia
116. Climate considerations 117. Expansion  Distributed by hierarchy and political on
118-120. Main Building 121. Other Building  Plaza complex expressed the centralization of
political power
122. Agriculture 123. Inland with water  Forts/Fuerza
124-125. Plaza requirement and government office  Churches, Cabecera was the capital of the parish
while Visita is the chapels of the Parish
126-128. Restrictions 129-132. Agriculture
“PRIMERA CUIDAD” CAPITAL SPANISH CITIES
133. Building requirement
 NUEVA SEGOVIA (ILOCOS SUR)
The villages were literally in Bajos dela Campanas (under  MANILA
the bells), which sanctioned control of natives' everyday  SUGBU (CEBU)
life by allowing the clergy to wake the villagers up each  NUEVA CACERES (NAGA OR CAMARINES SUR)
day, summon them to mass and subject them to religious
catechism. MANILA

Reduccion Bajo la Campana - June 24, 1571 in Honor of San Juan Bautista, the
declaration of Manila as Colony's Capital
 - 1573 Birth of Intramuros, following the  Volcanic tuff & Adobe - deposits discovered in
recommendations of the Royal decree issued by Guadalupe, Makati.
Rey Felipe II, from which future colonial towns and  Cut stone - de Silleria or de cal y canto
cities of Emperio de Españalwould be modeled  Hornos - Kilns for the manufacture of (Radillos) -
after. bricks
 Tejas - v-shape roof tile
INTRAMUROS
 Placuña Pelucida - capiz shells Dura la Madera -
- Developed to become the political, educational, hard wood
and religious hub of the Spanish colony.
1595 - Bishop Salazar wrote to the King. that Sangleys
- Spanish walled city
(Chinese) population in Manila had artisan Skilled in many
- Pureza de Sangre, Pure Bloods Spaniards are the
crafts - carpenters, carvers, stone masons. book binders
only allowed inside the walls.
and so forth.
Peninsulinares (Spanish Born in Spain)
PROGRAM FOR COLONIAL URBANISM "Birth of Filipino
Insulinares (Spanish Born in the Viceroys/Spanish colonies) architecture"

1595, the colonist proclaimed the foundation of Primera - 1645 a devastating earthquake shattered the
Ciudades de Españoles because of Economic stability ambitious plans of the Spaniards, marked a turning
point in the development of architecture.
Sugbu - Cebu, under mission of Augustinians
- Birth of Arquitectura Mestiza in the Philippines
Naga, Bicol - Nueva Caceres under mission of Franciscans
Arquitectura mestiza, Combination of wood and stones
Lalo, Cagayan – Nueva Segovia, under mission of
A term based on Hermano
Dominicans, was moved in 1758 to Vigan due to Economic
and Environmental issue - (Brother) Francisco Alcina, SJ. To refer to the
structures built partly of wood and partly stone
Vigan, Ilocos Sur – Villa Ferdinandina / Vigan

Ilo-ilo – Arevalo/Jaro
Theory of Style
Baculud, Pampanga - Villa Bacolor
Mestizaje, mixing of two cultures, hybrid architecture.
- Bacolor On October 8, 1762, Governor-General
Simon de Anda y Salazar made Bacolor, Pampanga Why? Propaganda? Façade retention or application
the temporary capital of the Philippines, in view of
Based on European models to bring power Greco-Roma
the British invasion of Manila.
styles
PROGRAM FOR COLONIAL URBANISM “BUILDING
Because of the Earthquakes and Fire Lessons, thicker walls,
MATERIALS”
wider and thicker almost 3mts buttresses, lowered ceiling
Structures inside Intramuros were first built with wood and lines in the churches, house post (haligue)
thatch roofing.
PROGRAM FOR COLONIAL URBANISM "EXTRAMUROS /
1583 - The city was consumed by fire. ARRABALES"

= A decree was made that all structures will be constructed Indio, Mestiza y Sangley
with stone and tiles.
ARRABALES – SUBURBS
1580's Dominican Friar, Fray Domingo Salazar, OP. Primera
- Spaniards and the church authorities expanded its
Obispo de Manila with Padre Antonio Sedeño, SJ. A Jesuit mission
priest, architect, and engineer, pushed for the construction
Extramuros
of buildings and houses using stones and tile.
- Pueblo de Malate, home of ambitious nobleman,
Materials:
tradesman amassed their wealth from the new
imperial order
Pueblo de Tondo was identified natives who regularly
provided fresh foods.
ALMACEN DE POLVORA BODEGA NG PULBURA
Part 2.3 Extramuros:
- Structure for storage of gun powder.
 Pueblo de Quiapo and Pueblo de Malate, home of
BALUARTE OR BALWARTE/BASTION
ambitious nobleman, tradesman amassed their
wealth from the new imperial order - A projecting part of the fortification intended to
 Arrabales/ Suburbans are Ermita, Sta. Cruz, have a number of firing direction to defend the
Sampaloc, Dilao, Paco, Sta. Ana de Sapa adjacent perimeter.
The Binondo TERREPLEIN
- With the increase of Chinese traders and - Levelled top platform of the bastion where
craftsman, known as Sangleys, a policy was cannons are mounted
enacted in 1581, designating to the Sangley
PARAPETO or PARAPET
communities a separate urban quarter, known as
Parian. - Fortified parapet wall with alternate merlons and
crenels intended for defense and as wall decorative
1581 - Enacted, designating Chinese community a separate
motif
urban quarter

CARA or FACE
Due to insecurity of fast-growing Chinese population.
- The two outer sides of the bastions that meet to
1583 - they relocated in the eastward of Intramuros after
form a V-shaped outwork.
the Pasig River, with easy range of the cannon from Fort
Santiago FLANCO or FLANK
PROGRAM FOR COLONIAL URBANISM "THE FORTRESS- - The portion that protrudes beyond the curtain.
BASTION"
ESCARPA or ESCARP
Dilao-Paco
- Outer slope of a fortified wall
- Another rebellious ethnic sector in the eyes of the
castellans was the Japanese. FOSO or MOAT
- A Japanese community assigned where could be - A wide, deep trench surrounding the walls that is
easily observed and controlled. The Spanish usually filled with water
authorities found the Japanese proud and arrogant
and less obedient to Spanish command. They were Bastion system style
settled in Dilao. Japanese were the refuge from - Stone landings casa matas artiellary
closing of foreign relation of japan including the
religion. GARITAS (GARITA OR WATCH AREA)

Bastion system style FOSO or MOAT

- 1590, the walled city, patterned the medieval city - A canal filled with water to serve as a deterrent
fortress of Europe, under the Supervision of against attackers approaching the wall.
Governador-General Gomez Perez Dasmariñas and
PUENTE or Bridge
Military engineer Leonardo Turriano
PROGRAM FOR COLONIAL URBANISM "FUERZA
Bastion system style
ARQUITECTURA"
 7.6mts high
FUERZA DE SAN PEDRO (Cebu City)
 3-10 mts walls, curtinas
 Stone landings casa - One of the royal forts supported by crown, Fuerza
 matas artiellary de San Pedro in Cebu (renovated in 1738).
 - Built following the triangular plan laidout by Miguel - The Mamanua indigenous people from Mindanao
Lopez de Legazpi. called the flat shield made of grass held up by a
- Used as a military installation throughout the bamboo frame as
Spanish colonial era.
Colonial nation 1898-1946 - United States of America
FUERZA DE SAN FELIPE (Cavite)
Philippine architecture adapts to the environment, primary
- Built between 1609-16. requirements are the following except eliminate cold
- A witness to pivotal events in Philippine history, weather
including a portent of the 1896 revolution.
Timber
FUERZA DE SANTIAGO (Manila)
- it is the favored building materials in the mountain
- Santiago dressed in armor riding a charger, area
restored hardwood bas relief over the entrance of
Fuerza de Santiago. the main reason of elevated floor level of an Austronesian
house Serves to ventilate it and protect it from dampness
FUERZA DE NUESTRA SENORA DEL PILAR (Zamboanga
Peninsula) Cave

- Built by military engineer Juan de Ciscara in 1719. - is a hollow place in the ground, especially a natural
- Named after the Virgin of the Pillar in Zaragosa, underground space large enough for a human to
Spain. enter, form naturally by the weathering of rock and
often extend deep underground
Stone Rollers

- is the Best structural foundation combination for a

timber and untrimmed root post Hearths of structures are usually located on

Panahang - Outside, near the entrance

- The Agta indigenous people called the flat shield - Center of the house
made of grass held up by a bamboo frame as Balai
Panahang
- SOUTHEAST ASIAN TYPE OF DOMESTIC
Angono Petroglyphs ARCHITECTURE FOUND IN NON-HISPANIZED, NON-
- It was discovered in 1965 and are believed to be ANGLOSAXON COMMUNITIES IN THE COUNTRY,
the oldest known artworks in the Philippines. generally dwelling with a single room, which
Dating to the third millennium B.C., they are a nevertheless serves variety of purpose: eating,
collection of 127 figural carvings engraved on the sleeping, family work area and territorial space are
wall of a shallow cave of volcanic tuff. suggested.

Alligang, was smaller and rested on the top of a tree, 18-

24meters from the ground, while Tinguian has a nocturnal Austronesians
adobe because safeguard from evening time ambush
- People originated on the island of Taiwan following
Kamalig the migration of pre-Austronesian-speaking
- An Austronesian term “Kamalir” adopted in the peoples from continental Asia approximately
Philippines as? That generally refers to “granary, 10,000-6000 B.C. Due to a lengthy split from the
barn or storehouse” whereas in it denotes a special Pre-Austronesian populations, the Proto-
term Men’s House. Austronesian language; the cultures and ethnic
groups of the peoples began on Taiwan
Example of a prehistoric rock hewn fortress - Idjang of approximately 6,000 years ago
Batanes
Colonial nation 1565–1898 – Spain
Dait-Dait
Bellwood’s Theory
 - this people themselves has a variety of different It is the adjacent structure and this is the male dormitory in
traditions and history of their origins. According to Bontoc
most Western scholars, however, they people
- Afong
originated in the island of Taiwan, and are spread
as far away as Madagascar in the Indian Ocean and
the Polynesian islands of the Pacific Ocean. What The area below the rice terraces intended as place of
is the basis theory? residence
Rice Terraces of Cordillera - Latangan
- Example of a Megastructure in the prehistoric
Philippines Houses built by inhabitants of the Batanes Islands. Out of
necessity (Batanes being extremely vulnerable to strong
The five principal features of Vernacular architecture:
typhoons and weather disturbances) , the rakuh, or big
- Builders considered TRADITIONAL STYLES SPECIFIC TO AN house, is a sturdy structure wuth thick lime-and-stone alls
ETHINIC DOMAIN and a thick thatched roof lashed tightly to rafters and
beams by layers of clipped reeds and rattan.
- Builders considered BALANCE BETWEEN SOCIAL &
ECONOMIC FUNCTIONALITY AND AESTHETIC FEATURES - Rakuh
- Builders are NON-PROFESSIONAL ARCHITECT OR
ENGINEER A series of stone-walled structures, usually 3.00 meters in
height, built in a hillside, primarily used as ricefields.
- Builders considered BALANCE BETWEEN SOCIAL &
ECONOMIC FUNCTIONALITY AND AESTHETIC FEATURES - Payo
Tau't Batu Cave in Palawan is an example of a prehistoric
Multi Family dwelling
Wealthy Family in Bontoc resides in?
Archetypical Austronesian house consists of the following:
- Fayu
- Extended Ridge

- Rise living floor

It is a public structure where young women of
- Pitched Roof marriageable age go to sleep at night. Where courtship
commences and ends with engagement.

Lean-to - Ato

- Fundamental act of building was practiced by

nomads in form the windbreak. A flat shield made An Ivatan structure used as a working area and a place of
of grass held up by a bamboo frame storage for fishing implements. The structure does not
Bamboo have any wall enclosure, exposing posts that support the
roof, and the thick gable cogon roof, either with or without
- it is the favored building materials for Bahay Kubo gable wall, made from cogon and reeds. 
in the lowland and coastal area
- Rahuang
is bahay kubo exclusively found in the Philippines? - No,
the whole southeast Asian nations and other tropical
countries Galvanized iron was introduced in Batanes; the use of such
Multilevel Austronesian dwellings are usually located in the material eliminated the need to gather tons upon tons of
upland, Mountains because they want compact space cogon to roof the structure in 1950’s after world war? True
including food storage and security reasons or False?
 - False, it was introduced in 1890’s because of the A type of Ivatan house that has walls made of stone and
peak of industrial revolution in Europe based on lime mortar. The narrower walls at the opposite end are
our HOA2 extended upward, forming a triangle with which the cogon
roof is leveled. It has a low basement, which is used as
storage area or as shelter for domesticated animals during
Preferred wall material for cordilleran house typhoons.

- Wooden Planks because of the cold weather - Sinadumparan

Ifugao houses are classified according to social standing of Who introduced the familiar ivatan traditional house of
residents for the rich, poor, and communal dormitory for Stone and Mortar structures known as Cal y Canto Made
boys, girls and unmarried elders. What is the term house their first appearance in the late 18th century or early 19th
for the rich ifugao? – Fale century?

- The Dominician Friars

Ivatan Huts were low

- Because high structures would have been easily Hearths of Ivatan structures are usually located on
toppled by waves
- One end of the house

It is the largest among the most substantially constructed

houses in the Cordilleras, stands 4.6x7.9meters, A house that doesn’t have space concept of “house as a
rectangular in form, with several post systems and a womb”?
prominent Gothic-like roof that assumes the silhouette of
an upturned boat. - Isneg, Binuron

- Isneg, Binuron
The settlement of Ifugao Community, usually comprised of
bale and inalahan, buit in an area that cannot be irrigated
Because walls were made of stones held together, a kind of and not following a regular pattern.
soft mortar formed by mixing mud and pieces of cogon
called? - Bable

In Bontoc, Pabafunan or Dap-ay are open courts where

- Fangu
people gather to perform their rituals can accommodate
about six to eighteen males. What type prehistoric
structure is this?
In Kalinga, While those who live in foruy. What is the Shape
of the plan? - Stone Circles

- Square
What is the purpose of Panpet?
It is a wooden cylindrical disk, a rat guard is fitted on each
four post. - To fasten securely to the ground via strong pegs,
thrown over the entire roof during typhoon
- Halipan
season

Ifugao houses enshrine human effigies for protection and

In Cordellera, Northern Strain Mountain houses is
good omen? What do you call this ornamental feature?
characterized by
- Bul-ul
- Rectangular plan covered with high gabled roof
 Haligi – post/column/pillar

A forest serves as hunting ground and source wood for Ding-ding - wall
construction
Sibi – roof eaves
- Inalahan

Also known as sheeting rail, is a horizontal structure

It distinguishes itself from typical Cordillera house by its member in a framed wall. Girts provide lateral support to
boat-like appearance? the wall panel, primarily, to resist wind loads.

- Isneg, Binuron - Sepo

What is the favored material for a post of a bahay kubo?

The Aboriginal Ivantan lived in?
- Molave
- Low houses of wood timber, and bamboo thatch
which stood in rows on the steep terrain of Roof, open-air gallery or porch, attached to the outside of
mountain and hill slopes the building. Often partly enclosed by a railing and
frequently extends across the front and sides of a
structure. – Balcon
Wealthy residents flaunt a long wooden bench with a
carved animal heads on both sides as a sign of prosperity?
Common arear passageway, ranging in size from a large
- Hagabi reception room in a house.

- Bulwagan
A type of Ivatan house that has walls made of stone and
lime mortar with cogon hip roof. Meaning of “Kubo” according to Fr. Diego Bergaño, OSA
- Maytuab base on Vocabulario de Lengua Pampanga y Romance

- Peasant Hut or Cabin

VERNACULAR TERMS

Trabesanyo – wall stud Meaning of “Kubo” according to Fr. Pedro de San

Buenaventura, OFM base on Vocabulario de Lengua Tagala
Pasamano – window sill
- Mountain Houses
Sahig – floor

Sikang – purlin
Open space and floor underneath functionable as domestic
Dungawan – Window animal cage or sometimes storage of an Austronesian
Palayas – Gable Roof house.

Sikang – Purlin - Silong

Bubong – Roof

Hamba – Door Jamb Silid is where the women of the house could change
clothes in private seems to have been present prior to
Kilo – Rafter Hispanization according to?
Tarangkahan - gate
- Fr. Juan Francisco de San Antonio, OFM
Pilarete – vertical stud
Part of Bahay Kubo, where visitors can leave his/her - THEORY OF LAND/
bakya(slippers) and packages
TULAY NA LUPA
- Papagan
BUILDING CHARACTER

- tropical design
Like traditional dwellings, shanties are built by their own
inhabitants, with no blueprints, using the materials - open
available in the immediate environment, typical one room
- light (moveable, earthquake proof)
dwelling.
- stilted
- Iskwater
- thatched, pitched roof

PREHISYORUC BUILDING TYPES

Vertical repetitive framing member in a building’s wall of
smaller cross section than a post. It is a fundamental EARLY SHELTERS IN THE ISLANDS
element in a frame building.
- Caves: Kweba
- Trabesanyo

Prehistoric caves in the Philippines

Where all structural components are connected.
CALLAO CAVE
- Balangkas
- located in the Municipality of Peñablanca, Cagayan
Province

Elevated rectangular one-room structure and protected by - The seven-chamber show cave is one of 300 caves
a high-pitch roof
- named as Peñablanca (Spanish for white rocks) for the
- Balai presence of white limestone rocks in the area.

- Callao man refers to fossilized remains discovered in

Callao Cave, Peñablanca, Cagayan
Structural element that transmits, through compression,
the weight of the structure above to the other structure - in 2007 by Armand Salvador Mijares. Specifically, the find
elements below. consisted of a single 61-millimeter metatarsal which, when
dated using uranium series ablation, was found to be about
- Haligi 67,000 years old.

Main horizontal support of a structure which supports TABON CAVE

smaller beams.
- Tabon Caves, dubbed as the Philippines' Cradle of
- Gililan Civilization set of located on Lipuun Point, north of Quezon
municipality, Palawan Island
PREHISTORIC ARCHITECTURE
- The caves are named after the Tabon Scrubfowl BIRD.
- The term Austronesian peoples refers to a
population group present in Southeast Asia or - The Tabon Man was discovered in the caves, one of the
Oceania who peak, or had ancestors who spoke, oldest remnants of human inhabitants found in the
one of the Austronesian languages Philippines. [2] Other remains that were excavated have
remained onsite and have yet to be examined in detail.
PLEISTOCENE PEOPLE
- the Tabon Caves complex has 29 explored caves where
- EARLIEST DWELLERS IN THE PHILIPPINES
only seven of which are open for public viewing.
- ICED AGED
- The major caves open to the public are Tabon Cave, - Wind-sun-and rain screen anchored by a pole or stick an
Diwata Cave, Igang Cave, and Liyang Cave. angle on the ground.

- The Tabon Man was discovered in the caves, one of the

oldest remnants of human inhabitants found in the
Early dwellings of the Aeta
Philippines.[2] Other remains that were excavated have
remained onsite and have yet to be examined in detail. 1. Pinatubo aeta - Hawong
- The largest, cave periodically dwelt in prehistoric families 2. Agta & Casiguran damages aetas from aurora panahang
30,000 years ago
3. Mamanua aeta from mindanao dait-dait
- The Manunggul Jar is a secondary burial jar excavated
from a Neolithic burial site in Manunggul cave of Tabon
Caves at Lipuun Point at Palawan dating from 890-710 B.C.
The two prominent figures at the top handle of its cover
represent the journey of the soul to the after life. ARBOREAL SHELTERS

- The boatman is seated behind a figure whose hands are TREE HOUSES
crossed on the chest. The position of the hands is a - Architectural institution fashioned by nature
traditional Filipino practice observed when arranging the
corpse. - 20, 30 to 60 ft above ground for protection against animal
& human enemies

FORKED VERSION
TAU-BATU CAVE
- Other reasons, to protect the families, animal attacks, and
- tau batu shelter more than one family human enemies.
- Fear of thunder is one of the main reason why they PRECOLONIAL ARCHITECTURE IN NORTHERN LUZON
retreat in caves, because of folklore as a warning against
mocking or laughing to animals. AUSTRONESIAN ANCESTRY

- The basic sleeping platform known as DATAG, is made BALAI/BAHAY

from tree branches and dried leaves and built inside the
- SOUTHEAST ASIAN TYPE OF DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE
cave, raised slightly above the ground
FOUND IN NON-HISPANIZED, NON-ANGLOSAXON
COMMUNITIES IN THE COUNTRY

ANGONO PETROGLYPHS - HOUSE/TAHANAN / TIRAHAN

- oldest known work of art in the Philippines located in the

province of Rizal.
BALAI/BAHAY
- here are 127 human and animal figures engraved on the
Architectural Characteristic IN TROPICAL SETTING
rockwall dating back to 3000 BC.

- These inscriptions clearly show stylized human figures,

frogs and lizards, along with other designs that may have 1. ELEVATED LIVING FLOOR
depicted other interesting figures but erosion may have
2. RECTANGULAR VOLUME
caused it to become indistinguishable.
3. RISED PILE FOUNDATION
- angono-petro (stone) glyph. (illustration)
4. VOLUMINOUS THATCHED ROOF

LEAN TO SHELTERS
VERNACULAR STRUCTURAL
- FUNDAMENTAL ACT OF BUILDING WAS PRACTICED BY
NOMADS IN FORM THE WINDBREAK ELEMENT
- BUILDINGS WITH PILE OR STILT FOUNDATIONS ARE A
PERVASIVE FEATURE NOT ONLY IN THE MAINLAND AND
REGIONAL HOUSES
ISLAND SOUTHEAST ASIA
• Batanes

• Cordillera
VERNACULAR STRUCTURAL ELEMENT
• Luzon & Visayas

- Central & Southern

FOUNDATION
• Mindanao
- Prototypical bahay kubo or austronesean house is
usually build with wooden post as its framework. • UPLAND and LOWLAND houses have acquired distinct
architectural features because of difference of
- It has several advantages in a tropical climate. Especially
environmental conditions and site contexts
when settlement patterns are mainly concentrated in
coastal, riverside, and lakeshores

- Underfloor space often used as pen for stabling domestic IVATAN IDJANGS
animals and as a place for storage
- Defensive Engineering of thr Early Ivatan settlers
- TWO OPTIONS: SUPERSEDED PILE/STILTS OR ROLLERS

- PEOPLE USE ARCHITECTURE IN UNIQUE WAYS TO ADAPT

TO CHANGING WEATHER CONDITIONS AND CREATE jinjin, thatch house
DIFFERENT KINDS OF PROTECTIVE BUILDINGS AGAINST - A type of house with a timber framed structure which
THE FORCES OF NATURE uses reeds and cogon materials for its walls and roof

kamadid
VOLUMINOUS THATCH ROOF - An Ivatan type of house with its enclosing's lower
- The most distinctive feature of the Austronesian portion built of wood, while the upper portion is built of
vernacular architectural form is EXTENDED LINE OF THE cogon grass. It has a thick hip type cogon roof.
ROOF, often with outward sloping gables forming elegant
saddleback curves.
rahaung
- Cases seen as pyramidal
- An Ivatan structure used as a working area and a place
- Grasses and palm leaves are the most widely used of storage for fishing implements. The structure does not
traditional materials. have any wall enclosure, exposing posts that support the
roof, and the thick gable cogon roof, either with or
without gable wall, made from cogon and reeds.
CONSTRUCTION TECHNIQUES

- POST AND LINTEL METHOD OF CONSTRUCTION

• ABORIGINAL IVATAN Lived in wood, bamboo and
- ASSEMBLED WITHOUT NAILS thatched
- WALLS AND FLOORS DO NOT CONSTITUTES A PARTS OF
THE MAIN LOAD-BEARING ELEMENTS BUT MAY BRACE
THE STRUCTURE AS A WHOLE. IVATAN HOUSE

- FRAMING SYSTEM CONSIST OF VERTICAL STUDS - in row on the steep terrain of mountain hill slopes
SLOTTED INTO HORIZONTAL SILLS - A Fireplace was built at one end of the house.
- TONGUE & GROVE MORTISE, TENON, LAPPED AND - Villages located on the slopes or peaks of hills
NOTCHED JOINTING SYSTEM
- Huts were low, partly because high structures would
easily toppled by the strong winds > timber

- Cogon grass is the main roofing material ➤ bamboo

- Batanes island did not possess enough timber resources
nor appropriate tools for larger construction ► thatch

- Walls are made of stones held together by FANGO, a ➤ fibers

mortar formed by mixing mud and cogon
BAHAY KUBO Characteristic
- PANPET-ROOF NET made of ropes fastened securely to
the ground by a strong pegs
•post & lintel
- thick stone + mortar (limestone walls) Molave hard wood is the preferred material(Phil.
Yellow rosewood/ vitex geniculata
- reed, rattan, cogon or bamboo gable or hip roofs
• steeply pitched thatched hipped roof
- strong enough to withstand typhoons and earthquakes

- north-south orientation - voluminous roof cavity to combat humidity

- one windowless wall facing strong winds • pile foundation flooding + under floor for ventilation
and humidity
Main land bahay kubo community
Wall lattice work options
Coastal community
River side community
• nipa or sawali wall siding in herringbone design
MGA TAGA ILOG= TAGALOG
• Bamboo, split, flattened or cut into strips
BAHAY KUBO
FILIPINO HUMAN ANTHROPOMETRY
• The word bahay evolved from the
DANGKAL
Distance from the tip of the thumb to the tip of the
Austronesian ancestry vernacular term BALAI •
middle finger when hand tans out
Spanish term "cubo" which pertains to the cube
because of the obvious overall cubic geometry.
DIPA
The length of a man's outstretched arms from one
• Early accounts Base on the book of a Franciscan
extreme fingertip to the other.
friar Pedro de San
DATI
• Buenaventura, OFM "kubo" already appears among
The breadth/width of a finger.
early versions of Tagalog.
DAPAL
• Early accounts Base on the book of a Augustinian
The length and width of the palm and fingers together
friar Diego Bergaño,OSA
BUILDING ANATOMY
• 1729
BAHAY KUBO
• Kubu, balungbung a Kapampangan for hut, cabin or
Roof/Bubong classifications
lodge
•BINALAY (Hip)
Sometimes Refers to
cuala, saung or dangpa usually owned by low income
•PALAYAS (Gable)
families and other peasant families
•PALUSOD(extension)
BUILDING MATERIALS (the recap)
•KINAPIYA (Shed) LOW LAND VERNACULAR DWELLING
ISKWATER
BAHAY KUBO
Iskwater OR informal settlers
Silong
sibi, caves The portion of the extends beyond the wall. The Urban Shanty/ barong-barong is a descendant of
Provincial bahay Kubo. Like Traditional dwellings,
Used as enclosure for keeping domestic for household Shanties are built by their own inhabitants, with no
implements, animals, such as swine. and fowl, and as blueprints, using materials available in the immediate
storage. goods, crops and in some cases, as a Burial environment, typical one. room dwelling.
ground for the dead.
Iskwater OR informal settlers
BAHAY KUBO
Bulwagan with silid kainan Stereo type definition of squatter??

Fenestrations - Iskwater OR informal settlers

Awning type windows or TUKOD
-sliding Squatters are the:

Fenestrations 1. Migrants from provincial areas to

-fixed with lattice work the big cities.
-keeps children from falling out 2. Because of "poverty" has forced them to build urban
-with ledge shanty
3. The only available option is a vacant piece of land.
Other features: its many kinds of apertures. Even
walls gives patches of stark light. Squatters are lack in basic services and
infrustructures:
-Doors without swing board and may be provided with
four step stairs, at the top of which is a sagang 1. Water supply
2. Sanitation
Interior space Bahay Kubo 3. Electricity
4. Drainage
•An all purpose single area OR a two-three unit 5. Education
quarter consisting 6. Health services 7. Market place
8. Psychology/social issues
► living-dining (Bulwagan with silid kainan)
• Squatter settings are usually in vacant government
> Kitchen-storage land.
(Lutuan/Abuhan with Batalan)
• Squatter settings are usually in railways.
➤ Open gallery (balkon infront or batalan back)
• Squatter settings are usually in marshy lands, canals
Dapugan (stove) & bangerahan (kitchen wash & coastal, riverbanks.
racks)
• Squatter settings are usually in cemetery
BAHAY KUBO Batalan, BACK ENTRY
Chicken are stored at night in silong • Squatter is a reflection of social demand for housing.

BAHAY KUBO vegitations Anong solution mo sa problema ng mga kababayan

natin maralita?
The problem
Filipino architecture is the type of architectura specific
• Natural disasters/fire to the Philippines and Filipinos Architoorure dosigned
by Filipinos is considorod Filipino architecture: has been refuted by later geological studies, particularly by
When a building is designed for Filipines, that is also Frithjof Voss, which argue that the Philippine Islands
Filipino architecture. When thearchitectural design emerged from the sea. It is to be noted as well that for
helps us to understand the conditions of the instance, the island of Luzon, unlike the neighboring islands
Philippines (such as climate, geography, culture in Indonesia, were never connected to mainland Southeast
economics, politics and history), that too. is part of
Filipino architecture Filipino architecture in architecture An Aeta lean-to windscreen.
that responds to the needs, conditions. hopes, and BETWEEN THE EARTH AND SKY (page 1)
dreams of Filipinos. Asia, thus interinsular travel would have been done
through sea travel. Contemporary archeological studies in
Between the Earth and Sky Early Philippine Shelters and the early part of the 21" century give more conclusive
Landscapes estimations of the earliest human settlements, evidenced
Architecture began as a response to nature. For the by remains of hominins and their activities.
primitive who was defenseless before the violence of wind
and rain, the cave was a refuge-a serendipitous place of The discovery of a rhinoceros skeleton, along with
dwelling. For the most part, the shelter had always been prehistoric stone tools in the town of Rizal, Kalinga
there, ready for use, but it needed to be reclaimed and Province provides evidence that humans had settled in the
made safe from predators. Fire-the chief human invention- Philippines as early as 709,000 years ago. The presence of
proved to be a significant element not only in driving stone tools, together with butchery marks on the
savage animals away from cave habitats but also in carving rhinoceros bones suggest that ancient hominins populated
out space. The burning fire marked the new human the Philippines ten times earlier than what was previously
territory and served as a site for rituals and other established by archaeologists. The fossils were excavated
gatherings. by a team of French and Filipino archaeologists led by
Thomas Ingicco, Clyde Jago-on, Angel Bautista, Catherine
Coming out from the caves, man initiated the first King, and Marian Reyes in 2018.
architectural revolution with the invention of stone tools
for cutting fibrous materials, plant stems, and wood. This Prior to this discovery, the earliest indication of human
fibroconstructive technology helped develop the presence in the Philippines were flake tool assemblages
temporary, tent-like shelters made of wooden skeleton, from 25,000 years ago, excavated in 2003 from Callao Cave
vegetative fiber, or animal skin and constructed through in Peñablanca, Cagayan Province. In 2007, a
binding, weaving, and lashing. These shelters embraced the multidisciplinary team led by archeologist Armand Salvador
life of the hunter-gatherer. Such structures also nurtured a Mijares discovered a small foot bone which they initially
new figure that would take the place of the wanderer- identified as the "Callao Man" from excavation at the
homo faber, "man the maker," architect, and builder. Callao Cave. Further archeological studies of the cave
yielded fossilized remains from 67,000 years ago, who are
Cave Dwellings as Early Human Shelter collectively identified as Homo luzonensis, and
Prehistoric cave shelters were the earliest forms of human demonstrates the ability of early humans from the Late
habitation. The use of natural caves predated the Pleistocene period to cross open waters. Deer bones with
emergence of Homo sapiens. Constructing cave dwellings stone-tool incisions were also found in the same area,
only required minimal site-work and modification as the pointing to the early hominin's skill in crafting and utilizing
shelters conformed to the structural properties of rock or tools. Cave settlements such as the ones in Cagayan are
earth in situ. found in other parts of the Philippines.

The shelters were made via excavation rather than Rhinoceros fossil with percussion marks presumably made
construction. Cave spaces were hollowed out either by to smash the bones and gain access to the marrow. (Top)
extending caves or burrowing into the recesses of cliffs, Callao Cave (Above)
yielding for its occupants a living space protected from Tabon Cave (Right)
heat, rain, and wind. ARKITEKTURANG PILIPINO (page 2)
Homo luzonensis
In the Philippines, the earliest dwellers of caves were the Major archeological studies in the early 21" century have
Pleistocene people, offspring of the Ice Age. Various found evidence. of early humans older than previously
migration theories posit how early humans found their way recorded in Philippine history. The discovery of the Homo
into the Philippine archipelago. The most widely known floresiensis in the island of Flores, Indonesia in 2003
theory by Henry O. Beyer involved waves of migration from sparked further studies on the existence of early humans in
mainland Asia that traveled through land bridges, but this the Philippines. The study team led by Armand Salvador
Mijares, dug deeper into the Callao Cave complex in A basic sleeping platform, known as a datag, is made from
Cagayan Province where a new species of early human was tree branches and dried leaves, and is built inside the cave.
unearthed in 2007. The metatarsal bone of a hominin was It is raised slightly above ground, with a fireplace in close
found and originally named as "Callao Man" after the cave proximity, to provide warmth during the night. A more
where the remains were found. complex datag is made depending on the environmental
conditions. If the place is windy, a wall is erected in the
Further excavations were done in the site and skeletal direction of the wind; or all three sides are walled in,
fragments were found in 2011, among them were seven leaving open only the side where the fireplace is located. A
teeth, two finger bones, and part of a femur belonging to roof is provided to protect the datag from rain. A cave may
at least three individuals. These were believed to be from accommodate several family units that form a kin group,
small-bodied hominins, transitional species between with the place of each family unit defined by the individual
Australopithecines and the modern Homo sapiens, which datag.
possess a mix of primitive and advanced traits. The Tau't Batu also make covered huts using light materials
within larger caves. Their fear of thunder is one of the main
According to direct dating by uranium series ablation, they reasons why they retreat into caves, and why peals of
were found to have lived on the island of Luzon around thunder figure in Tau't Batu folklore as a warning against
50,000 to 67,000 years ago. mocking or laughing at animals. The Tau't Batu believe that
The discovery was published in 2019 and collectively their world is inhabited by a vast population of forest, rock,
identified as a new species Homo luzonensis. This and water spirits, with deities responsible for the different
breakthrough antedates the previously known oldest aspects of nature.
Homo sapiens in the Philippines found in Tabon Cave,
dating to around 47,000 years ago, and present what are There are other examples of caves and rock shelters in the
possibly the earliest fossil evidences of early humans in Philippines that were once inhabited by early Filipinos. The
Southeast Asia. petroglyphs (prehistoric drawings of human figures
engraved on the cave walls) in a rock shelter in Angono,
Bones from Homo luzonensis Rizal, provide evidence of the ancient Filipino's attempt to
Perhaps, the largest cave network periodically dwelt in by embellish his space and domain with symbolic values.
prehistoric families for 30,000 years is the Tabon Cave Other petroglyphs and rock inscriptions have been
complex, situated in Lipuun Point, southwest of Palawan. It reported in areas such as the Callao Caves of Peñablanca,
covers 138 hectares of rugged cliffs and deep slopes. A Cagayan; the rock formations in Alab, Bontoc, Mountain
human bone fossil tentatively dated from 22,000 to 24,000 Province; and the Tabon caves of Singnapan Basin in
years ago was discovered in Tabon Cave in the 1960s by a Ransang, Palawan.
team of National Museum archeologists headed by the late
Robert B. Fox. The cave's portal is about sixteen meters in The mountaintop citadels of Savidug and Ivuhos, Batanes,
width and eight meters in height and extends to an interior known as idiang (pronounced as idjang), are testimonies to
depth of 41 meters. Verified through findings from the sophisticated defensive engineering of the early Ivatan
archeological excavations and carbon-14 datings, the cave settlers, who carved the hard limestone formation to
was found to have been suitable for human habitation. In create planes of vertical walls. The presence of clay shards
fact, the cliffs. and slopes around the area are punctured from cooking utensils attests to the existence of
with more than 200 caverns. 29 of these caves were fully settlements on top of these structures. These settlements
explored and found to have been ideal for habitation or could have been used as lookout points to monitor marine
burial by ancient Filipinos. The cave was named "tabon" life for food and to warn against invading forces.
after the large-footed bird that lays eggs in huge holes it A Tau't Batu family seated on al datag, Ugpay Cave in
digs into cave floors, many of which have been found in the Palawan (Top)
cave. Petroglyphs of Angono, Rizal (Bottom, Left)

To date, Tau't Batu people occupying the southern part of Idiang rock-hewn fortress in the. Island of Batanes (Bottom,
Palawan continue the primeval practice of living in caves. Right)
During the monsoon season, members of this cultural (Page 4)
group can spend months living in the caves of the Nomadism and Ephemeral Portable Architecture
Mantalingajan mountain overlooking the valley of Ephemeral architecture was one of the first artifacts
Singnapan. But, occasionally, they move t wooden houses created by humans. The primitive lifestyle was essentially
and shelters near the fields they cultivate. A Tau't Batu nomadic, needing a form of temporary shelter that utilized
cave may shelter more than one family. (Page 3) readily available materials with limited investment in time
and energy. As nomadism entailed constant movement,
materials that were portable and demountable were A typical hawong of the Pinatubo Aeta has no living
requisites in design and construction. platform and is usually constructed with a ridgepole
supported by forked stakes or limbs. It forms two sloping
In the Philippines, the fundamental act of building was sides with one or both ends left open.
practiced by nomads in the form of the windbreak (lean-
to), windscreen, or windshield. It was set up for shelter Arboreal Shelter: Dwelling High on Trees
before commencing a hunting or food-gathering journey. While the caves were the first to be inhabited by people,
the first shelters to be constructed were made of
Early Filipinos constructed a wind-sun-and-rain screen interlocking branches. L'Abbe Laugier (1713-1769) provides
anchored by a pole or stick at an angle on the ground. an account of man's search for shelter in his Essai sur
The lean-to is the early dwelling of the Aeta. This transient l'Architecture of 1753:
architecture is an inalienable aspect of their nomadic Some [branches] broken off in the forest are materials for
lifestyle. It is still very popular among Aeta groups although his purposes. He chooses four of the strongest and raises
the acculturated Aetas of Pampanga and Zambales, not as them perpendicular to the groting, to form a square. On
nomadic as their ancestors, have chosen to settle in more these four he supports four others laid across them.
permanent abodes like their stilt houses-structures raised
above. the ground on wooden posts with thatched roofs The illustration, which accompanied this account, showed
and walls. that these latter branches laid across the fork of trees were
still rooted to the ground.
The lean-to or pinanahang of the Agta of Palanan is a In the nineteenth century, arboreal shelters the racial
botanic shield against wind, sun, and rain, built with strong stereotypes of post-Darwinian evolutionary concepts as
but light branches and palm fronds. Yet despite its "climbing down from trees," representing the transition
apparent flimsy character and fragile structure, the man from ape to sentient human being, Frenchman Paul
pinanahang-constructed along the principle of a tripod-can de la Gironiere, also in 1854. provides the earliest written
solidly withstand storms and strong winds. The lean-to of description of tree house in the Philippines. Investigating
the Palanan Agta is a transient shelter built close to the houses and settlement configuration of the Tinguian of
streams, coastlines, or riverbanks during Palan, northwest of Abra, he observed that the Tinguian
A group of Aetas at the bank of Abulug River in Cagayan had a separate daytime and nocturnal abode. The day
(Top) abode was a small hut of bamboo and thatch built on the
Aetas of Dumatac in Isabela (Above) ground, while the night abode, the alligang, was even
A typical lean-to made with palm fronds (Below) smaller and rested on a tree top, some 18 to 24 meters
from the ground, as a safeguard from nighttime ambushes
(Page 5) perpetuated by Guinana, their tribal nemesis.
the dry months. This shelter is readily moved to higher
areas and the Actas and their lean to epicted in the 1885 book Bosquejo
floor elevated to knee-high level during the rainy season as geografico e historico natural del archipelago Filipino
a protection (Above)
against wetness and humidity and for better air circulation. An Aeta family and their lean to in an early 20th century
photograph. (Below)
The Casiguran Dumagat live temporarily in low, unwalled A typical Gaddang tree house (Opposite page)
sheds, which I have floor spaces of more than 4.5 square (PAGE 6)
meters, while the Ebuked Agta of northeastern Luzon build
more spacious and complex lean-tos than the downriver Arboreal shelters still persist to this date. The greatest
Agta. Areas for sleeping are prepared by removing concentration of tree houses exists in the regions of New
protruding rocks, compacting the earth to level the ground, Guinea, Borneo, and the Philippines. In the Philippines, the
and making use of leaves placed under mats as cushion. house is an old institution. built and used by the Gaddang
und Kenga of Luzon, the Manobo, and Mandaya of
The dait-dait is the simple windscreen used by the Mindanao, and by transo of Lake Lanao, also in Mindanao,
Mamanua of northeastern Mindanao when hunting. It is according to Alfred Loureur (1928). Tree houses are trees,
made from the leaves of wild banana, coconut fronds, or six, twelve, or even eighteen meters above the ground.
grass and usually lashed together with rattan. When they Kroeber
stay longer in a place, they modify the basic structure and usually found in areas where violeybal conflicts and
build a platform. This same type of windscreen is also built nocturnal raids are frequent. These houses are perched on
by the Pinatubo and Panay Aeta. the forked branches of
stressed that tree houses are highly elevated to protect Throughout the Asia-Pacific region, mountainous terrain,
families living in isolated communities from the attack of over the
animals and human enemies. centuries, has been shaped into landscapes of terraced
pond fields for
The tree houses of the Manobo of Southern Mindanao are the cultivation of rice and other crops. These landscapes
made with a rectangular frame, hipped roof, and paneled exist both as
walls. The floors are built with strong joists to form a archeological sites and as living landscapes; and continue
platform. A large tree with many thick branches is lopped to be used and
off approximately 7.5 meters from the ground, and the maintained by the people who created them.
whole house constructed on the stumps. The Mandaya of
the Davao Gulf region of southeast Mindanao construct The technique of pond-field agriculture, which
two types of arboreal architecture: one simply rests on the characterizes the rice culture of the entire Asia-Pacific
limbs of trees, its shape and size adapting to the features region, transforms, and shapes the landscape. The
of the supporting branches; the other, which is more application of the technique to mountainous terrain has
predominant and sturdily built, is constructed on the created a terraced landscape. These terraces provide
stump of a large tree which has been cut off some 4.5 to 6 habitats modified by humankind. Archaeological evidence
meters above ground. A tree with buttress roots is chosen indicates that the earliest. terraces may have been used for
whenever possible and a framework is  the cultivation of taro and other root crops which continue
assembled on top of the stump, further supported by to be an important staple for a part of the region.
slender poles; these may rise to form the corner and
intermediate post of the house. Lashed to the poles with The network of rice terraces in the Cordilleras is a
rattan are floor crossbeams, overlaid with beaten bark, and testament to Philippine premodern engineering. Included
above the flooring are the supporting poles that form the in the UNESCO's World Heritage List, it is living proof of
framework for attaching woven nipa palm wall panels. A man's genius at turning a rugged and forbidding terrain
king post system supports the roof ridge, from which pole into a continuing source of sustenance. Originally covered
rafters are laid so as to extend over the walls, leaving space with woodland and perpetually visited by tremors, the
for ventilation; the roof is thatched with nipa palm. A landscape had been altered by human hands. The rice
ladder with lashed crosspieces and a handrail placed at one terraces-known in the vernacular as payoh which refers to
corner renders the house accessible from the ground. The the terraced rice paddies, and designed integrally with a
entire tree house is so firmly lashed together by rattan that muyong, referring to the woodland reservation that serves
it could withstand violent storms, though it may still shake as watershed areas (Camacho et al 2015, 8)-may be found
with the wind. To minimize shaking, the house is further in high altitudes of anywhere from 500-1,600 meters,
secured by anchoring it with rattan lines to nearby trees. spanning the provinces of Cordillera's mountain range,
including Ifugao, Mountain Province, Benguet, Apayao,
The Negritos, perhaps one of the first inhabitants of the Kalinga, and areas of Abra. The walls reach up to a height
Philippines, according to anthropologists, also built tree of six meters, and in some cases 16 meters, configured in a
houses. They first lived in the tropical forests of the range of shapes and gradients Every terrace construction in
Zambales province, near Mount Pinatubo. They built their the Cordillera Highlands contains three basic elements: the
houses on trees that have little or no lower branches, such terrace base, the embankment, and the soil body.
as the eucalyptus, some six to ten meters above the
ground. Although the historical genesis and age of the terraces are
subject to debate, modern dating tends to indicate that the
Kenneth Mcleish (1972) reported that in the latter part of Rice Terraces are no longer believed to be ancient. This
1970, some 500 members of the Higaonon tribe were challenges archeologist Henry Beyer's contention that the
found to still be living in tropical tree houses of lashed terraces had existed at least by 1000 BC. From 1964 to
saplings in the virgin rain forest of their habitat. Precarious 1967, Robert Mahler, chairman of the Department of
catwalks, passing a high-rise dormitory, led to a centrally Anthropology, West Michigan University, collected
located communal area. charcoal specimens of rice chaff from a house terrace in
Banaue, which revealed the date 2950 BP or roughly or
Tingguan tree house (Above) 1000 BC. The findings readily refuted the Keesing-
Mandaya tree house (Below) Lambrecht theory that the terraces were built when
(Page 9) Spanish colonization gained a foothold in the country. But
Mahler made it clear that "there was no age determination
Rice Terraces-The Prehistoric Megastructure of the rice-terrace site itself" and that the age of the house
terrace cannot be e held coincident with that of the field the Ifugao people, and by extension, the cultural and
terrace sites. organizational complexities of precolonial Filipino society.

Research conducted by the Ifugao Archaeological Project Maritime Barangganic Societies Archaeological evidence of
between 2012-2019, led by Stephen Acabado, Grace maritime nomadic cultures have also been
Barretto-Tesoro, and Marlon Martin, place the rice found and are part of the development of Philippine
terraces' age at about 400 years old, right around the lowland and maritime cultural communities. These
beginning of Spanish conquest of the Philippines. The study maritime societies trace their roots to Austronesian settlers
was conducted based on the framework of architectural who have migrated to the islands now comprising the
energetics, which t analyzes the architectural elements of Philippines as well as the surrounding nations of insular
an archaeological site and its links to the socio-political and Southeast Asia, and are organized into a social unit called
economic conditions of the people that facilitated the site's the barangay. This social order, defined by William Henry
construction and development. The study revealed that the Scott as a boat or a small political unit, centered around
development of the rice terraces is the product of the barangay or balangay, a large communal boat that
interactions between the shaping of habitat and the initially served as communal living space and means of
forming of habitus-a system of behaviors and norms transport for the nomadic community. Later definitions of
formed by an interplay of the practice of free will and the the term evolved when these communities settled in
adherence to structures of control (Bordieu 1984, 70). permanent locations, and when archaeologists and
anthropologists gained a better understanding of the
The construction and maintenance of the mountainside community life within.
agricultural complex became an integral part of the
establishment of Ifugao society. It extends into the creation Boat People
of a shared cosmology and worldview, linked to the Our ancient maritime origins persist to this day as
practice of creating and maintaining the ecological, social evidenced by certain words in our language, revealing a
political, and economic equilibrium needed to sustain the worldview shaped by a life lived aboard a water vessel and
agricultural system-unwittingly while being a reactionary aquatic environment. The very names of ethnic affiliation
development to the onslaught of colonial endeavors. signifies this: Ilokano (people of look or 'bay'), Tausug
(people of the sug or "current"). Subanon (people of suba
A major part of the social organization is guided by the or 'river'), Palawan (people of the palaw or 'island'),
concept of uggbu and baddang which are cooperative labor Tagalog (people of the alog or shallow waters/ilog or
groups that gave rise to the Ifugao self-organization 'river'), Maranaw (people of danaw or 'lake'), and
(Acabado, 2013, 162-163), and headed by a tomona that Kapampangan (bordering the pampang or riverbank). Our
serves as the ritual leader of the agricultural district (Ibid.). folklores have gods and goddesses riding in flying boats; we
imagine that the aldaw ('sun') is lumulubog (literally
In 2001, the Rice Terraces of the Philippine Cordilleras have drowning' but it means sunset) and sumisikat (literally
been placed in the UNESCO World's Heritage Endangered rising'), and is being devoured by the bakunawa ('sea
List but was delisted in 2012. Numerous studies and dragon' among the Visayans) during lawo ('eclipse'). Our
reports have identified threats and sustainability issues ancient writings follow the contour of the rivers or shores.
with the site such as loss of indigenous flora and fauna, Our ancient communities, named after the balangay or
introduction of invasive species, destruction of the ancient boat, were once connected by rivers-those residing
watershed, unregulated tourist influx, land use conversion, by the iraya ('headwaters') and those by the lawud
reduction of farm labor attributed to man, out-migration, (downstream),
abandonment and shift of economic activities, and the Ancient Kapampangans called their fellow barangay-mates
gradual loss of interest in the traditional culture and labor- kabangka (kabarangay). The kabilang buhay for our
intensive rice terracing agriculture by the younger ancestors was an extension of our maritime world.
generation. Kabaong or coffins in the ancient times were shaped like a
bangka or sea vessel (thus, the cadaver is bangkay). The
The stone walls, canals, dams, and reservoirs of the cap of the Manunggul Jar of Palawan depicts a bangkero or
Cordillera can also be considered as types of megalithic oarsman transporting the bangkay in a boat to the kabilang
architecture, or at least, of stone engineering. The amount buhay. While the ancient gravesite markers of the Ivatans
f stones used by the Ifugao in their hydraulic engineering in Batanes and of the Sama-Bajaus in the Great Santa Cruz
works is estimated to far exceed in bulk those used in Island in Zamboanga City are shaped like a tataya (boat in
building the Pyramids or the Great Wall of China. The Ivatan) and a lepa (boat in Sama-Bajau). The hanging
creation of the rice terraces, as a tangible aspect of the coffins of Sagada, Mt. Province are also boat-like.
Ifugao cultural landscape, is a testament to the abilities of
Our ancestors also practiced reinternment by collecting the However, archaeological researchers have only confirmed
bodily remains (kalansay) of their departed six sites to date.
loved ones and containing them in a banga or jar, like the
Manunggul Jar and those discovered in Maitum The first Butuan Boat was partially unearthed in 1976 by
in Sarangani Province. Through this practice, our ancestors looters searching for buried coffins containing valuable
seemed to bring back the physical body of their grave goods including Chinese ceramics and gold
loved ones to the representation of a mother's womb ornaments. Using long metal rods to probe through the
(which was the banga)-most likely the same idea when a earth r the wooden coffins, they accidentally came upon
bangkay was placed in a boat-shaped coffin, for the boat the timbers of Boat 1. The find was reported to local
was universally likened to a mother. government officials, who in turn alerted the leadership of
the National Museum of the Philippines. Personnel from
It is no accident that our intimate relation with boats and the Museum's Archaeology Section investigated the boat's
bodies of water inculcate a certain mastery of navigating remains.
aquatic environments, and today Filipinos constitute a
great number of seafarers in the world. (lan Christopher After several months, looters found the remains of Boats 2
Alfonso) and 3, Just over one kilometer south of the first boat.
Excavations were undertaken on all three sites, though
(12) work on Boat 3, described as a smaller vessel, was not
this social unit. F. Landa Jocano defined the barangay as "a completed. Boats 1 and 2 were subsequently recovered
group of people who came via a boat of the same name" and are displayed in exhibits managed and operated by the
and expanded the definition to refer to a structure of National Museum. Boat 5 was excavated in 1986 as part of
"broader political, economic, and religious features than a course on archaeological excavation and conservation
the family" (Jocano 1975, 172-173), usually headed by a organized by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
leader or datu. Another definition refers to the place that (ASEAN) and hosted by the Philippines' National Museum.
the community has inhabited and was usually named after It was located approximately one kilometer southwest of
the leader of the barangay. Boat 1 and less than 400 meters northwest of Boats 2 and
3. It was also recovered, and its planks are now stored in
The balangay and the concept of barangganic communities, the Butuan City branch of the National Museum. The
however, is a cultural system shared by the Philippines and excavation of Boats 4 and 9 commenced in 2012. The
other insular Southeast Asian societies. As Pierre-Yves remains of these two boats were located slightly
Manguin observed, the "village-boat" system encompasses overlapping each other and just several meters cast of the
"various orders of social, political, economic, (and Boat 2 excavation trench.
cosmological) classifications, together with their
expressions in myths and rituals (Manguin, 1986, 189- The Butuan Boats are the oldest archaeological examples
190)." and also serves as a symbol of belonging to a of watercraft in the Philippines. Early attempts to date the
community. Similar barangganic cultures are found in the first three recovered boats in the 1970s and 1980s resulted
Islands of Sawu (present-day Savu), Kei (Kai), and Tanimbar in disparate radiocarbon ages dating to the fourth century,
in Indonesia. thirteenth century, and tenth century AD. Perhaps, these
boats became instrumental in informing the sensibilities of
Examples of the balangay may be found in Butuan, where a the early settlers in the Philippines, as the barangganic
series of social order emerged from the experience of space within
balangays were found along the banks of the Agusan River the balangay.
in the 1970s.
Other archaeological remnants of barangganic cultures Maritime Symbolism and the Afterlife
have been found The study conducted by the team of Eusebio Dizon and
up north in Batanes. Armand Salvador Mijares in the latter half of the 1990s,
found several boat-shaped markers made of stones at
The Balangay of Butuan different parts of the Batanes group of islands: 15 burial
The Butuan Boats (also known as balanghai/balangay) refer sites in Chuhangen in Ivuhos Island; and a number of plots
to the incomplete remains of planked boats excavated in Havay in Sabtang Island; and at the Nakamaya and
from about two meters of waterlogged alluvial sediments Vatang sites in Batan Island. The best-preserved of these
in Barangay Libertad, Butuan City. Reports say that the boat-shaped burial plots are found at the Chuhangen site,
remains of between nine and eleven boats have been in Ivuhos Island, close to the locale's idiang. At one of the
discovered by looters along what are believed to be the burial plots in Chuhangen, a marker was found measuring
shores of a former river, all within a one-kilometer radius. 4.6 meters long, and 1.7 meters wide. The plot was made
into the clay loam and limestone bedrock, covered by a members of the community arranging themselves linearly
layer of limestone and andesite rocks from thereon.
arranged on top in the form of a boat or tataya, with the As the early polity developed and began to trade with
prow and stern prominently referenced (Dizon and Mijares neighboring communities and cultures, the large
1998, 5). Inside were the skeletal remains of an adult male communal boat becomes a symbolic representation of a
in a fetal position, with an earthenware bowl placed in the community's identity-figuring prominently in special
middle of the marker (Ibid.). Radiocarbon dating of the occasions such as renewing alliances with other
remains have indicated that the burial was from around communities, marriages, and funerals.
1595 AD, pointing to the settlement of the area prior to
Spanish colonization of the islands of Batanes. Boat references extend even to the place making and
signification processes within the settlement-particularly
Most of the burial plots are oriented in a land-to-sea axis, the barangay being used as a term for the community and
resembling how traditional fishing boats were parked on its settlement. area-and even extend as well to maritime
the shore, with the prow facing the sea. The remains are references figuring in place making nomenclature, such as
laid with their head laid towards t ds the sea. The the littoral areas referred to as the pampang or
significance of these stone boat-shaped burial plots were dalampasigan which refer to areas in proximity to the
explored in a 2019 study by Edwin Valientes, which linked water, and inland areas such as laya, and even further as
the layout of these plots to the activities of the inhabitants kalookan which refers to the innermost land areas in
of the island and their social status in stand and the relation to the sea or body of water.
community, and even figures in the beliefs and
superstitions of the Ivatans. It also points to the larger Perhaps, the influence of the balangay and the barangganic
shared cosmology of other indigenous peoples of the system may have permeated deeper into the
Philippines and insular Southeast Asia, where the soul-or consciousness of these early Filipinos, manifesting itself in
sometimes even the physical body-is believed to travel to the design of their homes: from the balangay, to the balai
the land of dead via the sea or other bodies of water, thus or the communal house, to the bale, fale, and further on to
the use of boats and boat-inspired or decorated burial other vernacular residential typologies. The roots of
accoutrements. vernacular architecture and domestic spatial morphologies
as currently understood began to develop, as the single,
While coffins bearing resemblance to boats or burial jars multi-use space is brought from sea to land-and onward to
with boat-shaped ornaments are  found in other parts of the highlands-and adapted to the environments where our
the Philippines and insular Southeast Asia, the use of boat- ancestors have settled.
shaped burial markers are unique in the Southeast Asian
context to the Ivatans of Batanes. A reconstructed Balangry with thatched roofing (Above)
Vernacular Architecture
This is further evidence of the centrality of the balangay or and its Austronesian Ancestry
the boat to the cultural expression and identity of these Defining the Vernacular
insular precolonial societies, becoming symbols of Vernacular architecture is a term now broadly applied to
community and reflection of cultural development of the denote indigenous, folk, tribal, ethnic, or traditional
peoples in precolonial Philippines. As symbols of architecture found among the different ethnolinguistic
community, it has also figured in the spatial sensibilities of communities in the Philippines. Majority of vernacular built
precolonial Austronesian societies. forms are dwellings-whether permanent or makeshift-
constructed by their owners or by communities, which
The Development of Community assemble endemic building resources, or by local
It may be speculated that the place-making process specialized builders or craftsmen. Granaries, fortifications,
exercised within the balangay at sea is preserved on land. places of worship, ephemeral and demountable structures,
The polity takes on a linear clustering in a watercraft and contemporary urban shanties belong to the vernacular
setting with the community leaders taking designated, lineage.
prominent positions within the vessel and the families The pervasive phrase "primitive architecture" in the 1980s
arranging themselves thereafter according to their role in has unwittingly disseminated a pejorative implication
manning the boat. The spatial implications of this maritime emphasizing the dualistic distinction between "primal" and
barangganic culture and the boat house social order are "cultivated," "barbarism" and "civilization," and
preserved and developed further upon settling on land. "nonwestern" and "western." Similarly, the t category
Settlements develop in a linear fashion with a communal "indigenous architecture," used by other writers seemed to
house or the leader's house taking a central location bracket off the nonformal architecture introduced and built
followed by the leader's immediate kin, and the other by immigrant and colonialist populations in order to
privilege those. building forms constructed by the community, requiring no assistance from design
indigenes. The category "anonymous architecture" reflects professionals, such as architects and engineers, utilizing
the bias towards buildings designed by named and canonic technologies learned only through tradition. Indubitably,
architects, while "folk architecture" is tinged with issues. of this tradition, dictating the overall form and tessellation of
class difference and distinction. The same privileging is structural components, has been perfected through an
offered by "ethnic architecture," a term that reflects an evolutionary
exoticization of the residual ethnolinguistic Other by the process involving trial and error.
dominant cosmopolitan culture.
Once the dwellings are built, minor adjustments to
Vernacular, from the Latin "vernaculus," means native or compensate for the changing environmental conditions can
homegrown. Vernacular architecture refers to the easily be made. Modifications to their form or materials
grammar, syntax, and diction in expressing buildings in a can effectively be executed as long as the changing social
locale, while signifying the diverse range of building requirements or seasonal climatic variation of their
traditions in a region. respective regional settings are not too great or sudden.
Beyond the basic requirements of shelter, they stand as
There are five principal features of vernacular architecture. paradigms of man-made order constructed i and
These are: (1) the builders, whether artisans or those immediate world of nature. response to a tangible
planning to live in the buildings. are nonprofessional
architects or engineers; (2) there is consonant adaptation- It is interesting to mention that the structural logic and
using natural materials-to the geographical environment; architectonic paradigm of Philippine vernacular
(3) the actual process of construction involves intuitive architecture inspired the invention of a new structural
thinking, done without the use of blueprints, and is open to system which made possible the soaring skyscrapers of
later modifications; (4) there is balance between Chicago in the last decade of the nineteenth century. Yet
social/economic functionality and aesthetic features; this fact was never even mentioned in the annals of
and, (5) architectural patterns and styles are subject to a modern architecture as modernism denies historicity in its
protracted evolution of traditional styles specific to an search for new architectural forms. The inventor of the
ethnic domain. new structural technique, William Le Baron Jenney, a
prominent figure in the Chicago school, formulated and
A section in the book Balai Vernacular (1992), entitled "The developed the steel-frame skyscraper from a building
Ethnic Balal: Living in Harmony with Nature" by Ma. tradition originating from a Philippine source-the wooden
Corazon A. Hila refers to the vernacular balai as the "pure, framed construction of the bahay kubo.
Southeast Asian type of domestic architecture found in the
non-Hispanized, non-Anglo-Saxon communities around the According to a written account, Jenny was so "impressed
country" (Hila 1992, 13). by the possibilities of framed construction when he spent
three months in Manila, in the Philippines, following a
From this definition, the balai is viewed as the origin of voyage on one of his father's whaling ships"(Condit 1964,
Philippine traditional architecture. Its ancestry is 81). Snatching the structural principle which he singled out
manifested in its archetypal tropical characteristics: an from the vernacular source, he then appropriated and
elevated living floor, buoyant rectangular volume, raised transcoded the tectonic principle in steel and iron to
pile foundation, and voluminous thatched roof. The house replace timber and bamboo. The invention instigated the
lifts its inhabitants to expose them to the breeze, away first all-steel skeleton framed skyscraper in the world,
from the moist earth with its insects and reptiles. Its large which was first applied to the Home Insurance Building
roof provides maximum shade for the elevated living (1884), the first tall building in America to use steel.
platform and the high ridge permits warm air in the interior
to rise above the inhabitants then vent to the roof's The building technology developed by the vernacular
upturned ends. The roof's high and steep profile provides tradition is sustained through independent evolution and
the highest protection against heavy monsoon downpours. the accumulation of local wisdom. Vernacular architecture
embodies the communal, symbolizes the cultural, and
All forms of vernacular architecture are built to meet concretizes the abstract. As a product of a material culture,
specific needs, primary of which is the accommodation of the balai is where the values and beliefs of its builders and
values, economies, and ways of living of the culture that users culminate.
produced them. The construction of vernacular buildings
also demonstrates the achievements and limitations of All buildings exist in an environmental context, which is
early technology. Related to their environmental context, conditioned by the ability of the land to sustain a given
they are handcrafted by the owner or by members of the populace. Inevitably, the economy of the culture affects
the choice of the site for a vernacular structure. All Hawail, Easter Island, and New Zealand. Although many
vernacular dwellings make use of readily available peoples constitute this widely scattered language group,
materials and those obtained locally from the natural their common cultural background can still be perceived. In
resource of the region. Climate and the local environment addition to linguistic affiliation, distinctive attributes,
(together with its macro and microclimate) conjure an defined by a worldview linked to an aquatic-based way of
environmentally sound and responsive structure. By life-and translated into architectural terms are found
addressing the imperatives of nature, vernacular throughout the Austronesian region.
architecture shows great resilience against physical
constraints. In other words, vernacular architecture can The Great Austronesian Expansion
address the most common of structural problems with its The great migration of Austronesian peoples from riverine
simplicity and logical arrangement of elements. areas of southern China commenced some 6,000 years ago
and culminated in the eventual dispersal of Austronesian
Communities still employ vernacular building methods speakers halfway around the globe by about 500 AD. This
even today. Mass urban migration to the city has led to the movement can be reconstructed chronologically from
crafting informal urban dwellings, or the act of "squatting" archaeological and linguistic sources. These sources
on other peops lands, which in turn allows a different form suggest that Taiwan was settled around 4000 BC. From
of vernacular building ctice to proliferate in a metropolitan Taiwan, the Austronesians seem to have spread south into
context. the Philippines via Batanes about 3000 BC and Borneo,
Sulawesi, and eastern Indonesia a thousand years later.
As the vernacular dos its materials from its immediate site, The colonization of Oceania to the east did not begin until
teeming with botanic ra does the urban shanty, drawing after 2000 BC and the Malay Peninsula and Vietnam were
from an environment bring draws ces, so with recyclable colonized by the Austronesians sometime after 1000 BC.
garbage materials, surplus, and salvaged building waterials. Madagascar was not reached until about 400 AD. At
roughly the same time, New Zealand was colonized by
The Home Insurance Building's structural system was other Austronesian-speaking peoples traveling from Tahiti.
inspired by Filipino vernacular building traditions (Above)
The Austronesian expansion required a sophisticated
Moving the bahay kubo's thatch system of open sea navigation, which differed greatly from
roof through the act of communal sailing along the coastline or to visible landmarks. Not only
cooperation or bayanihan (Below) were sturdy oceanic vessels needed, but a system of
Here, the urban environment provides the squatters with orientation, dead reckoning, position-fixing, and detection
materials that require their improvisational skills to of landfall and weather prediction had been developed.
cunningly transform and reuse cheap, discarded building Buckminster Fuller (1981), developer of "Synergism" and
materials into a domestic space in the shortest possible theorist on the development of technology, believed that a
time. An omnipresent building practice in the country, the combination of population pressures and the submergence
vernacular tradition in architecture remains an accessible of the Southeast Asian landmass caused the rise of nautical
architectural idiom to the majority of Filipinos. and other technologies in Austronesia. He gave examples
of the circular weaves used in Southeast Asia and the
The range of construction forms, array of methods and Pacific.
materials, multiplicity of uses, layers of meaning, and A grave marker with okir (Top, left)
complexity of the cultural millen of vernacular architecture The lives of Austronesian people
is indeed diverse. To seek a singular definition and appoint revolved around water (Top right)
rigid stylistic essentials of vernacular architecture b. Paths of Austronesian Trans oceanic migration redrawn
perhaps, imprudent and futile, for the project traps and from Gray, R. D, & Jordan, FM's study "Language trees
inadequately distills the richness of Philippine architectural support the express train sepence of Austrenesian
traditions in constricting vessels of the politics of national expansion (Opporte page, top)
identity. A sampling of lexical parallelisms across the Austronesian
A variation of the Ifugao house in the Benguet highlands language family shows how much is shared among each
(Top) culture. (Opposite page, bottom)
A fisherman's house along the shore (Above) comparing them to the unstable grid pattern weaves used
in most of the rest of the world, as examples of how the
The term "Austronesian" refers to a family of languages, need to build stable blue water ship designs indirectly
believed to have originated in Taiwan some 6,000 years influence other areas of life. Thai architect Sumet Jumsai
ago, numbering some 1,000 to 1,200 languages spoken in (1988), extending Fuller's work, compared Southeast Asian
the vast geographical area between Madagascar, Taiwan,
architectural designs with ship architecture, showing the Finally, the term "banua" occurs in the Malayo-Polynesian
same relationship of concept. vocabulary in reference to the "house" (Toraja, banua;
The logistics of aquatic living was developed as a result of Banggai, bonua; Wolio, banua; Molima, venua: Wosi-Mana,
water borne migration, leading to the conception of a set wanaa). Far more often, reflexes of banua denote a
of symbols, rituals, nautical technology, and architectural territorial domain, such as "land, country, place,
and urban models which are specific to the region. settlement, inhabited territory, village."
Historical linguistics, as much as archaeology, provides Stilt Houses-An Austronesian Legacy
crucial evidence in the search for the origins of The architectural system that predominates the
Austronesians and their architecture. Tentative Austronesian region is that of a raised wooden structure
reconstructions of Proto-Malayo-Polynesian include terms typically consisting of a rectangular volume elevated on
for the house post and notched ladder, pointing to the posts with a thatched roof and decorative gable finials
ancient origins of this construction technique. A range of shaped like carabao horns. Buildings with pile or stilt
similarities exists in Austronesian cultural tradition which foundations are a pervasive feature not only in mainland
draws attention to terms that are associated with the and island Southeast Asia but also in parts of Micronesia
house. These similarities may be ascribed to cultural and Melanesia. The occurrence of this type of structure,
borrowings, especially among neighboring populations. along with other characteristically Austronesian features, in
G42 ettate lep Sost of the Sara parts of Madagascar and in the ancient Japanese shrines at
Linguist Robert Blust (1987) extensively studied the Ise and
Austronesian house and the principal elements of its izumo, bears witness to the far-flung influence of
design to map out the Austronesian cultural history. He Austronesian seafarers. Significantly, for many
collated a list of principal terms that denote or relate to the Austronesian peoples, the house is much more than a mere
"house" among the different linguistic subgroups of dwelling place. Rather, it is a symbolically ordered
Austronesians and subjected these terms to detailed structure in which a number of key ideas and cultural
scrutiny. The lexically reconstructed forms of these various concerns may be represented. Thus, the Austronesian
house terms are: (1) rumaq; (2) balay: (3) lepaw; (4) house may variously be seen as a sacred representation of
kamalir; and (5) banua. the ancestors, a physical embodiment of group identities, a
The term "rumaq" is the most widely distributed term for cosmological model of the universe, and an expression of
"house," which is included in the Iban, Gerai, and rank and social status.
Minangkabau (rumah) and Rotinese (uma) vocabulary. The This basic stilt architecture has undergone elaborate
similar form is used to designate the Badjao stilt house refinements in many parts of the Austronesian region and
(lama) that is located in the waters of the sea near the is immediately linked to a culture nourished by a tropical
shoreline and elevated from the water by a number of aquatic environment. Notwithstanding stylistic variations,
major and minor posts, poles, and stilts. the form of houses on stilts can generally be found in the
"Balay" takes a variety of forms in the Malayo-Polynesian Western Pacific, in a region of more than 6,000 kilometers
and Oceanic languages. In the Philippines, reflexes of this across the
term (Isneg, baláy: Cebuano, baldy) refer to a "house," Equator from Melanesia and Indonesia to Japan.
while in Malay languages, the term balai signifies a "public Morphologically, the house is constructed using wooden
meeting house." In the Pacific, the reflexes of balay denote structural components configured in the post-and-lintel
the same meaning as they do in the Philippines (Fijian, framework, which supports a steeply-pitched thatched
vale; Samoan, fale; Hawaiian, hole). roof. The dwelling is distinguished by a living floor raised on
24 sturdy stilt foundations with a voluminous, well-ventilated
The third term, "lepaw," also refers to a house but assumes roof cavity above, providing a straightforward solution to
a variety of meanings: a "storehouse for grain" (Ngaju, the environmental problems imposed by the humid
lepau); a "hut other than the longhouse" (Uma Juman, tropical climate coupled with seasonal monsoon rains.
lepo); and a "back verandah or kitchen verandah of a Until recently, these houses were constructed entirely of
Malay house, booth, or shop" (Malay, lepau). In the botanic building materials-timber, bamboo, thatch, and
Philippines. the Badjao word lepa denotes a "long, slow- fibers-assembled without the use of nails. A quintessential
moving houseboat with no outrigger"; the structure of method of construction is exemplified by vertical house
which is loose and detachable, with long poles attached in posts and horizontal tie beams that provide a load-bearing
all directions as a framework over which a nipa roof may be structure to which floors, walls, and a roof are later
unrolled. attached. The main framework is fabricated using
The house term "kamalir" is adapted in the Philippines as sophisticated jointing techniques, while the walls, roof, and
kamalig or kamarin that generally refers to a "granary, other non-load bearing elements are typically secured by
storehouse, or barn," whereas in Oceanic language, it wooden pegs and vegetal fiber lashing.
denotes a special "men's house."
Coastal Taung house. It features a slightly saddle-back roof In many areas, house posts simply rest on top of
outline and a plain cross-gable finial (Top) foundation stones rather than driven into the ground. This
A Taung dwelling with its living space supported by a pile ensures that the building has enough flexibility to survive
foundation anchored as the sea floor. (Middle) earthquakes in this seismically active region. At the same
Stilt house in jolo, Sulu (Left) time, should one wish to move houses, the entire structure
Lashing techniques for securing posts and beams (Below can literally be picked up and carried to a new site.
and bottom) Piles built of hardwoods may endure for over a hundred
The Ifugao fale is elevated from the ground by a structural years, while some palm trunks also make excellent, long-
system of unprocessed tree trunks. The organic form of the lasting piles. An easily available and replaceable pile
trunk's base including the large roots are utilized for material, bamboo is widely used for ordinary houses of
maximum spread and anchorage to the ground. From the temporary nature.
ground the trunk tapers and are capped by wooden The Voluminous Thatch Roof The most distinctive feature
cylinder or disc-shaped rat guards called halipan. (Opposite of the Austronesian vernacular architectural
page) form is the extended line of the roof, often with outward
The Raised Pile Foundation sloping gables forming elegant saddleback curves.
Building on piles is an almost universal, and undoubtedly Although Philippine vernacular houses generally lack the
ancient, feature graceful curve characteristic of saddleback roofs of the
of Philippine vernacular architecture, both among lowland architecture of the Minangkabau in Sumatra or the noble
communities houses at Lemo, Tana Toraja, Sulawesi, their hip roofs are
and ethnic groups. Its history in mainland Southeast Asia closely related to the saddleback type. As in most of
can be traced Southeast Asia, the roof is the dom architectural feature of
back to Neolithic times, and its wide distribution in most dwellings. In some cases, the house is mostly a roof,
Southeast Asia and the Pacific islands suggests that the as seen in the pyramidal roof of an Ifugao fale and an older
technique was used by the early Austronesian settlers of bahay kubo where the roofs are pitched more steeply than
the archipelago. The prototypical bahay kubo is usually its contemporary version.
built with wooden posts as its framework. The four posts of Vernacular dwellings are thatched. Thatch is a generic
the Ifugao fale (house), which is both granary and home, is name for any roof covering made of dead plant material
distinctive for its circular rat guards, while the Maranao other than wood. Grasses and palm leaves are the most
torogan (sleeping place) stands on stout log posts resting widely used traditional materials. Despite its
on combustibility, thatch is watertight and may last for a
round stones. Houses built on the sea, like the Samal hundred years if properly bundled and laid. For thatch to
houses, are raised on slim posts or stilts. be durable, it must be effectively laid out and angled so
in Southeast Asia, the roof is the that water runs off the entire surface consistently and
Pile foundations have several advantages in a tropical quickly, allowing itself to dry out soon after a downpour.
climate, especially when settlement patterns are mainly In Southeast Asia, the roof is the dominuet architectural
concentrated in coastal, riverine, and lakeshore areas. Piles feature of most dwellings. In some cases, the house is
raise the living floor above the mud and flood waters, mostly a roof of thunch, which were pitched steeply to
which occur during seasonal monsoon rains, while repel rain outside and allow the circulation of air within, as
providing excellent under-floor ventilation in hot weather- seen in the baby kube (Top left the Minangkabau big house
warm air within the house rises and escapes through or urah Gading (Middiel and the Toraja house or Rumah
openings in the roof, drawing a current of cooler air from adat 
beneath the house through gaps in the cor. Furthermore, a (Bet
small fire-lit under the house-drives away mosquitoes, The bamboo roof framing of a bahay kubo before it is
while the smoke, as it escapes through the thatch, covered by layers of thatch (rap, right)Between the Earth
effectively fumigates the house. Housework is also quick and Sky Early Philippine Shelters and Landscapes
and easy as dust and rubbish can be swept through these Architecture began as a response to nature. For the
same gaps in the floor. primitive who was defenseless before the violence of wind
The underfloor space is often used as a pen for stabling and rain, the cave was a refuge-a serendipitous place of
domestic animals and as a place for storing implements. It dwelling. For the most part, the shelter had always been
can also provide a shaded daytime workspace for tasks there, ready for use, but it needed to be reclaimed and
such as weaving and basketry. made safe from predators. Fire-the chief human invention-
The bamboo box-frame of a bahay laibo (Above) proved to be a significant element not only in driving
Women weaving under the silong formed by a raised pile savage animals away from cave habitats but also in carving
foundation (Below) out space. The burning fire marked the new human
A hagabi under a fale (Bottom)
territory and served as a site for rituals and other in Peñablanca, Cagayan Province. In 2007, a
gatherings. multidisciplinary team led by archeologist Armand Salvador
Coming out from the caves, man initiated the first Mijares discovered a small foot bone which they initially
architectural revolution with the invention of stone tools identified as the "Callao Man" from excavation at the
for cutting fibrous materials, plant stems, and wood. This Callao Cave. Further archeological studies of the cave
fibroconstructive technology helped develop the yielded fossilized remains from 67,000 years ago, who are
temporary, tent-like shelters made of wooden skeleton, collectively identified as Homo luzonensis, and
vegetative fiber, or animal skin and constructed through demonstrates the ability of early humans from the Late
binding, weaving, and lashing. These shelters embraced the Pleistocene period to cross open waters. Deer bones with
life of the hunter-gatherer. Such structures also nurtured a stone-tool incisions were also found in the same area,
new figure that would take the place of the wanderer- pointing to the early hominin's skill in crafting and utilizing
homo faber, "man the maker," architect, and builder. tools. Cave settlements such as the ones in Cagayan are
Cave Dwellings as Early Human Shelter found in other parts of the Philippines.
Prehistoric cave shelters were the earliest forms of human Rhinoceros fossil with percussion marks presumably made
habitation. The use of natural caves predated the to smash the bones and gain access to the marrow. (Top)
emergence of Homo sapiens. Constructing cave dwellings Callao Cave (Above)
only required minimal site-work and modification as the Tabon Cave (Right)
shelters conformed to the structural properties of rock or ARKITEKTURANG PILIPINO (page 2)
earth in situ. The shelters were made via excavation rather Homo luzonensis
than construction. Cave spaces were hollowed out either Major archeological studies in the early 21" century have
by extending caves or burrowing into the recesses of cliffs, found evidence. of early humans older than previously
yielding for its occupants a living space protected from recorded in Philippine history. The discovery of the Homo
heat, rain, and wind. floresiensis in the island of Flores, Indonesia in 2003
In the Philippines, the earliest dwellers of caves were the sparked further studies on the existence of early humans in
Pleistocene people, offspring of the Ice Age. Various the Philippines. The study team led by Armand Salvador
migration theories posit how early humans found their way Mijares, dug deeper into the Callao Cave complex in
into the Philippine archipelago. The most widely known Cagayan Province where a new species of early human was
theory by Henry O. Beyer involved waves of migration from unearthed in 2007. The metatarsal bone of a hominin was
mainland Asia that traveled through land bridges, but this found and originally named as "Callao Man" after the cave
has been refuted by later geological studies, particularly by where the remains were found.
Frithjof Voss, which argue that the Philippine Islands Further excavations were done in the site and skeletal
emerged from the sea. It is to be noted as well that for fragments were found in 2011, among them were seven
instance, the island of Luzon, unlike the neighboring islands teeth, two finger bones, and part of a femur belonging to
in Indonesia, were never connected to mainland Southeast at least three individuals. These were believed to be from
An Aeta lean-to windscreen. small-bodied hominins, transitional species between
BETWEEN THE EARTH AND SKY (page 1) Australopithecines and the modern Homo sapiens, which
Asia, thus interinsular travel would have been done possess a mix of primitive and advanced traits. According
through sea travel. Contemporary archeological studies in to direct dating by uranium series ablation, they were
the early part of the 21" century give more conclusive found to have lived on the island of Luzon around 50,000
estimations of the earliest human settlements, evidenced to 67,000 years ago.
by remains of hominins and their activities. The discovery was published in 2019 and collectively
The discovery of a rhinoceros skeleton, along with identified as a new species Homo luzonensis. This
prehistoric stone tools in the town of Rizal, Kalinga breakthrough antedates the previously known oldest
Province provides evidence that humans had settled in the Homo sapiens in the Philippines found in Tabon Cave,
Philippines as early as 709,000 years ago. The presence of dating to around 47,000 years ago, and present what are
stone tools, together with butchery marks on the possibly the earliest fossil evidences of early humans in
rhinoceros bones suggest that ancient hominins populated Southeast Asia.
the Philippines ten times earlier than what was previously Bones from Homo luzonensis
established by archaeologists. The fossils were excavated Perhaps, the largest cave network periodically dwelt in by
by a team of French and Filipino archaeologists led by prehistoric families for 30,000 years is the Tabon Cave
Thomas Ingicco, Clyde Jago-on, Angel Bautista, Catherine complex, situated in Lipuun Point, southwest of Palawan. It
King, and Marian Reyes in 2018. covers 138 hectares of rugged cliffs and deep slopes. A
Prior to this discovery, the earliest indication of human human bone fossil tentatively dated from 22,000 to 24,000
presence in the Philippines were flake tool assemblages years ago was discovered in Tabon Cave in the 1960s by a
from 25,000 years ago, excavated in 2003 from Callao Cave team of National Museum archeologists headed by the late
Robert B. Fox. The cave's portal is about sixteen meters in The presence of clay shards from cooking utensils attests to
width and eight meters in height and extends to an interior the existence of settlements on top of these structures.
depth of 41 meters. Verified through findings from These settlements could have been used as lookout points
archeological excavations and carbon-14 datings, the cave to monitor marine life for food and to warn against
was found to have been suitable for human habitation. In invading forces.
fact, the cliffs. and slopes around the area are punctured A Tau't Batu family seated on al datag, Ugpay Cave in
with more than 200 caverns. 29 of these caves were fully Palawan (Top)
explored and found to have been ideal for habitation or Petroglyphs of Angono, Rizal (Bottom, Left)
burial by ancient Filipinos. The cave was named "tabon" Idiang rock-hewn fortress in the. Island of Batanes (Bottom,
after the large-footed bird that lays eggs in huge holes it Right)
digs into cave floors, many of which have been found in the (Page 4)
cave. Nomadism and Ephemeral Portable Architecture
To date, Tau't Batu people occupying the southern part of Ephemeral architecture was one of the first artifacts
Palawan continue the primeval practice of living in caves. created by humans. The primitive lifestyle was essentially
During the monsoon season, members of this cultural nomadic, needing a form of temporary shelter that utilized
group can spend months living in the caves of the readily available materials with limited investment in time
Mantalingajan mountain overlooking the valley of and energy. As nomadism entailed constant movement,
Singnapan. But, occasionally, they move t wooden houses materials that were portable and demountable were
and shelters near the fields they cultivate. A Tau't Batu requisites in design and construction.
cave may shelter more than one family. (Page 3) In the Philippines, the fundamental act of building was
A basic sleeping platform, known as a datag, is made from practiced by nomads in the form of the windbreak (lean-
tree branches and dried leaves, and is built inside the cave. to), windscreen, or windshield. It was set up for shelter
It is raised slightly above ground, with a fireplace in close before commencing a hunting or food-gathering journey.
proximity, to provide warmth during the night. A more Early Filipinos constructed a wind-sun-and-rain screen
complex datag is made depending on the environmental anchored by a pole or stick at an angle on the ground.
conditions. If the place is windy, a wall is erected in the The lean-to is the early dwelling of the Aeta. This transient
direction of the wind; or all three sides are walled in, architecture is an inalienable aspect of their nomadic
leaving open only the side where the fireplace is located. A lifestyle. It is still very popular among Aeta groups although
roof is provided to protect the datag from rain. A cave may the acculturated Aetas of Pampanga and Zambales, not as
accommodate several family units that form a kin group, nomadic as their ancestors, have chosen to settle in more
with the place of each family unit defined by the individual permanent abodes like their stilt houses-structures raised
datag. above. the ground on wooden posts with thatched roofs
The Tau't Batu also make covered huts using light materials and walls.
within larger caves. Their fear of thunder is one of the main The lean-to or pinanahang of the Agta of Palanan is a
reasons why they retreat into caves, and why peals of botanic shield against wind, sun, and rain, built with strong
thunder figure in Tau't Batu folklore as a warning against but light branches and palm fronds. Yet despite its
mocking or laughing at animals. The Tau't Batu believe that apparent flimsy character and fragile structure, the
their world is inhabited by a vast population of forest, rock, pinanahang-constructed along the principle of a tripod-can
and water spirits, with deities responsible for the different solidly withstand storms and strong winds. The lean-to of
aspects of nature. the Palanan Agta is a transient shelter built close to
There are other examples of caves and rock shelters in the streams, coastlines, or riverbanks during
Philippines that were once inhabited by early Filipinos. The A group of Aetas at the bank of Abulug River in Cagayan
petroglyphs (prehistoric drawings of human figures (Top)
engraved on the cave walls) in a rock shelter in Angono, Aetas of Dumatac in Isabela (Above)
Rizal, provide evidence of the ancient Filipino's attempt to A typical lean-to made with palm fronds (Below)
embellish his space and domain with symbolic values. (Page 5)
Other petroglyphs and rock inscriptions have been the dry months. This shelter is readily moved to higher
reported in areas such as the Callao Caves of Peñablanca, areas and the
Cagayan; the rock formations in Alab, Bontoc, Mountain floor elevated to knee-high level during the rainy season as
Province; and the Tabon caves of Singnapan Basin in a protection
Ransang, Palawan. The mountaintop citadels of Savidug against wetness and humidity and for better air circulation.
and Ivuhos, Batanes, known as idiang (pronounced as The Casiguran Dumagat live temporarily in low, unwalled
idjang), are testimonies to the sophisticated defensive sheds, which I have floor spaces of more than 4.5 square
engineering of the early Ivatan settlers, who carved the meters, while the Ebuked Agta of northeastern Luzon build
hard limestone formation to create planes of vertical walls. more spacious and complex lean-tos than the downriver
Agta. Areas for sleeping are prepared by removing six, twelve, or even eighteen meters above the ground.
protruding rocks, compacting the earth to level the ground, Kroeber
and making use of leaves placed under mats as cushion. usually found in areas where violeybal conflicts and
The dait-dait is the simple windscreen used by the nocturnal raids are frequent. These houses are perched on
Mamanua of northeastern Mindanao when hunting. It is the forked branches of
made from the leaves of wild banana, coconut fronds, or stressed that tree houses are highly elevated to protect
grass and usually lashed together with rattan. When they families living in isolated communities from the attack of
stay longer in a place, they modify the basic structure and animals and human enemies.
build a platform. This same type of windscreen is also built The tree houses of the Manobo of Southern Mindanao are
by the Pinatubo and Panay Aeta. made with a rectangular frame, hipped roof, and paneled
A typical hawong of the Pinatubo Aeta has no living walls. The floors are built with strong joists to form a
platform and is usually constructed with a ridgepole platform. A large tree with many thick branches is lopped
supported by forked stakes or limbs. It forms two sloping off approximately 7.5 meters from the ground, and the
sides with one or both ends left open. whole house constructed on the stumps. The Mandaya of
Arboreal Shelter: Dwelling High on Trees the Davao Gulf region of southeast Mindanao construct
While the caves were the first to be inhabited by people, two types of arboreal architecture: one simply rests on the
the first shelters to be constructed were made of limbs of trees, its shape and size adapting to the features
interlocking branches. L'Abbe Laugier (1713-1769) provides of the supporting branches; the other, which is more
an account of man's search for shelter in his Essai sur predominant and sturdily built, is constructed on the
l'Architecture of 1753: stump of a large tree which has been cut off some 4.5 to 6
Some [branches] broken off in the forest are materials for meters above ground. A tree with buttress roots is chosen
his purposes. He chooses four of the strongest and raises whenever possible and a framework is 
them perpendicular to the groting, to form a square. On assembled on top of the stump, further supported by
these four he supports four others laid across them. slender poles; these may rise to form the corner and
The illustration, which accompanied this account, showed intermediate post of the house. Lashed to the poles with
that these latter branches laid across the fork of trees were rattan are floor crossbeams, overlaid with beaten bark, and
still rooted to the ground. above the flooring are the supporting poles that form the
In the nineteenth century, arboreal shelters the racial framework for attaching woven nipa palm wall panels. A
stereotypes of post-Darwinian evolutionary concepts as king post system supports the roof ridge, from which pole
"climbing down from trees," representing the transition rafters are laid so as to extend over the walls, leaving space
man from ape to sentient human being, Frenchman Paul for ventilation; the roof is thatched with nipa palm. A
de la Gironiere, also in 1854. provides the earliest written ladder with lashed crosspieces and a handrail placed at one
description of tree house in the Philippines. Investigating corner renders the house accessible from the ground. The
the houses and settlement configuration of the Tinguian of entire tree house is so firmly lashed together by rattan that
Palan, northwest of Abra, he observed that the Tinguian it could withstand violent storms, though it may still shake
had a separate daytime and nocturnal abode. The day with the wind. To minimize shaking, the house is further
abode was a small hut of bamboo and thatch built on the secured by anchoring it with rattan lines to nearby trees.
ground, while the night abode, the alligang, was even The Negritos, perhaps one of the first inhabitants of the
smaller and rested on a tree top, some 18 to 24 meters Philippines, according to anthropologists, also built tree
from the ground, as a safeguard from nighttime ambushes houses. They first lived in the tropical forests of the
perpetuated by Guinana, their tribal nemesis. Zambales province, near Mount Pinatubo. They built their
Actas and their lean to epicted in the 1885 book Bosquejo houses on trees that have little or no lower branches, such
geografico e historico natural del archipelago Filipino as the eucalyptus, some six to ten meters above the
(Above) ground.
An Aeta family and their lean to in an early 20th century Kenneth Mcleish (1972) reported that in the latter part of
photograph. (Below) 1970, some 500 members of the Higaonon tribe were
A typical Gaddang tree house (Opposite page) found to still be living in tropical tree houses of lashed
(PAGE 6) saplings in the virgin rain forest of their habitat. Precarious
Arboreal shelters still persist to this date. The greatest catwalks, passing a high-rise dormitory, led to a centrally
concentration of tree houses exists in the regions of New located communal area.
Guinea, Borneo, and the Philippines. In the Philippines, the Tingguan tree house (Above)
house is an old institution. built and used by the Gaddang Mandaya tree house (Below)
und Kenga of Luzon, the Manobo, and Mandaya of (Page 9)
Mindanao, and by transo of Lake Lanao, also in Mindanao, Rice Terraces-The Prehistoric Megastructure
according to Alfred Loureur (1928). Tree houses are trees,
Throughout the Asia-Pacific region, mountainous terrain, Barretto-Tesoro, and Marlon Martin, place the rice
over the terraces' age at about 400 years old, right around the
centuries, has been shaped into landscapes of terraced beginning of Spanish conquest of the Philippines. The study
pond fields for was conducted based on the framework of architectural
the cultivation of rice and other crops. These landscapes energetics, which t analyzes the architectural elements of
exist both as an archaeological site and its links to the socio-political and
archeological sites and as living landscapes; and continue economic conditions of the people that facilitated the site's
to be used and construction and development. The study revealed that the
maintained by the people who created them. development of the rice terraces is the product of
The technique of pond-field agriculture, which interactions between the shaping of habitat and the
characterizes the rice culture of the entire Asia-Pacific forming of habitus-a system of behaviors and norms
region, transforms, and shapes the landscape. The formed by an interplay of the practice of free will and the
application of the technique to mountainous terrain has adherence to structures of control (Bordieu 1984, 70).
created a terraced landscape. These terraces provide The construction and maintenance of the mountainside
habitats modified by humankind. Archaeological evidence agricultural complex became an integral part of the
indicates that the earliest. terraces may have been used for establishment of Ifugao society. It extends into the creation
the cultivation of taro and other root crops which continue of a shared cosmology and worldview, linked to the
to be an important staple for a part of the region. practice of creating and maintaining the ecological, social
The network of rice terraces in the Cordilleras is a political, and economic equilibrium needed to sustain the
testament to Philippine premodern engineering. Included agricultural system-unwittingly while being a reactionary
in the UNESCO's World Heritage List, it is living proof of development to the onslaught of colonial endeavors. A
man's genius at turning a rugged and forbidding terrain major part of the social organization is guided by the
into a continuing source of sustenance. Originally covered concept of uggbu and baddang which are cooperative labor
with woodland and perpetually visited by tremors, the groups that gave rise to the Ifugao self-organization
landscape had been altered by human hands. The rice (Acabado, 2013, 162-163), and headed by a tomona that
terraces-known in the vernacular as payoh which refers to serves as the ritual leader of the agricultural district (Ibid.).
the terraced rice paddies, and designed integrally with a In 2001, the Rice Terraces of the Philippine Cordilleras have
muyong, referring to the woodland reservation that serves been placed in the UNESCO World's Heritage Endangered
as watershed areas (Camacho et al 2015, 8)-may be found List but was delisted in 2012. Numerous studies and
in high altitudes of anywhere from 500-1,600 meters, reports have identified threats and sustainability issues
spanning the provinces of Cordillera's mountain range, with the site such as loss of indigenous flora and fauna,
including Ifugao, Mountain Province, Benguet, Apayao, introduction of invasive species, destruction of the
Kalinga, and areas of Abra. The walls reach up to a height watershed, unregulated tourist influx, land use conversion,
of six meters, and in some cases 16 meters, configured in a reduction of farm labor attributed to man, out-migration,
range of shapes and gradients Every terrace construction in abandonment and shift of economic activities, and the
the Cordillera Highlands contains three basic elements: the gradual loss of interest in the traditional culture and labor-
terrace base, the embankment, and the soil body. intensive rice terracing agriculture by the younger
Although the historical genesis and age of the terraces are generation.
subject to debate, modern dating tends to indicate that the The stone walls, canals, dams, and reservoirs of the
Rice Terraces are no longer believed to be ancient. This Cordillera can also be considered as types of megalithic
challenges archeologist Henry Beyer's contention that the architecture, or at least, of stone engineering. The amount
terraces had existed at least by 1000 BC. From 1964 to f stones used by the Ifugao in their hydraulic engineering
1967, Robert Mahler, chairman of the Department of works is estimated to far exceed in bulk those used in
Anthropology, West Michigan University, collected building the Pyramids or the Great Wall of China. The
charcoal specimens of rice chaff from a house terrace in creation of the rice terraces, as a tangible aspect of the
Banaue, which revealed the date 2950 BP or roughly or Ifugao cultural landscape, is a testament to the abilities of
1000 BC. The findings readily refuted the Keesing- the Ifugao people, and by extension, the cultural and
Lambrecht theory that the terraces were built when organizational complexities of precolonial Filipino society.
Spanish colonization gained a foothold in the country. But Maritime Barangganic Societies Archaeological evidence of
Mahler made it clear that "there was no age determination maritime nomadic cultures have also been
of the rice-terrace site itself" and that the age of the house found and are part of the development of Philippine
terrace cannot be e held coincident with that of the field lowland and maritime cultural communities. These
terrace sites. maritime societies trace their roots to Austronesian settlers
Research conducted by the Ifugao Archaeological Project who have migrated to the islands now comprising the
between 2012-2019, led by Stephen Acabado, Grace Philippines as well as the surrounding nations of insular
Southeast Asia, and are organized into a social unit called aquatic environments, and today Filipinos constitute a
the barangay. This social order, defined by William Henry great number of seafarers in the world. (lan Christopher
Scott as a boat or a small political unit, centered around Alfonso)
the barangay or balangay, a large communal boat that (12)
initially served as communal living space and means of this social unit. F. Landa Jocano defined the barangay as "a
transport for the nomadic community. Later definitions of group of people who came via a boat of the same name"
the term evolved when these communities settled in and expanded the definition to refer to a structure of
permanent locations, and when archaeologists and "broader political, economic, and religious features than
anthropologists gained a better understanding of the the family" (Jocano 1975, 172-173), usually headed by a
community life within. leader or datu. Another definition refers to the place that
Boat People the community has inhabited and was usually named after
Our ancient maritime origins persist to this day as the leader of the barangay.
evidenced by certain words in our language, revealing a The balangay and the concept of barangganic communities,
worldview shaped by a life lived aboard a water vessel and however, is a cultural system shared by the Philippines and
aquatic environment. The very names of ethnic affiliation other insular Southeast Asian societies. As Pierre-Yves
signifies this: Ilokano (people of look or 'bay'), Tausug Manguin observed, the "village-boat" system encompasses
(people of the sug or "current"). Subanon (people of suba "various orders of social, political, economic, (and
or 'river'), Palawan (people of the palaw or 'island'), cosmological) classifications, together with their
Tagalog (people of the alog or shallow waters/ilog or expressions in myths and rituals (Manguin, 1986, 189-
'river'), Maranaw (people of danaw or 'lake'), and 190)." and also serves as a symbol of belonging to a
Kapampangan (bordering the pampang or riverbank). Our community. Similar barangganic cultures are found in the
folklores have gods and goddesses riding in flying boats; we Islands of Sawu (present-day Savu), Kei (Kai), and Tanimbar
imagine that the aldaw ('sun') is lumulubog (literally in Indonesia.
drowning' but it means sunset) and sumisikat (literally Examples of the balangay may be found in Butuan, where a
rising'), and is being devoured by the bakunawa ('sea series of
dragon' among the Visayans) during lawo ('eclipse'). Our balangays were found along the banks of the Agusan River
ancient writings follow the contour of the rivers or shores. in the 1970s.
Our ancient communities, named after the balangay or Other archaeological remnants of barangganic cultures
ancient boat, were once connected by rivers-those residing have been found
by the iraya ('headwaters') and those by the lawud up north in Batanes.
(downstream), The Balangay of Butuan
Ancient Kapampangans called their fellow barangay-mates The Butuan Boats (also known as balanghai/balangay) refer
kabangka (kabarangay). The kabilang buhay for our to the incomplete remains of planked boats excavated
ancestors was an extension of our maritime world. from about two meters of waterlogged alluvial sediments
Kabaong or coffins in the ancient times were shaped like a in Barangay Libertad, Butuan City. Reports say that the
bangka or sea vessel (thus, the cadaver is bangkay). The remains of between nine and eleven boats have been
cap of the Manunggul Jar of Palawan depicts a bangkero or discovered by looters along what are believed to be the
oarsman transporting the bangkay in a boat to the kabilang shores of a former river, all within a one-kilometer radius.
buhay. While the ancient gravesite markers of the Ivatans However, archaeological researchers have only confirmed
in Batanes and of the Sama-Bajaus in the Great Santa Cruz six sites to date.
Island in Zamboanga City are shaped like a tataya (boat in The first Butuan Boat was partially unearthed in 1976 by
Ivatan) and a lepa (boat in Sama-Bajau). The hanging looters searching for buried coffins containing valuable
coffins of Sagada, Mt. Province are also boat-like. grave goods including Chinese ceramics and gold
Our ancestors also practiced reinternment by collecting the ornaments. Using long metal rods to probe through the
bodily remains (kalansay) of their departed earth r the wooden coffins, they accidentally came upon
loved ones and containing them in a banga or jar, like the the timbers of Boat 1. The find was reported to local
Manunggul Jar and those discovered in Maitum government officials, who in turn alerted the leadership of
in Sarangani Province. Through this practice, our ancestors the National Museum of the Philippines. Personnel from
seemed to bring back the physical body of their the Museum's Archaeology Section investigated the boat's
loved ones to the representation of a mother's womb remains.
(which was the banga)-most likely the same idea when a After several months, looters found the remains of Boats 2
bangkay was placed in a boat-shaped coffin, for the boat and 3, Just over one kilometer south of the first boat.
was universally likened to a mother. Excavations were undertaken on all three sites, though
It is no accident that our intimate relation with boats and work on Boat 3, described as a smaller vessel, was not
bodies of water inculcate a certain mastery of navigating completed. Boats 1 and 2 were subsequently recovered
and are displayed in exhibits managed and operated by the Philippines and insular Southeast Asia, where the soul-or
National Museum. Boat 5 was excavated in 1986 as part of sometimes even the physical body-is believed to travel to
a course on archaeological excavation and conservation the land of dead via the sea or other bodies of water, thus
organized by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations the use of boats and boat-inspired or decorated burial
(ASEAN) and hosted by the Philippines' National Museum. accoutrements. While coffins bearing resemblance to boats
It was located approximately one kilometer southwest of or burial jars with boat-shaped ornaments are  found in
Boat 1 and less than 400 meters northwest of Boats 2 and other parts of the Philippines and insular Southeast Asia,
3. It was also recovered, and its planks are now stored in the use of boat-shaped burial markers are unique in the
the Butuan City branch of the National Museum. The Southeast Asian context to the Ivatans of Batanes.
excavation of Boats 4 and 9 commenced in 2012. The This is further evidence of the centrality of the balangay or
remains of these two boats were located slightly the boat to the cultural expression and identity of these
overlapping each other and just several meters cast of the insular precolonial societies, becoming symbols of
Boat 2 excavation trench. community and reflection of cultural development of the
The Butuan Boats are the oldest archaeological examples peoples in precolonial Philippines. As symbols of
of watercraft in the Philippines. Early attempts to date the community, it has also figured in the spatial sensibilities of
first three recovered boats in the 1970s and 1980s resulted precolonial Austronesian societies.
in disparate radiocarbon ages dating to the fourth century, The Development of Community
thirteenth century, and tenth century AD. Perhaps, these It may be speculated that the place-making process
boats became instrumental in informing the sensibilities of exercised within the balangay at sea is preserved on land.
the early settlers in the Philippines, as the barangganic The polity takes on a linear clustering in a watercraft
social order emerged from the experience of space within setting with the community leaders taking designated,
the balangay. prominent positions within the vessel and the families
Maritime Symbolism and the Afterlife arranging themselves thereafter according to their role in
The study conducted by the team of Eusebio Dizon and manning the boat. The spatial implications of this maritime
Armand Salvador Mijares in the latter half of the 1990s, barangganic culture and the boat house social order are
found several boat-shaped markers made of stones at preserved and developed further upon settling on land.
different parts of the Batanes group of islands: 15 burial Settlements develop in a linear fashion with a communal
sites in Chuhangen in Ivuhos Island; and a number of plots house or the leader's house taking a central location
in Havay in Sabtang Island; and at the Nakamaya and followed by the leader's immediate kin, and the other
Vatang sites in Batan Island. The best-preserved of these members of the community arranging themselves linearly
boat-shaped burial plots are found at the Chuhangen site, from thereon.
in Ivuhos Island, close to the locale's idiang. At one of the As the early polity developed and began to trade with
burial plots in Chuhangen, a marker was found measuring neighboring communities and cultures, the large
4.6 meters long, and 1.7 meters wide. The plot was made communal boat becomes a symbolic representation of a
into the clay loam and limestone bedrock, covered by a community's identity-figuring prominently in special
layer of limestone and andesite rocks occasions such as renewing alliances with other
arranged on top in the form of a boat or tataya, with the communities, marriages, and funerals. Boat references
prow and stern prominently referenced (Dizon and Mijares extend even to the place making and signification
1998, 5). Inside were the skeletal remains of an adult male processes within the settlement-particularly the barangay
in a fetal position, with an earthenware bowl placed in the being used as a term for the community and its settlement.
middle of the marker (Ibid.). Radiocarbon dating of the area-and even extend as well to maritime references
remains have indicated that the burial was from around figuring in place making nomenclature, such as the littoral
1595 AD, pointing to the settlement of the area prior to areas referred to as the pampang or dalampasigan which
Spanish colonization of the islands of Batanes. refer to areas in proximity to the water, and inland areas
Most of the burial plots are oriented in a land-to-sea axis, such as laya, and even further as kalookan which refers to
resembling how traditional fishing boats were parked on the innermost land areas in relation to the sea or body of
the shore, with the prow facing the sea. The remains are water.
laid with their head laid towards t ds the sea. The Perhaps, the influence of the balangay and the barangganic
significance of these stone boat-shaped burial plots were system may have permeated deeper into the
explored in a 2019 study by Edwin Valientes, which linked consciousness of these early Filipinos, manifesting itself in
the layout of these plots to the activities of the inhabitants the design of their homes: from the balangay, to the balai
of the island and their social status in stand and the or the communal house, to the bale, fale, and further on to
community, and even figures in the beliefs and other vernacular residential typologies. The roots of
superstitions of the Ivatans. It also points to the larger vernacular architecture and domestic spatial morphologies
shared cosmology of other indigenous peoples of the as currently understood began to develop, as the single,
multi-use space is brought from sea to land-and onward to non-Hispanized, non-Anglo-Saxon communities around the
the highlands-and adapted to the environments where our country" (Hila 1992, 13). From this definition, the balai is
ancestors have settled. viewed as the origin of Philippine traditional architecture.
A reconstructed Balangry with thatched roofing (Above) Its ancestry is manifested in its archetypal tropical
Vernacular Architecture characteristics: an elevated living floor, buoyant
and its Austronesian Ancestry rectangular volume, raised pile foundation, and
Defining the Vernacular voluminous thatched roof. The house lifts its inhabitants to
Vernacular architecture is a term now broadly applied to expose them to the breeze, away from the moist earth
denote indigenous, folk, tribal, ethnic, or traditional with its insects and reptiles. Its large roof provides
architecture found among the different ethnolinguistic maximum shade for the elevated living platform and the
communities in the Philippines. Majority of vernacular built high ridge permits warm air in the interior to rise above the
forms are dwellings-whether permanent or makeshift- inhabitants then vent to the roof's upturned ends. The
constructed by their owners or by communities, which roof's high and steep profile provides the highest
assemble endemic building resources, or by local protection against heavy monsoon downpours.
specialized builders or craftsmen. Granaries, fortifications, All forms of vernacular architecture are built to meet
places of worship, ephemeral and demountable structures, specific needs, primary of which is the accommodation of
and contemporary urban shanties belong to the vernacular values, economies, and ways of living of the culture that
lineage. produced them. The construction of vernacular buildings
The pervasive phrase "primitive architecture" in the 1980s also demonstrates the achievements and limitations of
has unwittingly disseminated a pejorative implication early technology. Related to their environmental context,
emphasizing the dualistic distinction between "primal" and they are handcrafted by the owner or by members of the
"cultivated," "barbarism" and "civilization," and community, requiring no assistance from design
"nonwestern" and "western." Similarly, the t category professionals, such as architects and engineers, utilizing
"indigenous architecture," used by other writers seemed to technologies learned only through tradition. Indubitably,
bracket off the nonformal architecture introduced and built this tradition, dictating the overall form and tessellation of
by immigrant and colonialist populations in order to structural components, has been perfected through an
privilege those. building forms constructed by the evolutionary
indigenes. The category "anonymous architecture" reflects process involving trial and error. Once the dwellings are
the bias towards buildings designed by named and canonic built, minor adjustments to compensate for the changing
architects, while "folk architecture" is tinged with issues. of environmental conditions can easily be made.
class difference and distinction. The same privileging is Modifications to their form or materials can effectively be
offered by "ethnic architecture," a term that reflects an executed as long as the changing social requirements or
exoticization of the residual ethnolinguistic Other by the seasonal climatic variation of their respective regional
dominant cosmopolitan culture. settings are not too great or sudden.
Vernacular, from the Latin "vernaculus," means native or
homegrown. Vernacular architecture refers to the Beyond the basic requirements of shelter, they stand as
grammar, syntax, and diction in expressing buildings in a paradigms of man-made order constructed i and
locale, while signifying the diverse range of building immediate world of nature. response to a tangible
traditions in a region.
There are five principal features of vernacular architecture. It is interesting to mention that the structural logic and
These are: (1) the builders, whether artisans or those architectonic paradigm of Philippine vernacular
planning to live in the buildings. are nonprofessional architecture inspired the invention of a new structural
architects or engineers; (2) there is consonant adaptation- system which made possible the soaring skyscrapers of
using natural materials-to the geographical environment; Chicago in the last decade of the nineteenth century. Yet
(3) the actual process of construction involves intuitive this fact was never even mentioned in the annals of
thinking, done without the use of blueprints, and is open to modern architecture as modernism denies historicity in its
later modifications; (4) there is balance between search for new architectural forms. The inventor of the
social/economic functionality and aesthetic features; new structural technique, William Le Baron Jenney, a
and, (5) architectural patterns and styles are subject to a prominent figure in the Chicago school, formulated and
protracted evolution of traditional styles specific to an developed the steel-frame skyscraper from a building
ethnic domain. tradition originating from a Philippine source-the wooden
A section in the book Balai Vernacular (1992), entitled "The framed construction of the bahay kubo.
Ethnic Balal: Living in Harmony with Nature" by Ma.
Corazon A. Hila refers to the vernacular balai as the "pure, According to a written account, Jenny was so "impressed
Southeast Asian type of domestic architecture found in the by the possibilities of framed construction when he spent
three months in Manila, in the Philippines, following a vernacular tradition in architecture remains an accessible
voyage on one of his father's whaling ships"(Condit 1964, architectural idiom to the majority of Filipinos.
81). Snatching the structural principle which he singled out
from the vernacular source, he then appropriated and The range of construction forms, array of methods and
transcoded the tectonic principle in steel and iron to materials, multiplicity of uses, layers of meaning, and
replace timber and bamboo. The invention instigated the complexity of the cultural millen of vernacular architecture
first all-steel skeleton framed skyscraper in the world, is indeed diverse. To seek a singular definition and appoint
which was first applied to the Home Insurance Building rigid stylistic essentials of vernacular architecture b.
(1884), the first tall building in America to use steel. perhaps, imprudent and futile, for the project traps and
inadequately distills the richness of Philippine architectural
The building technology developed by the vernacular traditions in constricting vessels of the politics of national
tradition is sustained through independent evolution and identity.
the accumulation of local wisdom. Vernacular architecture A variation of the Ifugao house in the Benguet highlands
embodies the communal, symbolizes the cultural, and (Top)
concretizes the abstract. As a product of a material culture, A fisherman's house along the shore (Above)
the balai is where the values and beliefs of its builders and
users culminate. The term "Austronesian" refers to a family of languages,
believed to have originated in Taiwan some 6,000 years
All buildings exist in an environmental context, which is ago, numbering some 1,000 to 1,200 languages spoken in
conditioned by the ability of the land to sustain a given the vast geographical area between Madagascar, Taiwan,
populace. Inevitably, the economy of the culture affects Hawail, Easter Island, and New Zealand. Although many
the choice of the site for a vernacular structure. All peoples constitute this widely scattered language group,
vernacular dwellings make use of readily available their common cultural background can still be perceived. In
materials and those obtained locally from the natural addition to linguistic affiliation, distinctive attributes,
resource of the region. Climate and the local environment defined by a worldview linked to an aquatic-based way of
(together with its macro and microclimate) conjure an life-and translated into architectural terms are found
environmentally sound and responsive structure. By throughout the Austronesian region.
addressing the imperatives of nature, vernacular
architecture shows great resilience against physical The Great Austronesian Expansion
constraints. In other words, vernacular architecture can The great migration of Austronesian peoples from riverine
address the most common of structural problems with its areas of southern China commenced some 6,000 years ago
simplicity and logical arrangement of elements. and culminated in the eventual dispersal of Austronesian
speakers halfway around the globe by about 500 AD. This
Communities still employ vernacular building methods movement can be reconstructed chronologically from
even today. Mass urban migration to the city has led to the archaeological and linguistic sources. These sources
crafting informal urban dwellings, or the act of "squatting" suggest that Taiwan was settled around 4000 BC. From
on other peops lands, which in turn allows a different form Taiwan, the Austronesians seem to have spread south into
of vernacular building ctice to proliferate in a metropolitan the Philippines via Batanes about 3000 BC and Borneo,
context. Sulawesi, and eastern Indonesia a thousand years later.
The colonization of Oceania to the east did not begin until
As the vernacular dos its materials from its immediate site, after 2000 BC and the Malay Peninsula and Vietnam were
teeming with botanic ra does the urban shanty, drawing colonized by the Austronesians sometime after 1000 BC.
from an environment bring draws ces, so with recyclable Madagascar was not reached until about 400 AD.
garbage materials, surplus, and salvaged building waterials.
The Home Insurance Building's structural system was At roughly the same time, New Zealand was colonized by
inspired by Filipino vernacular building traditions (Above) other Austronesian-speaking peoples traveling from Tahiti.
The Austronesian expansion required a sophisticated
Moving the bahay kubo's thatch system of open sea navigation, which differed greatly from
roof through the act of communal sailing along the coastline or to visible landmarks. Not only
cooperation or bayanihan (Below) were sturdy oceanic vessels needed, but a system of
Here, the urban environment provides the squatters with orientation, dead reckoning, position-fixing, and detection
materials that require their improvisational skills to of landfall and weather prediction had been developed.
cunningly transform and reuse cheap, discarded building Buckminster Fuller (1981), developer of "Synergism" and
materials into a domestic space in the shortest possible theorist on the development of technology, believed that a
time. An omnipresent building practice in the country, the combination of population pressures and the submergence
of the Southeast Asian landmass caused the rise of nautical shoreline and elevated from the water by a number of
and other technologies in Austronesia. He gave examples major and minor posts, poles, and stilts.
of the circular weaves used in Southeast Asia and the
Pacific. "Balay" takes a variety of forms in the Malayo-Polynesian
and Oceanic languages. In the Philippines, reflexes of this
A grave marker with okir (Top, left) term (Isneg, baláy: Cebuano, baldy) refer to a "house,"
The lives of Austronesian people while in Malay languages, the term balai signifies a "public
revolved around water (Top right) meeting house." In the Pacific, the reflexes of balay denote
Paths of Austronesian Trans oceanic migration redrawn the same meaning as they do in the Philippines (Fijian,
from Gray, R. D, & Jordan, FM's study "Language trees vale; Samoan, fale; Hawaiian, hole).
support the express train sepence of Austrenesian
expansion (Opporte page, top) The third term, "lepaw," also refers to a house but assumes
a variety of meanings: a "storehouse for grain" (Ngaju,
A sampling of lexical parallelisms across the Austronesian lepau); a "hut other than the longhouse" (Uma Juman,
language family shows how much is shared among each lepo); and a "back verandah or kitchen verandah of a
culture. (Opposite page, bottom) Malay house, booth, or shop" (Malay, lepau). In the
comparing them to the unstable grid pattern weaves used Philippines. the Badjao word lepa denotes a "long, slow-
in most of the rest of the world, as examples of how the moving houseboat with no outrigger"; the structure of
need to build stable blue water ship designs indirectly which is loose and detachable, with long poles attached in
influence other areas of life. Thai architect Sumet Jumsai all directions as a framework over which a nipa roof may be
(1988), extending Fuller's work, compared Southeast Asian unrolled.
architectural designs with ship architecture, showing the The house term "kamalir" is adapted in the Philippines as
same relationship of concept. kamalig or kamarin that generally refers to a "granary,
The logistics of aquatic living was developed as a result of storehouse, or barn," whereas in Oceanic language, it
water borne migration, leading to the conception of a set denotes a special "men's house."
of symbols, rituals, nautical technology, and architectural
and urban models which are specific to the region. Finally, the term "banua" occurs in the Malayo-Polynesian
vocabulary in reference to the "house" (Toraja, banua;
Historical linguistics, as much as archaeology, provides Banggai, bonua; Wolio, banua; Molima, venua: Wosi-Mana,
crucial evidence in the search for the origins of wanaa). Far more often, reflexes of banua denote a
Austronesians and their architecture. Tentative territorial domain, such as "land, country, place,
reconstructions of Proto-Malayo-Polynesian include terms settlement, inhabited territory, village."
for the house post and notched ladder, pointing to the
ancient origins of this construction technique. A range of Stilt Houses-An Austronesian Legacy
similarities exists in Austronesian cultural tradition which The architectural system that predominates the
draws attention to terms that are associated with the Austronesian region is that of a raised wooden structure
house. These similarities may be ascribed to cultural typically consisting of a rectangular volume elevated on
borrowings, especially among neighboring populations. posts with a thatched roof and decorative gable finials
shaped like carabao horns.
G42 ettate lep Sost of the Sara
Linguist Robert Blust (1987) extensively studied the Buildings with pile or stilt foundations are a pervasive
Austronesian house and the principal elements of its feature not only in mainland and island Southeast Asia but
design to map out the Austronesian cultural history. He also in parts of Micronesia and Melanesia. The occurrence
collated a list of principal terms that denote or relate to the of this type of structure, along with other characteristically
"house" among the different linguistic subgroups of Austronesian features, in parts of Madagascar and in the
Austronesians and subjected these terms to detailed ancient Japanese shrines at Ise and
scrutiny. The lexically reconstructed forms of these various izumo, bears witness to the far-flung influence of
house terms are: (1) rumaq; (2) balay: (3) lepaw; (4) Austronesian seafarers. Significantly, for many
kamalir; and (5) banua. Austronesian peoples, the house is much more than a mere
dwelling place. Rather, it is a symbolically ordered
The term "rumaq" is the most widely distributed term for structure in which a number of key ideas and cultural
"house," which is included in the Iban, Gerai, and concerns may be represented. Thus, the Austronesian
Minangkabau (rumah) and Rotinese (uma) vocabulary. The house may variously be seen as a sacred representation of
similar form is used to designate the Badjao stilt house the ancestors, a physical embodiment of group identities, a
(lama) that is located in the waters of the sea near the
cosmological model of the universe, and an expression of back to Neolithic times, and its wide distribution in
rank and social status. Southeast Asia and the Pacific islands suggests that the
technique was used by the early Austronesian settlers of
This basic stilt architecture has undergone elaborate the archipelago. The prototypical bahay kubo is usually
refinements in many parts of the Austronesian region and built with wooden posts as its framework. The four posts of
is immediately linked to a culture nourished by a tropical the Ifugao fale (house), which is both granary and home, is
aquatic environment. Notwithstanding stylistic variations, distinctive for its circular rat guards, while the Maranao
the form of houses on stilts can generally be found in the torogan (sleeping place) stands on stout log posts resting
Western Pacific, in a region of more than 6,000 kilometers on
across the round stones. Houses built on the sea, like the Samal
Equator from Melanesia and Indonesia to Japan. houses, are raised on slim posts or stilts.
in Southeast Asia, the roof is the
Morphologically, the house is constructed using wooden Pile foundations have several advantages in a tropical
structural components configured in the post-and-lintel climate, especially when settlement patterns are mainly
framework, which supports a steeply-pitched thatched concentrated in coastal, riverine, and lakeshore areas. Piles
roof. The dwelling is distinguished by a living floor raised on raise the living floor above the mud and flood waters,
sturdy stilt foundations with a voluminous, well-ventilated which occur during seasonal monsoon rains, while
roof cavity above, providing a straightforward solution to providing excellent under-floor ventilation in hot weather-
the environmental problems imposed by the humid warm air within the house rises and escapes through
tropical climate coupled with seasonal monsoon rains. openings in the roof, drawing a current of cooler air from
beneath the house through gaps in the cor. Furthermore, a
Until recently, these houses were constructed entirely of small fire-lit under the house-drives away mosquitoes,
botanic building materials-timber, bamboo, thatch, and while the smoke, as it escapes through the thatch,
fibers-assembled without the use of nails. A quintessential effectively fumigates the house. Housework is also quick
method of construction is exemplified by vertical house and easy as dust and rubbish can be swept through these
posts and horizontal tie beams that provide a load-bearing same gaps in the floor.
structure to which floors, walls, and a roof are later
attached. The main framework is fabricated using The underfloor space is often used as a pen for stabling
sophisticated jointing techniques, while the walls, roof, and domestic animals and as a place for storing implements. It
other non-load bearing elements are typically secured by can also provide a shaded daytime workspace for tasks
wooden pegs and vegetal fiber lashing. such as weaving and basketry.
Coastal Taung house. It features a slightly saddle-back roof
outline and a plain cross-gable finial (Top) The bamboo box-frame of a bahay laibo (Above)

A Taung dwelling with its living space supported by a pile Women weaving under the silong formed by a raised pile
foundation anchored as the sea floor. (Middle) foundation (Below)
Stilt house in jolo, Sulu (Left)
Lashing techniques for securing posts and beams (Below A hagabi under a fale (Bottom)
and bottom) In many areas, house posts simply rest on top of
The Ifugao fale is elevated from the ground by a structural foundation stones rather than driven into the ground. This
system of unprocessed tree trunks. The organic form of the ensures that the building has enough flexibility to survive
trunk's base including the large roots are utilized for earthquakes in this seismically active region. At the same
maximum spread and anchorage to the ground. From the time, should one wish to move houses, the entire structure
ground the trunk tapers and are capped by wooden can literally be picked up and carried to a new site.
cylinder or disc-shaped rat guards called halipan. (Opposite
page) Piles built of hardwoods may endure for over a hundred
years, while some palm trunks also make excellent, long-
The Raised Pile Foundation lasting piles. An easily available and replaceable pile
Building on piles is an almost universal, and undoubtedly material, bamboo is widely used for ordinary houses of
ancient, feature temporary nature.
of Philippine vernacular architecture, both among lowland
communities The Voluminous Thatch Roof The most distinctive feature
and ethnic groups. Its history in mainland Southeast Asia of the Austronesian vernacular architectural
can be traced form is the extended line of the roof, often with outward
sloping gables forming elegant saddleback curves.
Although Philippine vernacular houses generally lack the stimulated on the Asian waterfronts a host of
graceful curve characteristic of saddleback roofs of the interpretations in terms of urban planning and architecture
architecture of the Minangkabau in Sumatra or the noble and in almost every art form and ritual, both sacred and
houses at Lemo, Tana Toraja, Sulawesi, their hip roofs are profane
closely related to the saddleback type. As in most of
Southeast Asia, the roof is the dom architectural feature of The naga motif predominates artifacts such as carvings in
most dwellings. In some cases, the house is mostly a roof, boats, musical instruments, grave markers protruding
as seen in the pyramidal roof of an Ifugao fale and an older beam ends, and design patterns found in woven textiles
bahay kubo where the roofs are pitched more steeply than and wall omaments produced by Mara Semal Tausug, and
its contemporary version. other Philippine Islamic groups. The magoyada is a
Maranao okir motif featuring the na or serpent figure
Vernacular dwellings are thatched. Thatch is a generic combined with other leaf or plant motifs.
name for any roof covering made of dead plant material
other than wood. Grasses and palm leaves are the most Traditional Materials and Construction Techniques
widely used traditional materials. Despite its
combustibility, thatch is watertight and may last for a The vernacular architecture of the Philippines is
hundred years if properly bundled and laid. For thatch to characterized by its use of organic materials-wood,
be durable, it must be effectively laid out and angled so bamboo, palm leaves, grass thatch, and plant fibers-which
that water runs off the entire surface consistently and are deployed in a variety of ingenious ways to provide
quickly, allowing itself to dry out soon after a downpour. protection against sun and rain.

In Southeast Asia, the roof is the dominuet architectural Philippine vernacular architecture employs a post-and-
feature of most dwellings. In some cases, the house is beam method of construction, which is largely a matter of
mostly a roof of thunch, which were pitched steeply to shaping and jointing wooden members with a range of
repel rain outside and allow the circulation of air within, as specialized tools, which include axes, adzes, and chisels.
seen in the baby kube (Top left the Minangkabau big house The wooden framework is assembled without nails, using
or urah Gading (Middiel and the Toraja house or Rumah complex techniques of jointing. The roof rafters are
adat  typically supported by wall plates, with additional support
(Bet often provided by a piece and purlins-elements that
The bamboo roof framing of a bahay kubo before it is variously transmit the load to other structural members.
covered by layers of thatch (rap, right) Walls and floors do not constitute a part of the main load-
bearing elements but may brace the structure as a whole.
Naga, an Austronesian Water Symbol ridge

The naga, Sanskrit for serpent, represents the cosmological

model's waveform, as well as the universality of water in
Pile structures, with posts buried in the ground, have been
the daily life of Southeast Asia. The said creature is aquatic
mostly superseded by stilt structures where the house
in character, but also appears in hybrids. The Thai seng is a
posts rest on top of foundation stones. Stability is achieved
cross between a snake and a lion, and the Chinese and
by horizontal rails running through apertures cut into the
Japanese dragon is a flying reptile. However, the basic
posts. Often, the post-and-beam framework is loosely
forms are primarily wave-like in nature, as seen in
assembled on the ground before it is placed on the
architectural ornamentation and building motif, where the
foundation stones. The joints are then secured by wedging
nage is best exhibited in its water element.
or pegging Full stability is achieved only when the floors
Tiial gable ornaments (nage and matul-marak) and the walls are added.

Pay, Maranao decorative beats end Sometimes, a box frame is used for the upper portion of a
building Sitting like a bird cage on top of the main posts, a
In the Pacific region, the serpentine coll has been used in box frame consists of vertical studs slotted into horizontal
house carving and in boat motifs since prehistoric times. In sills and held together at the top by wall plates. A variety of
these cultural representations, the coils turn in both joints may be utilized, including mortise, tenon, lapped,
directions reminding one of the Coriolis effect whereby and notched joints. The frame is usually first put together
winds and ocean currents tend to whirl clockwise and on the ground and then taken apart to be reassembled in
counterclockwise north and south of the Equator, place on top of the posts.
respectively (Jumsai1988, 20). This phenomenon
Box frames are often further stabilized by wooden panels methods are employed in local boat building traditions-a
fitted to the main framework using tongue-and-groove or proof of the Austronesian (seafaring) ancestry of
mortise-and-tenon joints. The walls of vernacular vernacular architecture.
structures are made of light windscreens, which provide
In the case of foundation posts, these may either be burled
protection from the elements and secure privacy forby wall
in the ground or else placed on top of flat stones. The
plates, with additional support often provided by a piece
space under the house may then be used as a stall for fowl
and purlins-elements that variously transmit the load to
or pigs, though this is no longer common today. Most
other structural members. Walls and floors do not
Philippine vernacular bullt-forms represent variations of a
constitute a part of the main load-bearing elements but
post and beam construction technique, where walls (and if
may brace the structure as a whole. ridge
they exist at all, interior partitions) are seldom load-
Pile structures, with posts buried in the ground, have been bearing, and, the roof dominates the composition.
mostly superseded by stilt structures where the house
The building of an Ifugao house utilizes sophisticated
posts rest on top of foundation stones. Stability is achieved
methods of jointing without the use of nails
by horizontal rails running through apertures cut into the
posts. Often, the post-and-beam framework is loosely the residents. The said walls may consist of matting, palm
assembled on the ground before it is placed on the leaves folded round a lath and stitched together with a
foundation stones. The joints are then secured by wedging strip of rattan, flattened or plaited bamboo panels as well
or pegging Full stability is achieved only when the floors as wooden boards and panels, depending on the use and
and the walls are added. status of the building. These nonstructural walls are
sometimes fixed in an outward sloping position, a familiar
Sometimes, a box frame is used for the upper portion of a
feature of traditional Ifugao architecture.
building Sitting like a bird cage on top of the main posts, a
box frame consists of vertical studs slotted into horizontal The House as a Ritually-Ordered Space
sills and held together at the top by wall plates. A variety of
joints may be utilized, including mortise, tenon, lapped, The construction of a house necessitates the performance
and notched joints. The frame is usually first put together of symbolic rituals in some areas because the house is
on the ground and then taken apart to be reassembled in considered a physical and spiritual body, not just an
place on top of the posts. assemblage of building materials in a chosen site. The ritual
commences with the selection of building materials and
Box frames are often further stabilized by wooden panels the season during which they are cut. A bloodletting ritual
fitted to the main framework using tongue-and-groove or or padugo is performed, wherein the blood of a sacrificial
mortise-and-tenon joints. The walls of vernacular white chicken is wiped on the tree to be cut to appease
structures are made of light windscreens, which provide spirits believed to be residing in the forest.
protection from the elements and secure privacy for the
residents. The said walls may consist of matting, palm The construction of the Tausug house recreates the
leaves folded round a lath and stitched together with a creation of the first human according to their genesis myth.
strip of rattan, flattened or plaited bamboo panels as well The task entails erecting nine ports, the sequence
as wooden boards and panels, depending on the use and representing the order of how the human body was
status of the building. These nonstructural walls are Copposedly created: the first/center post signifies the
sometimes fixed in an outward sloping position, a familiar navel; the second/ southeast post, the hip; the
feature of traditional Ifugao architecture. third/northwest post, the shoulder, the fourth/southwest
post, the second hip; the fifth/northwest post, the second
The wall sidings of the bahay kubo are fabricated shoulder; the sixth/west and the seventh/east posts, the
independently from the stucture, usually woven from ribs; the eighth/north post, the neck; and the ninth/south
pliated or flattened bamboo or folded plam leaves and post, the groin.
stitched round a leth.
According to Panay house-building beliefs, a mythical
Structures Without Nalla dragon or the bakunawa-a colossal moon-eater who causes
eclipses-signifies the forces of evil. The erection of the post
Indigenous Philippine houses are held together entirely
is sequenced to systematically slay the cosmic serpent. The
without nalls, relying instead on a variety of jointing
dragon's head and body can be located according to
techniques, which are sometimes reinforced by pegging,
positions prescribed in a local almanac. In January,
wedging, or binding. Not surprisingly, similar construction
February, and March, the dragon faces north with its tall to as chivuvuhung which stood in rows on the steep terrain
pointing south. Toward the second quarter, its head is of mountain and hill slopes, forming hamlet settlements.
positioned toward the west, with its tail pointing east. Occasionally, coastal houses are also bullt as temporary
From July to September, the dragon faces south with its tail shelter and shed for boats and fishing equipment, as in the
pointing north. Finally, during the last quarter of the year, case of the jinjin house which Is found in Batan Island and
its head is positioned in the east with its tail pointing west. the nirindin house in Itbayat Island (Ignacio, 2004). As
described by the English traveler William Dampier in 1687,
Armed with this information, the Panay housebuilder must
the early Ivatan houses were built small and low, their
kill the dragon by driving the first post into the ground in
sides made of small posts not more than 1.4 meters high.
the position of the dragon's head. The next two posts beat
These houses had ridgepoles, which were about 2.1 or 2.4
the dragon to death, while the fourth post, driven
meters long. A fireplace was built at one end of the house.
diagonally across from the first, pierces its tail. In
The occupants had simple wooden boards placed on the
destroying the bakunawa, the builder ensures that the
ground
dwelling shall be safe, and its inhabitants protected from
harm. Map of the Philippine archipelago and the geographic
distribution of ethnolinguistic groups.
The house entrance and the kitchen face the rising sun;
coins are embedded into the base of house posts to invite The houses were built close together in small villages
prosperity. Water is brought into the house to soothe hot located on the slopes or peaks of hills. They appeared to be
tempers, and a comb to straighten out disagreements. stacked one on top of the other since they occupied
When the house is finished, the family enters firs bearing varying levels of steep rock faces. There were wooden
offerings of salt, a lantern with sufficient fuel to burn for ladders reaching from the lowest to the highest level,
thre days, unhusked rice, and the image of a saint. Salt is which was the only way the occupants could get to their
believed to ward ofi evil, light to cast away darkness, the houses on the upper slopes or peaks of hills.
unhusked rice to invite abundance. and the holy image to
The huts were low, partly because high structures would
invoke divine guidance and protection. The ritual of
have been easily toppled by very strong winds with nine
purification exorcises malevolent forces and prepares the
months of rain and a constant onslaught of cyclones and
house to take its place in society, transforming it into a
partly because Batanes did not possess enough timber
sanctified dwelling place.
resources nor appropriate tools for larger construction.
Regional House Types Having probed the Austronesian Cogon grass (Imperata cylindrica) was the main roofing
heritage of Philippine architecture as & stil habitation with material. To close the sides of the hut, cogon and sticks
buoyant volumetric properties, we now survey specific were used. Occasionally, the walls were made of stones
examples of Philippine vernacular house types through a held together by fango, a kind of mortar formed by mixing
regional appraisal. The inventory shall take into account mud with bits and pieces of cogon. Another adaptation is
the modes of construction, the forms and materials, the mayhurahed house, which is built with bamboo, wood
associated building beliefs, and various site contexts which and thatch, and incorporates a hurahed or a base made of
affect the production of architectural forms in order to mud and stones to lift the plant based materials off the
point out regional differences and the degree of fidelity to ground and protect the house from surface runoff due to
the Austronesian architectural archetype. heavy rains (Ibid.).

Upland and lowland houses have acquired distinct The more familiar Ivatan traditional house of stone and
architectural features because of the differences in mortar (cal y canto) classified by their roof construction as
environmental conditions and site contexts. For instance, sinadumparan (referring to a gabled roof) and maytuab
lowland dwellings tend to have a more open, airy interior, (referring to a hipped roof)-made their first appearance in
highland types are tightly sealed off with solid planks, the late eighteenth or early nineteenth century when the
having few no windows as a defense against the cold Spanish colonial government and the missions were
upland climate. founded, and public architecture like churches and
tribunales (town halls), fortifications, and bridges
Monsoon Frontiers: Ivatan Houses
necessitated much sturdier materials. Lime was used as a
The Ivatans reside in four of the ten islands of Batanes building material when the Spanish authorities brought in
situated off the northern tip of Luzon. The aboriginal Ivatan stonecutters and masons from Luzon. Through the
lived in low houses of wood, bamboo, and thatch referred guidance of missionaries and Spanish officials, these
artisans taught the native population, supplanting the woodwork because the latter proved to be less durable
traditional and weak stone-and-mud or cogon-and-sticks because of eventual corrosion.
walls with thick stone-and-lime, which provided superior
A maytuab Ivatan stone house. The Ivatan house is
defense against frequent cyclones. The natives adopted
designed not only to withstand the battering of the most
and made these methods and skills their own, developing a
severe of storms, but also to withstand intense
hybrid architecture typified by an austere, white. box-like
earthquakes. Wooden reinforcements are embedded
stone-and-lime edifice covered with a thatch roof having a
inside the walls, running all the way to the eaves, where
four sided slope to the ridge.
they are joined to the beams and frames of the roof.
With the knowledge of processing lime for building, the
Cordillera Houses
Ivatan was able to construct a main house, known as the
rakuh, which is usually split into two levels, with the upper William Henry Scott (1966) classified houses in the
level containing the living and sleeping area, while the mountain ranges of the Cordilleras in Luzon into the
lower level contained storage space. The structure has northern strain and the southern strain According to Scott,
higher and thicker walls now made of mixed material. the northern strain consists of houses made by the Isneg
Wooden post and-lintel frameworks are implanted in the and Kalinga. The southern strain, on the other hand, are
walls. The 1-1.2-meter-thick cogon thatch, vuchid, those constructed by the Ifugao, Bontoc, Ibaloi, and
precipitously slopes down and is heavily fastened onto a Kankanay.
ceiling with many layers of small, polished reeds and rattan
to support the rafters and beam. The structure is much The northern strain is characterized by houses with a
more open than before because of the inclusion of long rectangular plan covered by a high gable roof. The roof
windows and two taller doors. The fourth windowless wall framing is independent of the floor framework so that the
confronts the direction of the strongest typhoon winds as floor and all of its legs can be removed, leaving the roof still
the house is oriented north-south. As further protection upright, or vice versa. An example is the Isneg house, with
against these violent winds and strong rains, a big roof net its floor and roof supported by completely different ets of
called panpet, made of strong ropes fastened securely to posts. The squarish house elongates into a rectangle with a
the ground via strong pegs or large stone anchors, is roof test is bowed into the shape of a Gothic arch or a boat
thrown over the entire roof during typhoons. Connected to turned upside down. The Kalinga construct octagonal
the rakuh is the kitchen with its rapuyan or stove, built in a houses having three divided floogs, the center being the
similar way as the main house but smaller, and sometimes lowest.
omitting the lower floor level. The houses of the southern strain have square plans with
The Ivatan house is designed and built not only to either a pyramidal or conical roof resting on top of the
withstand the battering of the most severe of storms, sea walls of the house. The house is a box supported by posts,
sprays, gusts, and rains but also to withstand high-intensity reaching no higher than the floor joists. An example is the
earthquakes. This is why wooden reinforcements are windowless Ifugao house, with its low walls and roofs,
embedded inside the walls, running all the way to eaves, which keep the inhabitants warm. The floors are, however,
where they are joined to the beams and frames of the roof raised 0.9 meters above the ground.

Galvanized iron was introduced in the 1880s. The use of Although houses in the Cordilleras vary in size and shape,
such mater I eliminated the need to gather tons upon tons they all have common functions, Primary is the provision of
of cogon to roof th structure. However, galvanized iron was shelter from the cold Houses also give enough protection
extremely vulnerable to storm weather and the large from dampness and humidity, which may destroy the
amount of sea spray could rust the sheets, unles coated grains stored inside the house or alang (granary). The
thickly with paint, structures must also offer defense against hostile
tribesmen, wild animals, and vermin. To avoid landslides,
The first concrete buildings were constructed in 1910-1920. these homes must be designed in relation to the terrain of
In the succeeding decades, steel reinforcements were the mountains.
used. However, since these new materials, usually shipped
from the neighboring island of Luzon, were costly and Isneg
scarce, the production of native lime in kil continued, and Inhabiting the wide mountains of Apayao at the northern
the Ivatan chose cogon over the rust-prone galvanized iron tip of the Cordillera ranges, the Isnegs build their houses in
sheets. The use of cogon minimized the use of nails in the close proximity to one another, forming a hamlet or
clusters of hamlets mainly for protection. A hamlet consists an example of the northern style of Cordillera architecture
of four to eight houses, granaries, and an enclosing because it is gabled, elevated, and elongated. Its floor and
bamboo fence where residents cultivate coconut, betel roof are entirely supported by two completely independent
nut, and other crops in a grove or orchard covered with sets of posts. The floor itself has slightly raised platforms
weeds and bushes. along the sides (Scott 1966, 187). This is the opposite of the
southern house, where the roof rests on the walls of the
The Isneg house distinguishes itself from the typical
square cage constituting the house proper that is
Cordillera house by its boat-like appearance. The Isneg
supported by posts higher than the floor joists.
one-room abode, the binuron, with its large concave-
shaped roof resembles an inverted traditional Isneg boat. Although the Isneg house may seem small, there is ample
The adoption of boat architecture in the design of the space inside because it has no ceiling. One locks up to see
house may be attributed to the fact that Apayao is the only the interior of the bamboo roof. Because the walls slant
region in the Cordilleras. with a navigable river, and among towards the roof, the space inside expands. A practical
the mountain people of the north, only the Isnegs possess feature of the binuron is its roll-up floor made from long
a boat-building tradition. The boat, known as barana'y or reeds strung or woven together. These are laid on top of a
bank 7, is made up of three planks: a bottom plank, which floor frame made up of lateral and longitudinal supports.
gets thinner at both ends, and two planks on both sides, Once in a while, the reed floor is rolled up for washing in
carved and shaped to fit alongside the bottom plank. the nearby river. The walls of the house are planks that are
fitted together, all of which can be removed, so that the
Regarded as the largest and among the most substantially
binuron can be converted into a platform (or stage) with a
constructed houses in the Cordilleras, the typical Isneg
roof, to be used for rituals, ceremonies, and meetings.
binuron stands 4.6 x 7.9 meters, rectangular in form, with
Windows are not structured frames cut out of the walls but
several post systems and a prominent Gothic like roof that
are part of the walls themselves-a number of wall planks
assumes the silhouette of an upturned boat. Fifteen
are removed to provide the needed openings.
wooden piles carry different parts of the house: eight
support the 1.2-1.5-meter elevated floor; six support the Another important architectural work in Isneg society is the
roof frame; and a slim one supports one end of the 6.4- rice granary, Building big granaries remains a sallent part of
meter ridgepole. Isneg material culture. The granary shelters not only the
annual harvest of grains but is also believed to house the
Willa Henry Scott's classification of Cordillers houses
benign spirits invoked to guard the treasure of food they
showing the typical cross-sections and representative
contain. These granaries are provided adequate protection,
albouettes.
mainly with rat guards which are found on the upper part
The Isneg binuron is a one-room abode with a large of posts, and may be disc-shaped or round-plate, knob-or
concave shaped roof made up of heavy layers of bamboo pot-shaped, or cylindrical.
formed to resemble an inverted boat.
Kalinga
The walls of the binuron slant and taper downward. It has a
gable roof, unlike most Cordillera dwellings, which have
pyramidal or conical roofs, A tarakip, an extension The Kalinga settlements are situated along the Chico River
structure, is built at one end of the house. It is as wide as in the north central region of Northern Luzon. These
the house itself, with a slightly higher floor, but a lower communities are strategically located on steep mountain
roof Some houses feature a tarakip at both ends. The slopes where villagers can easily be alerted against
Isnegs use wood for the posts, girders, joists, and walls, interlopers.
and thatch or bamboo for the roof.
There are three kinds of settlements: one with three to
The Isnegs construct their roofs in an interesting manner. four houses, a hamlet of twenty or more, and villages of
Lengths of bamboo tubes are split in two, and these are fifty. In the early decades of the twentieth century, there
laid in an alternating face down-face-up arrangement, their were arboreal shelters built twelve to sixteen meters above
sides Interlocking together. Several rows are laid on top of the ground. These tree houses have long vanished since
one another like shingles, forming a continuous wave-like the demise of the headhunting practice and the
link that effectively keeps out rainwater. Sometimes, a establishment of peace agreements among warring tribes.
layer of thatch is laid on top of this bamboo arrangement
for added protection. Scott classifies the Isneg binuron as
Despite the fact that present-day houses have been the outside wall. are bowed over these purlins and drawn
influenced by nearby lowland communities-that is, the together over three small ridgepoles, which carry little
house being made of concrete, galvanized iron, and actual weight but form the ridging (panabfongan). Despite
lumber-two types of traditional Kalinga houses remain the central square foundations and the octagonal floor
extant: one is the famed octagonal house (binayon or plan, however, the roof with its ridgepole presents a
finaryon), which assumes a curvilinear form rather than different profile from the side... the bowed pongo rafters
polygonal at first glance; the other is the square-shaped are not duplicated on the front or back of the house;
Kalinga house known as foruy in Bangad, buloy in Mabaca, instead, straight rafters (pakantod) run up only as far as the
fuloy in Bugnay, phoyoy in Balbalasang, or biloy in ati-atig crossbeams (196-97).
Lubuagan.
Upon entering the binayon, one perceives the protective
Wealthy families in the past lived in octagonally shaped aura of the dome and the warmth emitted from the fire pit,
houses. At the core of the eight-sided house, a four-post-, a square box filled with sand located a little off center
two-girder- and three-floor joist system forms the toward the rear of the house. Above this fireplace is a
foundation of the house supporting the 1.2 meter high storage rack. Shelves flaunting heirloom artifacts like
central floor, which in turn is flanked by raised floors on precious China and pottery pleces extol the status of the
either side. This is made possible by two beams resting on owner in the community.
the end of the floor joist. The side floors reach to the outer
Upon entering the binayon, one perceives the protective
walls, which have eight sides.
aura of the dome and the warmth emitted from the fire pit,
William Henry Scott (1966) provides a lengthy description a square box filled with sand located a little off center
of the toward the rear of the house. Above this fireplace is a
storage rack. Shelves flaunting heirloom artifacts like
octagonal house of the Kalinga in Bongod:
precious China and pottery pieces extol the status of the
the three floor joists, two girders, and four posts, which owner in the community.
form the foundation of the house are called fat-ang, oling,
The common Kalinga residence is the square or rectangular
and tuod, respectively, and riding on top of the joists are
single room dwelling elevated above the ground on posts,
two beams or stringers that run from front to back called
with a split bamboo flooring that can be rolled up or
anisil or fuchis. Just beyond each end of these stringers,
removed for washing. In the past, the space underneath
but not mortised into them, is another post set in the
the house is enclosed by bamboo wailing for protection
ground, and at equivalent distance from the center of the
against invaders. Some houses also use pinewood for
house four more off to each side of the central four, giving
flooring, which oftentimes, has three subdivisions: the
a total of eight for the support of the wall. Across the tops
kansauwan is the middle section with two sides called sipi,
of these outer (and lighter posts), and connecting them,
which are platformed areas for sleeping. At one end of the
are eight short sills (pistpis) grooved to receive the wall-
kansauwan is the cooking area consisting of a box of sand
boards (okong), the front and back ones being parallel, the
and ashes with three large stones to hold pots. Above this
two side ones being parallel, and the four-corner ones
cooking area is a drying and smoking rack. The only
joining them at 45-degree angle-producing that eight-sided
opening is opposite the cooking area, a small sliding door
plan for which the house is famous. The logs outside below
leading to a kalanga or small veranda. A house shrine
the level of the floor are backed up against a sawali matting
stands in a corner of the house, with racks that display a
(dingding), which encloses the area beneath the house.
porcelain plate for offerings, a sacred spear, and a symbolic
The reed-mat floor (tatagon) is laid down in the center décor of coconut leaves. Walls are made of pinewood.
section on laths (chosar) set into the top of the three joists Otop or roofs are made of cogon and bamboo.
parallel to the stringers, and in the two side sections on
Bontoc
laths, which run transversely from the outer edges of the
stringers to the inner edges of the sills. Mortised into the The Bontoc ili or village has three basic residential
upper faces of the stringers are four sturdy posts (paratok), structures which differentiates it from the neighboring
two of which carry a crossbeam (fatangan), which, in turn, poblacion, where immigrants settle, the ato, the council
carries two light queenposts (ta'ray) supporting four house and dormitory of the young and old unmarried
crossbeams or purlins (ati-atig) in the form of a square. The males; the ulog/olog, the female dormitory; and the afong,
rafters (pongo), fastened below the upper pisipis-beam of the family residence.
The Kalinga octagonal house called binayon. spirit in the fll is based on kindred ties, ato loyalties,
communal rituals, and a shared history of defending
The Bontoc term for house, in general, is afong. The rich
themselves against common enemies.
and the poor classes have different kinds of afong. A rich
family resides in the fayu, which is open and relatively large Besides being the term for the social institution, the ato is
(3.6 x 4.5 meters). A poor family lives in the katyufong, also a physical structure consisting of a large hut, called the
which is smaller, enclosed, and stone-walled. The residence pabafunan, and an open court where people gather to
of widows or unmarried old women is the kol-lob, also perform their rituals. The pabafunan can accommodate
called katyufong. about six to eighteen males. With a thatched roof and
stone walls mortared together by mud, the rectangular
Although the common usage of the word afong more often
pabafunan has only one small opening, 0.75 meters high
refers to a hut, the Bontoc house in its formal sense is a
and 0.25 meters wide, through which one enters sideways.
fayu. A fayu has a huge and sloping roof that configures a
pyramidal form at the front and rear but trapezoidal at the Adjacent to the pabafunan is the open court, a stone
side and rests on the outward-leaning frame of the first platform with a fireplace in the center, around which the
storey. Enveloping the entire roof are grasses bunched into men congregate when ceremonies are performed. The
shingles on fine stems tied to the rafters and thatched with seats consist of flat, elevated stones, womn smooth by the
layers of cogon and runo. generations of Bontoc who have sat on them. The court is
sheltered by a tree; there are posts, either carved to
Sloping downward from the ridgepole for around two-
representhuman skulls or holding stones atop them that
thirds of the height, the fayu roof inclines outward from
resemble skulls. In the headhunting past, these posts held
the walls of the house at a distance of approximately 1.2
the enemies' heads, which were brought home by warriors.
meters from the ground. The roof defines a space for an
upper room along an attic that doubles as a granary. The olog is a public structure where young women of
marriageable age go to sleep at night. Similar to the ato, it
To prevent the roof from falling, the walls of the entire first
is a stone structure with a thatched roof. The single
storey slant outward as they are raised from the floor
doorway is about 0.75 meters high and 0.25 meters wide.
toward the upper horizontal beams. The square floor of the
Inside, boards are placed side by side for the girls to sleep
attic is made by means of four upper horizontal beams
on. These are usually built over the pigpen. Unlike the ato,
supporting the upper rafters as they descend down the
the olog is not an institution; hence, there is no ceremonial
ridgepole. Approximately 1.6 meters in length, the
stone platform or open court. It is in the olog where
ridgepole is laid on two queen-posts, which in turn, rest on
courtship commences and ends with engagement. A few
a central upper horizontal beam. Small smoke exhausts are
days before the final ceremonies of marriage are
found at both ends of the ridgepole.
performed, couples are allowed to sleep together in the
The fayu is windowless, but a gap between the walls of the olog.
ground level and the eaves facilitate ventilation. Access to
Ifugao
the Bontoc house is through a front wall doorway about
0.4 meters wide and opens into a passage that extends to An Ifugao settlement is composed of twelve to thirty
the rear inner post of the first storey. To the left of this houses, situated amid rice terraces and often, near springs
entrance is a room, about 1.7 square meters, dug one foot and groves. A village is accessible through footpaths on the
into the ground, and is used for threshing rice. terrace walls. Village terraces are classified as center,
border (lower, near the pond fields), or upper (near the
Other Bontoc structures are the al lang, a repository of
mountain slopes). Wealthier inhabitants prefer the central
food supplies, jewelry, and wine jars, the akhamang, the
terraces. Houses may be clustered, as in Banaue, or
rice granaries; and the falinto-og, the pigpens. Acts of theft
scattered asymmetrically, like those in the Mayaoyao area.
are prevented, not by locking devices, but through the
The arrangement of the house conforms to the contour of
pachipad, twigs and leaves entangled together, symbolic of
the terrace where the latter is located. On narrow terraces,
the owner's curse on potential trespassers.
houses may stand in rows, while on wider ones, they may
An ato consists of fifteen to thirty afong, pigsties, and rice be spread out or grouped around an open space. As with
granaries. It has a low stone wall and footpaths connecting rice terraces, the house lot is paved with megalithic stones
the various houses to one another. A typical ili has about and has entrances generally facing away from the rise of
600 to 3,000 residents living in different ato, Community the slope.
Houses are classified according to the social standing of smoke serve to dry the roof as well as the grain stored in
residents: the fale or bale for the affluent; the abong for the upper part of the house. Near the fireplace, jawbones
the poor, and the communal, of sacrificial animals are on display as a sign of status or to
keep peace with the gods. Unthreshed rice is also stored
A Bontoc karyufong (Top, left)
on a platform on the tie beams. Jars and plates are kept in
A Bontoc fayu has a huge and sloping roof that assumes the patie shelf.
pyramidal form at the front and rear but trapezoidal at the
The Ifugao house presents some remarkable features. First
side. (Top, right)
is the pyramidal roof that is protected with layers of
segregated dormitory for unmarried boys, girls, and the thatch. The thatch roofing insulates the interior from the
elderly. While the traditional house has a specific shape heat of the sun as it repels rainwater. Lately, thatch, being
and form, the Ifugao dormitory is a hut that does not have prone to organic decay and of combustible quality, has
uniform dimensions. It is located in the middle of rice been giving way to galvanized iron roofs, which have been
fields. The rice granary, though smaller in scale, possesses found to be more durable, and more symbolic of prestige
the same basic design and structure of the fale, and is also and wealth among the Ifugao.
indicative of the high status of the owner in the
Ifugao housebuilding techniques are precise and accurate;
community.
each piece of timber is carved such that it interlocks with
The Ifugao house is a three-level structure. The first level others perfectly without the aid of nails or hardware. In
consists of the stone pavement, whose perimeter coincides housebuilding, an Ifugao may choose four trees to form a
with the edge of the eaves, posts, and girders. A cylindrical square, chopping off their crowns and leaving the roots and
wooden disk, the halipan or rat guard, is fitted on each of trunks intact to serve as strong house posts. Otherwise,
the four posts. The second level of the Ifugao structure is four posts of strong amugawan wood are sunk into the
the house cage, consisting of the room frame, walls, and ground about half a meter deep, with stones placed
floor. The pyramidal hipped roof comprises the third level. around them to keep them vertical and prevent them from
Ifugao houses rise to about shoulder height from the sinking into the ground. These posts are bigger at the
ground to the girder, but the posts do not frame the house bottom than at the top for added stability. Rat guards are
cage nor directly support the roof. The house cage rests on fitted 0.25 x 0.25 meters in width and 1.52 meters in height
the posts, and the roof rests on the house cage. The upper and sharpened to form a large tenon into which the
frame of the house cage is above head level. The wallboard transverse girders are driven.
rises from the floor to reach the chest or waist height. The
Though housebuilding may take as long as two years, the
roof slopes down and goes beyond the upper frame of the
house, mostly of hand-hewn wood, may be assembled and
cage to floor level. The patie or shelf extends outwards
dismantled within a day. The house may last from five to
from the top of the wallboards to the underside of the roof
six generations, with only the post being replaced every
and forms a recess that supports the roof.
two decades as the dampness of the earth slowly
Ifugao Fale is a small house with a floor area of about deteriorates it.
twelve to fifteen square. It is elevated by four posts 1.2 to
Outside the house, animal skulls (and, previously, human
1.8 meters above ground. The steeply pitched hut, made of
skulls from the headhunting past) are displayed below the
hand-hewn timber and without s to protect the residents
eaves of the walls. Postharvest implements such as the
from the chilly mountain weather. The constructed without
mortar and pestle and weaving loom are placed on the
the use of nails so that it can be dismantled located to
open ground of the underfloor space. In the same space,
another area easily.
wealthy residents flaunt a hagabi (long wooden bench)
The interior walls of the Ifugao house incline to give a with carved animal heads on both sides as a sign of
spherical dimension inside. The interior, with no windows prosperity.
and with only a front door and a back door for ventilation,
Only the couple and perhaps their youngest child reside in
is blackened with soot owing to the absence of a chimney.
the house. Older siblings sleep away from their parents in
A hearth is built on a lower plane at the right-hand corner communal dormitori Interior furnishings in the house are
of the house to protect the house from the humid climate. rare. An occasional made of a square plece of wood and a
A layer of soil is spread over the area where three huge flat slab with the low guard on one side, serving as the bed,
stones are positioned to form a stove tripod. The heat and are the only notable pieces of furniture.
Although Ifugao houses vary little from this basic
configuration houses of the nobility are often differentiated
The floor, about 1.5 meters above ground, is unenclosed,
through distinctive architectural refinements, such as
allowing occupants to perform chores, such as basket and
massive hagabi lounging benches, decoracted attic beams,
cloth weaving, making utensils, and splitting firewood.
kingposts, and doorjambs carved with human (bal-ull
There is an opening on one side, leading to a narrow
etfigies, and ornate exterior friezes portraying pigs,
passageway protected by a sliding door. A pigpen may be
carabaos, and other animals.
four one of the end corners. The living room is upstairs,
Ifugao traditional house with chicken baskets suspended which also the sleeping and dining area. The attic space
from one of the floor beams. formed by the high to to store rice. There are no windows
except a small exhaust the roof for the smoke coming from
Wealthy Ifugao families displayed animal and human skulls
the hearth. The low eaves protection against heavy rains.
(Top) and a hagabi (Above) in the silong space under the
The house has only one entrance, the frost door, the access
fale
to which is a slender, removable ladder. The door panels
Kankanay are lavished with vertical flutings and the beams and joists
with hrizontal, wave-like ornamental furrows. The
Traditionally, the Kankanay village was situated on the provision of disc shaped rat guards under the girders
bulge of a hill, whose height afforded a natural defensive ensures the protection of the house granary against
advantage against rival tribes. Contemporary Kankanay rodents.
villages, however, are located near the source of a stream
or river, which provides irrigation water for the rice The apa and the allao, the dwellings for poorer families, are
terraces. A typical village of the northern Kankanay or built more modestly than the binangiyan. Regarded as a
Lepanto Igorot would have at least 700 inhabitants residing temporary abode, the apa (also called inapa) has walls
in a cluster of some 150 houses. Slopes of hills or which are perpendicular to the ground, with the four main
mountains are flattened so that houses can be built. Lying posts standing directly in the corners. The materials used
near this village is a consecrated grove of trees, which for the floor are split bamboo and lengths of runo. Even if
serve as the setting for sacrificial rituals There are three the roof is conical, as in the binangiyan, it is built lower and
main types of Kankanay dwellings: the binangiyan, the apa closer to the ground.
or inapa, and the allao. The binangtyan is a Kankanay
Regarded as even more temporary that the apa is the allao.
family abode that has a basic resemblance to the Ifugao
It has a rectangular floor plan and a gable-shaped roof that
house (fale), having a high hipped roof with the ridge
slopes down beyond the floor towards the ground. The
parallel to the front. The key feature of the binangiyan is
four-corner posts reach up to the roof. The floor is lashed
the box-like compartment-a single-room dwelling with a
to these posts and supported by wooden piles underneath.
spacious attic (barg)-that functions as a granary.
Since construction does not require walls, the allao allows
The roof of the binangiyan is pyramidal in form with no space for an attic for storage. The structure has no stairs
overhanging eaves extending downward about 1.2 meters for the floor height is only 0.6 meters.
from the ground. The eaves are supported by four walls
Lowland Vernacular Dwellings: The Bahay Kubo
that slant outwards toward the upper part where the roof
is mortised to the four corners. The four walls are rabbeted The word "bahay" evolved from the word "balai," a
into the transverse beam below at chest height. Usually, vernacular word for house. On the other hand, for the
four wooden posts secure two transverse girders, which longest time, architectural historians mistakenly took the
likewise support three floor joists onto which floorboards word "kubo" as the translation of the Spanish word "cubo"
are attached. which pertains to the cube because of the obvious overall
cubic geometry-the height of the walls equals its word
Close to the ground, there is a wooden platform stretching
word "kubo" already appears among early vers. de
out to the eaves. The platform is formed by several broad
contrary, the ng (Fr. Pedro de San Buenaventura's
planks laid together above the ground instead of stone
Vocabulario de Lengua Tagapampangan dictionaries (Fr.
blocks set on the earth. This space is used for weaving and
Diego Bergaño's Vocabulario de la Lempanga en Romance)
cooking. Stone is used as pavement around the house. The
in the seventeenth century. The Tagalog kobe" refers to
interior consists of a sleeping area, a kitchen (with a hearth
mountain houses. On the other hand, the Kapampangan
in one corner), and a storage space for utensils.
"kibu," is synonymous to balungbung (Kapampangan word
for hut, cabin, or lodge). "cuala," "saung" and "dangpa" house post. Wall sidings may be of nipa or sawall; the latter
(Kapampangan word for shepherd's hut or hovel, dampa of uses bamboo that has been split, flattened, and cut into
the Tagalogs). Usually owned by peasant families and other strips, then woven together in a herringbone design. The
low-income groups, the bahay kubo has been described as sawali virtually makes the house a penetrable basket
an idyll of peace and bucolic prosperity in the middle of the propped up by poles. Windows of the awning-type have a
fields, as portraved in the popular Tagalog folk song of the nipa or palm window lid that can either slide from side to
same name. side or be pushed out by a pole that also serves as support
when not in use. There are usually no ceilings or room
Depending on the ecology of the vicinity, the bahay kubo
divisions. However, if required, room partitions are quite
my be constructed from various kinds of botanical
low and do not reach the underside of the roof, or the
materials, such as wood, rattan, cane, bamboo, anahaw,
ceiling if there is any, to allow for free circulation of air
nipa, bark, or cogon. Nipa (Nipa fruticans) is the widely
within the house. Sawali walls may divide the interior space
used material; thus, the bahay kubo is also referred to as
into rooms with open doorways.
the nipa hut. Bamboo (Schizostachyum lumampao) is also
used as a major material for the construction of the house Selecting a ste for a new house in the lowlands, the
because of its availability and flexibility. The inherent Christbilder first lodges a wooden cross at the center of the
toughness of bamboo can only yield to a sharp blade. Its site and then leaves it for several days. If the cross remains
extensive use may be connected to the coming of iron and undisturbed for a time, resident spirits approve of the
tools in the Philippine cultural history, which dates to construction. Afterwards, the site is blessed with prayers to
around 200 BC. drive evil spirits away.

The posts of the nipa hut mark out a 3 x 2.5 meter-area Certain rituals are performed before, during, and after
and carries a hipped roof. Hardwood, particularly molave construction. The appropriate orientation of the house is
(Vitex geniculata), is the favored material for the post, but strictly observed to ensure an auspicious beginning for the
bamboo is more prevalent. The tie beams ascend some structure and its occupants. For instance, the foundation of
two meters above the room floor. Forming the roof are the post should be bathed with the blood of a pig or pure
four corner rafters and two rows of minor rafters that white chicken to appease the spirit of the site. Before
together carry a ridgepole. Four poles delineate the roof's moving to a new house, each post must be stained with
perimeter. The roof frame and the many slats lining across blood from the aforementioned animals. Coins are placed
the rafters are made of bamboo. Structural segments are between the stone footings and wood post to bring good
tied together with strips of rattan (Calamus). Onto the fortune to the owner.
bamboo skeleton, shingles of nipa (Nipa fruticans) or cogon
Generally, the doors of houses must be oriented to the
(Imperata cylindrica) are bound in dense rows. Nipa
east in the belief that the rising sun stands for happiness
shingles, when thatched, may last an average of five years.
and prosperity Doors must also not face each other. The
The life span may increase up to fifteen years, depending
"oro-plata-mata" method of counting determines the
on the degree of cloping of the roof, and the distance
number of steps of the stairs. It must not be divisible by
between shingles. The steeper the slope and the closer the
three, for ending in "mata" is believed to bring bad luck.
shingles are to one another, the longer they will last. The
For a comprehensive inventory of Filipino building beliefs,
degree of the slope affects water retention and can make
the volume On, Plata, Mata (2000), authored by Ernesto
the thatch up to twenty years. Other materials
Zarate, provides ready reference for understanding the
alternatively used for roof shingles are anahaw palm
correlation between architecture and folklore.
(Livistona rotundifolia) and sugar palm (Arenga pinnata)
The ladder-type stair in front of the bahay kubo serves as a
congregational space for carefree eating, (Above, left)
Beams perpendicularly traverse each other and are lashed
bahay kubo playhouse in the arly 1900s. Inside this play
to the post one to two meters above the ground to support
space. he children reenact the routines of domesticity in a
the bamboo joist, which. in turn, holds up a bamboo
game called ahay-bahayan. (Above, middie)
slatted floor. This type of floor allows the circulation of air
and light and facilitates cleaning as dirt and dust fall Abangko, a long bench made of ither bamboo or wood
directly to the space underneath. A floor sill supports the planks, is built-in furniture in the bahay sabo to
bamboo frames of the exterior walls. The bamboo frames accomodate guests and nformal gatherings. (Above, right)
are then fastened at the corners rather than directly to the
You sent There are around thirty-two species of bamboo in the
Philippines. The commercially important bamboo species in
The lower part of the house, called silong. is used as an
the country are kauayan tinik or spiny bamboo (Bambusa
enclosure for keeping domestic animals such as swine and
lameana): kauayan killing (Bambusa vulgaris): Bayog
fowl: as storage for household implements, goods, and
(Dendrocalamus merrillianus); Belo (Gigantochloa levis);
crops; andome cases, as burial ground for the dead. The
and buho (Schizostachyum lumampao). Among the five
upper floor, where the tants live, consists of the most
species, spiny bamboe and kauayan killing are the
essential compartments-an all two-to-three unit quarter
preferred species for building, furniture making, and
consisting of a i kitchen or storage room, and an open
making boat outriggers. Bayog is used for tying and making
gallery at th ingle area, or a eeping area, a house, called
ropes.
balkon or batalan, respectively. When at the front, or rear
of the the gallery serves as an anteroom or lounging area. Bamboos are tall, tree-like grasses Mature bamboos are
We located at the rear, it is used for keeping the banga cut during the dry season. or when the sap flow is sluggish
(water jar) or for bathing. As the household expands, or as and sugar content is low-a condition where powder post
its occupant becomes wealthier, extensions (a bigger beetles. (Lyctus brunneus), locally called bukbok, are no
batalan) are added to the basic form of the house. Behind longer drawn to its cane. To eliminate all insects, bamboo
the house, near the batalan, is a kitchen with the dapugan canes are soaked in river or lake water or buried in the
(stove), which has a separate roof and window with a sand for some six months prior to application.
bangguera, a hanging slatted rack for drying dishes and
Depending on the age and species, the bamboo can have
kitchen utensils.
variable diameters. Bamboos having diameters of five to
The nipa hut has evolved, but its basic elements have beer twelve commonly utilized for building. Aside from being
ained. However, the dwelling forms and residential cheap, readily available, easily manipulated with basic ble
patterns ve been expanded and outwardly modified. At cross-sectional diameter, and an ability to grow fast make
present, the idea of a bahay kubo still connotes a one- bamboo a popular building material. to
room but multifunctional abode. The open space in the
Cogon (Imperata cylindrica)
one-room structure can be transformed into different
spaces at different times of the day: living area, dining Cogon is a perennial that grows in dense clusters to a
area, bedroom, and kitchen. It is also common to see an height of 1.8-2 meters with narrow, rigid leaf-blades.
altar of religious icons and photos of deceased family Although inferior to nipa, it is efficient for thatching and is
members adorned with some car les, flowers, and, in a few widely used wherever nipa is unavailable. Notwithstanding
instances, filled with fruits and other offerings. its architectural application, cogon is used for soil erosion
control, as mulch in coffee plantations, fodder,
papermaking, packaging, fuel, and for ornamental
In most bi-level houses, the living area, kitchen, and dining purposes. Its rhizomes and root extracts are used
room are defined on the ground level, while the bedroom medicinally.
is located on the second level. These low levels may be
Cogon
connected by a door without a swing board and may be
provided with four-step stairs, at the top of which is a To make a thatched roof, the cogon is first made to dry.
Bundling the dried grass follows after a few days. Then the
Organic Materials for Indigenous Construction
butts are cut into squares with a thatching needle forty to
Traditional vernacular houses are almost wholly made of forty-five centimeters long. The bundled grass is fixed
organic materials-wood, bamboo, palm leaves, grass, and firmly to the purlins with the butt downward for the first
plant fibers which are utilized in a number of ingenious row and alternately thereafter until the ridge of the roof is
techniques to ensure that the residences are protected reached. For every three or four bundles, a stitch is firmly
against sun and rain. tied to prevent slippage. The cogon thatch should be at
least fifteen centimeters thick. A pair of smoke vents can
Bamboo
be placed in the roof fifty centimeters below the ridge.
Bamboo is found in large quantities nearly everywhere in Smoke coming from the firewood stove in the kitchen adds
the archipelago. to the durability of cogon thatch as the smoke makes its
way through the beams and goes outside through a hole
on top of the roof. Thus, the beams and thatch are
continuously smoked and are protected from vermin and whips, leaving a bare cane. Rattan harvesting is, thus, a
decay through the smoke's stabilizing and drying effects. rather dangerous undertaking-dead branches can be
dislodged as the rattan is pulled and ants and wasps can
Nipa (Nipe fruticans)
often be disturbed in the process. The bare canes are
The leaves of nipa, a non-timber species that thrives well carried out of the forest and part processed; small-
along tidal flats and swamps, are made into thatching diameter canes are dried in the sun and often smoked,
materials, bags, baskets, hats, and raincoats, P nipa's stalk, while large canes are boiled in oil (often a mi of diesel and
sap is extracted and made into alcohol, vinegar, wine, and palm oil) to remove excess moisture and natural gums and
sugar. Re young nuts of nipa are made into sweets and to prevent attack by wood-boring beetles.
preserves.
Rattan
The nipa palm is believed to be one of the oldest and most
Rattan is the widely used material for lashing, binding, and
extensive palms of the Found in India, Sri Lanka, the
knotting where structural materials, such as bamboo art
Philippines, and in some other Pacific islands adapted to
joined. Slender, peeled rattan may be dried of their
muddy soils along rivers and estuaries. In the Philippines,
residual sap and then colled, ready for use as a binding
nipa i in the months of May and August, at the height of
material. thicker rattan, whose stems are solid, are used to
the rainy season, when is saturated with moisture. When
make household items and furniture,sagong, a barrier to
mature, this plant grows to about 3-3.5 m height and its
prevent children from falling. Some houses have no
long pinnate leaves acquire a rich green color. Nipa as
furnishings except a few functional devices, such as a
thatching is generally regarded as superior to coconut or
papag or built-in bed, a dulang or low table, a bangke or
cogon thatch because it performs in repelling rainwater
bench, bamboo grilles, and sala-sala or bamboo
and offers higher resistance to rotting.
latticework.
Coconut Palm (Cocos nucifera)
The typical Filipino house or the bahay kubo is the
consequence of centuries of evolution. Some Hispanic
influences are evident, such as the altar niche for the
The coconut palm may have originated in South America or villager's santos. Originally, the empty floor space and the
Oceania, but widespread throughout the Philippines, dulang, were used for sitting and dining; later, a built-in
Malaysia, and India. They can grow altitudes, and flourish long bench and bed of split bamboo, called the papag, was
at sea level, lining island coasts and bays. The trunks may introduced, along with tables and other furnishings
to as much as thirty meters high and forty-five centimeters required by Hispanized domestic practices.
or more in diamet huge leaves bunched at the crest of the
tree are used in its entirety with layers from ridge to eaves, Although commonly claimed to be of Hispanic influence,
or the leaflet stripped make a more permanent roof the silid or kuwarto (room) where the women of the house
cladding Ca posts, roof frames, and scaffolding. bs, re-laid, could change clothes in private seems to have been
and interwov so extensively used for posts, roof frames, present prior to Hispanization, as evidenced by early
and scaffolding. chroniclers like Fray Juan Francisco de San Antonio, who in
1738 provided a detailed description of a nipa hut with
Rattan (Calamus) interior partitions,
The rattan is a climbing palm that material for vernacular Iskwater: Vernacular Architecture for the Urban Margins
buildings and furniture Industry. It is the most forest
product in the country after timber the Philippines, rattan The traditional understanding of vernacular architectural
is represented by sixty-two species, of which twelve are of design where reliance on mostly organic materials forms a
commercial value. major part of the construction-has been largely relegated
to the rural environment or appropriated for mere
Rattan has long and very flexible stems that need support. decorative appliqué in the contemporary urban context.
It is harvested every fifteen years when the stems have Even though canons of architecture have marginalized the
grown to an average length of twenty-five meters and a dy of vernacular architecture, residues of the essentially
diameter of 1.5-3.5 centimeters. Afterwards, selective intuitive ign sense of the vernacular form persist in the
cutting of mature canes is done at a three-to four-year-gap. metropolitan setting prospect of building a house with
Rattan gatherers need to pull the canes down from the one's own hands-which is in the essence of the vernacular
forest canopy and remove the spiny sheaths, leaves, and mode is often trivialized in a highly strialized setting.
Massive migrations from the provincial areas to the gcides Crucial to note that the location is chosen because of its
have produced a significant vernacular renaissance: skillful proximity to formal sources of livelihood, employment in
and oceful people living in a rationalist architectural culture the informal economy (Icamina, 2011, 150), or proximity to
are instead orced to use vernacular modes of building. modes of transport to these opportunities. Formal
Although these migrants would have preferred to live in employment here refers to the places where there
dwellings of a more modern type, the pressure of poverty
is an abundance of job opportunities, menial or otherwise,
has forced them to reinvent a degraded vernacular
as in the case of locations in close proximity to business
architectural structure-the shanty. Like traditional
centers and ports. Informal economy refers to employment
dwellings, shanties are built by their own inhabitants, with
where the goods or services offered are unregulated by the
no blueprints, using materials available in the immediate
state, as in the case of itinerant vendors along streets, or
environment. However, because of difficult and particular
scavengers in landfills who carn a living by selling recyclable
circumstances, not much attention is paid to social and
items salvaged from the dumpsite. Informal economic
economic functions or to planned aesthetic values. With
opportunities may also be found in suburban gated
little skills and resources-financial or otherwise-or access to
communities, informal settlements at their fringes referred
them, these migrants, whose presence in the urban
to by Paulo Alcazaren as gillages-a witticism of the words
landscape is fiercely challenged, resort to the only available
"gilid" (meaning "beside'), and "village" referring to
option of illegally occupying a vacant piece of land to build
exclusive gated communities (Alcazaren, 2011, 53). Gated
a rudimentary shelter, or availing tenancy through
communities populated by middle to upper class residents
extralegal arrangements. These makeshift structures form
are reliant on the services provided by drivers, house help,
a shanty town, which is negatively viewed by various state
and other tradespeople who may offer their services
agencies and the urban upper crust as an invasion of urban
through a mutual agreement but may not be offered
areas by the poor and its proliferation as both a social evil
residence in the employer's domicile.
that needs to be exorcised from the urban terrain. Their
visibility is consistently being erased via Institutional efforts Aside from being prone to flood and fire, an informal
to relocate them elsewhere, away from the urban core, settlement, due to its inherent nonlegal status, lacks even
with mixed results. the basic services and infrastructure facilities. Such services
include both network and social infrastructure like water
Technically, informal settlements, colloquially red to as
supply, sanitation, electricity, roads and drainage, schools,
squatters areas or iskwateran, can be defined as
health centers, and formal marketplaces. Water supply to
improvised residential communities in the urban fringes,
individual households is usually absent, or there may be a
inhabited by the very poor, usually migrants from the
few public or communal pipes provided. As a result,
countryside, who have no access to legally tenured land of
informal networks for the supply of water is resorted to.
their own and, hence, illegally or extralegally occupying
Similar improvised arrangements are also made for
vacant land, either private or public. The key characteristic
electricity, drainage, toilet facilities, etc., with little
that delineates an informal settler is their lack of
dependence on authorities or formal channels.
ownership of the land parcel on which they have built their
house. When land is not put to productive use or properly formal settlement households belong to the lower income
secured by the owner, it is appropriated by an informal either working as wage laborers or in various informal
settler for building a house. sector ses. On an average, most earn wages at or near the
minimum level, informal settlers are predominantly
Some locations where informal settlements tend to deve
migrants, either rural or urban-urban. But, many are also
include vacant government or private land; marginal land
second or third-generation informal settlers.
parcels such as railway and utilities setbacks; sites which
are unsuitable for other land use or undesirable locations The building of the shanty must be accomplished with a
such as beside landfills; and marshy land beside bodies of degree of speed and adaptability unmatched in the formal
water such as rivers, estuaries, and undeveloped sea construction sector. The speed of construction is crucial to
fronts. As an example, along the many steep banks of the evade the vigilance of the authorities monitoring the illegal
Pasig River and its tributaries are rows of fragile houses structures.
precariously erected on slender timber stilts and projecting
platforms. The similar structural system can also be found The temporary shanty, or barong-barong in local parlance,
in low-lying marsh lands where matrices of raised timber ical one-room dwelling, a spatial concept derived from the
catwalks interconnect the houses. weli ished vernacular building knowledge (learned from the
rustic barcy abo). As the bahay kubo draws its materials The space inside the shanty unit shows a very high level of
from its immediate site that teems with botanical building flexibility and accommodates different activities at
components, so does the urban shanty but from an different times of the day. Similar to the traditional house's
environment brimming with garbage and discarded concept of domesticity, the barong barong provides a
building materials, such as scrap wood, cardboard, or multifunctional, single-room space in which life's daily
plastic materials. routines are performed. Pressed by the logistics of survival,
the Inhabitants creatively transform the meager interior
Generally, the shanty has a lean-to roof (with a single
space, about six square meters (or 3 x 2 meters), into a
slope) constructed out of corrugated sheets, flattened
home with its shifting activity patterns of sleeping, cooking,
biscuit cans, metal sheets, tarpaulin from billboards, or
eating, and recreation.
transparent plastic sheets, among others. As a precaution
to typhoon winds, the roofs are kept in place by improvised In sites which enjoy some luxury of space, such as in areas
weights, such as stones, concrete hollow blocks, discarded with a wide road or an undeveloped plot, a de facto plaza is
car battery casings, rubber tires, metal meshes, or even formed for use by the community. Within this
plastic drums. The internal walls are of scrap plywood congregational space may be found communal amenities,
usually lined with cardboard carton fastened to the walls. sometimes built with the same Improvisational rigor as its
Plastic sheets line the wall inside or outside the wall sidings surrounding residences or created as more formal yet
as a waterproofing measure. Most often the entire family modest structures of steel or reinforced concrete. These
stays in one room, which has poor ventilation-only the air may take the form of basketball courts, stages, gymnasia,
circulation afforded by mechanical cooling appliances such chapels, or a permutation of these depending on
as electric fans, or air conditioners for those who can afford community consensus. As a communal space, it assumes
them. The residents do not have access to any traditional various functions depending on the occasion, from local
building material, such as thatch, in an urban setting. As a sporting events or liga, to the local fiestas and political
result, the very basic nature of its building materials is not sorties, funerals, and the like.
conducive for any kind of passive cooling. However, on a
The riverine settlement pattern of traditional villages is
broader level, the utilization of whatever building materials
resonated in the configuration of informal settlement
found shows a very high level of recycling and salvaging
communities along railroad tracks, creeks, and estuaries.
that is extremely sustainable. Nothing is wasted for
The penchant for siting the dwellings near rivers and lakes
erything is precious in a design language ruled by
insists on the primeval tradition of locating villages close to
juxtaposition of anguent materials found in the immediate
bodies of water not only for sourcing water supply but also
environment. Although chitecture is a revealing narrative
for transportation. If space is unavailable on dry land, the
of social deprivation brought by indigence, it is nonetheless
house is built directly over water and is suspended by stilts
expressive of its builder's (who is als mhabitant) ability to
above water to a height
creatively transform and improvise scrap and found
materials into a temporary space and makeshift The riverine settlement pattern of traditional villages is
settlement. In this context, garbage as construction resonated in the configuration of squatter communities
material has become an important input in the evolution of built along railroad easements, creeks, and estuaries.
the contemporary vernacular structure in the Third World
milieu. Slumming the Screen

Moreover, the diversity of building patterns depends on a Philippine cinema and television have provided
random availability of a great variety of building materials. architectural images of hight and dereliction to visually
The architecture of informal settlements is an interesting asymmetric social relations among characters. Such
case of a genuinely adaptive application of the vernacular imagery aims to simplistically retell the gaping social pola
mode in an urban environment. Residents are preoccupied that glorifies the values of destitution, while mapping the
with basic survival and have no wish to copy elements of a starting point of the poor man's difficult route from to
theoretical form language. They definitely apply an riches
aesthetic language, albeit, unwittingly executed in a This polarity of characterization (rich-poor/evil-good
"bahala na" philosophy of sporadic and incremental dualism) fosters a kind of realism that makes possible
intuitive process, juxtaposed with their want to create contrasts in the architectural backdrop of respective social
dwellings as beautiful and as comfortable as possible, stations. In the daily telenovela or soap opera, when clan is
utilitarian as it may be. portrayed as rich, the house is an ostentatious mansion, or
a well-furnished condominium unit emu from interior superimposing with an image of urban neglect an image of
design magazines. Characters converse under the light of modernity and urban celebration. They disrupt planned
crystal chandeliers. They conduct carefree lives in a urban coherence and resist state-initiated cosmetic urban
conspicuous environment garnished with fixtures like erasure as their dissonant architecture and makeshift
European furnitin paintings, carpets, enormous vases, a condition challenge urban eviction and dislocation imposed
grandfather's clock, and a swimming pool-all of nouveau on them by homelessness, Squalor and violence, dirt and
riche domicile projecting itself as a locus of power. ments criminality, and prostitution and gambling are trademarks
of of these informal settlements. The trauma and violence of
demolition as a way to exorcise the unsightly informal
On the other hand, the slum provides the stark counter-
communities is captured in films like Demolisyon (1997)
imagery for this surplus of wesith. Easily dismissed a
and Hubog (2001).
unplanned and spontaneous agglomeration of migrant
populations, the high-density sium settlement is seen a In the late 1940s and 1950s, the cinematic representation
community of the impoverished constituted by tightly of the squatter zeroes in on the terrain of komiks-mode
packed shanty units that share walls and are forced expand melodrama and comedy, which failed to deliver audiences
upwards due to the scarcity of land. Such a neighborhood from the romanticized realm of poverty. Victory Joe (1946),
is preconceived as the vortex of all society's and Backpay (1948). Lupang Pangake (1949) 48 Oras (1950),
marginalization. Roberta (1951), Basahang Ginto (1952). Batas ng Daigdig
(1952). Islewater (1953), and Palasyong Pawid (1955)
Cinema and television show that the squatter architecture
locate the urban saga amidst postwar reconstruction and
and its locale is more than what meets the eye. It is an a
destitution.
that grips the audience in a potential spell-the promise of a
better tomorrow-conjuring a consciousness of hope world Few studios dared to lift the veil of the squatter ghetto as a
that triumphs over material poverty and rises above the site of social formation and strife. Eddie Romero's Buhay
limited destinies posed by the deprived space. Almany (1952) derives its significance from the use of a
neorealist style to depict the interwoven lives of the urban
The obtrusive disparity in the depiction of the rich and the
pour in the rundown part of Manila in a comedic mode.
poor in architectural terms is necessary to sustain drama of
the great class divide. The squatter shanty is presented as a Postwar slum development is best captured in Lamberto
site of sordid domesticity defined by struggles and Avellana's classic Anak Dalita (1956). The story re around a
oppression (with an exception from television sitcom Korean War veteran and a prostitute trying to survive
portrayals like John en Marsha or Home Along Riles where poverty in the war-ravaged slum of Manila y a style derived
human misery is absent). From a vantage point of social from Italian neorealism, Avellana's film takes us to the
realist directors, the slum is a product of a huge wave of world of the walled slum of Intr in the bombed-out shell of
internal migration, spawning chaos in the city that is the church where each shanty attaches itself to the brick
unprepared to accommodate so many new arrivals and the wall of the church structural support.
continuous provincial exodus. The lure of city life, urban
Maverse (1958), directed by Gregorio Fernandez,
modernity, and the unfulfilled promise of a better life in
underscores a visual motif of the railroad tracks that na just
the city have fueled the plot of Lino Brocka's films.
through the community, but also through the lives of its
The cinematic slum takes a variety of morphologies and characters. Geron Busabos: Ang Batang Quipe saconsfully
locations. Along the railroad easements (Malvarosa, Home snatches mements of visual poetry from the film's grimy
Along the Riles, Biyaheng Langit); In vacant private or idle and derelict setting as its characters t survive in the bowels
government properties (Insiang. Jaguar, Bona, Mga Batang of the big city.
Yagit, Demolisyon, Plla Balde): inside cemeteries (Babae sa
The New Wave Cinema of the 1970s gave graphic
Bubungang Lata): along riverbanks and esteros (Home
depictions of the Manila slum area. The new wave film ser
Along the River, Batang Quiapo, Geron Busabos); in
sought to advocate the rights of the disenfranchised and
reclaimed foreshore areas (Lucia, Hubog, Bulaklak ng
the urban poor. It attempted to expose the Third w social
Maynila): in garbage heaps and dumpsites (Pasan Ko ang
contradictions by focusing on the problems of the urban
Daigdig, Maynila sa Kuko ng Liwanag); in-shells of ruined
and rural lower classes who were confronted ed by
and dilapidated buildings Dalita, Scorpio Nights, Macho
starvation, violence, urban alienation, and economic
Dancer): along sidewalks, public streets, and in homeless
exploitation. Nowhere is this tendency evident than fi
carts (Mila). shanty communities proliferate like barnacles,
atributed to Lino Brocka, a trenchant critic of the Marcos and resided in the landfills of Pay und her love interest and
government. her main rival are from an affluent family living in a
mansion where she used to work as a housemaid. The
Brocka's films plot the physical and human geography of
concept of poverty pornography or "poverty porn" has
the squatters to expose the contradictions, desires and
become a popular thematic device which, at best,
convulsive energy lurking among its inhabitants. Here, the
dramatizes the luxury of space-private space in particular-
camera is witness to hard-edged realism and mery
as a symbol of social power, and at worst romanticizes the
portraying the said habitations as spaces cut off from the
squalor of informality as a crucible of society's ills. Films
prosperity pledges i Marcosian modernity pathological
such as Kubrador (2006). Pamilya Ordinaryo (2016), and
architecture ridicules the very essence of Imeldific urban
Ma' Rosa (2016) capitalize on the scenographic metaphor
cosmetics of the true, the good, and walls and cordoned off
of the informal settlement-in its various iterations from
through lush vegetal screens in the guise of an urban
curb-side living to cramped, improvised quarters-as
"Green
representations of the informal settlers' plight and their
Urban decay and the shattering indictment of the city is the exploitation at the hands of those in power.
subject of Maynila sa ak story of a naive probinsiyano
Muslim Space and Philippine Islamic Architecture
engulfed in the big city's web of exploitation and poverty in
the asphalt jungle in search of a better life and of a lost
Islam in the Philippines
love. Insiang (1976) shows in the bud. Set against the
infamous Smokey Mountain, the garbage heap that
Islam was brought to the Philippines by means of two
became d (1975). It tells him as he sojo 15 nip innoce of the
cultural routes: Southeast Asia and the iberian Peninsula.
count economic downturn, the film examines the
When Muslim traders and missionaries came via the
hierarchies of street-corner mafias and slum dwel ne
nearest Southeast Asian outpost, they eventually settled
drama un within the space of the shanty where spatial
and systematically introduced a new culture to our
permeability tolerates voyeuristic gaze and sexual assalts.
ancestors in the Southern Philippines. The earliest evidence
Jaguar (1 revolves around a social climbing security guard
of Muslim presence in Sulu, and possibly of a Muslim
who becomes the fall guy of a criminal syndicate. A police d
settlement that can be found is the tomb of Tahun
towards the end of the film portrays the hell of a tragedy
Maqbalu (Muqbalu) who died in 710 AH ("Anno Hegirae"
that befalls the most desperate and helpless of charac in
or "In the Year of the Hijra" following the Islamic lunar or
Philippine film history.
Hijri calendar) or 1310 AD ("Anno Domini" or "In the Year
The slum as the governing trope of the anti-Marcos, social of our Lord" following the Gregorian calendar). With Spain
realist cinema of the 1970s has resurfaced in Jeffrey being under very strong Arabic influence from 732 to 1492
Jeturian's Fila Balde (1999). The story configures a milieu AD, the Spanish colonization of the Philippines added
that links a slum community with an urban mass-housing another dimension to the propagation of Muslim influence
pregram conceived by Imelda Marcos, the BLISS human in Philippine culture-allowing aspects of tbero-Islamic
settlement project. The failure of Bagong Lipunan culture to graft itself to the Christianized colonial culture.
modernity sed by the absence of water supply in the
middle-class architectural artifact and the unresolved The Islamization of Southeast Asia commenced between
problems mess in its vicinity. The slum, with its environs, the eighth and ninth century, a period when Arabs were
tight, labyrinthine alleys, and plywood shanties, is a source extensively trading with the Chinese. These traders
ready labor to sustain the daily operation of the nearby established trading centers in Southeast Asia as their
BLISS. Pushed by the logistics of survival, the dwellers fetch regular commercial stopovers on their way to China. But
water, peddle sex, and offer other services to the BLISS with the political upheaval in South China during the later
tenants-a telling image of class na turning point, arson period of the T'ang dynasty, foreign merchants, including
reduces the community to ashes, but the end shows the the Arabs, were expelled from China. They sought asylum
slum resurrecting from remains. in various areas of Southeast Asia, principally in Malaysia,
awaiting the restoration of order in China and the
a pitted against palatial mansions remain a prominent resumption of normal commercial ties with the Chinese.
visual trope explored in contemporary cinema has a
signification of class struggle and the dream of upward In the interim, these traders established new economic
social mobility. This is seen in telenovelas ko Sayo (2000- routes and emporia in the adjacent islands of Insular
2002) where the protagonist's family was impoverished Southeast Asia. As trade became firmly entrenched, the
stations of commerce developed into ports and business people. These Islamic communities were founded in many
hubs. Soon after, the Arab traders forged economic coastal parts of the Philippines during this period since it
relations among the wealthy and influential native was largely in these areas where Islam was first introduced
population. Marriage with the rich natives and local by visiting foreign traders and from where it systematically
headmen guaranteed the permanent consolidation of their spread. Three sultanates were thereby established after t
business partnership, often taking the daughter of the local the arrival and diffusion of the new religion: The Sultanate
chief who himself converted to Islam. of Sulu was the first to be formally established in 1450,
with Abu Bakr as its first sultan; the second consolidation
In these trade centers, the need for Muslim education was occurred within Maguindanao; and the third was within
soon felt. Muslim teachers and missionaries were also Lanao.
among the first transmitters
of the Islamic spirituality. They come from the Arab region, Communities which responded favorably to the ways of
from Baghdad, for instance. Islam were gathered together under the mosque, the locus
of communal spirituality. Islam acculturated the people to
Around the thirteenth century, a Muslim community in a novel way of life. With it came the alliance of economic
Sulu already existed. Historically, the introduction and and social influences into political power and authority. In
diffusion of Islam in the Philippines is attributed to Tuan Sulu, the oldest mosque is in Tubig, Indangan, Simunul
Masha'ika and later to Karim ul Makhdum, the leading islands. The original mosque, built in the fourteenth
figures in the Islamization of Sulu, who came to mentor the century, is attributed to Karim ul-Makhdum. It has been
children of the rich merchants of Sulu and assimilate all the reconstructed many times.
people in the area to the message of Allah. In fact, the first
to c to Islam were the trading partners of the Muslim In Maguindanao, most of the Maguindano tarsilas-written
merchants. With the arrival of more Islamic teachers, the genealogical accounts interwoven with oral traditions or
faith spread rapidly and reached convers as far as Luzon. folklore-impart an impression that the work of conversion
There is no historical evidence that the native people was mainly the singular work of Sharif Muhammad
resisted the coming of a new religion. Kabungsuwan around 1515. It is asserted that the process
of religious conversion in these areas was a result of the
Through the support of the affluent and newly converted institution of a system of political alliances and plural
business partners, the spread of the new religion gained an marriages on the part of Kabungsuwan after he had been
unprecedented mileage throughout the region. One able to install himself as the ruler of Maguindanao.
explanation for the rapid Islamic expansion in the
Philippines may be the conversion of community leaders. Peralan influence is evident in t the onion domes and
This was crucial in the spread of the religion as the local elaborate minarets of one of the first mosques built after
leadership compelled their subjects to embrace Muslim the Second World War in Mindanao.
beliefs.
Muslim personalities pose for a photo Inside the studio of
Some scholars argued, however, that the indigenous Francisco Pertlerra, a Spanish photographer In 1887
population themselves were simply and spontaneously (Above)
attracted to Islam because o the beautiful rituals, stories,
and art. Moreover, the feeling of belongin to a larger A group of Maranaos and their chieftain in front of their
community, to a group of equal people-the brotherhood communal abode (Belave)
Islam-convinced the natives to the path of conversion.
Many nativ practices survived, and people found ways to Moro women posing in front their communal house. The
combine the Islami religion with their local beliefs, underfloor space of the house is shielded by a spit bamboo
traditions, and practices that led t the development of folk- screen. The living area is raised on log piles rising more
Islamic traditions. Islam contributed to the than a meter above ground. (Above)
consolidation of communities ruled by an independent
datuship and restructured these communities within the Maranao traditions cite the arrival of Sharif Alawi to what
centralized framework of politico-religious sultanates. is now known as Misamis Oriental. Written and oral lore
Through the sultanate, the leadership was bestowed upon also tell of the spread of Alawi's teachings in Lanao and
the sultan who exercised paramount authority over the Bukidnon. By all accounts, Islam was brought to Lake Lanao
by the datus who were converted to the faith by means of areas where Islamic law prevails, Muslims are the majority
marriage alliances with Muslim Iranuns and Maguindanao population, or Muslims have freedom to practice their
datus, predominantly with the former. religion). The ummah, therefore, transcends long-
established tribal boundaries to create a degree of political
The Islamic tradition found favorable reception from the unity among the Muslim faithful.
natives of the Sulu archipelago, Basilan, Palawan, and
Mindanao-predominantly the Samal, Badjao, Tausug, Jama Philippine Muslims constitute some thirteen ethnolinguistic
Mapun, Yakan, Maranao, Iranon, and Maguindanao. They communities. The major groups include the Tausug of Sulu,
wholeheartedly embraced the new culture and integrated Samal of Tawi-tawi, Yakan of Basilan, Maranao of the
it into their own traditional way of life. The wisdom derived Lanao Provinces, and the Maguindanao of the Cotabato
from the Qur'an (also written as Koran), the Islamic holy region. With such plurality of ethnolinguistic roots from
text believed to have come directly from Allah, and the which Islamic tradition was grafted upon, Filipino Muslims
Hadith, the collection of sayings and acts of the prophet over history have varied widely in their cultural lives
Muhammad (second only to the Qur'an in importance as though they share certain practices dependent on space.
source of Islamic doctrine and law) became the vortex of
their belief system. Islamic theology affects all aspects of Muslim life. Muslims'
submission of their will to Allah ideally appropriates space
With the colonization of the Philippines by Spain beginning and reorganizes temporality. Salat (formal prayer) requires
in the sixteenth century came the influx of Mudejar culture space both physically and mentally. Fasting makes
to the archipelago. Before the ascendancy of Ferdinand demands of mental and spiritual space, while altering
and Isabella to the Spanish throne, the central and temporality. The hajj demands its space and time. In salat,
southern parts of Spain were under Umayyad Islamic reign for instance, boundaries are formed when the prayer space
from the eighth century-collectively known as the region Al is isolated even in a plain prayer rug. The calling of the
Andalus. Islamic influence is predominant in the Southern adhan (the summon for an obligatory prayer) and the
regions of Spain in present-day Andalusia, where Moorish iqamah (to stand up for a prayer) signals movement from
leaders once built their palaces, such as in Cordoba, Seville, one reality to another as the Muslims stand before Allah. In
and Granada. The Alhambra, for example, stands as an salat, the individual merges with the global ummah in a
architectural testament to the strong Islamic legacy in time for God that is distinct and boundless. Both the
Spain. Through the Spanish Inquisition, many conquered practical needs of ritual and the profound juncture of the
Muslims converted to Christianity, often through brute coterminous nature of the time and space of salat with the
force. These Christianized Moors were called "mudejar" time and space of the world have a fundamental influence
and were allowed to stay in Spain, bringing their own on space.
traditions to Spanish architecture, evolving a style of
architecture that resulted from their interaction with the Muslim art and architecture heavily employs tessellation of
Iberian culture that was named after them. The Mudejar geometric patterns as a form of ornamentation. (Above)
influence is manifested in the design of some colonial
churches, Industrial, and commercial buildings in the Muslim scholar Abraham Sakili maintains that Islamic
Philippines bullt during the Spanish colonial era. architecture is entangled with Islamic space, and the
understanding of the Muslim concept and use of such
Philippine Muslim Concept of Space space should be probed in relation to the fundamental
Islamic doctrine of Tawhid. Tawhid is further elaborated
As one religio-cultural group bound together by Islam and through the articulation of Islamic Cosmology and view of
common historical experience, the Philippine Muslims Man as Khalifa or Vice-regent of God in this world. The
belong to a larger Islamic and Southeast Asian grouping. In correlation of these three principles, he substantiates, has
the Southern Philippines there is no boundary that a profound and direct bearing on the Islamic concept and
separates Mindanao and Sulu from the Celebes and use of space on Muslim architecture.
Borneo, and from the rest of the Islamic cosmos for they
are all affiliated under the universal ummah (Arabic for a Tawhid means "Unity" or "Oneness of God." It is the single
community with a shared history) and incorporated into most important doctrine of Islam, which at the basic
the global religious community called dar al-Islam (Arabic semantic level means monotheism. The Islamic Tawhid, as
for "the home of Islam", or "territory of Islam", referring to an all-governing concept, considers everything in relation
and in unity with Allah. Conversely, the sin against Tawhid space considered sacred by believers. Muslim architects
is called shirk (from Arabic, literally translates to attempt to craft an environment in which the transient and
"association"), which is the deification or worship of temporal characters of material things are emphasized and
anything besides Allah. This sin-comparable to a sin against within which the sparseness and vaculty of the
the first commandment in the Judeo-Christian tradition architectural container is bestowed with prominence.
which forbids idolatry-is considered grave and unforgivable Surface decoration, therefore, reduces the importance of
in Islam. This influences the design sensibilities of Islamic structural elements by redirecting the attention away from
art and architecture in that a preference for non- natural materials to the abstract denaturalized
representational forms is the norm for religious art, filtered ornamentation of buildings. The percipience of space leads
through the cultural nuances of the societies that have one to reflect on the divine.
received it. The resistance to naturalistic representation
originates from the belief that the act of creation of living Intertwined with Tawhid is the Muslim view of the
forms and perfect beings is the exclusive work of Allah and universe. The Islamic cosmos is based on the emphasis
humanity is only capable of recreating nature poorly. In upon God as the Unique Origin of all things or beings on
some cultures, as in the Southeast Asia and Persia for the hierarchy of existence who are all dependent upon
instance, a certain degree of leniency towards figurative Him. The Muslim views the cosmos or the whole of nature
proscription is observed, thus the incorporation of botanic in all its dimensions not as a phenomenon divorced from
forms or mythical figures in ornamentation. Moreover, the real world, but as signs of God. Islamic cosmology ranks
Muslim aesthetics and architectural ornamentation have God at the top and, at the same time, recognizes His
always been the pursuit of geometrization and encompassing presence in every dimension in the Muslim
denaturalization of form to divert one's imagination away "hierarchy" of creation.
from human nature and direct the thoughts toward the
contemplation of the divine. klam instructs its believers Muslim settlement patterns are dominated by a spatial
that no material things should be considered sacred, again locus established by the mosque or Imagid Protected areas,
for fear of committing shirk. Thus, there is a widespread called haram, meaning "Inviolate zone," were sanctuaries
use of calligraphic inscriptions, lifted from the verses of the or places where contending parties could settle disputes
Qur'an, as ornament on Muslim structures in order to shift peacefully. Towns were built usually near a river which
human consciousnes from the material world to the realm provided drinking and domestic water (upstream) and
of spirituality. carried away waste and sewage (downstream), The harams
were typically positioned to ensure access to parkland and
A Muslim believes that the Qur'an is the precise and literal nature, to restrict urban sprawl, protect water courses and
words Allah; thus, inscriptions must be inscribed in Arabic, watersheds. (Below left and right)
the language divine revelation. The choice of Qur'anic
verses may be dictated b building's function. For instance, The Kaaba and the Hajj
the following verse is most commo inscribed on mosque
doorways: The Kaaba, a humble building of stone, many times rebuilt,
is the axis mundi of Islamic cosmology. The Kaaba is
"The mosques of Allah shall be visited and maintained by believed to have been constructed at God's command by
such as those who believe in Allah and the Last Day, Abraham and his son Ishmael. It is located on the site
establish regular prayers, and practice regular charity, and which many believe to have been a sanctuary founded by
fear none (at all) except Allah. It is they who are expected Adam, the first man. In the pre-Islamic era, it functioned as
to be on true guidance." (Qur'an 9:18) a shrine to 360 Arabian divinities, and it was not until 630
(Christian Era) that Muhammad overthrew these divinities
A designer, therefore, who applies Islamic calligraphy, and rededicated the shrine to the one true God. It is
vegetal reliefs, or geometric patterns in intertwining and diagonally oriented, with its overthre corners facing the
continuous patterns to architecture yearn for, above all, cardinal points. The Kaaba and the al-Masjid al-Haram
the creation of a visual pattern that will deliver the viewer surrounding it contain a number of objects and structures
to an Instinctive perception of divine transcendence. The related to Abraham, Muhammad, and the divine
basic structural components of the mosque are concealed revelations of Allah to them and their families. One of
through an elaborate but infinitely repeating geometric these is the Black Stone, believed to be a meteorite set into
pattern, for the architecture of the mosque encloses a a corner of the Kaaba, and said to have been given by God
to man. These structures and objects are important parts humility and reverence, best attained in the mosque, which
of the Islamic pilgrimage rubrics and are tangible in its Arabic equivalent, masjid, literally translates to a
expressions of the link between the human and the divine. "place of prostration." The function is clearly established in
Sura 24, Aya 36:
Every year, two million pilgrims visit Mecca to perform the
hall (pilgrimage). The haij can only be performed in the In houses which Allah has permitted to be exalted and that
12th lunar month of the Islamic calendar. Pilgrimages to His name may be remembered in them, there glorify Him
Mecca conducted in the other months, called the umrah, is therein in the mornings and the evenings (Qur'an 24:36).
not required of all Muslims, and has its own set of rituals.
During the Tawaf, one of the required rituals of the haij Architecturally, the mosque's basic shape is derived from
and umrah pilgrimages, the pilgrims circumambulate the early Christian churches, with their important entry
Kaaba seven times, resembling an immense whirlpool courtyards, and from Middle Eastern courtyard houses,
when seen from the minaret. This ritual demonstrates the possibly because the Prophet Muhammad, Arab founder of
unity in prayer of the Islamic cosmos, professing their faith the Islamic faith, addressed his first followers in the
in Allah. courtyard of his house.

The diversity of space in the Islamic universe is aligned and At the outset of its inception, the mosque structure
polarized by means of a focal point in Mecca, which is the consisted only of a courtyard bordered by a wall, patterned
Kaaba, a square building inside the al-Masjid al-Haram (the after Muhammad's house in Medina, Saudi Arabia, which
Sacred Mosque) in Mecca. The Kaaba is the most sacred consisted of a courtyard surrounded by a brick wall of living
architectural site of Islam. It is the liturgical axis or qibla rooms and a latrine. This courtyard was the place where
(direction of prayer) with which the mihrab of every the early Muslims congregated for daily prayers. This first
mosque is aligned. Every Muslim turns toward its direction embryonic mosque, characterized by an open
to pray. Muslims pay high reverence to the Kaaba not as an quadrangular court, soon developed into a building
object of worship but as a point of convergence where the complex equipped with a number of functional and
spiritual and material life of the Muslims comes into decorative elements and incorporating spatial
contact. arrangements unique from components and buildings of
earlier religions.
The spot on which the Kaaba is constructed is believed to
be the first part of the world to be created. It is the axis The Traditional Elements of a Mosque
mundi of the Muslim cosmos, being the location at which
communication between celestial and terrestrial realms is The mosque, as it developed in the Arabian Peninsula and
possible. The harmony, dimension, stability, and symmetry its neighboring states, has become the quintessential
of the Kaaba are design principles that inspire and guide image of a Muslim place of worship. The Minaret (1) is the
Muslim designers and builders all over the Islamic world. first thing worshippers see when they approach a mosque.
Traditionally, it was believed that the adhan or the call to
The Mosque and the Axis of Prayer prayer to is made here, but recent scholarship also indicate
that the minaret serves as a marker of a mosque, and by
At the core of Islamic law stand the Five Pillars (In Arabic, it extension, a Muslim community-the same way a belfry or
literally means "corners"). This does not equate to an campanile in a church is a marker for a Christian
architecture of faith that is pentagonal, for the Pillars are community. The Ablution Fountain (2) is where
configured in a pattern of a quincunx (an arrangement of worshippers wash their hands, face, and feet before
five objects in a square, with four at the corners and one in entering the Prayer Hall (3) in order to ensure that they are
the center). The First Pillar, the shahada (the profession of pure. The wall of the mosque that faces the qibla or the
faith that begins with the verse "There is no God but Allah direction of Mecca (indicated by arrow) is marked with the
and Muhammad is the prophet of Allah") is at the center to Mihrab or Prayer Niche (4) which is a very sacred area of
which the remaining four are ipheral: salat (prayer); siyam the mosque. It is also important acoustically as it allows the
(fasting); zakat (charity tax), and haj (pilgrimage). The voice to resonate during prayer. The mimbar is a pulpit
Pillars which have an architectural implication are the salat from which the Friday sermon is preached.
and the halj. Through worship, the congregation of the
faithful becomes one with God in a sublime state of The mosque can be defined as a building erected over an
invisible axis. This axis is the principal determinant of the The dome is a cosmic symbol in almost every religious
mosque design. The Muslim universe is distributed like a tradition. In Islam, it represents the vault of heaven in the
centrifugal wheel with Mecca as the hub, with lines drawn same way that a garden prefigures Paradise. Since the
from all mosques in the world forming the spindle. These dome stands for heaven, the Paradisal Tree provides an
lines converge on the city of Mecca and the center point is appropriate motif to decorate its interior surface.
the Kaaba. Mecca, the birthplace of Muhammad, Is Islam's
sacred city and the goal of the pilgrimage. In the Philippines, the ablution area or the wudu is the
nearby river or lake where the mosque is strategically
Prayer, the Second Pillar, can be construed as the use of sited. In the absence of natural bodies of water, a tank that
the horizontal axis by which one relates to the vertical axis is built near the mosque suffices. The ablution area
as represented by the Kaabu. The mosque becomes emphasizes water as an Islamic symbol of initiation. Similar
grounded around a single horizontal axis, the qibla, which to Christianity, water, is a vehicle of purification and
traverses invisibly down the middle of the floor and, issuing assumes a sacramental status in Islam. Ablution may be
from the far wall, terminates eventually in Mecca. The total or partial depending on the state of ritual impurity in
orientation of th edifice along the qibla is in compliance which the worshipper finds himself.
with the regulation provided b Sura 2 Ayah 145, which
states that: The entrance to the mosque stands as another barrier for
the purpose of demarcating pure and impure areas. It is at
And now We will turn you indeed towards a Qibla which this threshold that worshippers remove their footwear
shall please you. So turn your face [in prayer] toward the before entering the mosque. This is to preclude the
Sanctified Mosque, and ye [o Muslims] wheresoever ye possibility of ritually impure substances adhering to the
find yourselves, turn your faces [likewise] toward it. soles and being deposited on the mosque floor. Shoes are
(Qur'an 2:145). left in racks at the entrance or set against the walls. In
addition to the removal of footwear, the congregants
Trimmed to its essentials, the mosque, therefore, is no should properly cover their heads as a sign of respect for
more than a wall at right angles to the qibla axis. At the the Divinity.
point where the qibla axis intersects with the wall an
indentation is produced, a directional niche called the Formal prayer in Islam consists of repeated sequences of
mihrab, which is a liturgical axis made visible. The mihrab is standing, bowing, prostration, and genuflection. Islamic
the visual and liturgical climax of the mosque. It is in prayer is not only a mental and verbal act but also a
relation to the qibla axis that the principal liturgical physical one involving the entire being, Prayer is
furniture is distributed and arranged. The imam, as the established at four levels: the individual, the congregation,
leader of mosque prayer, stands just within the niche. To the total population of a town, and the entire Muslim
the right of the mihrab stands the mimbar, a raised pulpit world. Distinct liturgical structures correspond to three of
where the imam delivers his sermons. these levels. The first is the masjid, the mosque used for
dally prayer by individuals or small groups but not for
The mihrab or directional niche of the Golden Mosque of Friday worship. A Muslim can pray in any place that is
Quiapo. To the right of the mihrab is a raised pulpit called clean; a prayer rug also corresponds to this level. Prayer is
mimbar, where the imam delivers his sermons. (Below) held at five liturgical hours: dawn, noon, afternoon, sunset,
and evening. The second is the jami, the congregational
The minaret, the dome, and the ablution area comprise the Friday prayer held at the mosque, which is obligatory for all
external features of the mosque. The muezzin, a mosque male Muslims who have reached the age of reason. The
official, summons Muslims to prayer from a minaret five third, although not a mosque but an open space, is the
times a day. The minaret requirement for height is directly idgah or musalla (place of prayer), which serves as a site of
proportional to its ability to reach a wider acoustic communal worship on special occasions, including the two
coverage. The higher its elevation, the greater is the area chief Muslim festivals, the Eid al-Fitr and the Eid al-Adha. In
over which the sound can be distributed. However, with the end, the mosque represents the place where a
the advent of electronic sound amplification, the minaret is concerted submission of all Muslims to a monotheistic God
fitted with loudspeakers, rendering the muezzin's balcony is publicly performed. Compliant with the religious belief in
obsolete. egalitarianism, there is no formal hierarchy in the simple
rituals. Usually the only religious dignitaries involved in the
organization of religious practices are the khatib, or space. Commonly built in rural areas, its design is no
teacher, and the imam, or the prayer leader. different from Southeast Asian prayer houses. The masjid,
on the other hand, is commonly associated with any
The absence of an ablution fountain building that includes a dome and a minaret as an integral
part of the design regardless of period styles.
or wudu as an architectural element in Philippine mosques,
was compensated by siting the mosque near a natural body Among the older generations of Muslims, the word 'masjid
of water. (Above) is used interchangeably with the langgal to signify a place
of worship of whatever dimension or stylistic persuasion.
Interior of Blue Mosque in Taguig City (Below) The masjid is differentiated from the langgal by its larger
and more permanent structure, stone foundations, and its
A typical masjid has designated areas for male and female location near a river or body of water. It is only in the
congegants (Bottom) masjid where the Friday noon assembly prayers (with
sermon) and two important Muslim festivals may be held.
The Architecture of the Philippine Mosque The ranggar or langgal, on the other hand, is somewhat
synonymous to a small chapel made of semipermanent
The Qur'an contains no special or specific instruction for materials built for the convenience of the worshippers who
the architectural form of its worship space. Filipino Muslim live far from the masjid.
architects are free to interpret these basic requirements in
accordance with their own preexisting ideas. They have no In the Philippines, up until the end of the Pacific War, the
exact Indigenous equivalent from which to pattern the mosques were mainly constructed of wood. They were all
mosque. The mosque is a totally new building type. The roofed over a space big enough for at least forty (or forty-
physical features of early Philippine mosques have been four in Sulu) worshippers, the number required to render a
ascertained through the amalgamation of Islamic, Chinese, Friday congregational prayer legitimate in accordance with
and Indigenous notions about the form which sacred the parameters of the Shafi'l school of jurisprudence. While
architecture should assume. the general features of Philippine mosques approximate
the traditional Islamic type of mosque, some of their
There is a dearth of knowledge regarding the evolution of characteristics are peculiar to the country. For one, the
mosque typology in the Philippines, including the history of sahn or wide enclosed courtyard furnished with an ablution
its architectural design. This fact may be explained by the fountain is generally absent; instead, a seating area with
following reasons: 1) much of the earliest types of mosques benches is provided outside the mosque where
built by early missionaries of Islam were made of materials worshippers may sit and talk while waiting for the next
prone to deterioration and deflant to permanence, such as prayer. Similarly, the mimbar (elevated pulpit) is not high
wood, bamboo, and cogon; 2) the extant earlier types of unlike those of Africa and Western Asia. An elevated
mosques were either demolished, destroyed during platform, a chair or any similar furniture can replace and
earthquakes, or were reconstructed and remodeled to function as a mimbar in some mosques. Here, the preacher
conform to modern architectural types sourced from delivers a sermon during Friday congregational prayers.
Middle Eastern designs; 3) the annual pilgrimage to Mecca Furthermore, the call to prayer is usually done not on tall
radically transformed all early mosques, as these pilgrims minarets, but inside the mosques. Hanging drums,
were acquainted wit Islamic buildings and sought to variously called tabo jabu-jabu, or dabu-dabu, are beaten
replicate their sacred experience derive from these to summon the worshipper from afar to the mosque.
Idealized Islamic monuments in their own locales. Among the Yakan, a bamboo drum is used for calling
people to worship. But this practice is discouraged by the
There are two types of traditional structures used by Ulama, a body of religious scholars and leaders who have
Philippine Muslim: for worship: the langgal (Tausug and jurisdiction over legal and social matters for the people of
Yakan) or ranggar (Maranao), and the masjid or maskid. Islam, because of its Jewish origin.
The terms all denote a "mosque." Langgal, which literally
means "to meet," comes from the Javanese langgar, While minarets may be present in most Philippine
referring to an Indonesian prayer house (Budi, 2004). It is mosques, they are not functional unlike those in the
mosque that can accommodate a small group of Middle East and India. With the advent of electronic sound
worshippers who assemble every Friday in such a spiritual amplifiers, minarets are instead reduced to mere
decorative vertical appendages, but they remain an architectural element favored by the Mughals who spread
essential Iconic element of the mosque. Some minarets are the style in Persla (present-day Iran), the Indian sub
installed with loudspeakers to preserve its traditional continent, and Asia. (Above)
architectural function. Nowadays, a microphone is placed
right beside the mosque where the imam stands. This is the Some mosques have separate entrances for male and
place where the adhan is called. female. worshippers, while others have common entrances
for both sexes. Inside the mosque is a white cloth hung to
Aside from the minarets, another ever-present iconic segregate the males from the female congregants. Other
element of Philippine mosques is the crescent and star mosques have a mezzanine-like structure in its interior
ornament that surmount the bulbous domes. The use of devoted for female prayer. Women usually stay at the back
okir carving and the buraq (centaur)-a mythical winged of the men during worship.
creature, half-human, half-horse-and other motifs in highly
colorful designs is also a local introduction. The mosques of The strongest influence on local masjid morphologies stem
Lanao are unique for the presence of an inverted jar from Nusantara, the ancient name derived from the
(perhaps originating from the Sung or Ming dynasty) placed Javanese words nusa (island) and antara (between), which
at the apex of the dome (known locally as obor-obor). This describes the Southeast Asian archipelago that includes
Chinese jar is considered as a posaka (heirloom) among the Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines-owing to the
Maranaos. This jar and the pagoda-like silhouette of the Muslim migration in the region. The Nusantara masjid is a
early mosque in Lanao provide evidence of a strong multi-tiered bamboo or wooden structure reminiscent of a
Chinese influence among the Maranaos. Chinese pagoda or Javanese temple, a mosque prototype
predominantly found in the contemporary Indonesian
A multi-tiered maid capped by an ornamental pinacle in archipelago and the Malay Peninsula. There are varying
Bacolod, Lanao, circa 1910. The walls were made of stone hypotheses over the roots of this design, but the most
and the multilayered roof was covered with thatch (Top) plausible ones point to the structure's roots in the
traditional Javanese community building (Budi, 2004). The
The buraq is the legendary beast. a winged horse with the regionally characteristic roof consists of three ascending
face of a woman and the tall of a peacock, on which layers of flared pyramidal roofs separated by gaps to allow
Muhammad ascend to heaven (Above) air and light into the building. These tiers are held aloft by
four great columns in the center called soko guru (Budi,
The Taraka Mosque in Lanao del Sur (Left) 2006; Wismantara, 2012), extending to outer columns for
the lower, wider roofs. The centralized, vertical hierarchy
A pagada-like mosque in Lanao del Sur, which may be lends the structure to a square plan only disrupted by a
classified as a langgal (Belmo) small section of the porch area of the iwan, which juts from
the front of the mosque. Locally, the roof layers may
Datu Untong Balabaran Mosque at Taviran, Maguindanao assume a three-tiered, five tiered, or seven-tiered
is an excellent specimen of early superstructure, decorated with pottery finials at its
multi-tlered mosque design In the Philippines (Opposite pinnacle. Scholars of Southeast Asian architecture agree
page) that the Javanese mosque, which is characterized by its
multilayered roof capped by an ornamental pinnacle, is
A post card of a masjid in Lake Lanao in the early 1900s. actually a design pattern that had its o in China where the
Prior to the Second World War, masjids were multi-tiered pyramidal roof and rooftop ornament have be known for
bamboo or wooden structures reminiscent of Chinese centuries.
pagodas or Javanese temples. This mosque archetype is
predominant in the Indonesian archipelago and the Malay It also bears resemblance to the candi and meru tower
Peninsula (Top) found in Southeast Asian Hindu-Buddhist temples. This
architectural cross-wiring may be attributed to close
A mosque in Lanao, built in the 1950s, combined the multi- diplomatic ties established by the Chinese Ming dynasty
tiered roof with an onlon-shaped dome. Air travel allowed with many Muslim states in the Southeast Asian
many Muslim Filipinos to perform the hell In Mecca, archipelago. In fact, the Ming dynasty (1368-1644 AD)
exposing them to Middle Eastern mosques that had a brought Islam to China under the aegis of Emperor Chu
bulbous dome on squinches. The bulbous dome was an Yuan-chang (better known as Hung Wu), who traced his
Muslim roots to Medina and commanded the building of a approximately in 1515. Its construction was credited to
mosque in Nanjing after he ascended to the throne. Sharief Kabungsuwan, who founded the Sultanate of
Maguindanao. The Datu Untung Balabaran. Mosque in
The multilayered roof of the pagoda-style mosque is Datu Odin Sinsuat, Maguindanao follows the Nusantara
exemplified by the oldest standing mosque in the style of mosque construction, with a tiered square
Philippines found in Tubig, Indangan, Simunul islands, structure profusely adorned with okir. From Maguindanao,
Tawi-tawl. This mosque, built in 1380, is attributed to Islam proliferated in the areas of the Maranao through
Sheikh Karimul Makhdum, one of the first Arab marriage alliances. Adherence to Islamic faith consequently
missionaries who brought Islam to the Philippines. The led to the construction of mosques.
mosque is square in plan, with huge posts at its corner. It
has a main enclosure of a gabled roof made of palm leaves The genesis of the first mosque in Lanao can be inferred
with the lower roof supported by smaller posts enriched through oral traditions. Two conflicting oral accounts claim
with okir carving Scholars claimed that the Simunul the existence of the oldest mosque in the area, Common to
mosque had undergone modification and reconstruction in both oral traditions is the claim that the first mosque built
several instances in the past; specifically, its roofing of for the Maranaos was in Ditsaan, but they differ only was in
palm leaves may have been replaced over time and its floor pitsad as to the architectural sponsorship. As asserted by
area may have been extended at various times. But its four, the Taraka people, who settled at the eastern side of Lake
huge wooden posts of ipil, whose surfaces are fully Lanao, the Babo-Rahman Mosque, which was constructed
elaborated with okir reliefs, are believed to be authentic to by Apo Balindog, is the oldest. Babo comes from the Arabic
the original mosque. word baab, which means door, and Rahma symbolically
signifies the "door of mercy." In a sense, it is the first
Two photographs of the Simunul mosque, one shot in 1923 mosque erected symbolizing the conversion of the people
and another in 1975, reveal the degree of modification that to a new faith. However, other sources mention the
the structure had undergone in less than a hundred-year mosque built in Bundi Alao in the inged (township) of
period. In the first shot, the mosque appears as a slightly Ditsaan (presently a part of the Ditsaan-Ramain
elevated, box-like wooden structure with a gabled roof of municipality) as the pioneering mosque in the area.
palm typical of Nusantara-type masjids, while in the second
photo, the palm roof had been replaced by a two-tiered, Another mosque style, whose prominent feature is the
pyramidal roof of Iron sheets over which a slender minaret- bulbous dome (also called the onion-shaped dome) on
like tower is capped by a bullet shaped dome. squinches, emerged as a result of exposure to mosques in
the Middle East in the course of visiting Mecca for the hajj.
To commemorate the 600 years of Islam in the Philippines, The bulbous dome was favored particularly by the Mughals
the Simunul Mosque was again renovated in 1982. With a who spread it in Persia, the Indian subcontinent, and Asia.
political pretext, the Marcos government funded the As this form of high Islamic-style architecture was allowed
project as a means to portray the regime's deference to to Interface with indigenous mosque styles, changes were
Muslim culture and to appease the Filipino Muslims who introduced to localize the Middle Eastern style in terms of
were, at the time, up in rebellion against the state. The materials and methods of construction. For instance, the
contemporary Simunul Mosque now has a central dome dome was modified from circular to octagonal because it is
and a detached minaret, which recalls the stepped more convenient to construct a polygonal dome than a
contours of the minaret of Samarra Mosque in Iraq. Parts rounded one using wooden framework, Initially fitted onto
of the interior wall are lavished with okir and Qur'anic existing Nusantara type mosques.
calligraphic inscriptions. With all the architectural
Interventions, what remained from the original mosque are A replica of a traditional Maranao mosque showing Indo-
its soko guru of four hardwood posts. In 2013, the mosque, Malay Influeces in its multi-tiered architecture (Top)
officially known as the Sheikh Karimul Makhdum Mosque,
was declared by the Philippine government as a National An old wooden masjid in Binidayan, Lanao del Sur (Middle)
Historical Landmark through Republic Act 10573 and
declared as a National Cultural Treasure by the National Masjid at Bacolod Chico, Marawi,
Museum of the Philippines. Lanao del Sur (Below)

The first mosque in mainland Mindanao was constructed The gleaming white Bacolod Grande Mosque in Lanao del
Sur is laced with intricate precast concrete works (Opposite The tall minaret over the Masiid Asmaul Husna in Parang.
page) Maguindanao. (Delow, left)

The Hilal Masjid Al-Qudru in Sultan Kudarat, Maguindanao (Beline,

middle))
The hilal, or crescent moon, is an ancient symbol
associated with royalty. Among Muslims, It bears Masjid Kormatan in Lanao del Sur
resonance as it structures their religious life: the crescent (Below, right)
moon being a visible celestial symbol of the lunar cycle,
and by extension the Islamic lunar calendar or hijri. The The grand dome of the Ganasi Grand Mosque in Lanao del
name is derived from the Hijra, (Arabic for "departure," Sur
also known as Hegira), referring to the flight of Muhammad (Opposite page)
and his followers from Mecca to Medina, where the first
ummah was formed. The event has since been used as a Today, there are hundreds of mosques in many Muslim
marker for the Islamic calendar, denoted by the communities around the Philippines, a large percentage of
abbreviation AH-Anno Hegirae or "In the Year of the Hijra." which are built of permanent materials (reinforced
It is said that the crescent moon in the ninth hijri month concrete, marble, glazed tiles, prefabricated components,
signals the beginning of Ramadan. Although the hilal is the etc.) and heavily inspired by the orthodox, domed mosque
most recognized icon of Islam, there is no mention of such styles from West Asia, and North Africa. Outstanding
a symbol In the Qur'an, nor is there any relationship mosques of this style are the King Faisal Mosque at the
between the crescent and star, and the Prophet campus of the Mindanao State University, the Blue
Muhammad. Mosque in Maharlika Village in Taguig, the Grand Mosque
in Cotabato, the Islamic Center in Marawl, and the Pink
Historically, the symbol predates islam by several Mosque in Maguindanao. These mosques maintain the
centuries, used as far back as ancient Mesopotamia as traditional elements but incorporate modern ones in
symbols of the sun and moon gods. Because of the design and planning.
crescent moon's historic affinity with the pagan moon god
worship In ancient Arabia, some Muslims hold contempt The Grand Mosque of Cotabato, officially the Masjid Sultan
for the association of the hilal with Islam. The city of Haji Hassana Bolkiah, is the largest mosque in the
Byzantium (later known as Constantinople and Istanbul) Philippines with a capacity of 1,200 worshipers. It was built
adopted the crescent moon. as its symbol in honor of the in 2011 following the Middle Eastern style, designed by
said lunar deity. It was not until the emergence of the Felino Palafox. The mosque is named after the Sultan of
Ottoman Empire, which adopted the city's existing flag and Brunei Darussalam, who funded a significant portion of the
symbol, that the crescent moon became affiliated with the construction jointly with the Philippine Government.
Muslim world. Combined with a star, the hilal is a Symmetrical In plan, the edifice takes after the Central
prominent feature on the national flags of several  Islamic Asian and Arabo-Islamic styles with courtyards, golden-
nation-states and an architectural element atop mosques. colored domes crowned with hilals, and ogee arches. The
core of the mosque is framed by four soaring minarets,
The post-Second World War resurgence of Islam worldwide standing 43 meters high-lording over the surrounding
brought about an increase in the number of mosques in countryside.
Mindanao and in the Sulu Archipelago. Before the war, it
was estimated that there were only fifty-four mosques all The Masjid Dimaukom, better known as the Pink Mosque,
over Mindanao. These mosques built mostly of austere and is located in Datu Saudi Ampatuan, Maguindanao. The
temporary materials (wood, palm, grass, etc.) in tiered construction of the mosque was sponsored by Samsodin
style, were generally plain and unadomed. They provided a Dimaukom, then Municipal Mayor of the town, and
palm-leaf roofing to cover a rectilinear internal volume opened during the Ramadan of 2014. Construction of the
having enough room for at least forty congregants. Some mosque was a symbol of unity among the inhabitants of
were built with a small roof ering raised slightly to form a the town, with a majority of the construction workforce
clerestory, providing natural light and ventilation in a way being Christians, and the color choice as an allusion to
that approximates the numinous effect of the dome. peace and love (Tuyay, 2014). The masjic bears a square
plan marked at each face by a canopy, at each corner by a
cylindrical tower, and flanked by minarets at the back, all been strengthened and renewed in every new mosque.
crowned with domes. The distinctive fuchsia exterior is This place of worship has continued up to our time not only
accented by golder as a religious edific but also as a political, social, and
pilasters and moldings framing the windows, and silver cultural center for our Muslim brothers
hilals crowning the domes and minarets.
The sahn or enclosed courtyard of the Golden Mosque in
The mosque complex may also contain a madrasa (school), Quiapo, designed by Jorge Ramos in 1976 The courtyard is
a library, a conference hall, and other function rooms furnished with an ablution fountain placed at the center of
around an open courtyard behind the main prayer hall or the courtyard (Below)
the mosque proper. Arabic geometric designs as well as
large Qur'anic inscriptions have become more common in The Center of Islamic Instruction
the ornamentation of modern mosques and have
supplanted in many localities the traditional okir designs, At first, mosques were not meant to be important visual
such as those in the Al Fuqara Mosque in Manila Bay, the symbols. Their function was primarily the provision of a
Jama Masjid in Manila, the Capitol Mosque in Marawi, and place for public worship. Yet mosques also possessed a
the Ganasi Grand Mosque in Lanao del Sur. secondary educational function-to strengthen the bind
between Islamic religious and secular thought. Since
The Masjid Lumbor in Madulum, Lanao del Sur (Above) literacy in Arabic was imperative for Islamic cohesion and
expansion, the complexes that Muslims built to
The King Fahal Mosque was constructed in the 1970s in accommodate the activities of their faith In all parts of the
honor of King Faisal of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia Islamic world also included schools. Later, communities in
(Middie) the pursuit of intellectual enrichment established private
academies of Islamic jurisprudence. The buildings they
The Magid Dimaalen, more popularly known as the Pink erected solely for teaching Qur'anic, philosophical, and
Mosque in the Province of administrative laws are known as madrasas, originating
Maguindanao (Bottom) from the Arabic darasa, which means "to read" or "to
learn." Madrasas are separate from, but adjacent to, the
A contemporary example however that fuses modern, mosque; the complex includes classrooms and lodgings for
Middle Eastern, and Indigenous Islamic motifs is the Masjid students and teachers.
Al-Dahab or Golden Mosque, a part of the Islamic Center in
Quiapo, Manila. Designed by Jorge Ramos, with stained The origin of the madrasa has been traced to the tenth-
glass panels by Antonio Dumlao, It is called such because of century domestic courtyards in the Iranian province of
its gilded dome, glimmering on Globo de Oro Street. It was Khurasan, where believers maintained their allegiance to
designed to symbolize the nation's Islamic heritage through the orthodox Islamic faith despite contemporary political
a modernist interpretation of Maranao design motifs in questioning and emergence of new doctrines. The Serljuk
geometrized form. The project was sponsored by the then rulers of Khurasan, who made education a strategy to
First Lady Imelda R. Marcos in 1976 in anticipation of the return to basic Islamic ideology, patterned their mosques
state visit of Libya's strongman Muammar Gaddafi. and from the Khurasanian cruciform house plan: a central
completed within four months. The state visit was courtyard with four arched openings forming an axis-cross-
cancelled, but the mosque remained to become the biggest axis design. As the Seljuk Empire expanded, it brought the
mosque in Metro Manila, with a maximum capacity of classic madrasa-type of mosque to other parts of the
3,000 worshippers. Islamic world.

In the Philippines, the mosque is constructed with funds In the Philippines, the madrasa was introduced at the
derived from annual contributions and other religious and outset of the Islamization process and continued to be a
financial obligations collecte from its followers. It is vital force in the dissemination of Islamic doctrine,
designed and built for them and symbolic of the especially among the Muslim youth. However, the
acceptance of the Islamic faith. The mosque, as an Philippine madrasa has failed to evolve beyond its basic
architectural form, h undergone numerous changes both in functional requirements.
surface and in form, but its mai features have remained.
Most importantly, the symbolic value of th structure has Muslim Secular Architecture
 kota and were said to be impressive:
Forts and Royal Residences
They are built upon trees and thick arigues, with many
In Mindanao and Sulu as well as in Manila and Mindoro, rooms and comforts. They are well constructed of timber
the early Filipinos constructed forts or kota. In a broader and planks, and are strong and large. They are furnished
sense, the said structure denotes any fortified site, which and supplied with all that is necessary, and are much finer
may include a well-protected residential compound. The and more substantial than the others (Blair and Robertson,
efficient design of the kota in Islamic settlements repelled vol. xvi, 84).
many Spanish and American assaults.
The interior of the house was usually divided into several
Spanish chroniclers describe Raja Sulayman's fort in Manila rooms, separated based on the activity or function in the
as one constructed from palm tree logs dominating a house, or settled according to the location of the
narrow knoll. Wide in the walls allowed ten to twelve mid- household implements. The area below the house was
sized artillery pieces to proje.. through. Sulayman's house enclosed to keep domesticated animals and fowls.
was also big enough to accommodate ammunitions and
other weapons. The Maranao residential palace has a ceremonial umbrella
design for its roof, soaring as if to proclaim the exalted
Other notable kota during the Spanish regime include status of its occupants. The huge posts signifying
Sultan Kudarat's kota in lllhan Heights near his capital in established power may be plain and massive or they may
Lamitan, which had trenches planned by the Dutch; the be carved to look like clay pots or huge chess pieces. These
Maguindanao and Buayan kota chain built on hills, posts rest on stones to allow the house the flexibility to
swamps, and plains along the Pulangi River, and which sway with earthquake tremors. The torogan is best known
featured long-range cannons manufactured by the for its row of carved panolong in ornate motifs, which flare
Portuguese and Dutch; the Maranao kota in Lanao, which out from the façade in high-spirited, wave-like patterns of
greatly harassed the Spaniards; the Sama kota, in Sipak, okir design sculpted to look like the prow of a boat. This
Balangingi, Sungap, and Bukotingul-the most impressive feature gives the torogan the appearance of a floating royal
being the Sipak kota which had 5.4 to 6 meter-high walls of vessel, reminding one of an Austronesian seafaring past.
thick tree trunks filled with coral, rock, soil, and earth.
A Kota was a fortified settlement bordered by a palisade, a
Antonio de Morga (1609) provides a description of series of long streng timber stakes pointed. at the top and
indigenous fortifications, which was made up of "walls of set close with others to form a defensive wall. (Abeve)
palm trees and stout arigue (wooden posts) filled with
earth." Lantaka, the native culverins, were mounted at Maranao terogan. The tarogan, which literally means "a
strategic points on these walls. Houses were usually place for sleeping," is the ornately decorated ancestral
located inside the fort to ensure the safety of their residence of the datu or chief and his extended family.
inhabitants. (Above)

Spain's failure to subjugate Mindanao, except for limited The new palace of the Sultan in Malmbung, Jolo, Sulu, eirea
areas like Zamboanga, left much of Mindanao to its original 1910s. (Middle)
inhabitants, most of whom were Muslims. Here the early
kotas or forts have remained, unlike those captured by the Royal residence of Sultan Harun of Sulu, circa 1900. (Below)
Spanlards, which were then converted into Spanish forts.
Mindanao and Sulu Vernacular Houses
The kota was significant because Inside it was the torogan,
the Maranao chief's residence. Although "torogan" Implies The archipelagle features of the Philippines have
a place for sleeping. serves many other purposes. Aside encouraged both terrestrial and naval architecture.
from being the house of the royal family, the torogan can Filipinos living in maritime regions have, for centuries,
also be the warriors' den, a storage house, an ammunition constructed houses on stilts. Sea nomads, such as the
area, as well as an assembly place for ceremonies. Samal, the Tausug, the Yakan, and the Badjao, inhabit
these amphibious houses, Although descending from the
The houses of the chlefs were the most prominent within a Austronesian architectural tradition, the houses found
dominant among th Muslim communities in the South are sleeping, cooking, and storing fishing tools. Sleeping and
categorized into: land-based stilted dwellings situated dining are done in a particular area that gets used only
along the shoreline; oceanic dwellings built completely during the night and during rest time.
over the sea and entirely detached from the shoreline, and
houseboats, which serve as both home and fishing boat to The most interesting feature of the Badjao houseboat is
the Badjaos, the different the elaborate okir patterns carved along the walls, prows,
stems, shafts, and gunnel of the boat. It is usually designed
Sulu houses are supported by piles driven deep enough for and carved by the owners themselves.
anchorage into the reef floor. The houses are connected to
structural the shore, linked to one another by a network of Maranao
above-sea-level catwalks and bridges of timber and split
bamboo. The elevation of the house must be higher than The Maranao, the "people of the lake," is the largest
the maximum high-tide level in order to allow the mooring Islamic ethnolinguistic group. The four settlement
of the outrigger boat underneath the house when not in principalities, known as pangampong, around Lake Lanao in
use. With this arrangement, the Samal could easily get the province of Lanao del Sur are the traditional population
inside the house from their boats after fishing or shell centers of the Maranaos. These settlements are organized
gathering, and they can easily get out to their fishing like a hamlet, consisting of three to thirty multi-family
grounds as well. dwellings. In areas where wet rice agriculture is practiced,
the houses are generally organized in rows following the
Ancestral houses are quite large with dimensions reaching length of a river, road, or lakeshore. In dry-rice land areas,
up to twenty four by twelve meters and nine meters high communities are smaller, and the houses may aggregate
at the gable. These traditional houses are two-storeyed, irregularly near a water source.
with balconies, and elaborate carvings. The large space is
intended to accommodate the members of the extended Maranao houses are of three types: lawig (small house);
family, such as in the case of the T'boli's. In fact, it is not mala-a-walai (large house); and the torogan, the ornately
surprising to find an average of two or three, to as big as decorated ancestral residence of the datu and his extended
fifteen, nuclear families living together under one roof. family.
However, the more recent houses have a smaller
dimension of about four by six meters and are three Lawigs vary in size from field huts, which are raised above
meters high A typical house is simply designed to have only ground on stilts with lean-to roofing and an outdoor
a single level for sleeping cooking area. These structures are mainly used for
living, cooking, and eating. The silong or space underneath sleeping. In the population centers, lawigs are common
the house serves both as a shed for the boat and as an area household structures which have an interior hearth.
for bathing. The open porch or terrace called pantan is Usually occupied by a single-family unit, the lawig is not
important to the Samal tribe because it is here where they normally adorned, except for an occasional wooden
work, accept visitors, hold rituals, and allow the children to adornment that may embellish the windowsill or door
play. The interior is plainly provisioned, except for a baby's portal.
cradle. It has no partitions or ornamentations.
The mala-a-walai, a single-room and unpartitioned
The Badjaos are frequently spotted in the channels of Tawi- structure, is the house of a well-to-do family. Although
Tawi province or where fishes and corals abound for their architectural ornaments are present in the structure, the
livelihood. They use their shelters as a means of travel, house does not have the panolong, an elaborately carved
which they usually do in groups. Their mobile shelter beam extension identified with the royal torogan. The okir
allows them to flee to safer grounds in the event of a decorations are generally to be found on the baseboards,
typhoon or pirate attack. Their house has a native bench windowsills, and doorjambs The mala-a-walai stands 0.3-
and a detachable A-frame roof. It is structurally supported 2.2 meters above the ground and rests an nine to twelve
by a katig, which allows the boat to float steadily. Likewise, bamboo or wooden poles. The kinansad, a bamboo-fencad
the katlg is anchored to the main structure by a bow-like porch, marks the facade of the house; the kitchen, which is
wooden frame called batangan. The floor is made of 0.50 meters lower than the structure, is located at the
unnailed loose implements and fishing tools. The interior of back. The main body houses the sleeping area, which
the houseboat is divided into three major zones: for doubles as a living and working area at daytime Storage
space can be found underneath the main house and the The interior of the house is a cavernous hall with no
kitchen permanent wall partitions. Supporting the kingpost of the
high-ridged roof is the rampatan or tinai a walai, central
Chests, headboards, mosquito screens, or sapiyay (woven beams considered as the intestines of the house. What
split rattan) are used to partition the interior into sleeping serves as the ceiling is a cloth suspended from the rafters
and non-sleeping zones. Covered with a riyara woven mat, to absorb the heat from the roof.
bundles of rice stalks function as bed mattresses, the head
and foot of which are laid out with pillows. Over and beside The torogan is provided with a high and steep roof
the bed are the taritib canopy and the curtains, comparable to that of the Malacca house or the
respectively. The roof of the mala-a-walai is made of thick Minangkabau houses of Sumatra. A carabao horn
cogon thatch secured on bamboo frames by rattan chords ornament at the roof apex of the rumah adat house in
or occasionally, of bamboo spliced into two halves Batak, Indonesia is indistinguishable from the Maranao
(rangeb). Notched bamboo poles are placed at the front dongal (jungal to the Badjao).
and back of the house to serve as ladders.
To assess the torogan's strength and resilience, it is
Although both houses are large and raised on stilts two traditional to have two carabaos fight inside the structure;
meters above ground, the torogan is distinguished from if the structure collapsed, the house was dismissed as
the mala-a-walal by features that signify royalty and unworthy to be inhabited.
prestige. The torogan has more posts, numbering to as
many as twenty-five, some of which are non-loadbearing. As a multi-family dwelling, each family is given a
At the facade, huge tree trunks are used as posts. Since the designated sleeping space provided with mats and sleeping
land is tectonically volatile, timber posts are not buried into mattresses (lapa) and demarcated from one another by a
the ground; rather they stand on rounded boulders, which cloth divider. This sleeping area also functions as the all-
act as rollers that allow the structure to sway with purpose space-a living room, working space, and dining
earthquake movements (thus averting the possibility of the room. Guests are not permitted into the gibon or paga, the
structure collapsing when tremors occur). Furthermore, room for the datu's daughter, and the bilik, a hiding place
these boulders prevent direct contact of the post with the at the back of the sultan's headboard. The torogan may
ground, thus inhibiting termite attack and wood decay. The also have the lamin, a tower-like structu serving as a
posts on the frontage are usually carved and decorated dormitory and hideaway for the sultan's daughter an her
with okir motifs and may occasionally assume a chess ladies-in-waiting. The lamin is constructed atop the torogan
piece-like contour. and its entrance is always located near the datu's bed.

Toregans were made unique with various decorative Maguindanao

techniques such as lavish polychrome ornamentation (Top
lefi) or carved posts (Above, left) The town of Cotabato represents a multi-ethnic amalgam
of Chinese, Christians, and Muslims, with the latter no
A toregan with unprocessed tree longer the predominant group. The earliest Christian
trunks as posts (Tep, right) settlers, the Zamboangueños, were concentrated on the
riverfront along the west side of the town. But in recent
A Maranao torogan's posts rest on a foundation of rocks to times, Christian settlers are found scattered throughout the
dampen the effects of earthquakes (Below) better residential areas, while the Chinese occupy
apartments above their stores in the business district. A
The most noticeable feature of the torogan is the great number of Maguindanaons live in close proximity to
panolong, a wing-like house beam with a pako rabong the river in villages and towns on the outskirts.
(fern) or naga (serpent) motif. The panalong are ends of
the floor beams that project and splay out like triangular Traditional Maguindanaon houses, which have close
butterfly wings on the facade and side elevations. The resemblance to traditional Maranao dwellings, maintain
motifs are chiseled in high relief and painted with bright the features of a one-room house without ceilings and
hues. The side strips, facade panels, and window frames room partitions. Mats, wooden coffers, or woven cloth are
are lavished in the same fashion. interior elements that are used as provisional spatial
markers. The following materials make up the
Maguindanao house: nipa (for the roof), bamboo (for walls roof that may be gabled, hipped, or pyramidal. The
and floors), and rattan and hardwood (for structural and preferred materials for its construction are wood, bamboo,
cladding requirements). and thatch. In some instances, a porch of light
construction, an open deck, and a kitchen may be
A Maguindanao house is typically built on nine posts and is connected to this structure.
provided with a porch serving as a transitional space
connecting the house proper to the kitchen, whose floor The traditional Tausug house or the bay sinug is a single-
level is slightly lower than that of the main floor. The space room partition less structure. It has nine poles arranged in
underneath the house is fenced, serving multiple functions, three rows of three, each representing the human
such as a place for weaving, a space for pounding and anatomy. The post at the center, representing the navel
threshing rice, and for storing agricultural implements and (pipul), is the first to be erected. This is followed by the
rice produce. post on the southeast corner, which represents the hip
(pigi); then the post on the northwest corner, the shoulder
Interesting features of the traditional Maguindanaon house (agaba); that on the southwestern corner, the other hip;
include the okir decorations, the steep and graceful roofs, that on the northeastern corner, the other shoulder; that
the solid construction, the handcrafted ornaments, the on the west of the navel, the rib (gusuk); that on the east,
concern for ventilation, and the concept of space. the other rib; that on the north of the navel, the neck
Contemporary houses incorporate all these features but (liug); and that on the south of the navel, the groin (hita).
may be rendered in modern materials, such as galvanized Adherence to this sequence of post erection will guarantee
steel, aluminum sheets, concrete, and glass. the durability of the house and the safety of its inhabitants.
The eight posts around the perimeter rise to the roof level.
Tausug The central navel post rises only to floor level. Connected
to the post are floor and roof beams. Wooden floor beams
The Tausug, whose name means "people of the current," are mortised to the side and corner posts, and also to the
are the second largest group of Muslim Filipinos. They are a navel post. When the beams are made of bamboo, they are
dominant group in Sulu; more than half of their population placed on brackets nailed or bolted to the wooden post.
live in the island of Jolo, while the rest are scattered in the Bamboo beams are held to the post by lashing. Bamboo or
Sulu archipelago, including the island of Tapul and Siasi, the wood joists set on the beams support the floor made of
coastal areas of Basilan, and the eastern coast of Borneo, bamboo strips.
Malaysia. Their traditional occupations include farming,
fishing, and trade. The Tausug are renowned in the The roof is given form by the ridge beam and is made from
manufacture of traditional maritime vessels, weapons, and sari, nipa, sago palm, or niug (coconut palms). Aside from a
woven textiles. gable roof, roof forms include: the hipped roof with
triangular vents (sungan), which is well ventilated by a hole
The Tausug communities are located both inland (tau formed by having only two (out of four) slopes meeting at
gimba) and along the shoreline (tau higad). Inland the apex; and the pyramidal roof (libut), whose tip is cut off
homesteads are dispersed, while concentrated fishing to provide a vent, which is protected by a pyramidal cap
communities can be found along the coast. A Tausug placed high enough to allow the unhindered discharge of
community may have twenty to a hundred or more houses. rising warm air.

The Tausug house is distinguished by carved wooden Carved wooden finials, the tadjuk pasung, shaped like a
finials, the todjuk pasung, placed on one or both ends of bird (manuk manuk), swirling leaves (pako rabong), or a
the ridge of the gable or hipped roof. (Below) dragon (naga), are placed at one or both ends of the ridge
of the gable or hipped roof. Instead of ceilings, the Tausugs
The panolong and nukod of a torogan (Above, Lrfi) decorate the bilik (room) with a large luhul or rectangular
cloth to catch leaves, dust, and insects. Depending on their
A run-down torogan with its decorative okir and panalang economic disposition, the Tausugs use plywood, split
mostly broken off (Abov, Right) bamboo, woven bamboo strips, or coconut palm as
cladding for walls, which may rise up to about forty
The Tausug house is a one-room structure supported by centimeters below the roof beams, thereby providing
1.8 to 2.5 meter high stilts and surmounted by a pitched continuous openings for ventilation. This can only be
achieved by piercing jalajala panels between the walls and The lumah has three parts: the kokan or tindakan (main
the roof. Except for woven coconut palms, the walling house), the kosina (kitchen), and the pantan or simpey
usually has a window of various forms attached to it. In the (porch). Territorial spaces in the structures are achieved by
past, the Tausug only had wall slits as windows to conceal placing a 0.25 m x 0.25 m patung (wooden flitch) at the
their unmarried women inside. The flooring is usually of middle of the one-room structure. The patung separates
bamboo. the kokan (sleeping area) from the tindakan (multipurpose
living room), which serves as a place for entertaining
Yakan intimate guests, weaving, dining as well as for the holding
of a magtimbang (ritual). The tindakan is also the setting
The Yakans live in the mountainous interior of Basilan for weddings, wakes, death anniversaries, and other
Island. Traditionally, the houses of the Yakan are either commemoration Access to the main house is through a
scattered among the fields or clustered around the langgal, harren (a retractable bamboo, timber ladder), then
a mosque made of the same material as the dwellings. The through the simpey/pantan (the porch where clothes are
houses are individually owned, occupied by one family. hung and dried, long bamboo water containers are stored,
and where most visitors are entertained); and finally
The Yakan house, called lumah, is a rectangular, ridge- through the gawang, a sliding main door.
roofed, single room, pile structure of varying size and
elevation from the ground. It has a floor area ranging from If the need arises and if the occasion demands, the kokan
fifty to a hundred square meters. The steep pitch roof can be converted into an expanded portion of the
(sapiaw) is concave and is thatched with either cogon or tindakan. During the day, the kokan is the entertainment
nipa. Lately, the more durable galvanized iron sheets have area where one can find all the sleeping paraphernalia
been used, although they have proven to be visually and neatly rolled, folded, and kept on the side of the wall over
functionally incongruent, since the traditional Yakan house and under open shelves. Oftentimes, above the sleeping
has no ceiling and few or no windows because of a belief area is the angkap, a mezzanine for girls, which can be
that bad spirits could easily come in through these accessed through the harren. The kokan is also used to
openings. Thus, there is often only one tandiwan or hide a family fugitive. In the absence of furniture, the
window, located at the front side of the house; beside this occupants squat to eat in the living room area near the
is a long bench for guests. Another tandiwan, however, main door opening. The slatted pugaan/nibong flooring
may be appended on the end wall opposite the kitchen or does not only provide good ventilation but also serves as a
cooking shed. drain for leftover food and water used in washing hands
before and after meals, Cats, dogs, and chickens consume
The Yakan dwelling is largely made of bamboo, thatched, whatever food residues fall underneath.
with some parts woven, fitted, or tied together the way a
basket is made. While posts, beams, and joints are There are basically two doors in a Yakan house: a main
assembled, the roof is put together separately and later sliding door and a service sliding door that leads to the
fitted on top like the lid of a basket. The pugaan (bamboo bridged kitchen. Small slit openings or a window,
floor slats) are set slightly apart, similar to the bottom of a tendewan, at eye-level height serve as lookout holes. The
basket, for better ventilation. kosina, which is set apart from the house, is accessible
through a pantan, or bridge, to avold fire in the main
Walls are made of either the horizontally positioned house, which is made of light and combustible material. A
wooden planks or the air-penetrable sawali (plaited typical early Yakan house has no tollet.
bamboo or reeds). For the floor, the material of choice is
either split bamboo poles (with the convex sides upwards) A house for the Yakan has a lifespan of ten to fifteen years,
or timber for the main room. For the kitchen, the floor is after which, a new house will have to be bullt. Even then,
usually made of bamboo, used for practical reasons since usable materials from the demolished house will often be
waste can easily be thrown through its gaps. Even the used for the construction of a new one, which is usually
kitchen walls are plaited so that smoke can easily escape. If erected near the previous house.
a wooden floor is used for the main house, a small piece of
bamboo is inserted, or a hole is punctured onto the floor Samal
for spitting chewed betel nut.
The Samals are dispersed all over the southern island of
Mindanao, southern Palawan, Basilan, Davao, Zamboanga, also the children's playground, a gathering area for
the Sulu archipelago, and as far as North Borneo. A Samal families, or a place where rituals are conducted. Normally,
kinship group of 100 to 500 members lives. in a cluster of a shed is built right along the porch to serve as the kitchen.
houses usually standing on wooden piles on the foreshore The space underneath the house does not only
areas or directly over tidal mud flats of reefs. Each group is accommodate boat and fishing equipment exclusively but
affiliated with the nearest mosque. This Samal community also functions as the bathroom and laundry area.
may be located within a larger non-Samal town.
Samal houses are constructed from bamboo and nipa,
The traditional sources of livelihood of the Samal include coconut lumber, and mangrove; nipa or sawali for the roof
fishing, farming, logging, hunting, boat-building, pearl and walls; bamboo for the stairs and flooring: coconut
diving, mat-weaving, and pottery. They are also renowned wood, mangrove, or other tree trunks for the posts and
in the manufacture of boras, large rattan mats distinctive other structural bracing. Structural members are held
for their multihued painted decorations. through lashing. The gable roof is of simple construction,
the ridgepole being supported by the kingpost. Rather than
Samals who are engaged in farming reside in houses built trusses, horizontal beams supporting the weight of the roof
on solid ground. In western Sulu, the dwellings are entirely are positioned outside the structure, not in its interior,
built over tidal mud flats or reefs, while, in eastern Sulu since the roof is low. Rainwater from the roof is collected
and Basilan, Samal houses are built on stilts on the fringes as there are no other sources of potable water in many of
of the seashore so that the ground under the house is the smaller and isolated islands. The wall sidings may be of
flooded and washed clean during high tides. Most of the thatch, woven bamboo strips, or palm fronds woven
Samals who occupy the smaller coral islands of Sulu and together. The front and back doors are utilized for both
Tawi-Tawi build their houses on piles. driven into the reef access and ventilation. There are no stairs or ladders since
floor, yet they are linked to the shore and to one another bridges and catwalks already connect the house with one
by a maze of catwalks and bridges. These houses may be another and to the coastline. Although it has retained its
built close together or loosely arranged. The height of the basic architectural form, the Samal house has also
dwelling is based on the maximum elevation tide level in accommodated industrialized building materials such as
the area: a height sufficient enough to provide enough corrugated iron, plywood, and processed lumber.
space for their outrigger fishing boats, which are moored
underneath the house when not in use. At the façade of Badjao
some houses are racks where boats are sometimes laid to
keep them above water. Traditionally, the Badjaos use boats as their houses,
although there are Badjaos, particularly in Sibutu and
Traditional Samal houses may be as large as twenty-four by Semporna, Malaysia, who have settled on land and use
twelve meters, with the roof ridge nine meters above the their boats only for fishing. Badjaos are found around the
floor, some of which have two stories with balconies and islands of Tawi-Tawi, with all settlements having a common
elaborate carvings. In the past, these houses tended to be feature; that is, an area protected from the open sea by
large because a typical household was an extended family reefs in close proximity to the sandy beach where children
ranging from two to fifteen nuclear families. However, this can play and boats can be repaired.
type of house and familial setup has become rare, for many
Samals have migrated to Sabah, Malaysia as refugees. The Yalan house, called lumah, is a rectangular,
ridgeroofed, single room, pile structure raised several
Nowadays, Samals build houses of a more modest scale, meters (Above)
about six by four meters with a maximum interior height of
three meters. The house consists of a single space for The steep pitch roof or sapin of a Yakan lamah Is concave
lounging, sleeping, and dining. The interior of the house is and is thatched with either cogen or nipa. A Yakan house
unwalled and depending on the economic status of the has no celling. Windows are limited for there is there bellef
owner, it may be sparsely furnished or richly decorated among the Yakans that bad spirits could easily enter the
with boras. A Samal dwelling also has the pantan (open house through these openings. (Below)
porch or terrace) as a prominent house feature.
Customarily, the pantan faces the east and provides space A Samal village. Individual Samal dwellings are
for drying fish, woodworking, and preparing cassava. It is interconnected by a network of catwalks that link to the
shore. (Below)
Unlike the lepa, the jengning has outriggers. Its hull
The largest Badjao community used to be in Tungkalang, measures thirteen to seventeen meters long and two
Sangga Sangga, Tawi-Tawi, where a variety of houseboats meters wide. Its house structure is walled on all sides by
were moored. The structures of these buoyant abodes wooden boards fastened with nails and is provided with
protect the Badjao from heat and rain. Because of the window and door openings for light and ventilation. This
limited space aboard the houseboats, the Badjaos live as wooden cabin is roofed by sheets of galvanized iron. The
nuclear families, mostly separated from others. Life in the roof can reach up to one meter at its peak, allowing the
houseboat has altered the natural postures of its Badjao Badjao to squat inside the house. The patchwork character
boat dwellers; they have adapted a curved body posture, of the jengning has prompted scholars to describe it as "a
which makes them stand or walk with protruding buttocks. floating shanty of the southern sea." A poor family who can
afford only a small boat uses nipa, sackcloth, corroded
A boat may last for ten to fifteen years. A single beam galvanized sheets, matted coconut leaves, and a
forms the bottom and the boards of wood form the body. hodgepodge of cardboards as construction material.
To the rear of the structure is a fireplace and a storage area
for household items. The covered part is divided into a Since they dwell permanently on boats most Badjaos come
living area and a sleeping place, and the front is used for to land only to exchange their catch with land produce, and
fishing and storing fishing paraphernalia. Between the to bury their dead. But some Badjao build landhouses,
front outriggers there is a small platform for harpooning which are technically not on dry land but along the shore
large fish and catching smaller ones through nets. The on shallow water adequate for navigation. Landhouses,
boats vary in length and, depending on the economic called luma, rest on log or wooden stilts driven into the
status of the owner, may be lavishly carved, front and back. sand. Tree trunks that can withstand seawater are made
At shallow water, the boat can be moved by a stick, while into posts. The floor is about 1.5 meters above the normal
for longer navigation a small sail is used. When all the sea level, high enough to be safe at high tide. The harun
children have left, the old man of the house is expected to (ladder) is a log into which notches are carved to serve as
marry again. or attempt to join another boat; adoption is steps. One end is buried in the sand and rises about three
also widely practiced to keep the boat functional. The notches above the water; the other end leans on the
death of the family head transforms the boat into a coffin, footbridge, which serves as a landing leading to an open
making it a symbolic mortuary piece to transport the dead doorway. The house has a long frame, about four meters
into another plane of existence. wide. The roof is of tin sheets, nipa, or coconut leaves. The
walls and floor are made of wooden boards sawn from logs
The Badjaos have two kinds of boats, the structure of found floating on the sea, lying on the seashore, or felled in
which is made of single tree trunks: the dapang or vinta, the inland forests. Two window openings are punctured
used for short fishing trips, and the palaw, which may out of the front wall, and a third window out of another
either be a permanent dwelling place or temporary  wall.
lodging during fishing trips. The vinta is a swift and smooth-
sailing boat with bamboo outriggers and a sail attached to The lone room, about three by three meters, serves as the
a bamboo mast arranged in a tripod. The palaw is of two sleeping area, toilet, and storage space. On the inner walls
types: the lighter and speedier lepa, and the bigger and are mirrors hung slanting, the number of which depends on
heavier jengning. Not having outriggers, the lepa differs the number of children in the family. Mirrors are believed
strikingly from the other two boats. The hull of the lepa is a to drive away evil spirits. A roof beam holds the fishnets. A
log that is hollowed out, about twenty meters long with a second doorway leads to the kitchen, which is a separate
beam two meters tall. Planks are laid across the hull to structure from the main house and connected to a
serve as the foundation on which the palaw (nipa hut) can footbridge. The footbridge that connects the kitchen to the
be constructed. These planks are not securely fastened so next house forms part of the flooring of that house. A
that they can be raised to allow storage of household pantan is an extension where fish is dried. Laundry and
effects in the hull. Sticking out above the roof may be the dishwashing are done with the person sitting on the
owner's fishing spears and harpoon gun. The lepa house ladder's last step above the water and utilizing the sea as
structure is loose and has detachable long poles attached the huge wash basin. Clothes are hung to dry from poles
to it and over which a thatched nipa roof called kadjang, stretched across the landing.
opens out to form a curved gable.
Badjao houseboots out at sea in Tawi-Tawi (Above) beyond its role as religious and educational center and has
welcomed the growing displaced population within its
The Badjao, whether nomadic or settled, consider their premises. In the case of the Golden Mosque in Quiapo, the
hometown the kawman in which they were reared. A riverside landscaping surrounding the mosque is now
kawman is made up of several related nuclear families, inhabited by displaced families who have sought refuge, in
with a male elder as the panglima. A larger moorage hopes of a new beginning away from the conflict.
consists of several clans, with the panglima of the original
kin group serving as the overall head. The biggest house in Muslim urban organization is the physical realization of a
the kawman is the property of the panglima. On the social system that requires spatial division between
rooftop, a white banner, measuring seventy centimeters by domestic and public lives. The city is characterized by a
one meter, proclaims his exalted status. Stilt houses are triumvirate system of public, semi-public, and private
linked together though a labyrinth of footbridges or spaces manifested in various intensities of access and
catwalk: made of loosely nailed boards. Relatives live near restriction.
one another in the same neighborhood. Sitangkai is said to
be the Badjao's main settlement, constituted exclusively of The public area is the domain of men, with emphasis on
stilt houses. accessibility and unrestricted contact. Muslim privacy,
together with domestic life, on the othe hand, is centered
Islamic Domestic Environment in Urban Settlements inside the house. In Islamic culture it is both the explicit
and t implicit Qur'anic prohibitions that are principal to the
Islam, both as a religion and as a way of life, frames the design of a domestic un for these regulate the spatial
character of the city. Islamic town planning and urbanism practices that are deemed socially acceptable. The
hardly conform to the geometric symmetry of urban programming of interior spaces in a Muslim house
planning conceived by cultures whose settlement pattern emphasizes domestic privacy and the protection, seclusion,
strictly adheres to an image of an ordered cosmos, a and segregation of women. Women segregation is
cosmological diagram. Islamic urban organization is the physically manifested in various forms of spatial barriers,
physical manifestation of the equilibrium between social through which women can see but not be seen. Veiling is
homogeneity and heterogeneity, in a social system that integrated with women's sartorial practices to function as a
requires the separation of domestic life, and the device of seclusion and introversion. In residential
involvement in the economic and religious life of the architecture, a screened balcony enables the female
community. Nevertheless, Muslim urban order is neither occupant to have a vision of the outside world without
fortultous nor unstructured for it reveals a consistent being seen. The Islamic house is therefore introverted,
underlying arrangement of hierarchical sequences of conceptualized from the inside outwards. Exterior windows
access and enclosure responding to the social relations are rare to prevent passersby from looking into the house.
specific to Muslim society.
While rooms in non-Muslim houses are compartmentalized
Aerial view of a Muslim urban settlement in the heart of and designated to a specific activity, the significant
the Quiapo district in Manila (Below) demarcator of space in Muslim houses is social
accessibility, the divide between public and private realms.
Aerial view of Tulay Mosque in Jolo, Sulu (Opposite page) Rooms can be used interchangeably for eating, sleeping,
recreation, and performance of domestic tasks. This
Muslim communities in Mindanao and migrant Muslim flexibility of living space is indicated by the absence of
communities in large cities, such as those living in the obtrusive furniture that reiterates the rigidly defined
Muslim quarters of Quiapo in Manila and Maharlika Village interior patterns of spatial use.
in Taguig, have continually attempted to replicate the
earliest Muslim communities by locating themselves in a The symbolic importance of the house entrance-the
settlement pattern that is in close proximity to the masjid. vulnerable threshold between the domestic and the public-
is often accentuated by a highly decorated doorway,
The ongoing separatist insurgencles that have caused much frequently utilizing symbols and calligraphic designs of an
conflict in areas of Mindanao has brought about a diaspora auspicious nature. The prohibition of figurative
of Muslim communities to metropolitan areas such as representation-though not closely observed-has
Manila. In some cases, the masjid complex has gone encouraged the development of geometric and vegetal
decorative motifs. Muslim neighbors are still sleeping.

Through the door, Muslims often mark their homes as a There is a single requirement for Muslim domestic space-a
space to indicate their difference, privacy, and separation. place for prayer. The Muslim not only retreats internally for
Throughout the Muslim world, the doorway or the door is experiencing taqwa (piety) for salat, but also requires a
the expressive and symbolic boundary signaling both a physical place to orient oneself to the direction of the
warning and a welcome. Entrance to the door implies Kaaba and to perform the prayer undisturbed. This space
refuge, especially for those living outside the Muslim should above all be free from contamination. Muslims have
enclave. Inside the Muslim house, the external, hostile contingently developed some creative strategies to
environment of racism, religious intolerance, and surmount the physical limitation of their homes. One
discrimination are locked out; prayer space and hospitality enters the house by first removing the footwear, leaving
are guaranteed. them in baskets, shoe racks, crates, or just a designated
space near the front door, since most houses do not have
Muslims self-consciously and deliberately organize the use foyers. Women, who typically carry an extra pair of socks
of domestic space in the light of the teachings found in the to wear inside, are escorted to one part of the house, while
Qur'an and Hadith as well as through the example of the men are escorted to another. The members of the
homes in the Muslim world. These Islamic norms thus household also divide themselves along gender lines at this
inform the basic daily needs characteristic of domestic time.
space shelter, food storage and use, ritual activities, and
social interaction. For Muslims, the home becomes a space The house is usually adorned with Islamic texts and
for learning and practicing Muslim behavior and for being calligraphy, framed as well as unframed, and bronze plates
separate from the larger society. engraved with various Qur'anic suras (a chapter from the
Qur'an). Qur'anic recitations are the only music generally
One of the classical divisions known in Islam, between dar played in the public rooms of the home. The qibla (directio
al-Islam (the House of Islam) and dar al-Harb (the House of toward the Kaaba in Mecca) may also be indicated by a
War, historically referring to areas not practicing Islam and wall plaque or by some other piece of furnishing, such as
are called to convert), translates into non-Muslim division the carved screen.
of the domestic space (private) and the outside community
(public). Domestic space is consciously separated from the Basic to Muslim interior space are decorative elements like
space of the House of War, which is viewed as a space of Arabic calligraphy, "oriental" rugs, brassware, latticed
religious intolerance and racism. The use of domestic space screens, and so on. Living room furniture is kept to a
creates, moreover, a sense of shared spirituality with minimum in order to be able to turn the living room into a
Muslims elsewhere in the Muslim world, while fostering a prayer space without difficulty. Dining rooms are often
sense of security in an environment perceived as hostile. meagerly furnished so that, along with the living roo too
can come a prayer area. Window shades, curtains, and
Stories of the Prophet Muhammad's life yield a central drapes are always drawn to block the view of neighbors in
paradigm for living within the house. Prophet Muhammad adjoining houses. When there are no visitors, women are
lived in a one-room dwelling furnished with the bare free to unveil and wear any appropriate clothing. When
necessities for living, but with unimpeded access to prayer visitors are present, if there is even one adult male in the
space. Thus, the house should be austere and near the house, all the women should remain in the kitchen, leaving
masjid. The Hadith regulates the accumulation of wealth it only to serve food or to pray.
and delineates the responsibilities attached to its use.
Accordingly, Filipino Muslims austerely furnish their homes The kitchen may accommodate a small dinette set, which
within these constraints. doubles as a space for food preparation. Halal meat (meat
from animals that have been raised and then slaughtered
Within their homes, Muslims live a distinctive life. Even in the ritual manner prescribed by Islamic law) is purchased
their concept of time differs from those of non-Muslims. at great expense and all members of the community
The Muslim community is seen as a dot on a continuum strictly adhere to dietary restrictions.
that begins with creation and does not end but shifts focus
in the afterlife. Ritual practices define Muslim schedules, Muslims do not hang around in the hamam (bathroom)
beginning with the pre-dawn prayer while most non- where the jinn (a spirit in Islamic mythology that takes on
various human and animal
forms, makes mischievous use of its supernatural powers, Colonialism refers to a relation of domination between the
and is thought in general to be evil) is believed to be colonizer and the colonized, interacting based on the
present. Bathroom doors are kept closed for this reason. imposition of politicalF control by powerful states over
Those entering a bathroom wear special shoes or slippers. weaker ones. At a basic level, colonialism implies a
The bathroom is a space both of pollution and purification. condition of subjugation of peoples that expansionist
foreign powers instantiate, engendering hegemonic
The believer enters with the left foot, acknowledges the
relations between them and the resisting peoples who
dangers of the space with a du'a, performs the necessary
defend their indisputable interest over a contested space.
rituals, and leaves with the right foot, re-entering prayer Moreover, the process of colonialism presupposes what
space. Some people place pictures or other decorative anthropologists would refer to as "directed change,"
items in bathrooms that could not be placed in spaces for Insofar as it involves one people or state establishing
prayer. There may also be signs with instructions on dominance over the other through military conquest,
ablution. political domination, or some other means of control. This
type of acculturation often predicates the need to change,
Full participation in the Muslim community requires certain to some degree, the way of life of the dominated group,
responses in the domestic space. Homes must reflect usually in conformity with that of the dominant culture.
Islamic injunctions on prayer space and diet. They must Colonization does not only manifest itself as a mere
also reflect Muslim prohibitions of certain kinds of art, political and economic strategy; it also doles out its myriad
social entertainment, and association of men and women. consequences on life and culture, which are exercised
spatially. 
Fostering dar al-Islam in the personal space stems from the
innate desire to be in consonance with the ummah under
Reading the said asymmetrical power relations in the
Allah, a reflection of the universal religio-cultural desire to architectural space reveals the complex imperatives that
understand one's place and relation to the cosmos. subjugated peoples must perform to endure the colonial
authorities' techniques to control the space, and to elicit
The dominance of Islam in the Philippines was a product of absolute obedience from its subjects. The centuries of
trade with its neighbors in Maritime Southeast Asia, colonial rule in the Philippines expedited the rigorous
eventually developing its own unique character and socio- processes of colonial place-making-empowering the
cultural systems, especially with the indigenous groups of colonizer to define/defend territory and set its boundaries,
Mindanao. This influence would remain formidable in the demarcate loci of domination and marginalization,
face of colonial conquest, proving a constant challenge to appropriate spatial zones for designated function, and
the Spanish colonial regime which took over the organize them in accordance to certain urbanizing
programs. Through the instruments of urbanism, the
archipelago in the 16th century. With the arrival of the
Spaniards cemented their territorial, economic, and
Spaniards, a new sphere of influence would be exerted
spiritual takeover in the archipelago. Thus, under a colonial
over the islands, setting the stage for a conflict and
framework, a systemic metamorphosis of the sical space of
negotiation between institutions of colonial control and the colony is initiated to mechanize civilizing and
native culture. urbanizing procedures, conflating colonial pledge and
intimidation through the alliance of secular and religious
The gilded dome of the modern Golden Mosque of Quiapo hegemony. 
is the axis mundi of the Islamic community in the district
(Above) The notion of imposing power through subtle and almost
undetectable means was inscribed spatially on the
The mosque is the axis mundi of an Islamic community. The designed environment sponsored by the colonialist--a
housing units at the Maharlika Village in Taguig are so premise that the author owes to Foucault's concept of
arranged to replicate the earliest Muslim community panoptic mechanism of disciplinary power, one that makes
possible the fixing of people in precise places and the
patterns by locating the dwelling units in close proximity to
reduction of bodies to a certain number of gestures and
the magid, the Blue. Mosque 
habits (Foucault, 1988). 
Spectacle of Power 
The colony as a place is constituted by the modes by which
Hispanic Structuring of the Colonial Space (1565-1898)  the land and its populace are collected as a particular
geography and mapped through the technology of
Spaces of Colonial Encounter  cartography to establish possession and rule. The
"enframing" of space mediates the power of the colonial
authorities through the occidental rationality of space that
combines Foucault's theory of "microphysical" or panoptic
disciplinary power with an effect of structured visual Moreover, the prominence of Spanish colonial churches in
representation, whose techniques dividing, containing, colonial town-planning should not just be seen as mere
simulating-are inscribed in space and geometrical. units of monuments to God's greater glory or as architectural
containment (Mitchell 1988). As projects of improvement inheritances from our civilizing colonial masters. Church
and mileage in public works proclaim colonial progress, architecture must be framed within the canvas of power
these practices also facilitate a method of control that may and untangled from the threads of political strategies
be said to effect lesser harshness and brutality compared associated with the colonial discourse, such as forced
to military enforcements, but, in the end, the order sought labor, religious tolerance, genocide, and obscurantism. 
is still similar to that aimed by more "repressive" acts.
Nonetheless, disciplinary power is invisible, residing in the Instituting the Program for Colonial Urbanism 
seemingly neutral arena of ordinary space. 
The story of architecture in the Philippines under Spain
The laying out of towns and cities, the erection of begins with the permane occupation of the archipelago in
infrastructure, and the design of settlements gave 1565. The arrival of Miguel Lopez de Legaspi's expedition in
colonialism a certain order and organization. But colonial Cebu in that year ushered in an important phase in the
space could only be configured in terms of racial and social development of architecture and urbanism in the
differentiation. This was rigidly practiced in Manila's prime Philippines with the establishment of colonial settlements,
city of Intramuros (within the walls) and spawned the the building of a chapel, and the erection of a fort. Before
exclusionary spatial category Extramuros, referring to non- Legaspi's death in 1572, he had already conquered the
Western people living outside the walls (Reed 1978). greater portions of the archipelago to spread Christianity
Extramuros included the residential and occupational and to colonize the islands. 
quarters for Asians: Dilao, a Japanese district, the Parian
for the Chinese, and the Filipino arrabales. Methods that It was not long before the Spaniards gained a foothold in
guarantee the security of Spanish colonial elites were Manila in 1571. After launching a military assault against
enforced. The colonial government issued a series of Rajah Sulayman, the settlement's ruler, Legaspi occupied
decrees that restricted the number of non-Europeans who the strategic site at the mouth of the Pasig River. Here he
could work and reside within Intramuros.  was to institute an urban prototype of a colonial
settlement, following the recommendations of the decree
Intramuros was Manila's self-contained colonial city built issued by King Philip II in 1573, from which future colonial
exclusively for the habitation of Western elites. Buildings towns and cities of Imperial Spain would be modeled after. 
and street patterns were laid out within the intramural
premises to imprint the urban order with a sense of awe In a broad historical stroke, Spanish colonialism had
for Ibero-American culture and civilization. It was an apt changed the face of the built environment in the
articulation of the expansionist Iberian imperial power that Philippines as much as it had altered the social and
sought to replicate European grandeur in the colonial economic conditions. The Spanish conquistadores
domain. The suspicion of revolt marshalled the deployment succeeded in developing the archipelago's town according
of the cuadricula street pattern, walls, and garitas (sentry to their colonial urban prescription. The main ingredients in
boxes) under a panoptical maneuver that subjected the the urban transformation of the Philippine colonial
colonized body to constant surveillance. Protecting the landscape included the following: 
exclusivity of the site and interiors of Intramuros was
meant to maintain cultural superiority and to cultivate a 1. The establishment of reducción or forced urbanization
system of "othering" as Indios, Chinese, and Japanese were and 
relegated outside the vicinity of the walls to preserve the
colonialist ideology of pureza de sangre or hygienic purity resettlement. The formerly scattered barangays were
of the Iberian blood. brought 

together and reduced in number and made into compact

and 

The Nuestra Señora de la Soledad de Porta Vaga Chapel larger communities to facilitate religious conversion and 
(otherwise known as the Ermita de Porta Vaga) in Cavite,
circa 1905. (Opposite page) cultural change. 
 constructed of sturdier and more permanent building
2. The creation of a land-use pattern through the materials using novel methods of construction to express
encomienda system. The concept of land as private material superiority and to distinguish itself from the flimsy
property and capital was introduced. Communal and indigenous architecture. 
individual lands were confiscated, and thus circulated
through the encomienda system of landownership, by 17th century engraving of the City of Manila and Cavite
which the colony was divided into parcels, each assigned to from Manila Bay, in the Secret Atlas of the Dutch East India
a pioneering Spanish colonist who was mandated "to Company. 1647 (Above)
allocate, allot, or distribute the resources of the domain.
Conniving members of the principalia (former datus, their
families, and descendants, who later assumed office in the At the very outset of imperial expansion in Southeast Asia,
colonial bureaucracy) sold or donated lands which they the tactics of the conquistadores for colonization varied
formerly governed and owned privately.  greatly from the imperial stem implemented by other
European colonizers in other parts of the gion. The
3. The institution of a hierarchical settlement system. With Portuguese, Dutch, and British before the nineteenth
the reducción came a hierarchy of settlements. The core of century eadily limited their activities in the region to
the municipality was called cabecera (head) or poblacion matters of trade, while oiding direct interference in the
and the adjacent barangays became known as barrios. The internal affairs of the indigenous states id participation in
poblacion became the center, not necessarily because it prolonged wars, in order to maximize commercial ofits. The
was the geographical center but because it was where the Spaniards stood out among these other colonizers for they
elite resided, where the church was located, and where rre dedicated to the implementation of a thorough colonial
folk paid tribute. Estancias or large ranches were the first schema that sed together territorial expansion, economic
haciendas or large land estates for both local consumption exploitation, Christian nversion, and cultural
and for Manila.  transformation (Reed 1978, 11). To achieve ese radical
agenda, a consolidated effort was exacted from soldiers,
4. The creation and structuring of towns according to the issionaries, bureaucrats, and merchants, in which
cuadrícula  participants could in both material and spiritual
remuneration. 
model of planning. The cuadrícula, a system of streets and
blocks  cities and towns formed the nucleus of colonial control, the
absence indigenous urban centers from which the
laid out with uniform precision, was introduced through a colonizers were to graft eir Western version of an urban
varied  institution presented a formidable allenge to the Spaniards,
who equated civilization with urbanism. e Philippine
typology, and was usually structured in a hierarchical archipelagic domain was without a tradition of urbanism
fashion, with  unlike other Indigenous states of Southeast Asia with
complex kingdoms such as those Hinduized or Theravada
the central plaza as its focal point since the space Buddhist-influenced kingdoms in mainland Southeast Asia
symbolized the  and on the island of Java in Indonesia. The pre-Hispanic
communities were rather characterized by a decentralized
seat of power. The cuadrícula method was efficient in pattern of low-density settlements with substantial
maximizing  sociopolitical fragmentation and independence from one
another. 
space and in the supervision of colonial subjects along the 
Given this condition, it was physically and logistically
geometry of grids.  impossible for a small deputation of missionaries to
convert the native population to the Christian faith and
5. The introduction of building typologies and construction indoctrinate them to the ways of Western civilization.
technology through colonial infrastructures. New activities Thus, late in the sixteenth century, the Hispanic authority
jump started urban life, one which required particular launched an urbanizing program, known as the
building types. The urbanization of the colonial landscape "reducción," which was designed to systematically resettle
necessitated the creation of new institutions represented the indigenous lowland population in larger urban
by buildings that carried functional and formal analogies communities so as to accelerate the processes of politico
(L.e., church for worship. school for learning, prison for religious transformation. This policy essentially meant a
incarceration). Moreover, colonial infrastructure was consolidation and forced relocation of small, scattered
settlements into one larger town. The Filipinos must be Muslim Filipinos throughout their years of colonial rule.
"congregated" or "reduced" into compact villages varying Nor did they successfully conquer certain highland areas,
in size from 2,400 to 5,000 people, where they could be such as the Luzon highlands, where a diverse array of
easily reached by missionaries, tribute collectors, and the ethno-linguistic groups took advantage of their remote,
military. It was programmed for the administration of the difficult, and mountainous terrain to successfully avoid
Spanish colony's population, an ingenious method to colonization. 
enable a small number of armed Spanish constabularies to
control more easily the movements and actions of a large Codification of Conquest and City Planning 
number of Filipinos. The reducción policy also made it
easier for a single Spanish Catholic friar to train Filipinos in The Spaniards regarded the city as an indispensable factor
the basic principles of Christianity. In reality, the policy was in the organization of its colonial territories in Latin
successful in some areas but impossible to enforce in most. America and the Philippines. Cities were considered focal
In retrospect, not all reducción endeavors were successful points of the decision-making process. Instituting social
or passively accepted by the natives. The onslaught of control in the colony was the first step in establishing
epidemics like cholera and smallpox had erased even the economic and political continuity for those in power. The
stable reducción from the colonial map. Some reducción use of a grid-pattern for the urban fabric, together with the
were simply dissolved with the exodus of the resettled adherence to other architectural rules, was a consequence
natives, who tenaciously resisted resettlements and of the renaissance of the ideal Greco-Roman city concept,
continued to maintain sentimental close ties to their when medieval, organic urban planning methods had
agricultural. plots, clinging to a semi-migratory mode of already been abandoned. 
existence. In fact, the Spanish archives are brimming with
accounts of frustrated colonial officials complaining about The Church and the State endeavored to replicate in the
how such settlements were all but abandoned in many Philippines their program of resettlement and urban
cases after only a few weeks.  interventions first used in the Americas. From their
experience in the New World, they had become renowned
Military coercion was rarely used to overcome resistance founders and proficient developers of towns and cities in
to relocation except in cases of extreme provocation. Since the world. The resultant urban blueprint featured a small
most Filipinos could not be forced to form new villages, number of colonial capitals, each of which served as
they had to be enticed via the spectacle of religion and governmental, religious, and commercial hubs In a
allure of church architecture. And the natives, seduced to politically distinct dependency. 
the revelry, did flock to the churches. However, many of
the new Catholic communities were sporadic rather than On 13 July 1573, Philip II formally issued a comprehensive
constant, coalescing to perform certain rituals set by the compilation of edicts expanding and incorporating the
Church, only to disband after an event. The cabecera was previous decrees of Ferdinand and Charles V. What
the capital of the parish and was designed to be esite of a emerged was not just a set of ordinances dealing with
compact village. Since the natives were hesitant to move aspects of site selection, city planning, and political
into these villages in large numbers, every parish had a organization, but the most comprehensive set of
whole series of visitas or chapels. The cabecera-visita mode instructions ever issued to serve as guidelines for the
slowly became the prevailing pattern of rural settlement in founding and building of Hispanic colonial towns. This
the Philippines (Phelan 1959, 47). Concisely, the reducción represented an attempt of the Spanish Crown to establish
policy paved the way for the emergence of the present a uniform and extensive urban plan of the colonies. King
system of politico-territorial organization of villages, towns, Philip's compilation reinforced the unilateral objectives of
and provinces. The villages were literally "bajo de las conquest, emphasized the urban character of Spanish
campanas" or "under the bells," which sanctioned the colonization, and clearly specified the physical and 
acoustical control of natives' everyday life through the
audible sound of the bell, allowing the clergy to wake the
villagers up each day, summon them to mass, and subject Mission church in Mindanao in the late 19th century. The
them to religious indoctrination or catechetical instruction.  chapel was made of wood plank aldings. and thatched
gable roof and no different from native's  houses. It was
The massive and sweeping spatial reorganization of the simple in plan and structure, with a rectangular nave and
lowland native population resulted in the establishment of high pitched roof. (Opposite page)
more than 1,000 towns and cities during the entire
duration of the Hispanic colonial tenure in the Philippines.
But the Spanish were unsuccessful in converting Muslim Map of Manila and its suburbs drawn by Fray Ignacio
sultanates to Christianity, and, in fact, warred with the Muñoz in 1671 for the Council of the Indies (Consejo de
Indias), the most important administrative organ of the because, thus, the streets diverging from the plaza will not
Spanish Empire (Below) be directly exposed to the four principal winds, which
would cause much inconvenience. 

Leyes de las Indies Prescriptions for the Foundation of 115. The whole plaza and the four main streets diverging
Hispanic Colonial Towns Philip II, July 3, 1573, San Lorenzo, from it shall have arcades, for these are a great
Spain  convenience for those who resort thither for trade. The
eight streets which run into the plaza at its four corners are
110. Upon arrival at the locality where the new settlement to do so freely without being obstructed by the arcades of
is to be founded (which according to our will and ordinance the plaza. These arcades are to end at the corners in such a
must be one which is vacant and can be occupied without way that the sidewalks of the streets can evenly join those
doing harm to the Indians and natives or with their free of the plaza. 
consent), the plan of the place, with its squares, streets,
and building lots is to be outlined by means of measuring 116. In cold climates the streets shall be wide; in hot
by cord and ruler, beginning with the main square from climates narrow, however, for purposes of defense and
which streets are to run to the gates and principal roads where horses are kept, the streets had better be wide. 
and leaving sufficient open space so that even if the town
grows it can always spread in a symmetrical manner. 117. The other streets laid out consecutively around the
Having thus laid out the chosen site the settlement is to be plaza are to be so planned that even if the town should 
founded in the following form. 
increase considerably in size it would meet with no
111. The chosen site shall be on an elevation; healthful; obstruction which might disfigure what had already been
with means of fortification; fertile and with plenty of land built or be a detriment to the defense or convenience of
for farming and pasturage; fuel and timber; fresh water, a the town. 
native population, commodiousness; resources and with
convenient access and egress. It shall be open to the north 118. At certain distances from the town, smaller, well-
wind. If on the coast care is to be taken that the sea does proportioned plazas are to be laid out on which the main 
not lie to the south or west of the harbor. If possible, the
port is not to be near lagoons or marshes in which church, the parish church, or monastery shall be built so
poisonous animals and corruption of air and water breed.  that the teaching of religious doctrine may be evenly
distributed. 
112. In the case of a sea-coast town, the main plaza, which
is to be the starting point for the building of the town, is to 119. If the town lies on the coast its main church shall be so
be situated near the landing place of the port. In inland situated that it may be visible from the landing place and
towns the main plaza should be in the center of the town so built that its structure may serve as a means of defense
and of an oblong shape, its length being equal to at least for the port itself. 
one and a half times its width, as this proportion is the best
for festivals in which horses are used and any other 120. After the plaza and streets have been laid out building
celebrations, which have to be held.  lots are to be designated, In the first place, for the erection
of the main church, the parish church, or monastery and
113. The size of the plaza shall be in proportion to the these are to occupy, respectively, an entire block so that no
number of residents, heed being given to the fact that other structure can be built next to them except those
towns of Indians, being new, are bound to grow and it is which contribute to their commodiousness or beauty. 
intended that they shall do so. Therefore, the plaza is to be
planned with reference to the possible growth of the town. 121. Immediately afterwards, the place and site for the
It shall not be smaller than two hundred feet wide and Royal and Town Council House, Custom House, and Arsenal
three hundred feet long nor larger than eight hundred feet are to be assigned, which are to be close to the church and
long and three hundred feet wide. A well-proportioned, port so that in case of necessity, one can protect the other.
medium-sized plaza is one that is six hundred feet long and The hospital for the poor and sick of noncontagious
four hundred feet wide.  diseases shall be built next to the church, forming its
cloister. 
114. From the plaza, the four principal streets are to
diverge, one from the middle of each of its sides and two 122. The lots and sites for slaughterhouses, fisheries,
streets are to meet at each of its corners. The four corners tanneries, and the like, which produce garbage, shall be so
of the plaza are to face the four points of the compass, situated that the latter can be easily disposed of. 
 dig a ditch around the main plaza so that the Indians
123. It would be of great advantage if Inland towns at a cannot do them harm. 129. A common shall be assigned to
distance from ports were built on the banks of a navigable each town, of adequate size so that even though the town
river, in which case an endeavor should be made to build expands in the future there 
on the northern riverbank. All occupations producing
garbage shall be relegated to the riverbank or sea situated would always be sufficient space for its inhabitants to find
below the town.  recreation and for cattle to pasture without encroaching 

124 In inland towns, the church is not to be on the plaza upon private property. 
but at a distance from it, in a location where it can stand by
itself, separate from other buildings, so that it can be seen 130. Adjoining the common, there shall be assigned
from all sides. It can thus be made more beautiful and it pastures for team oxen, for horses, for cattle destined for
will command more respect. It would be built on high slaughter. 
ground so that, in order to reach its entrance, people will
have to ascend a flight of steps. Nearby and between it and and for the regular number of cattle, which according to
the main plaza, the Royal Council and Town House and the law, the settlers are obliged to have, so that they can be 
Custom House are to be erected in order to increase its
impressiveness but without obstructing it in any way. The employed for public purposes by the council. The
hospital of the poor who are ill with noncontagious remainder of land is to be subdivided into as many plots for
diseases shall be built facing the north and to planned that cultivation 
it will enjoy a southern exposure. 
as there are town lots, and the settlers are to draw lots for
125. The same plan shall be carried out in any inland these. Should there be any land which can be irrigated it is
settlement where there are no rivers, with much care to 
being 
be distributed to the first settlers in the same proportion
taken so that they enjoy other requisite and necessary and drawn for by lottery. Whatever remains is to be
conveniences.  reserved 

126. No building lots surrounding the main plaza are to be for us so that we can make grants to those who may settle
given to private individuals, for these are to be reserved for later. 
the church, Royal and Town House, and also the shops and
dwellings for merchants, which are to be the first erected. 131. As soon as the plots for cultivation have been
For the erection of public buildings, the settlers shall distributed, the settlers shall immediately plant all the
contribute, and, for this purpose, a moderate tax shall be seeds that they have brought or are obtainable, for which
imposed on all merchandise.  reason it is advisable that all go well provided. All cattle
transported thither by the settlers or collected are to be
127. The remaining building lots shall be distributed by taken to the pasture lands so that they can begin at once to
lottery to those settlers who are entitled to build around breed and multiply. 
the 
132. Having sown their seeds and provided
main plaza. The rest are to be held for us to grant to accommodation for their cattle in such quantities and with
settlers who may come later or to dispose of at our such diligence. 
pleasure. In 
that they can reasonably hope for an abundance of food,
order that entries of these assignments be better made, a the settlers, with great care and activity, are to erect their 
plan of the town is always to be made in advance. 
houses, with solid foundations and walls for which purpose
128. After the plan of the town and the distribution of the they shall go provided with moulds or planks for making 
lots have been made, each settler is to set up his tent on
his lot if he has one, for which purpose the captains shall adobes and all other tools for building quickly and at little
persuade them to carry tents with them. Those who own cost. 
none are to build huts of such materials as are available
wherever they can be collected. All settlers, with greatest 133. The building lots and the structures erected thereon
possible haste. are to jointly erect some kind of palisade or are to be so situated that in the living rooms one can enjoy.
air from the south and from the north, which are the best. agenda in Southeast Asia. Spain's immediate objectives in
All town homes are to be so planned that they can serve. the Philippines were to use the islands as a base for further
as a defense or fortress against those who might attempt expansion, to establish the colony as a center for the
to create disturbances or occupy the town. Each house is production and export of tropical spices, and to convert the
to be so constructed that horses and household animals natives to Christianity. Geographer Robert Reed (1978, 16)
can be kept therein, the courtyards and stockyards being as reports: 
large as possible to insure health and cleanliness. 
The Adelantado (Miguel Lopez de Legaspi) was told to
From the Archive Nacional, Madrid, MS 3017, Bulas y consider a number of potential sites before making a
Cedalas para el Gobierno de las Indias, as translated by choice because strategies of efficient exploration, balanced
Zelia Nuttall, "Royal Ordinances Concerning the Laying Out territorial expansion, and profitable trade ultimately
of New Towns." The Hispanic American Historical Review, hinged on the selection of a strategically located
52 (May, 1921), pp. 249-54. For both the Spanish test and headquarters. In addition, Spanish authorities offered
an alternative English translation prepared by an advice concerning the proper layout of the proposed
anonymous Individual(s), see Zelia Nuttall, "Royal colonial capital. They envisaged a substantial fortress as
Ordinances Concerning the Laying Out of New Town, The the nucleus of the imperial outpost. 
Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 4:4 (November,
1921), pp. 743-51. organizational arrangements that were Hence, the foundation of a well-garrisoned political center,
to be developed in the new cities of the Spanish empire.  an adjoining space of residence for Spaniards and
Christianized Filipinos, and the construction of a church
In addition to the actual planning experience encountered designed to function as the fulcrum of the socio-religious
in the Americas, the Royal Ordinance encapsulated the transformation of the emergent colonial community were
classicist theories of urban design from antiquity proposed in the making.
by the Roman architect Vitruvius and the Italian
Renaissance architect Leon Battista Alberti. The urban
prescription, like that of Vitruvius, exhibited "a keen Legaspi initially founded the early colonial settlements in
awareness of the function of open squares as essential Cebu and Panay. But these locations were beset by both
arenas of economic and social life, as well as places for the natural and man-made problems, which included
exposure of monumental edifices" (Reed 1978, 41). The continuous shortage of food supply, sporadic Portuguese
lengthy urban statutes provided overseas colonial military threats, and persistent hostilities of Filipinos. 
administrators useful models for the design of town and
urban sites for both inland and coastal geography.  But it was the persistent plague of locusts that finally
forced the conquistadores to search for new headquarters
Colonial cities in the Philippines were, hence, built northward in the island of Luzon, the fabled Muslim
according to rules codified in the "Leyes de las Indias" or settlement at the mouth of a river. Maynilad. In 1570,
Laws of the Indies of 1573, specifying an elevated location, Legaspi sent his lieutenant, Martin de Goiti, on a mission to
an orderly grid of streets with a central plaza, a defensive Manyilad who returned a year later. Soon after being
wall, and zones for churches, shops, government buildings, elevated to the rank of Governor-General by King Philip II,
hospitals, and slaughterhouses. The "plaza complex" Legaspi was ordered to immediately begin the process of
evolved, which consisted of a grid pattern with the main systematic territorial colonization and sailed without delay
plaza at the center surrounded by the church-convent, the to Maynilad to set up the administrative center of the
tribunal, and other important government buildings, and colonial government. Legaspi landed on the north shore,
the marketplace. Houses of various social classes are razed the defenses of the settlement, and eventually
usually hierarchically distributed around this complex. As conquered Maynilad. The settlement was captured without
the settlements expanded, secondary plazas were a fight because its head, Rajah Sulayman, had evacuated
established in different areas. The main plaza was ordained his fort after the inhabitants set fire upon their own
to lie close to the waterfront, the secondary plazas were settlement. On May 19, 1571, Legaspi laid the foundation
found inland, where growth naturally gravitated.  for Manila from the charred remains of Sulayman's
palisaded kingdom. By June 24, 1571, Legaspi officially
Manila: The Genesis of an Intramural Colonial City Royal inaugurated a municipal council and proclaimed Manila as
instructions dispensed to Miguel Lopez de Legaspi's the capital of the new territories under the Spanish Crown. 
expedition 
The newly conquered settlement was described by Legaspi
required the establishment of a permanent urban base in in a letter to the King of Spain dated April 20, 1572: 
the Philippines from which to springboard the imperial
The village of Maynilad is situated on the tongue of land by a spiked log palisade. There was a central plaza, a
extending from east to west between the river and the sea, cabildo (a municipal building), and a general market. The
and a fort had been built at the extreme western end of residences of the Governor-General and of the Bishop
the peninsula at the entrance of the fort. The sea makes a were also located in it. The cathedral was under
very large harbor about thirty leagues in circumference. construction and was made of wood boards. The houses of
Around the fort, a hundred and fifty huts for the Spanish the townsfolk occupied the rest of the area following the
officers were built by native labor, and the land around the grid street system. 
city was apportioned to men of the colonizing party
(Filipiniana Book Guild 1965, 195).  Manila was not spared its share of disasters and
tribulations. For one, the city was persistently preyed upon
Despite the impermanent and flimsy physical appearance by pirates from the sea, such as that which Limahong
of the early colonial city of Manila, new activities were launched in 1574. Its internal peace was threatened by a
introduced which necessitated the creation of novel sequence of Chinese insurrections, which began in the
institutions and infrastructure, characterizing urban life. Parian quarter. Earthquakes and conflagrations took a
Slowly a city was created in accordance with Hispanic law heavy toll on life and property. For the early architecture of
and urban lineage. The city of Manila was a modest one: both private and public edifices, the colonial authority used
barracks for soldiers, residences for officers, and a chapel, readily available organic materials and traditional methods
all of which were made of light materials-bamboo, wood, of construction. Similar to the vernacular houses of
and nipa thatch. Covering a hundred-hectare area, Sulayman's port settlement, all of which are constructed of
spreading out from the point of a triangle formed by the wood, bamboo ( (caña), and nipa thatch, the edifices built
river and the bay at Fort Santiago, Manila was envisioned by the Spaniards were of non-permanent, abundant, and
as the Spanish almacen de la fe (display window of the highly combustible building materials. In 1583, as the
Faith), and bestowed the title "El Insigne y Siempre Leal remains of Governor-General Ronquillo lay in state in San
Ciudad" or "The Noble and Ever-Loyal City" on June 24, Agustin Church, then made of bamboo and nipa, the
1574 by a decree by Philip II.  draperies caught fire from the vigil candles and the flames
spread rapidly reducing the entire city to ashes. This event
As they took full possession and administration of the city, ignited an architectural shift towards a new materiality.
the Spaniards ventured inland, spreading the spiritual This calamity reinforced the need to utilize more durable
salvation of the cross and the reign of the Spanish Crown to building materials by the many residents. It prompted the
the surrounding countryside. Capitalizing on the next Governor-General, Santiago de Vera, to order that all
geographical endowment of Manila, they systematically buildings of the city be constructed of stone and tile. Kilns
extended the authority of the Spanish colonial officialdom or hornos for the manufacture of ladrillos or bricks, tejas or
in the archipelago by the Intramural city was being built v-shaped roof tiles, and baldosas or square floor tiles were
and rebuilt, the friars took it upon themselves to soon established. Stone quarries located near the insular
evangelize the natives and to implement the reducción metropolis were surveyed and exploited. Hence, the
policies throughout the archipelagle colony. By 1590, the decree fostered an abrupt architectural change and urban
colonialist proclaimed the foundation of three primary renewal in Manila. 
ciudades de españoles in Cebu, Nueva Caceres (Naga), and
Nueva Segovia (Lal-lo, Cagayan) and two villas de españoles By the middle of the 1580s, Domingo Salazar, the first
in Vigan (in Ilocos Sur) and Arevalo (in Ilollo). Of these early Bishop of Manila, and Father Antonio Sedeño, a Jesuit,
cities outside Manila, only Cebu, Naga, and Vigan pushed for the construction of buildings
flourished as major urban centers, for they were sustained and houses using stones and tiles. Equally important was
by a concentration of population and economic activities the opening of the newly discovered quarries along the
resulting from their entitlements as diocesan sees. The banks of the Pasig River, particularly in Guadalupe, Makati,
Diocese of Nueva Segovia moved its seat from Lal-lo to under the auspices of Bishop Salazar, These quarries not
Vigan, due to the constant flooding of the Rio Grande de only provided a valuable source of local building blocks but
Cagayan, and perhaps, due to the relative ease of travel gave rise to a stone-cutting industry in the country as well.
from Vigan to Manila, as compared to the former.  Sedeño (1535-1595), using a soft stone of volcanic origin
called adobe, built the first stone building, the residence of
The Great Urban and Architectural Transformation  Bishop Salazar, and the first stone stone tower, the Nuestra
Señora de Guia, which was used as one of the defenses of
A decade after the founding of the city, Manila acquired Intramuros to demonstrate the feasibility of building in
the urban elements common with most established stone. Edifices of cut stone were called de silleria (meaning
Hispanic cities. As a port city, Manila had a wooden port "of stone blocks," from the word sillar which refers to
and a garrison of soldiers. The city quarter was surrounded finely dressed stone or ashlar) or de cal y canto (meaning
"of lime and cut stone"). Kilns for the production of lime for In several towns along the coast, notably in Cebu, Bohol,
mortar were established in Tondo, Morong, and San and Ilollo, coralline limestones had been quarried and used
Mateo. This golden age of building in stone required the as building stones in the construction of houses and
Chinese and Filipinos to learn how to quarry and dress churches. This stone is referred to interchangeably as
stone, how to prepare and use mortar or argamasa, and manunggul, anapóg, igang, or bató nga bukay depending
how to manufacture bricks. During the forty years that on the location (Jose 2003, 18). It is suitable for shaping
followed after the last fire, beautiful edifices and into sharp blocks for construction and can take fine relief
magnificent temples were built within and outside the work. Many churches in the Visayas were built of coralline
walls of Manila. However, a devastating earthquake in limestone, and demonstrate the height of the stone
1645 shattered the ambitious plans of the Spaniards.  mason's skill, as seen in the churches of Miag-ao and San
Joaquin in Iloilo.
Map of Manila from the Diccionario
Geografico Estaduatico-Historico de las Bricks or ladrillos were made using clay, or in some cases, a
Islas Filipinas, published in Madrid. mix of different soils, which was then mixed with water and
In 1851 (Opposite page)  kneaded and shaped using metal wires and wooden form
works. These were then air dried before being fired in a
The city of Manila from an oil painting on the Interior of a kiln. Brick kilns or hornos were built close to the
wooden chest, circa 1640-50. Museo de Arte Jose Luis construction site, and many of them have remained in use
Bello, Puebla. Mexico (Top)  after the construction project, providing materials for the
continued maintenance of the church, as well as for
A brick and pottery kiln in the  creating bricks and mortar to sell to other towns (Jose
2003, 22). In San Pedro, Makati, there was a brick. factory,
suburbs of Makati (Above)  La Olimpia, which utilized the clay found there to produce
roof tiles, brick blocks, balusters, and other manufactured
The Guadalupe quarry in Makati as seen in the 1930s clay-based products. Other brick factories were created in
(Below) Pila in Laguna, Imus in Cavite, Argao in Cebu, among other
locations, and these places supplied bricks to neighboring
towns. The best examples of brick construction may be
Spanish-era Masonry Technology  found in Cagayan Valley, which has examples of churches
which utilized the decorative possibilities that can be
The quarrying of building stone was one of the period's achieved with clay. Ilocos churches and houses also used
important mineral industries. Different stones were used bricks profusely, albeit with a generous use of plasterwork.
for construction depending on the location, and at times,
various types of masonry were simultaneously utilized in Another method employed in construction, perhaps as an
construction.  economical choice, is Ornate plasterwork on masonry the
Piedra bituca (literally translated from Spanish "Pledra" or
Adobe stone, batong sillar, and Guadalupe stone were stone and Tagalog "bitika" or innards) or cascajo, an
popular names applied to consolidated water-laid volcanic aggregate of layered rubble or gravel and argamasa
tuff that occurs as a continuous blanket material from the (mortar) used as infill for walls and then faced with brick or
Lingayen Gulf to southwestern Luzon. Adobe stones were stone (Jose 2003, 15). This method is related to the de
principally quarried in Marikina, San Mateo, and mamposteria or de cota method where rough stones and
Guadalupe in Rizal, Meycauayan in Bulacan, Majayjay in rubblework were used and held together by mortar. This
Laguna, and other places. There are varieties of adobe was a method used for fortifications, and in some churches
which were generally used and classified by toughness: such as Paoay Church in Ilocos Norte.
bulik which is the hardiest type; and the gasáng and the
palanas, which were softer and powdered easily when Crucial for these masonry construction works was the
exposed to the elements (Jose 2003, 17). The stone is soft application of palitada or plasterwork. The term comes
and easily quarried with an axe but hardens rapidly upon from "paleta" or trowel, which is used for the
exposure to air. The tuff has low compression and tensile application and manipulation of the plaster. It is a mix of
strength, and when used in the construction of large lime mortar mixed with gypsum (known locally as yeso),
buildings, very thick walls are generally required. Another sometimes also mixed with powdered brick, and other
type of black, volcanic stone is used in the Bicol Region, organic materials that helped bind the mortar. This served
specifically in the area of Albay near the Mayon Volcano as a protective layer for the brick and stone masonry
(Jose 2003, 19). structures, and as a decorative stucco used for fine detail
work on facades.
 the Soho Ironworks where he learned. the different aspects
of the manufacturing process. He was even detailed in the
Rubblework or Piedra biruca mechanical drawing department for a time. The company
The best-known ornamental stone is the Romblon marble, which manufactured locomotives was located in Bolton,
which is quarried in Romblon Island. Romblon marble is a England in Greater Manchester. The company later became
gray-blue mottled stone capable of taking on a high polish. a major supplier to British and foreign railway companies.
The stone has been used principally for monuments, In the recommendation letter by Benjamin Hick & Son
tombstones, fonts, and similar articles. In certain parts of dated January 15, 1856, Felix was considered to be very
old Manila, slabs of granite known as piedra china attentive and Industrious with highly satisfactory.
imported from Hong Kong were used in flooring and performance and with practical and sensible experience in
sidewalk construction. engineering.

Arquitectura Mestiza Felix wanted to pursue a career in architecture and

To avoid the consequences of both fire and earthquake, a enrolled in preparatory courses in Madrid. He studied
new hybrid type of construction was invented-the Descriptive Geometry, Shades/Shadows, and Stone Cutting
arquitectura mestiza-a term coined by Jesuit Francisco under Leocadio de Pagasartundua, and Topographic
Ignacio Alcina in 1668 to refer to the structures built partly Drawing, and Practice of Architectural Composition under
of wood and partly of stone (Merino 1987). This half-breed Nicomedes de Mendivil. Both mentors were notable
architecture used wood in the upper floor and stone in its architects of the Real Academia de Nobles Artes de San
ground floor to make it resistant to earthquakes. Thus, all Fernando and adjunct professors in the Escuela Especial de
edifices, except the cathedrals, rarely exceeded two floors Arquitectura. He also studied Applied Mechanical
and had walls of about three meters thick supported by Topography and Construction under Tomas Ledo in the
buttresses. Aside from this, the indigenous framework. Escuela Preparatoria de Arquitectos y Yngenieros Civiles
which relied on interlocking beams and house posts, was which was then under the direction of Eusevlo Sanz y Oses.
integrated to support the house effectively. In this type of
construction, the house posts or hallgues supported the The death of his father left Felix with ten other orphaned
second floor, while the stone walls at the ground floor siblings and a widowed mother. This circumstance prodded
merely acted as a compact curtain for the wooden him to apply for the position of Maestro de Obras and
framework of the house. Director de Caminos Vecinales (Director of Neighborhood
Roads) in colonial Philippines although he was not yet done
Although the character of the arquitectura mestiza was with his studies. On January 12, 1857, he wrote Queen
further influenced by amateur artisans and builders, the Isabella 11 for the position of Maestro de Obras y Director
actual business of building was executed by the maestros de Caminos Vecinales (Director of Neighborhood Roads),
de obras or master builders. They were natives who and by applying he was willing to undergo the required
apprenticed under friars, engineers, and other examination for the job. He specifically mentioned that this
knowledgeable and experienced people. It was only during will not prejudice the architects and masters in the Spanish
the mid-nineteenth century when numerous professional Peninsula because what he was requesting was limited to
architects and engineers arrived from Spain. It was during practice in the Philippines. His request was actually
this economic boom that the first Filipino professional endorsed by the Engineering Corps of the Direccion
designer, Felix Rojas y Arroyo (1820-1890), arrived from his Subinspeccion de Filipinas and the Sociedad Economico del
studies abroad. Pais noting that there was really a scarcity of theoretically
The idea of architectural hybridity defines the arquitectura and practically trained maestros de obras in the colony.
mestiza-a wood and stone structure that combines Spanish The Philippines then only had maestrillos who were
and indigenous building knowledge. (Above, left and right) actually mere stonemasons or specialized craftsmen due
partly to the lack of a school that provided such training.
Felix Rojas y Arroyo (1820-1890) His application actually brought to light the lack of
Felix Rojas y Arroyo was the son of Antonio Rojas y Ureta, academically trained personnel in the building construction
who was commandant of the Caballeria de Luzon (Luzon field in the colony and his application was welcomed.
Cavalry), and Lucina Arroyo. Under the protection of a
relative, he spent the years 1850 to 1853 in a private fee Elevation of San Ignacio Church, Manila
paying English boys' school, the Liverpool Collegiate In January 1858, Felix's request to take the exam was
Institution, where he read Arithmetic, Algebra, Geometry, granted and he took it in the Escuela Especial de
Mensuration, Physics, and Elements of Differential Arquitectura. The Real Academia de Nobles Artes de San
Calculus. He later worked for two years, presumably in Fernando accredited him after review of the exam results
1854 to 1855, in the company of Benjamin Hick & Son in and his credentials. In the same year, his request to be
given the title of Maestro de Obras was granted and flooding in coastal towns, while strong winds blow away
dispatched to him. On May 29, 1859, the Ministro de roofing and other light materials unfortunate enough to be
Fomento (Ministry of Development) issued the title of in Its path. It is with this context that Philippine colonial
Director de Caminos Vecinales to Felix Rojas y Arroyo with architecture developed distinctly from Its counterparts in
specific area of practice in the Philippines. Latin America, taking cues from the vernacular
architectural idiom and merging it with western ideals
Cross section of San Ignacio Church enshrined in the Leyes de las Indias and subsequent
In later years, Felix Rojas rose to become the Arquitecto del ordinances.
Ayuntamiento (City Architect). In 1865, the Ayuntamiento
(City Council) recommended him as new Director de Obras Veering away from purely masonry construction, wooden
Publicas de la Provincia de Manila, a post vacated by supports and partitions within structures afforded the
Enrique Manchon. structure flexibility during earthquakes. High ceilings,
in his lifetime, Felix Rojas designed significant buildings-the Interior calados, a profusion of exterior openings, and
Rafael Enriquez Mansion, San Sebastian corner Carcer steeply pitched roofs allowed residential and institutional
Streets, Quiapo; Pedro Pablo Roxas Mansion, General structures to adapt to the needs of tropical ventilation
Solano Street, San Miguel; Neo-gothic Santo Domingo while resisting the onslaught from strong winds. Keeping
Church in Intramuros; and San Ignacio Church, Intramuros. the buildings generally low with at most two, sometimes
The Rafael Enriquez Mansion as it has been reassembled three floors made buildings stable enough to withstand
from Quiapo is now in the Las Casas Filipinas de Acuzar in tremors. This type of construction became the most
Bagac, Bataan. It served as Rafael Enriquez's art school common technique for residences, commercial, and civic
until it was converted as the School of Fine Arts of the structures, varying only in size depending on its use.
University of the Philippines where Enriquez served as its Church construction adopted the following techniques to
first director. withstand earthquakes and strong typhoons: thick and
squat masonry walls coupled with projecting buttresses;
Felix Rojas y Arroyo married Cornelia Fernandez. His son stepped belltowers which were sometimes built
Felix later became Mayor of Manila and Governor of Independently from the main structure, and wooden
Batangas. His daughter Lucina married Enrique Brias de vaulting. This led to the development of a unique
Coya, thus becoming the matriarch of the famous Brias ecclesiastical style known as Philippine earthquake
Roxas clan. (Lorelei D.C. de Viana) baroque. These responses to disasters would come
Santo Domingo Church as seen in the 1880s (Above): The together to create the arquitectura mestiza which
Rafael Enriquer House, also known as the Casa Hidalgo, addressed the needs of colonial life and environmental
originally located in Quiapo, Manila (Opposte page) threats. New construction technologies would later on
allow further architectural advancement, but the same
basic ecological considerations would still inform the
Disasters as Form-giver to Philippine Architecture design practice to this day.
The Philippine environment, with its geographic location in
the Pacific region places it in the path of frequent Intramuros: The Bastion of Authority
onslaughts of typhoons and seismic activity. Its vernacular  The Walled City of Intramuros, patterned after the
architecture of botanical materials, while built to adapt to medieval city fortresses of Europe, began to take form in
these local ecological conditions, fall victim to rapid 1590 when Governor-General Gomez Perez Dasmarinas
conflagrations which became more frequent with the undertook the massive project of building the 3,916-meter
introduction of the reducción system. The confluence of pentagonal perimeter walls of volcanic tuff (adobe) and
natural and anthropogenic hazards coupled with the brick filled in with earth, with one bastion in each angle.
climatic conditions of the tropics demanded an The designer and supervisor of the construction of this
architectural metamorphosis, which corresponded as well engineering feat was Leonardo Turriano, a military
with the necessities of colonial caprices and reminiscence. engineer and personal appointee of the Crown. Native
labor was used to build the walls, exacting the services of
The introduction of masonry architecture was chiefly to tens of thousands of Filipinos conscripted from villages
deter the spread of fires and allowed the colonial throughout Central Luzon (Reed 1978, 49). The wall was
authorities to construct grand structures akin to those fourteen meters thick and 7.6 meters high above the moat
which may be found in other parts of the Iberian Peninsula that surrounded it. It had watchtowers and dungeons and
and Nueva Españia. These edifices of stone however were entry was through seven gates.
prone to collapse in the face of strong earthquakes.
Volcanic activity also buries towns within the vicinity of Bordered by Manila Bay on one side and the Pasig River on
active volcanoes. Strong typhoons cause storm surges and the other, the walls facing landward were marked off by a
moat, thus making Intramuros virtually an island with prison... On the same [central] square is situated the
drawbridges raised up every night, a practice religiously cathedral church. It is built of hewn stone and has three
observed up to 1872 to maintain both the security and naves (Translated in Blair and Robertson v.16, 137-43).
exclusivity of its precincts. When it was finished,
Intramuros had sixty-four blocks, with most of its streets Intramuros was reserved for the nobility and the clergy;
named piously after saints. trading with the coolies and indios remained outside the
walls. The monumental structures and other edifices were
Governor-General Dasmariñas began a systematic all designed to relieve the conquistador of his nostalgia and
building program for the city. Institutions for public homesickness, away from his temperate homeland, in a
welfare, such as hospitals and educational facilities, were strange tropical colony.
established. He set about to build the cathedral church of
hewn stone and encouraged the citizens to continue Extramuros: Living Beyond the Walls
building their edifices out of stone and finishing them with Extramuros, which later pertained to villages outside the
red tile roofs. walls, became pueblos-Pueblo de Tondo, Pueblo de
Binondo, Isla de Binondo, Pueblo de Quiapo, and Pueblo de
Detail of Filipino Struggles Through History by Carlos Malate. Ermita, Sta. Cruz, Dilao, among others are the
Botong Francisco at the Manila City Hall (Above) suburban nodes which were officially founded after the
In due course, Manila, like many others in Spanish completion of the Intramuros walls. These areas remained
American port cities, became a well-garrisoned commercial as they were, even by name, and grew with Manila in its
emporium, playing a significant role in the trans-Pacific first century. But during this period, the Spaniards began to
commerce called the Galleon Trade as a traffic point with build their residences in the suburbs or arrabales, and the
merchandise being exchanged between the Occidental and Church authorities began to expand their missions
Oriental worlds. The fortress of Nuestra Señora de la Puerta Real was erected in 1663, Used exclusively as
stood guard over the city. By the end of the sixteenth ceremonial gate by the Governor-General for state
century Guia the city was fully surrounded by a wall, which occasions. The original gate. was at the right of Baluarte de
backed onto the river and the edge of the bay, with the San Andres and faced the village of Bagumbayan.
Santiago Fort at its top end. Manila's physical Destroyed during the British invasion in 1762, the present
transformation, from a dispersed cluster of nipa and Puerta Real was relocated and rebuilt in 1760. The gate
bamboo structures fenced by a penetrable wooden was damaged during the Battle of Manila In 1945 and was
palisade into an imposing and well-fortified city, was vividly restored in 1969 (Opposite page)
described in Antonio de Morga's 1603 account in the
Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas: into Binondo, Quiapo, Ermita, and Malate. While the
districts of Japanese Dilao and Chinese Parian were
The city is completely surrounded by stone walls... It has conceived and developed as segregated quarters designed
small towers and traverses at intervals. It has a fortress of to control the potentially mutinous aliens, the other
hewn stone at the point that guards the bar and the river, arrabales proximate to Intramuros emerged unstructured,
with a ravelin close to the water, upon which are mounted receiving no official directives from the Spaniards. Malate
some large pieces of artillery ... These fortifications have became the home of ambitious maharlika (noblemen),
their vaults for storing supplies and munitions, and a tradesmen who amassed their wealth. from the new
magazine for the powder, which is well guarded and imperial order, while the arrabal of Tondo was identified
situated at the inner part; and a copious well of fresh with underprivileged natives who regularly provided fresh
water. There are also quarters for the soldiers and foodstuffs for the markets of Manila and could be readily
artillerymen, and the house of the commandant. The wall marshaled for major public works or private constructions
has sufficient height, and is furnished with battlements and (Reed 1978, 63).
turrets, built in the modern style, for its defense. There are
three principal city gates on the land side, and many other Trades and services were zoned outside the walls. The
posterns opening at convenient places on the river and the trade names were. reflected in the street toponym in the
beach for the service of the city... The royal buildings are areas of San Nicolas, Binondo, Santal Cruz, and Quiapo.
very beautiful and sightly, and contain many rooms. They Some old street names were Aceiteros (Oil Merchant);
are all built of stone and have two courts, with upper and Aduana (Customs House); Alcaiceria de San Fernando (Silk
lower galleries raised on stout pillars... There is a hall for Markets); Almacenes (Warehouse); Arroceros (Rice
the Royal Audiencia, which is very large and stately... The Dealers); Curtidor (Tanner); Jaboneros (Soapmakers);
houses of the cabildo [city government]. located on the Platerias (Silversmiths); Salinas (Salt Works); Toneleros
[main] square, are built of stone. They are very sightly also (Barrelmakers). From most of these streets came the goods
and have handsome halls. On the ground floor is the
and services which supplied the daily necessities within the Binondo (Belew)
walls. Puerta del Parian in Intramures, Manila (Opparite page)
By 1590, the district, as initially programmed, proved
To ensure the protection of the Spanish colonial elite, the ineffective to accommodate the permanent urban
colonial authorities decreed several official community of 3,000 Chinese and thousands of transients
pronouncements limiting non European population who from mainland China who were engaged in the Manila-
could work or reside within Intramuros. This effected a Acapulco trade. This condition resulted in a decree allowing
more conspicuous colonial divide along ethnic lines, the new immigrants to build additional shophouses along
underscoring the status of Intramuros as an exclusive the fringes of the built-up district, which gradually
urban precinct reserved for the Occidental elite. There expanded the Parian area in an accretionary pattern. The
were a few exemptions though; municipal employees, localization of most trades and personal services
retail traders, and domestic servants were allowed to live indispensable to urban life had transformed the Parian into
inside the walls. But all Chinese, Japanese, and Filipinos a commercial core of colonial Manila for two centuries.
were ejected from the intramural premises of Manila The increasing wave of immigration in the last decade of
before the nocturnal closure of the city gates. The outcome the 16th century spurred the Spaniards to allow some
of the colonial decree was the establishment of racially Chinese, especially the Christians who had Filipino wives, to
categorized residential districts in the extramural zone of settle permanently north of the Pasig River, in the area of
Manila. Binondo or, as the Spaniards called it, the Isla de Binondoc.
The settlement was given limited privileges of self-
An additional tactic by which the Spanish authorities governance, and Dominican friars were delegated the tasks
attempted to handle the increasing Asian population was of Hispanization and Christianization.
through a "strict segregation and commercial control With the population increase in the Parian and Binondo at
devised to confine Chinese and Japanese residents and the turn of the 17th century, Spaniards residing in
visitors to particular districts, to strictly delimit their Intramuros were ever more fearful of the potential uprising
marketplaces, and to partly supervise social interaction of the Sangleyes whose community surrounds their
with Filipinos and Spaniards" (Reed intramural enclave. Thus, a decree was issued by the
1978, 52). colonial administration to limit Chinese presence in the
designated ethnic quarters by sanctioning that no Chinese
dasla catenar de la lerns could:
The Chinese Parian live or own a house outside the settlements of Parian and
With the increase of Chinese trading merchants and of Binondo. Native settlements are not allowed in the
craftsmen, known as Sangleyes, a sense of anxiety began to Sangley. settlements, or even near them. No Sangley can
surface among the Spaniards, some of whom lobbied for go among the islands, or as much as two leagues from the
the closer monitoring of numerous alien residents. In 1581, city of Manila, without special permission. Much less can
a policy was enacted designating to the Chinese he remain in the city at night, after the [intramural] gates
community a separate urban quarter, known as the Parian, are shut, under penalty of death. (Morga in Blair and
to be located at the northeastern sector of Intramuros, just Robertson v.16, 198)
within the city's wooden palisade. However, it was not long These urban restrictions were intimidatingly reinforced by
before such a policy began to show its consequences. Intramuros cannons pointed at range toward Parian and
Binondo. Fearful of the sanctions and penalty of death in
The insecurity posed by the fast growing Chinese cases of nocturnal loitering in the intramural premises, the
community as well as two serious fires in the densely Chinese themselves imposed a self-restriction that limited
populated Chinese neighborhood that threatened the their movement in the city and confined their domestic
surrounding structures of European proprietorship realm in the officially allocated spaces.
compelled the colonial government in 1583 to relocate the In the aftermath of the British Invasion of 1762, the Parian,
Parian eastward to a site immediately outside the walls, along with its adjacent pueblos on the eastern and
just south of the Pasig River and still within easy range of southern flanks of Intramuros were razed in efforts to
the cannon of Fort Santiago-in the area of Arroceros. The improve the defenses of the walled city. By 1783 the Parian
site was an estuarial swamp, rendered inhospitable due to was demolished, and its Sangley population merged with
daily tidal flooding and insect infestation. But the those of Binondo, Santa Cruz, and surrounding arrabales.
resourceful Sangleyes soon filled the marshland and By this time, the Chinese were no longer considered a
reclaimed the land for settlement. threat, thus allowed to mix with the native population (de
Viana 2017, 8). A proclamation by Governor-General Felix
Elevation drawing of Puerta del Parian (Above) Berenguer de Mariquina in August 15, 1788 prohibited the
Chinese coolics along an estere in construction or reconstruction of any structure of stone or
light materials along the land side perimeter of Intramuros Intramuros and yet within cannon range. The area was
from the banks of the Pasig River to the seashore of the old placed under the spiritual guidance of the Franciscans and
Bagumbayan (Berriz 1888). The proclamation also gave the provided a safe refuge for Christians who fled Japan from
remaining inhabitants of the site two years to relocate the Tokugawa shogunate's persecution. The Hospital de
elsewhere, effectively clearing the area. San Lazaro was originally established in Dilao and catered
Chinese district of Binondo at the turn-of-the century (Top, as well to banished Christian lepers. With the onset of
left) Japanese self imposed isolation in 1639, the influx of
A market scene in the Chinese Parian district (Tep, right) Japanese migrants ceased and, gradually, the identity of
The Chinese migrant workers in. the Parian (Middle, left) Dilao as a distinct Japanese settlement faded out, only to
Chinese laborers at work (Bottom) exist in urban memory. The town was moved further inland
On September 13, 1858, Governor General Fernando de and away from Intramuros, in the wake of the British
Norzagaray decreed the open grounds left by the Parian be Invasion of 1762.
transformed into the JardÃn Botánico, a lush landscape Dilao was merged with the villages of Peña de Francia
promenade that served as an agricultural experimental (Peñafrancia), and Santiago in 1791, creating the town of
area as well as recreational space for the residents of the San Fernando de Dilao. In the 19th century, the town
city. It was placed under the administration of Sebastian gained the moniker Paco (a Catalan contraction of the
Vidal, who served from 1878 until his death in 1889. The name Francisco, perhaps owing to the Franciscan order's
gardens would be renamed as the Mehan Garden in 1913 spiritual administration of the town), which became its
after John Mehan-chief of sanitation and park popular name, to the dismay of the colonial government.
superintendent in the early American colonial period-and Paco would become famous for its circular cemetery, the
turned into a public zoological and botanical park. first to be created for the city of Manila and its suburbs.
Lithograph of the Parian circa 18th century by Fernando The cholera epidemics of the early 1800s would decimate a
Brambila (Above) significant amount of the population, prompting the
The Chinese in Parian de Arroceros erection of purpose-built cemeteries far from the town
Before Binondo became the foremost Chinese quarter of center. Manila's municipal cemetery, the Cementerio
Manila, the Parian in Arroceros was the Chinese settlement General de Dilao was ordered to be constructed in the
of the Spanish Extramuros. The former settlement is the arrabal of San Fernando in 1814, placed under the direct
namesake of the gate on Intramuros northeastern wall-the supervision of the Ayuntamiento. The cemetery was
Puerta del Parian facing what is now the Mehan Garden notable for its layout: a ring of adobe walls stacked high
and Plaza Lawton. The location of a Chinese settlement in with layers of niches, dominated by an elliptical mortuary
the area is corroborated by the presence of archaeological chapel, all rendered in the neoclassical style. The outbreak
artifacts found in 2016, during the excavations for the of the epidemic in the 1820 prematurely put the cemetery
restoration of the Manila Metropolitan Theater. Among the into operation that year. It was formally opened in April 22,
discovered artifacts were fragments of Chinese 1822, and initially contained 572 niches. Further waves of
ceramicware from the Ming Dynasty period, along with epidemic and the general acceptance of this off-site burial
granite gravestones with Chinese Inscriptions and human practice necessitated the construction of a second outer
skeletal remains. ring in 1859 to accommodate more burials, creating a total
A gravestone, pottery shards, and human remains of 1,782 niches. Another larger cemetery would be needed,
excavated at the Metropolitan Theater, site of the former leading to the creation of La Loma cemetery by 1884.
Parian Paco's cemetery would later be decommissioned during
The Japanese Dilao the American colonial period, and the remains therein
Another potentially rebellious ethnic sector in the eyes of transferred to the new Cementerio del Norte.
the colonial authorities were the Japanese. Trading A depiction of the 16th century Japanese in the Boxer
activities brought the Japanese to Philippine shores. Codex (Above)
Previous to colonization, the Japanese had forged a strong A Samural in Plaza Dilao
commercial link with the coastal communities of the A monument of a Japanese feudal lord, clad in samurai
Philippines. Japanese commerce with the Spaniards garb, stands a the center of a plaza in the Manila district of
prospered during the colonial period as the Japanese Paco, once a well-known Japanese settlement during the
supplied the Spaniards with goods and exotic items not Spanish colonial era. The Spaniards referred to the Paco
obtainable in the Philippines but were bound for Acapulco. district as Dilao (Yellow), named after the luyang dilaw or
As the Japanese population grew, a permanent Japanese turmeric, and perhaps because of the more than 3,000
community was assigned where they could be easily Japanese who resided there. Plaza Dilao is the last vestige
observed and controlled. The Spanish authorities found the of the old town of Paco. When the Japanese Tokugawa
Japanese proud and arrogant and less obedient to Spanish Shogunate began its Catholic holocaust in the seventeenth
commands. They were settled in Dilao, a suburb east of century, it claimed the lives of over a million Japanese
Catholics and forced the exile of thousands to Macau and surrounded the entire city was considered an engineering
Manila. The statue of Takayama Ukon (1552-1615), Japan's feat. Watchtowers were strategically located, and, at some
well-known Christian daimyo who was exiled to the sections there were compartments for the guards on the
Philippines in 1614 for refusing to renounce his Christian walls and gates. During this time, another fort was
faith, was erected in 1977 to preserve the urban memory constructed over what was left of the fortification of the
of the district of Dilao in Manila. This monument was city's previous chieftain, Sulayman. The fort was named
displaced by the construction of the elevated Skyway after the patron saint of Spain, James the Great, otherwise
viaduct in 2019, as part of the Philippine government's known as Santiago Matamoros (Slayer of the Moors, owing
Build Build Build Program. to the legend of Spain's Reconquista of the Iberian
Takayama Ukon Monument in Plaza Dilao Peninsula). Fuerza de Santiago or Fort Santiago was built at
Military Architecture and Defense Installations the sharpest angle, between the river and the bay, and this
The building of garrisons, naval constructions, and functioned as a citadel.
fortresses was a military strategy to safeguard and protect Fort Santiago facing the mouth of the Pasig River (Above)
the Spanish colonial possessions. These fortifications-such Fortification of the city of Manila drawn by Dionisio Kelly in
as Intramuros in Manila, Fort San Felipe in Cavite, the 1770. The wall surrounding the Intramuros precinct had
island of Corregidor, Fort San Pedro in Cebu, Fort Pilar in four fronts: one facing the river, one facing the sea, and
Zamboanga, and others-guarded harbors and strategic two land fronts. The apex of the triangle is the Baluarte de
coasts. They followed the European styles of the fifteenth San Diego, which today is an archaelogical site where three
and sixteenth centuries, and were characterized by heavy rings of stone connected by crossways were unearthed.
stone walls, moats, and grid road layouts (to facilitate (Below)
movement of cannons, ammunition, and supplies). The Intramuros was considered the foremost fortification built
European style of fortifications also used a series of by the Spanish Crown. It underwent a series of overhauls
bastions and keeps, which covered blind spots and to strengthen its defensive capability, especially after the
prevented invaders from coming close enough to storm the British occupation in 1762 to 1764. Other major defenses
walls. Where forts could not be constructed due to lack of include Fuerza de San Felipe in Cavite, Fuerza de Nuestra
funds or materials, watchtowers were built to warn the Señora del Rosario (1617) in Iloilo, Fuerza de San Pedro
coming of invaders. The church belfry also served as a (circa 1600) in Cebu, and Fuerza de Nuestra Señora del
lookout and the tolling of its bells signaled the approach of Pilar (built 1635, demolished 1663, reconstructed 1719) in
enemies. Zamboanga.
The total number of Spanish troops in the Philippines never The fortress architecture consisted of several sections: the
exceeded 14,000, including native soldiers. Barracks both sections that front the sea and the river, which were of less
inside and outside the walls were built to house them and intricate and complex design; and the three-sided land
their weapons: with a major naval base built in Cavite. fronts. Spanish fortifications were designed in accordance
Main concentrations of the Spanish garrisons were in with the principles of the bastion system straight stretches
Manila, Cavite, Cebu, Zamboanga, Polloc, and Isabela, of polygonal perimeter wall connected by protruding
Basilan. precincts called bastions at every corner of the polygon.
Cebu has long been acknowledged as a major commercial The typical fortifications may be three-sided or more, with
hub in the pre-Hispanic era. It was the first encampment of walls called cortinas, three to ten meters thick. On top of
Magellan and Legaspi, thereby the initial base of Spanish some of these walls were stone embrasures, called
colonization, Christianization, and permanent European casamatas, on which artillery weapons were propped up.
settlement. Aware of their increasing number of enemies Skirting cortinas on both ends were four-sided bulwarks
as a result of their expedition and colonization, Legaspi and known as baluartes or bastiones. Resting on other corners
his men, in 1565, fortified the existing triangular fort of were little turrets called garitas or sentry boxes where
timber palisades which they found in Cebu, and named it sentinels kept watch. The moat or foso, deep and wide
Fort San Pedro. In the process of colonization, this fort ditch filled with water, surrounded the whole fortification
turned out to be the forerunner of the succeeding as a form of defense. One side of the entrance was a
fortifications all over the country. massive structure known as revellin, a small outwork in
The earliest stone fortress built by the Spaniards was a fortifications consisting of two embankments shaped like
tower on the southern side of Intramuros, called Nuestra an arrowhead that points outward in front of a larger
Señora de GuÃa, opposite the ermita or hermitage of the defense work that was sometimes constructed. The
same designation. Designed by the Jesuit Antonio Sedeño interior of the fort could contain one of the following: living
and built circa 1587, the tower was later integrated into quarters for the soldiers; a jail; a foundry; a chain of
the defensive system which Governor-General Perez de warehouses for ammunition; powder; and provisions; a
Dasmariñas built around Manila beginning in 1590. The well; and a chapel.
construction of the massive walls of Intramuros that
Entrance of the Fort San Antonio Abad in Malate, Manila Edifices for Religious Conversion
(Above) Several religious orders undertook the early evangelization,
The gate of Fuerza de Santiago in Intramuros, Manila conversion, and spiritual governance of the Islands:
(Opposite page) Augustinians, Franciscans, Jesuits, and Dominicans. In the
The forts were not always effective: Intramuros was Philippines, the baroque churches of the Spanish colonial
captured by the British in 1762 and Fort Pilar in period constituted t most exemplary f the country's
Zamboanga, although they satisfactorily stood up against architectural heritage. Charged with the mission to
the Dutch in the 1600s, had to be abandoned for a while evangelize the islands, the religious orders filled the
due to shortage of manpower. By the time the Americans archipelago with ecclesiastical edes-churches, monasteries,
came to the : and convents-in newly founded parthes. The architecture
The Bastion System that resulted was an artifact of cultural encounter, allowing
Fortifications and military architecture of the 16th to 19th unique architectural styles to flourish, native labor giving
centuries were developed to counteract the effects of interpretation and tangibility to the friar's blurred memory
improved weaponry technology and siege tactics. While of European baroque churches.
polygonal fortifications were already in use during the Prior to colonization, the early Filipinos did not worship in
Renaissance period in Europe, the method of fortifications temples. Instead, members of families, dependents, and
found in Intramuros and the larger Spanish forts around relatives met for some special rituals in private places
the Philippines are based off the improved bastion system called simbahan. Spanish friar Fray Juan Francisco de San
devised by Sebastian Le Prestre de Vauban, a French Antonio recounts that the locals built their places of
military engineer of the 17th Century. The polygonal fort is worship extensions in their homes, which they termed sibi.
strung with triangular or diamond-shaped bastions (instead It had three separates naves, with the third one being the
of round bastions), which minimize blind spots and allow longest. Leaves and flowers with small lighted lanterns
for counterattacks to besieging forces scaling the walls. To adorned the shelter. A large lamp with many ornaments
counteract the destructive effects of cannons, lower, was placed in the middle, and this was their simbahan or
thicker walls with sloped sides were devised. A system of oratory. Solemn feasts were held in the simbahan, with the
moats and low walls surround the fortress to provide a safe pandot being the most solemn ritual, lasting for four days.
distance from heavy weaponry. Polygonal revellins act as Once the feast was over, all the ornaments were removed,
supporting defenses and protect fortress gates. This system and the place once again became a nondescript residence.
of fortifications proved effective for a few centuries but Friars in the sixteenth century built plain chapels of
became obsolete as weapons with higher firepower were bamboo, thatch, and other light indigenous materials.
developed and aerial attacks began to be incorporated into These worship structures were no different from the native
modern warfare, Philippines, most of the Spanish defenses houses-simple in plan and structure, with a rectangular
were old and antiquated; a few relatively new guns had nave and high-pitched roof. The floor may have been
been brought to Manila, Corregidor, and Cavite, but these raised above ground, or may have been on ground level, or
were still smooth bore muzzle-loading weapons, which had the bare earth. itself. FrÃar chronicles described these
limited range. Virtually all weapons were obsolete and early churches as de caña y nipa (of bamboo and nipa).
were either destroyed by the Americans or turned into Because of the material, these structures were easily
decorative pieces. devoured by flames. Later, these churches evolved into
Barracks and military offices were old and not well- monumental stone sanctuaries fusing European styles with
maintained, although indigenous influences but retaining the simple rectangular
more recent wood and nipa construction had been built in plan. Thus, the single-nave colonial church owed the
Malate, among provenance of its form not from a European archetype but
other places. But all these would be taken over by the from an indigenous precedent. In traditional Western
Americans in 1898. architecture, rectangular or longitudinal churches, as a
1765 Plan of the Fuerte de Concepcion y del Triunfo also rule, abide by the basilican plam, which featured a central
known as the Catta of Osamia (Tup, left) nave with an aisle on each side formed by two rows of
Main Gate of the Comta in Ozamiz City, Misamis Oriental columns and, typically, a terminal semicircular apse.
(Top right Although chapels (kapilya) may later evolve into churches
A sectional perspective of the Intramuros defenses during (simbahan), both building adhered to a common spatial
the Spanish Period the Gate (1) was separated from land by pattern: a longitudinal space-the nave-for congregation; at
a Moat (2) with a Bridge (3) that was drawn close at night. the end, the narthex or the vestibule, a preparatory space
A Revelie (4) protected the gate from encoming intruders. where the worshippers crossed themselves with holy
A series of Covered Ways (5) protected by Glacis (6) water; and, on the opposite end, the sanctuary or
provided additional defenses around the fortification. presbytery where the priest said mass.
(Below)
Characteristically, a colonial church had two focal points: parish church. A separate Bell Tower (12) tolled the time
the altar mayer (main altar) and the pulpito (pulpit). The and signalled masses and feasts. An adjacent Rectory (13)
altar mayor at the far end of the church in the sanctuary, housed the cathedral's priests and the church caretakers.
was where the Eucharist was celebrated ad orientem icons and biblical episodes-all of which were devised to
("facing the east" whether the cardinal east or the liturgical direct the attention to the tabernacle at the center of the
east, depending on the location of the church), and the main altar. To one side or behind the main altar was the
consecrated host kept in the sagrario (tabernacle). The sacristia (sacristy) where the priest and his assistants put
pulpito was an elevated structure-attached to the wall and on their religious robes before saying mass. The band and
built usually of wood, sometimes made free-standing, and choir performed at the coro (choir loft), a high platform
built of wrought iron-and often placed at the nave or at the formed by a mezzanine behind or over the main entrance.
intersection of the nave and transept, or crucero, to The organ was placed on a loft next to the coro in
amplify audibility of the homily. This was also done accordance with Spanish tradition. Majority of the
because the homilies (which were opportunities to relay worshippers were left to stand or kneel; long benches were
the gospel and deliver catechetical instruction in the provided only for the principales or leading citizens of the
vernacular) and particular oratorical practices during holy community. Persons who sought privacy could attend mass
week celebrations were considered a break in the behind the tribunas, a screened gallery with entry from the
sacramental rite of the mass and thus were made outside second floor of the convento.
the sanctuary. Side altars or altares menores, formed by Adjacent to the church was the parish house or rectory,
the arms of the transept, or in larger churches located called convento in the Philippines. Another component of
along the nave or within side chapels, could accommodate the church complex was the cementerio or camposanto
several priests celebrating mass simultaneously with the (graveyard or cemetery). In the early days, only the elites
priest at the main altar, following Tridentine prescriptions, could be buried inside the church. In the nineteenth
where the priest faces the altar rather than the people. An century, graveyards near the church were abandoned in
elaborately ornamented retablo or altar screen accordance with the funerary and hygienic reform. New
emphasized the importance of the altar mayor. The interior cemeteries were established in the outskirts of the town,
richly furnished with side altars, paintings, and carvings of such as the cemeteries of La Loma, and Paco in Manila,
religious the church was often Nagcarlan in Laguna, Tayabas in Quezon, and Janiuay and
A temporary mission church In Mindanao, circa late 19th San Joaquin in Iloilo.
century (Above) Key settlements, located some distance from the parish,
Construction of the Church of Santa Maria in Zamboanga, were established as visitas, visited by the priest or his
circa 1888. (Left) representative on certain occasions, such as feast days, to
Binondo Church in Manila, circa late 19th century administer the sacraments. Eventually, many of the visitas
(Opposite page) assumed independence as a separate parish from the
Axonometric diagram of the Metropolitan Cathedral of mother parish or matriz.
Manila in Intramuros before the 1880 earthquake, which Saint Pancratius Chapel in Paco, Cemetery, Manila, circa
bears the layout of major Hispanic churches. The Main 1905 (Top, left)
Facade (1) is the most elaborate face of the church and has 1818 Plan of the Municipal Cemetery In Paco (Top, right)
the main portals leading into the Vestibule (2), which has a Cemetery Chapel of Campo Santo de La Loma in Santa
separate altar for the native congregation. A Coro or Choir Cruz, Manila (Above, left)
Stalls (3) is where the music for the liturgy is chanted, and Campo Santo and Mortuary Chapel of San Joaquin, Iloilo
where a pipe organ is located perpendicular to the nave. In (Above, Right)
most Spanish-era churches in the Philippines, the coro is The early stone churches were of rubblework or de
located on a loft over the vestibule. The Nave (4) was mamposteria (from "mano" or hand, and "puesto" or
reserved for Spanish citizens while ther parishioners would placed, meaning placed by hand). Later churches used
have stayed along the Aisles (5) or Transepts (6) of the hewn stone and were called de silleria or de cal y canto.
church. The Sanctuary (7) contains the cathedra or Bishop's The advent of stone churches began in Manila in the
throne, and High Altar from where the Liturgy of the aftermath of the great fire at the turn the sixteenth
Eucharist was conducted. A Pulpit (8) was located along the century. In the mission areas, stone churches began to be
nave for sermons. A semi-circular Dome (9) marks the built in the first half of the seventeenth century. The sheer
crossing of the church, and the cross above it historically weight and rigidity of these stone edifices made them
served as the point of reference for astronomical prone to collapse during earthquakes. After the tremors,
longitudes of the country. Side Chapels (10) housed small new churches were constructed, but this time following the
retablos where cofradias may hold masses for intimate style adopted in the seismic zones of America. Termed as
groups. The Sagrario (11) was a large chapel where the earthquake baroque, these structures possessed a more
Blessed Sacrament was reserved, and acts as the city's robust proportion and were squat in appearance. The skill
of hewing stone led to the craft of carving stone for meaning "wall"; pampango, from Pampanga, the name of
ornamental purposes. Native artisans skillfully executed the place where it was probably introduced and
the stone relief ornaments to approximate the baroque popularized.
and rococo design prototypes as recollected from the friar The more permanent and sturdier churches were made of
architect's memory of European churches. adobe stone or volcanic tuff, limestone, or brick. Regional
میں availability and abundance of raw materials for church
Elevation and section drawings of the Manila Cathedral of construction defined the material constitution of the
1879. The cathedral was rebuilt seven times (Below, left building. For instance, churches in Northern Luzon were of
and right) brick, while churches in the Visayas and Mindanao were of
The Manila Cathedral after the 1880 earthquake which coral stone, a whitish type of limestone formed from
destroyed its campanile (Bottom, left) fossilized coral reefs and accretions of shells and other
Plan of the fourth Manila Cathedral from 1750 (Bettom, marine life. Laying bricks or adobe was accomplished with
right) the use of mortar or argamasa. A layer of plaster or
Gate of the Nagcarlan Cemetery in Laguna (Opposite page) palitada was laid over the brick or stone wall to protect it
When building a church, the natives contributed much of from direct exposure to the destructive effects of rain and
the needed labor force. But they were not always wind. The mortar mixture was concocted from various
indispensable. Although the Filipinos were good builders of formulas utilizing a mélange of ingredients, such as pog
wood and bamboo, they were unskilled in building with (lime), crushed coral, crushed shells, crushed eggshells,
stone. Hence, Chinese laborers were employed when such molasses, animal blood, carabao milk, sugar cane extract,
a specific skill was required. Muslims were also recruited to puso-puso extract, and egg whites.
provide labor. In several churches in the south, this Brick ornaments were numbered according to installation
resulted in minaret-like belltowers with onion-shaped sequence, and detail of the parapet of the Tumauini
roofs, trefoil arches, and geometric patterns. One good Church in Isabela (Top, left and right)
example is the Carcar church in Cebu. The Malate Church in Puso-Puso: A Forgotten Mason's Herb
Manila also illustrates this Muslim influence. The collective The extract from the leaves of the puso-puso tree has been
labor of artisans coming from a varied ethnic and cultural traditionally employed by native masons as an additive for
heritage eventually led to the confluence of nonwestern the production of mortar, a formulation for the masonry
motifs into the architecture, further creating a hybrid style. binding agent that is now forgotten. The puso-puso (Litsea
Thus, classical ornaments in baroque or neoclassical glutinosa) or Indian laurel in English is a native tree, seven
designs were often incorporated with local motifs such as to ten meters high, with a very hard wood. Being widely
flowers, fruits, or a crocodile's head. distributed in tropical Southeast Asia and Philippine forests
The colonial churches were actually a mixture and at low and medium altitudes, it is known by local regional
accumulation of stylistic fragments borrowed from names such as batikuling in Tagalog, sablot in Ilocano and
medieval Spanish architecture as well as from Chinese, Ibanag, lau-at in Bicolano, balanganan in Bisaya, and olos-
Muslim, and other foreign influences coming from as far as oles in Pangasinan, among others. Its leaves are elliptical to
India. Church architecture, thus, became an architecture of oblong-elliptical, nine to twenty centimeters long, broadly
improvisation, or the adaptation of form and design to suit pointed at the base and tapering to a pointed tip
the means, the purpose, the skills of the craftsmen, and The fresh leaves are pounded into a pulp while adding
their exposure to overseas ideas. The local adaptations of water until the mixture becomes pale green. The mixture is
foreign forms and designs were plainer and highly sticky and becomes more so as it ferments. This decoction
selective. A high degree of originality is manifested in the is set aside to ferment for 12 to 18 hours before it is mixed
emphasis of decorative woodwork in the interior, the with native lime. It is said that this mixture when mixed
fanciful treatment of pillars, columns, balustrades, and the with lime and sand produces a very strong mortar that is
elaborately sculptured facades. The outcome was a unique almost impenetrable to rain.
vernacular interpretation of Spanish colonial architecture In the olden days, the local masons of Bulacan made their
rendered through an aesthetic confluence of stylistic mortar with 30 parts lime, 60 parts sand, and one part
sources. melaza (molasses) with water infused with puso-puso juice
One fine example of the ingenuity of the local builders was prepared as described above. Experiments have shown
their own rendition of the wattle-and-daub construction that puso-puso and molasses enhances the hardness of the
popular in Europe. Instead of using pliant branches of mortar. Although the said additives have no chemical
plants with a mixture of mud and straw applied on both action on mortar, they delay the setting of the mortar. The
sides of the wall and allowed to be sun-dried, the local hardening of the mortar is attributed to the retardation of
builders used pliant bamboo with a mixture of mortar curing caused by the additives, which in some cases takes
composed of sand, lime, and water. This was referred to as decades or even hundreds of years to complete.
tabique pampango: tabique from the Arabic word tasbbik,
in the Ilocos region, the leaves are soaked in water for arrival of important personages, and warning of impending
three to seven days. The process will produce a sticky dangers such as fires and pirate attacks.
substance from the leaves. When the solution is combined A bell tower could vary in design as well as in location.
with lime, molasses, and sand, the resulting mixture Some were detached from the church; some were linearly
becomes plastic and fluid, approaching the workability of attached and integrated to the church; others stood near
concrete-a consistency ideal as plastering (palitada) the front or some distance from the church. The towers
material for buildings. attached to the church were usually provided with a
The church was generally rectangular or cruciform in plan. baptistry at its ground floor. Ilocos churches had bell
To configure the shape of a Latin cross, the single-nave towers detached from the church at a considerable
church was extended by integrating a transept with the distance so that it would not topple and fall over the
longitudinal apse. This appeared to be the basic plan of church's structure during earthquakes. In plan, bell towers
Philippine colonial churches, which was barely altered by may be square, octagonal, hexagonal or, in rare instances,
such philosophy as baroque dynamism, rococo lighting, or circular in form. The number of bell towers may also vary;
gothic drama. Generally, colonial churches could be some churches have two, and a few have three. The church
perceived as a plain stone box with a sumptuously of San Luis Gonzaga in Pampanga, aside from exhibiting
ornamented principal facade. The latter demonstrated the concave undulations attributed to European and Latin
halo-halo (mix-and-match) or tapal-tapal (overlayering) American Baroque found nowhere else in the Philippines,
stylistic attitude of fusing various architectural elements proudly displays three belfries in its facade.
into a single compositional concoction. The elevational Three bell towers from the Ilocos Region (from left to
height was visually segmented and traversed vertically by right): Masingal Church in Ilocos Sur, Sarrat Church in Ilocos
columns and horizontally by cornices. Niches, parapets, Norte, and Bantay Church in Ilocos Sur (Top, left)
blind arches, blind balustrades, false pediments, blind Central bell tower of Morong Church in Rizal (Top, right)
windows, pilasters, and bas-relief carvings provided texture San Luis Gonzaga Parish Church
and three dimensionality to the otherwise uniform and in Pampanga (Bottom)
planar expanses of a wall. mnaments were culled from Santa Cruz Church in Manila, circa late 19th century
Classical, Romanesque, Gothic, Baroque, and Mudejar (Opposite page)
sources, with Chinese resonances and native influences. t
Chinese moments could be discerned the decorative The first buildings of architectural significance in the
elements such as fu dogs, lions, stylized clouds, dragon-like Walled City in Manila were the San Agustin Church and the
scroll work, and geometric lattice screens. Exotic tropical Manila Cathedral. The mother churches of all religious
decorative elements demonstrated the attempts toward orders, including all the largest monasteries, were
subsequent local mediation such as in the facade of the concentrated in Intramuros, Constructed in 1587, the San
Miag-ao Church in Iloilo, where the pediment portrayed a Agustin Church is the only stone church of its size that is
lush tropical environment overgrown with coconut, still standing as initially built. It is also one of the very few
papaya, and guava trees. structures in the Philippines constructed with true barrel
While the church facade was displayed a riot of ornament, vaulting. The barrel vaults have remarkably withstood even
the lateral surfaces remained plain. Such frontal indulgence the strongest earthquakes. The original design of the
deprived the sidewalls of grandiose decoration, yet the church had three story identical towers. Cupolas perched
otherwise monotonous surfaces were broken to on drums topped the towers However, the two upper
accommodate side portals with sparse but recurring storeys of the tower were damaged during the 1863
decorative patterns and structural buttresses assuming earthquake, and thus had to be removed subsequently.
different silhouettes-flat and thin, bulky and rectangular, The Augustinians were also fortunate to have two Italian
tilting, steeped, serrated, cylindrical, or curving. painter-decorators, Cesare Alberoni and Giovanni Dibella,
Facade of the Miag-ao Church in Miag-ao, Iloilo (Above) to paint the interior with trompe l'oeil, a technique that
Tuguegarao Cathedral in Cagayan, created an illusion of three-dimensionality in the recessed
circa 19th century (Below) panels, rosettes, cornices, and mouldings.
Bell towers or campanarios ranging from three to five The Augustinian churches in northern Ilocos are renowned
stories accompanied the whole composition. These for their massiveness, particularly their facades and side
structures could be as simple as the four-posted structures buttresses, with detached bell towers in close proximity.
of early churches, or monumental, such as the detached Another outstanding feature is the single nave, discarding
bell towers of Ilocos. The bell tower served many functions the cruciform transepts predominant in other churches,
for the colonial society: tolling the time, calling the Notable examples of Ilocano baroque are the churches of
parishioners to prayer, announcing important events in the Paoay, Laoag,
parish, such as fiestas, weddings, and deaths, heralding the
Painting God's Firmament: Alberoni and Dibella In 1875, except from the arched portal that punctures the central
the Prior of San Agustin Church, Fr. Jose Esteban Ibeas axis of the front wall. Plain pilasters serve to negotiate the
contracted otherwise monotonous facade. A three-tiered wall
the two Italian scenographers Cesare Alberoni and punctuated by arched windows on the first level and a
Giovanni Dibella for the interior painting of the San Agustin deep niche at the second level defines the pediment.
in Intramuros. The result is a lavish visual execution and Built in 1765 under the supervision of the Augustinian
imagery in the Neoclassical revival. Trompe l'oeil paintings order, the Santa Maria Church resembles a citadel located
of wreaths, cornucopias, festoons, fleurettes, Christian on the summit of a solitary hill rising above one side of the
symbols, and windows are framed with illusory pediments Santa Maria town plaza. The architectural ensemble
and panels, according the worshipper with an imagined presents its side and detached pagoda-like bell tower
aesthetic of God's firmament. The success of San Agustin rather than its facade to the town. The bell tower is
Church resulted in more projects under Alberoni like the detached some distance away from the church, protecting
churches in Caysasay in Taal, Batangas; San Miguel de the main church structure from possible earthquake
Mayumo, Bulacan; and Lubao, Pampanga. Alberoni was damage.
influential to many native Filipino painters during his time, The Cagayan Valley lays claim to Dominican-built brick
so that his student apprentices later on became maestros structures that include ascending or undulating volutes
pintores known for their excellent artistic executions as topped by massive finials. Excellent examples of delicate
evidenced in the Church of Apalit, Pampanga. The brick craftsmanship are the Tuguegarao Cathedral, Iguig
contribution of Alberoni and Dibella to Philippine art and Church, and the Tumauini Church.
architectural history cannot be understated as their works The Franciscans, who covered the area of southern
stand out as the vivid glorification of the Divine through Quezon, Laguna, and the Bicol region, built churches in a
the medium of visual artistry and perspective; and the range of unrelated styles, from the Renaissance-inspired
Italian hand in the shaping of 19th century Philippine art church of Majayjay, Laguna to the fantastic carving of
and architecture. alcoves, seals, and twisted salomonica columns of Daraga
Fu Dogs Church in Albay. Built in 1815, the Daraga Church has a
Stone zoomorphic sculptures of Sino-Buddhist origin, baroque-inspired facade where the absence of raking
known as fu dogs or temple lions, are often mounted as cornices is instead accentuated by salomonica that carries
guardians at the main doorways of colonial churches. no entablature. Lavishing the facade further are niches and
These mythical creatures are believed to ward off negative a
energies and protect the church or sacred precincts. They medallion that roughly define the facade's three-
can be found in three of the oldest settlements in the dimensionality.
country established during the Spanish colonial period, San Matias Church in Tumaini, Isabela (Top, Left)
namely: Cebu City, Intramuros, Manila, and Vigan (formerly Nuestra Señora de la Porteria Church in Daraga, Albay
known as Ciudad Fernandina) in Ilocos Sur. They are also (Tep, Rigla) Pediment of the Santo Tomas de
present in the churches of Taal, Batangas and in Morong, Villanueva Church in Miag-ao,
Rizal. Undoubtedly, these stone lions are palpable Iloilo (Above)
emblems of a strong Chinese presence in the development Augustinian-built churches in the Island of Panay are an
of Philippine architecture. impressive specimen of Philippine Baroque. The fortress
Fu Dog at the San Agustin Church church of Miag-ao features a massive triangular pediment
Badoc, Sarrat, Bacarra, and Dingras. Churches in southern portraying St. Christopher clad as a Filipino farmer and the
Ilocos, on the other hand, are much smaller in scale but Christ Child in a tropical environment verdured with
more elaborate in ornament, such as those found in San stylized coconut, papaya, and guava trees. The San Joaquin
Vicente, Candon, Santa Maria, and Masingal. Chinese Church pediment depicts the Battle of Tetuan, Morocco in
craftsmen who labored in the construction of these 1859, where Christian cavaliers claimed victory over the
churches had left their mark though its Sinicized details, Muslim regiment. This is the only secularized theme ever
such as the scroll-cloud volutes and ornamental fu dogs executed in a colonial Philippine church.
resting on pilasters. Churches in the Cebu and Bohol islands are huge coral
The Paoay Church, built from 1699 to 1702, invokes the edifices incorporating Muslim motifs, such as sun disks and
aura of the stone. architecture of Southeast Asia rather pointed arches. The church of Naga in Cebu is decorated
than Europe's. The composition depends on delicate mass with disks, gargoyles, and minarets. The towers of Carcar
and majestic silhouette. Detached from the church facade, Church are capped with bulbous mudejar domes. The
the bell tower tapers as it rises from the ground in a interior of Argao Church exemplifies the fusion of
fashion reminiscent of a pagoda. Enormous buttresses eighteenth-century rococo style and a restrained Islamic
protruding on both sides curve sensuously with its design. Exterior ornamentation in the Jesuit-built churches
voluminous, scroll-like base. The facade has no opening in Bohol is likewise influenced by Islamic sources, yet their
interiors are triumphs of colonial ecclesiastical art. Extant its precinct, to enshrine their cultural superiority and
religious murals of Loboc, Loon, Panglao, and Baclayon inculcate among the natives the teachings of an unknown
complement the grand array of baroque retablos gracing faith, delivered in an intoxicating mix of architecture and
the transepts. religious revelry.
Some churches carry a statement of locally mediated Colonial churches have been romantically heralded as
architectural styles. Morong's baroque facade, completed monuments to God's greater glory, if not architectural
in 1853 and designed by Bartolome Palatino (a native of inheritances we dearly owe our colonial masters. However,
the wood-carving settlement of Paete), is another excellent this kind of historical framing needs to be rectified because
expression of the tropical baroque spirit. The dynamic and it conveniently conceals the power relations at work in
pulsating elements of baroque are also present in the colonial arrangements, glossing over political strategies
facades of the churches in Binondo, Paete, Pakil, and associated with colonial discourse, such as forced labor,
Nagcarlan. religious tolerance, genocide, and obscurantism.
Other stylistic tendencies also figure in some churches. As a
decorative style, gothic revivalism adorns a church with The celebrated grandeur of colonial church facades should
pointed arches and finials, Tudor arches, spandrels with not singularly overwhelm us with a blurring image of
trefoils, pointed niches, and lace tracery. Neo-Gothic- beauty but must also be subjected to the critical eye of
inspired churches include the ones in Cordova in Cebu, socio-historicism. In doing so, we will be able to discover
Bantay in Ilocos Sur, Sto. Domingo in Intramuros and understand issues of colonial cultural assimilation and
(destroyed during World War II), and the Belgian encounters, native mediations and transformations,
prefabricated, all-metal San Sebastian church in Manila. asymmetrical colonial power relations, religious subjection
Neoclassicism is epitomized in the churches of Taal in and domination, and possible native resistances.
Batangas, Malabon in Manila, and San Ignacio in
Intramuros (destroyed during World War II). The In studying the grammar of colonial governance, one will
Romanesque strain is evident in the Manila Cathedral, with need to read through the idiom of empire building that can
its deeply recessed round portals framing a tympanum be gleaned in architectural references. King Philip II, writing
with low-relief articulation and a central wheel window. in the 1573 "Prescriptions for the Foundation of Hispanic
The Pavia in Iloilo is inspired by the early Christian Roman Colonial Towns," makes it perfectly clear that the edifice of
basilicas with Church in rounded apse and a deep portico the church must demand attention, if not enthralling
with three Roman arches of uniform heights. Non-Western astonishment:
motifs, like neo-Mudejar, characterized by trefoils its In inland towns, the church is to be on the plaza but at a
arches, salominica columns, and arabesque wall tracery, distance from it, in a situation where it can stand by itself,
lavish the facade of Malate Church in Manila as well as separate from other buildings, so that it can be seen from
Carcar Church in Cebu, with its bulbous domes and pointed all sides. It can thus be made more beautiful and it will
arches. inspire more respect. It would be built on high ground so
that, in order to reach its entrance, people will have to
The church building enterprise of the Spanish missionaries ascend a flight of steps (Reed 1976, 72).
set significant watersheds in the evolution of architecture
in this part of the world. The Taal Church in Batangas is the King Philip II's prescriptions stipulate that the town plan
widest church in Asia, while the San Sebastian Church in should establish a main plaza from which a principal street
Manila, perhaps the crowning glory of colonial church traverses at one side with secondary streets laid out
building in the country, is the first and only all-metal following a gridiron pattern. Built to designate the center
church in Asia. of colonial authority, the plaza complex was to be
Pediment of San Joaquin Church In San Joaquin, Iloilo (Top) dominated by the scale and presence of the church. In
some instances where the church was not at the main
San Francisco de Asis Parish in plaza, the church should at least be situated at the highest
Naga City, Cebu (Above) point in the town or elevated in a prominent position. A
Ecclesiastical Architecture as a Colonial Mode of bell tower of overwhelming height would serve as a
Production The magisterial command of the "Lumang panoptical device whose surveying gaze plerces through
Simbahan" enthralls the populace with a pageant of the quotidian affairs of the native. population arranged
consummate artistic expression harnessed through a strategically along the cuadricula planning system. With
colonial mode of production in the service of the Catholic the implementation of the ordinanzas, the native
Faith. Since the Church serves as the locus of propagating a population was soon reorganized bajo de las campanas, "or
system of beliefs previously unheard of, the colonial under the sound of the bells." Resistance to the
masters necessarily capitalized on a church's imposing resettlement scheme assumed different forms, one of
image, together with the colorful ceremonies held within which was fleeing to the mountains. However, the natives
were seduced by the theocratic authority by saturating the Monumental civic architecture, such as the Palacio de
church and its premises, through a liturgical year Gobierno, the Ayuntamiento, and the Aduana, epitomized
programmed with innumerable feasts and holy the colonial institutions under the Spanish governance.
observances, with solemnity on the one hand and Bordering the Plaza Mayor of Manila were two of the most
ostentation on the other. According to historian Teodoro A. important administrative structures in the archipelago. The
Agoncillo (1990), the Spanish friars utilized the novel sights, first was known by various names: casa del ayuntamiento,
sounds, and even smell of the Christian rites and rituals- casa del cabildo, casa consistorial, casa real. This building
colorful and pompous processions, songs, candle-lights, occupied an entire block on one of the sides of the plaza
saints dressed in elaborate gold and silver costumes during mayor. As a seat of colonial governance, it housed several
the May festivals of Flores de Mayo or the Santa Cruzan, administrative. offices and archives. The Ayuntamiento is
the lighting of firecrackers even as the Host was elevated, best remembered for its elegant escalera and portal and its
the sindkulo (passion play), the Christian versus Muslim large hall where state banquets and dances were
conflict dream (moro-moro) [to] "hypnotize" the spirit of celebrated. It underwent several modifications and
the indio. reconstruction works. In 1845, the main facade was
During these commemorations, the performing arts, refashioned in a style inspired from the Renaissance.
ranging from oral literature to theater to processions,
would circumscribe the seductive theatrics of control that Inverted Jar Foundation
church culture held. Generally, the aura created by these Excavations made for the construction of new building
colonial churches was scrupulously calculated to elicit foundations in Intramuros yielded shards of trade
colonial obedience and passivity among the natives. Behind ceramics, as well as an array of inverted jars (tapayan) in
the dissimulating beauty of each facade is an attempt to great number, embedded in the foundation of the older
mask colonial reality and evade one poignant question: building which used to occupy the site. In 1936, jars were
"How much forced labor was extracted from the natives by unearthed at the rear portion of the San Juan de Dios
the colonial clergy to construct these houses of God?" Hospital Building. bordering Legaspi and San Francisco
Streets. (Maceda 1936, 573). The same type and
Juan Palazon, in Majayjay: How A Town Came Into Being, arrangement of jars were found during the archeological
reveals a unique complexity in colonial church-building assessment done on the ruins of the Ayuntamiento de
transactions. In Palazon's account, colonial subjects Manila and the Intendencia prior to its reconstruction.
depicted are far from the image of an unquestioning These jars, dating from the 18th century, were Inverted,
believer who gained spiritual satisfaction from the building and laid in rows beneath the layer of earth and debris a
of a holy structure. Ultimately, the historian uncovers how meter thick.
colonial subjects ingeniously attempted to avoid the task of
constructing the "house of God." Palazon (1964, 16) thus The jars were rejects with cracks on the sides and some
described the indio's cunning strategy to evade labor: with deformed shapes due to ill-timed heating and
overcrowding in the kiln. These jars were considered
One of the most common practices resorted to by the wastage from the kilns of Makati and instead were reused
townspeople was to disappear from the towns in order to as part of a foundation base. The jars were laid out in rows,
avoid carrying out those obligations that they considered configured to support the basement floor. They were used
too heavy for them to bear. We note from a decree issued as fillers in place of earth to raise the elevation of the
in 1621 by the Audiencia that the townspeople of Majayjay ground floor, and are arranged in such a way that they
were continually refusing to be counted as citizens of the would lessen the capacity of the ground to hold water
town. To this end, if they had a house in the town itself and through capillary action, thus preventing water seepage to
a field in another town, they erected a house in their field, the ground floor especially during floods.
and when asked by the authorities of Majayjay whether
they had fulfilled their duties, they replied that they had Across the Ayuntamiento was the residence of the highest
done so in the neighboring town. If the officials of the official of the land: the Palacio del Gobernador General or
neighboring town asked them the same question they Palacio Real. The Real Audiencia or Tribunal (trial court)
replied that they were domiciled at Majayjay and would was housed in another area until its abolition in the 18th
fulfill their duties there. This practice became so century.
widespread that the Audiencia was compelled to order the Both the Ayuntamiento and Palacio were European-
provincial governor to tear down the houses erected by the inspired, two-storey stone structures with spacious inner
natives in their fields so as to compel them to live in the courts. They sharply deviated from the architectural genre
town. of the bahay na bato. Unfortunately, these important
examples of civil architecture with distinct architectural
Architecture for Colonial Administration features did not last long enough. The Palacio was toppled
down in the earthquake of 1863, prompting the transfer of the commitment and Initiatives of the Dominicans, Jesuits,
the governor-general royal residence to Malacañang Augustinians, and Franciscans, teaching facilities, hospitals,
Palace, formerly a vacation house of the governor along and orphanages were established along with their
the Pasig River. The Ayuntamiento, after standing for eight corresponding edifices.
decades, was also reduced to rubble in World War II. The number of schools built by the Spaniards was
inventoried by the Americans and published in the Annual
Other important civic structures were the Intendencia- Report of the General Superintendent of Education in
which housed the Aduana (Customs House) and later the 1904. It listed 534 school houses which were "still standing
Hacienda Pública (Treasury), among other central and to some degree serviceable in at least 374
government functions-which further lavished the municipalities" and described Spanish-constructed schools
magisterial atmosphere of Intramuros with Renaissance- as "substantially built of stone or brick... cloister-like
inspired classicist architecture. The well-proportioned and structure situated in the heart of some municipality, and
solidly built edifice was situated right by the edge of the with no grounds or gardens except an interior court."
north wall of the city beside the river. The sprawling
building had three principal entrances, two courtyards, and Two types of school buildings surfaced during the Spanish
two principal staircases. colonial period: the escuela primaria found in different
pueblos and the the colegio
Meanwhile, in every provincial town in the archipelago was or universidad found in urban areas.
a smaller version of the Ayuntamiento, called the
Municipio, Casa de Municipal, or Casa Real, symbolizing the Depending on the capabilities of the town, their Escuela
secular power of the colonial state. The said structure was Primaria or would have been built in stone (Above) or with
strategically located at one end of the town plaza, opposite light materials (Below), with the local priests at times
the church, to signify governmental power. heading the schools.
Main entrance of the Ateneo Municipal de Manila, later
As a general rule, the casa real did not represent a special known as the Ateneo de Manila University (Opposite page)
type of architecture. The building form anal was analogous
to the convento and may be considered an oversized bahay Schoolhouses were either purpose built structures as with
na bato. It was a two-storey structure with the lower floor the Escuela Municipal en Intramures (Top, left) and Escuela
made of stone and the second storey of wood. Emanating Secundaria de Niñas in Tonde (Above, lef), or repurposed
from a common architectural paradigm of the bahay na homes (Tep, right Above, right)
bato, civic buildings like the tribunal, cabildo, casa real, and A classroom in the Jesult-run Ateneo Municipal de Manila
schoolhouses, were indistinguishable from one another in (Below)
terms of architectural morphology.
Elevation drawings and riverside facade of the Malacanan Six schools were built within the Walled City or Intramuros:
Palace in the 19th century (Top) Universidad de Santo Tomas and Colegio de San Juan de
Elevation drawing of the Aduana (Customs House), also Letran, the Colegio de Manila, the Colegio de San Jose, the
known as the Intendencia In Intramuros, circa 1874 Colegio de Santa Rita, and the Colegio de Santa Potenciana.
(Middle) Females were taught separately from males: males
received instructions from priests and brothers; females
Elevation and section drawings of the Casa Real in Vigan learned from nuns.
City (Bottom) In 1571, the Jesuits built the Colegio de San Jose and, in
On the other hand, the administration of the hacienda or 1594, the Franciscans founded the Colegio de Santa
landed estate revolved around the casa hacienda, which Potenciana, both of which were established under the
was made up of one or several expansive structures direct order and sponsorship of King Philip II.
housing spaces for the administrators and his workers. It The Colegio de San Juan de Letran and the Colegio de Santa
also included a kitchen, a storage room, a carpentry atelier, Isabel were created in the first third of the 17th century to
a stable, and a chapel. The Augustinian-bullt casa hacienda take in orphans and indigents of Manila, while the
in Mandaluyong, built in 1716, is regarded as one of the Dominicans founded the Colegio de Santa Catalina de Sena
oldest extant structures of its kind and now houses the Don and maintained it through private donations. The college
Bosco Technical School for Boys. later became a training center for schoolmistresses in the
19th century.
Educational and Scientific Facilities
The missionary tasks of bringing education, health care, The country boasts of the oldest established university in
and social welfare to the indigenous subjects were Asia, the University of Santo Tomas, which was founded in
zealously fulfilled by the various religious orders. Through 1611 by the Dominicans. In 1680, it received the title of
Royal University from Charles II, and in 1902, it was The modern school edifice consisted of offices, classrooms,
granted the title of Pontifical University by Pope Leo XIII. and bedrooms for its student internes or boarders, priests
Another Important educational institution in the à century quarters, and observatory. While strictly a boarding school,
was the Ateneo de Manila founded by the Jesult fathers. In the Escuela Normal also allowed some day scholars or
Cebu, there was the Colegio de San Ildefonso, and later the externes. The students paid almost nothing for
University of San Carlos. Other schools inside Intramuros matriculation, exams, or costs for writing and other needs
started as orphanages, such as the Hospicio de San Jose as they were scholars of the colonial government which
and the Asilo de San Vicente de Paul. These institutions had granted 10 pesos monthly subsidy for each. Included in the
the luxury of having spacious buildings and broad students' curriculum is a course on the Elements of
courtyards with a chapel at the center. Permanent Drawing, taught by the eminent professor Lorenzo Rocha,
buildings were generally constructed based on the atrial from whom the students learned academic drawing and
scheme, usually a structure or cluster of buildings in drafting.
rectangular configuration with a central courtyard
extending the full height or several storeys of a building. During the Philippine Revolution and the brief Spanish-
On one side of the atrium was the church or chapel. The American War, the Escuela Normal was used as barracks by
atrium itself was a garden with a well. The two or three- Spanish troops as well as a safe haven for refugees during
storey tall structures surrounding the atrium provided fighting and unrest. It reopened in October 1898. When the
space for instructional facilities on the lower floors and Philippines came under the United States, the United
dormitory facilities on the upper floors. States Philippine Commission withdrew its support to the
school and opened the Philippine Normal School, now the
While the establishment of primary schools was an Philippine Normal University, which promoted the
essential component of the colonial acculturation agenda,
the construction of schoolhouses failed to gain a foothold American public school system.
in the colony until the 19th century, with the Facades of The Escuela Normal de Maestros became a private school
the Colegio San Juan de Letran (Tep, left) and the ran by the Jesuits renamed as the Escuela Normal de
Universidad de Santo Tomas (Above, left) which were Maestros de San Francisco de Javier, which was
schools for boys Main entrance of the Colegio de Santa transformed into an archdiocesan seminary for Manila
Rosa (Top, right); and the Colegio de Santa Isabel (Above, (later renamed the San Jose Seminary) in 1903. When the
right) which were schools for girls. Ateneo de Manila in Intramuros was razed by fire in 1932,
the seminary transferred to the Jesuit house in Intramuros,
The Colegio de San Idelfonso in while the Ateneo occupied the Padre Faura property. This
Cebu (Below) building was destroyed during the Second World War. On
Escuela Normal de Maestros de Instruccion Primaria its site now stands Robinsons Place Manila.
Alongside Isabella Il's mandate for universal primary public
education, the Escuela Normal was created by the Royal promulgation of the Educational Decree of 1863 by Queen
Decree of December 20, 1863, for the formation of suitable Isabella II. Under its mandate, at least one escuela primaria
teachers for primary instruction, and for the dissemination or primary school for boys and one for girls were
and popularization of the knowledge and use of the established in every village or town. Attendance in such a
Spanish language in the Philippine colony. school was mandatory and failure to attend was strictly
This school allowed for men who were at least 16 years castigated. Primary education was designed to be
old, coming from the different provinces, to become catechetical as reading and writing were imparted with the
teachers under government scholarship, following the aim to assist children learn prayers and the teachings of
program instituted in the Iberian Peninsula. Owing to the the Catholic doctrine.
standing royal patronage enjoyed by religious orders and
their significant numbers in the archipelago, the school was Apart from educational needs, the religious orders also
inaugurated and placed under the supervision of the considered the health and medical needs of the colonial
Jesuits in 1865. It was firstclocated in a house in subjects. The Franciscans built the first hospital around
Intramuros, Manila and transferred to the Jesuit La 1564, the Hospital Real, which was also one of the first
Ignaciana estate when their original structure was buildings to be erected in Manila. In 1587, the Dominicans
destroyed by the earthquakes of July 1880. Six years later, founded an important medical center in Tondo, the
the school found a permanent home together with the Hospital de San Gabriel, which was demolished in 1744.
Jesuits' Meteorological Observatory in Callejon de San The Hospital de Santa Ana, the oldest hospital in the whole
Antonio (now Padre Faura Street). of the Orient, founded in 1596 by the Franciscan Juan
Clemente was later to become the Hospital de San Juan de
Dios and the Hospital de San Lazaro. The Hospital Real
catered only to the Spaniards; the Hospital de San Gabriel Chinese in Binondo; and the Hospital de San Lazaro was for
was for the Chinese in Binondo; and the Hospital de San lepers.
Lazaro was for lepers.
The Observatorio Astronomico y Meteorologico de Manila,
The Observatorio Astronomico y Meteorologico de Manila, popularly known as the Manila Observatory, exemplified
popularly known as the Manila Observatory, exemplified the efforts of the religious: orders in the pursuit of
the efforts of the religious orders in the pursuit of scientific scientific knowledge. The Manila Observatory was
knowledge. The Manila Observatory was established by the established by the Jesuit Orders in 1865 at the tower of San
Jesuit Orders in 1865 at the tower of San Ignacio Church in Ignacio Church in Intramuros. That year, Father Juan Vidal,
Intramuros. That year, Father Juan Vidal, Superior of the Superior of the Jesuit Mission in the Philippines, assigned
Jesuit Mission in the Philippines, assigned Father Francisco Father Francisco Colina, a professor professor of
Colina, a professor of mathematics at the Ateneo Escuela mathematics at the Ateneo Escuela Municipal, to set up an
Municipal, to set up an observatory that would consolidate observatory that would consolidate the research in the
the research in the science of meteorology to assist in science of meteorology to the researen in the science assist
forecasting typhoons. Realizing the advantages of in forecasting typhoons. Realizing the advantages of
predicting the approach of a storm, the business predicting the approach of a storm, the business
community contributed funds to improve the antiquated community contributed funds to improve the antiquated
instruments used by Father Colina with a meteorograph instruments used by Father Colina with a meteorograph
designed by an Italian Jesuit, Father Angelo Secchi, and to designed by an Italian Jesuit, Father Angelo Secchi, and to
enable the institution to continue its valuable work on a enable the institution to continue Its valuable work on a
larger scale. In 1878, Father Federico Faura (the inventor of larger scale. In 1878, Father Federico Faura (the inventor of
the Faura barometer) assumed directorship of the the Faura barometer) assumed directorship of the
observatory. By 1880, cable connections had been observatory. By 1880, cable connections had been
established with other countries in the Far East and established with other countries in the Far East and
overseas request for typhoon warnings were received and overseas request for typhoon warnings were received and
granted by the observatory. A seismic section was added In granted by the observatory. A seismic section was added in
1880, a magnetic section in 1887, and an astronomical 1880, a magnetic section In 1887, and an astronomical
section in 1889.) section in 1889.

In 1884, the Spanish government declared Father Faura's The clock tower over the entrance of the Hospital de San
weather bureau as a state Institution to be known as the Juan de Dios in Intramuros (Tep, left)
Manila Observatory, It was then relocated from the Ateneo
building in Intramuros to a new building built as a normal facade of the Hospital de San Juan de Dios in the 1920s
school of the Jesults in the district of Ermita. In 1887, the (Tep, right) The Manila Observatory founded by the Jesuits
Manila Observatory was rebuilt, and it became a familiar next to their Escuela Formal in Ermita (Opposite page)
landmark of colonial science at Calle Observatorio (now
Padre Faura in honor of its foremost Jesult scientist). The
rectangular stone building was dominated by a huge steel In 1884, the Spanish government declared Father Faura's
cupola housing the telescope. The telescope's shaft and weather bureau as a state institution to be known as the
mechanism were built in Barcelona, Spain. The shaft was Manila Observatory. It was then relocated from the Ateneo
constructed in such a manner that despite its enormous building in Intramuros to a new building built as a normal
size and weight of sixteen tons, it could be repositioned school of the Jesuits in the district of Ermita. In 1887, the
without difficulty even by a child. The equatorial telescope Manila Observatory was rebuilt, and it became a familiar
had a focal distance of seven landmark of colonial science at Calle Observatorio (now
Padre Faura In honor of its foremost Jesuit scientist). The
Liceo de Manila (Top) rectangular stone building was dominated by a huge steel
The plan for the reconstruction of the Hospital of San Juan cupola housing the telescope. The telescope's shaft and
de l Dios by Luis Cespedes. Founded in 1596 by the mechanism were built in Barcelona, Spain. The shaft was
Brotherhood of Mercy, the hospital was rebuilt after being constructed in such a manner that despite its enormous
destroyed in the 1663 earthquake. (Left) size and weight of sixteen tons, it could be repositioned
without difficulty even by a child. The equatorial telescope
was later to become the Hospital de San Juan de Dios and had a focal distance of seven.
the Hospital de San Lazaro. The Hospital Real catered only
to the Spaniards; the Hospital de San Gabriel was for the meters, measured 50 centimeters in diameter, and
weighed 14 tons. The base of the telescope was fabricated
in Munich, Germany, and the tube in Washington, United Chinese. This contractual system was called pacquiao
States. Unfortunately, in 1945, the structure was in burned (pakyaw in Filipino, meaning "bundled-in" or "wholesale")
to the ground at the height of the Battle for Liberation in and managed to persist to this day. The colonial
World War II. After the war, the observatory building was government also employed the tax system of polo y
never reconstructed but the institution was initially servicio, which compelled every able-bodied male to
relocated to Baguio, then to its present site in Quezon City render labor service for public construction for a period of
in the 1960s. forty days annually (reduced to fifteen days in 1884).
Exemptions were made for the sickly, military servicemen,
Obras Publicas and Colonial Building Regulation the principalia, or anyone who could afford to pay the
monetary equivalent of the polo y servicio. The system
Spanish military engineers, and, In later years, civil assured the continuous supply of labor force for the many
engineers, practiced their profession in the Philippines. At colonial infrastructures, such as roads, bridges, forts, and
the onset of Spanish colonization, the construction of obras harbors. Under this system, friars could also obtain labor
publicas or public works was assigned to a corps of military for the construction or repair of ecclesiastical structures,
engineers who were tasked to build defense structures and subject to approval of the colonial administration.
government edifices. In 1705, the Corps of Engineers was
established in Manila to take charge of all constructions, With the economic progress of the nineteenth century, the
including the erection of churches, government buildings, accumulation of new wealth triggered a construction boom
and other structures. On record, the first military engineer in the colony followed suit. In 1837, a decree was issued
was Juan de Ciscara y Ramirez, a native of Cuba, who forbidding any construction which required blueprints to
arrived in October 1705. He directed the construction of begin, unless the plans were duly submitted and approved
many fortifications works, such as in the Port of Cavite, and by the proper agency of the colonial state. However, the
Initiated the momentum in the erection of religious decree was doomed to fail for there were not enough
structures, such as the cathedral of Cebu, where he drew architects and engineers to implement its provisions and,
up the plans In 1719. In M pointed out the serious defects moreover, no penalty was imposed on offenders. For
Manila, Ciscara ts in the public works of the e colonial city, security purposes, the Royal Ordinance of February 13,
y the absence of a parapet at the Bastion de Dilno, and the 1845, required the submissions of plans for repairs,
particularly the absence of a sence of a carriage road made
of limestone outside the city walls, presence might be used The Polo y Servicie system allowed the populace to pay
as a line of attack for potential which, in his opinion, might their taxes in labor. While the system enlisted able-bodied
be used as a marauder. He also drew up the engineering men for public works constructions, it was not used for all
plan for the remodeling of Fort In 1714 to make it worthy construction projects of the period. (Below, left)
of being a defense structure. In Fort Santiago In 1714 to 1
1718, Ciscara went on an expedition to Mindanao, under The Pacquiao (or pakyaw) system was used by the Chinese
the orders of Governor General Manuel Bustamante in their construction projects to streamline their labor
Bustillo, on a mission to repair the abandoned fort of services. (Below, right) alterations, or construction to be
Zamboanga. The fortification was remodeled with four made on vicinities within a 1,5001 varas (about 1.3
bastions and renamed the Fuerza de Nuestra Señora del kilometers) radius from Intramuros for approval of the
Pilar, otherwise known today Fort Pilar. state engineer.

To successfully enforce the decrees related to building

The early churches were built under the direction of regulation, the Asesor General, In 1852, declared that
architects or maestros de obras (master builders), many of violators would be penalized by a fine in proportion to the
whom were priests. These friar architects wishing to build importance and magnitude of the work being undertaken.
or repair a church were required to present to the bishop a The Inspecccion General de Obras Publicas (General Board
presupuesto, a proposal detailing the drawings, plan, and for Public Works) was created through a Royal decree
cost estimates. Aside from church-building, the friar dated May 1, 1866. It was under the direction of an
architects were sometimes engaged in the construction of engineer who was given the title of Inspector General de
hospitals and schools and were consulted occasionally on Obras Publicas, as the inspector was also the president of
government construction projects, From the late sixteenth the Junta Consultiva de Obras Publicas (Consultancy Board
century to the end of the eighteenth century, there were for Public Works), a body mandated to examine and
about nineteen architects on record. approve plans for buildings.

The actual construction or repair of buildings was The destructive earthquakes of 1863 and 1880 finally
sometimes contracted to builders, many of whom were compelled the city officials of Manila to collaborate and
produce a set of building ordinances that would minimize to acquire a new domestic prototype expressive of the
the shattering effects of earth tremors. owner's cultural attainment and European affectations.

Devastation caused by fires and earthquakes in the 19th Ayna b The upper starry would be of wood, the lower stery
century forced Spanish colonial authorities to pass laws of stane The thick stone wall was merely a skirt concealing
regulating building works, these Introduced new the woden legs in the ground.
techniques and materials which revolutionized the
methods of construction. (Top: Middle; Button) Despite regional variation and centuries of transformation,
the bahay na bate has retained its essential features.
A house in San Miguel, Manila which uses Iron roofing Generally, it has two storeys, at times, three. The ground
(Opposite page, below) floor is made of cut stone or brick, the upper, of weed.
Grillwork protects the ground floor windows, while the
For fire prevention, specific areas were zoned according to second storey windows are broad, with sliding shutters
building materials. Ordinances were issued in relation to whose latticework frames either capiz shells (Placuna
the construction of houses made of nipa, a highly placenta) or glass panels. Beneath the pasamano
flammable building material. A decree was Issued on (windowsill), auxiliary windows called ventanillas (small
January 23, 1866, prohibiting the use of nipa in areas windows) reach to the floor. These are protected with
designated as zonas de mampostería (zones for masonry either iron grilles or wooden barandillas (balusters) and
structures) have sliding wooden shutters. The house is capped by a
Bandos high hip roof with a 45-degree-angle pitch to repel rain and
discharge warm air.
In the 18 and 19th centuries, a series of edicts of good
governance or bandos were issued by the Governor of The first buildings put up by the Spanlards were similar to
General to regulate and control how urban spaces may be the native constructions, but after the many fires that
used by its inhabitants. In Regulating Colonial Spaces (1565 devoured these structures, residents decided to rebuild
244, ordinances relating to the collection and disposal of their houses in masonry using hewn adobe stones quarried
wastes, keeping of animals, zoning ordinances, regulation from cliffs facing the Pasig river. Houses built of stone were
of gambling and regulated activities in public spaces, fire-resistant but caused more damage during earthquakes,
control of vagrants, and their corresponding penalties and as the accounts of the 1645 and 1658 tremors claim. Since
sanctions, among others, are listed (Lico & de Viana, 2017). it was observed that structures with wooden frameworks
proved resilient to any movement of the earth, the logical
These bandes aimed to instill a sense of urbanity in the solution was an architectural compromise which combined
populace and reinforce the image of an ideal urbanism that stone with wood, a hybrid earlier referred to as
the colonial government would like to have for Manila and arquitectura mestiza.
its environs. Some of the edicts issued deal with similar
issues, pointing to either the reluctance of city dwellers to
follow the rules, or the weak enforcement of these rules by Again, the design principles of the bahay kubo became the
the government-an issue that still holds true today. inspiration is developing a similar house having the same
features but on a grande scale. Retaining the bahay kubo's
basic characteristics, such as the steep hip roof, elevated
Bahay na Bato: The Realm of Aristocratic Domesticity quarters, post-and-lintel construction, and maximized
ventilation, the new domestic form was similarly framed in
In the latter years of Spanish rule, a new type of domestic wood with an elevated living space of hardwood. The
architecture, the bahay na bate, would gradually emerge entire house was supported by haligi (wooden pillars) in
from two centuries of gestation. This novel housing keeping with the endemic building tradition The hardwood
prototype combined the elements of the indigenous and posts, 7.5 meters or more in height from ground to rool
Hispanic building traditions to prevent the dangers posed were, at times, unprocessed, twisted trunks. The upper
by fires, earthquakes, and tropical cyclones. Aside from storey would be of wood, the lower storey of stone. The
addressing the physical factors of the environment, the thick stone wall was merely a skirt concealing the wooden
bahay na bato was also the outcome of profound social legs on the ground floor. The roof would either be of
change. As the colonial society's needs expanded and curved tile or impenetrable thatch, which covers a frame of
socioeconomic progress was attained through the galleon trusses and rafters. Tiles had the advantage over thatch for
trade and cash-crop agriculture, the simple house of nipa y being fireproof, but since they were set in three or more
caña could no longer satisfy the demands of the new urban layers, they were heavy and could easily fall apart during
elites and the provincial aristocracy. The urgent need was
earthquakes. Thus, galvanized iron sheets began to replace served as storage, housed an Office (2), and at times,
the roof tiles, especially after the great earthquake of 1880. provided additional living space for extended family. The
Escalera or Stairway (3) led to the main living spaces or
One could enter the elevated living quarters through the piano nobile of the house. The term Caida (4) stems from
naguan (vestibule) on the ground floor, from where the the practice where ladies would drop the trains of their
grand staircase started. The zagun, similar to the ground skirts in this area before entering the main house; the
level of the bahay kubo, was also reserved for storage space may serve as a small receiving area. The Sala or
Sometimes the vestibule had an entresuelo (mezzanine Living Area (5) is where guests are entertained, and where
area), raised a meter above ground, for use as offices or most domestic activities are held. The Comedor or Dining
servants' quarters. In business areas, some spaces were Area (6) is dedicated for formal meals. Bedrooms (7) were
rented out to shop owners. normally communal spaces among siblings and parents.
The Kitchen (6) is fitted with a banggerahan for drying
The sale of the Rafael Enriques Residence, originally in dishes, and in some houses would have a home or oven.
Quiape, Manila, la decorated with lonic calams and Adjacent to this is a batalan or wash area, beside a
Vitruvian wave entablatures. (Top) Eders of the Caridad Palikuran or Tollet (9). The Azotea is an outdoor area which
Crisologs Sinpon Residence in Vigan, Ilocos The sofa bahay is used either as a lounging or a laundry area. An Aljibe or
na na bato is the grandest raam of the house. In the 19th Water Cistern (11) is located underneath the azotea.
century, realdential design was influenced by different
styles, when resulting in eclectic motifs As seen in the inset above, the structure of a bahay na bato
usually rested on Wooden Posts (12) while the stone walls
A wooden staircase, or escalera, with two landings led to merely acted as skirting around the ground floor spaces. In
the upper floor and directly onto the interior overhanging some cases, the wooden posts would be embedded within
verandah or anteroom (calda). As one ascended this walls, and Argamasa or Mortar and Rubblework (13) placed
staircase, one waited to be received at the calda or in between as a more economical construction method.
antesala, which was the most immediate room from the The posts would often be left exposed in the upper floors,
stairs, and was an all-purpose room for entertaining, and the roof then rested directly on the posts. Often the
sewing, dancing, or even dining. In the sala, or living room, piano nobile and the roof extended over the lower levels,
dances and balls were held during fiestas and other special providing shade for the fenestrations below.
occasions. European influence was evident in the furniture,
draperies, tapestries, paintings, porcelain jars, or piano
adorning the sala. At end of the room was the comedor or According to architectural historian Fernando Zialcita, the
dining room, well furnished with silverware displayed in bahay na bato may be stylistically categorized into two: the
plateras or glass-paneled cabinets, while food dishes from geometric style and the floral style. Between 1780 and
the kitchen were placed on a walst-high cabinet or mesa 1880, the geometric style was widespread. In this style, the
platera. The dining area led to the cocina or kitchen, with flying wooden gallery, now called either the galería volada
its distinctive banguerra. A walkway connected the kitchen or the corredor, extended along the exterior walls,
to the house if it was built separately from the house. accentuating the horizontality of the buildings. It had dual
Adjacent to the kitchen was the baño or paliguan sets of sliding shutters: the outer one of concha (shell) and
(bathroom) and latrina (tollet). The bathroom was often the inner of wooden persiana (window shade) or jalousies
built separately from the tollet. The batalan of the bahay or louvers. An intervening wall of plastered brick
kubo metamorphosed Into the azotea, an outdoor terrace distinguished the volada from the adjacent rooms. Wooden
where the residents and their guests usually relaxed. At doors led into the volada. The wooden gallery allowed the
times, the azotea was used for food preparation and inward passage of light and air and shielded out excess
laundry activities as it was located either beside a bolon sunlight, for during this period, roof eaves were narrow
(well) or over an aljibe (cistern). The carto or bedrooms (Zialcita, 1980). Surface decorations were kept to a
surrounded and opened into the spacious living area. minimum: translucent capiz shells in squares or diamonds
Room partitions did not reach up to the celling, ending adorn the window panels, and friezes with simple,
instead in calados or open fretwork that enhanced cross- neoclassical motifs. During the nineteenth century, the use
ventilation Inside the house. With the wide doors leading of enormous pillars was minimized; false ceilings and
to the rooms open on most occasions, the house virtually wooden walls with geometric fretwork on their upper part
had the essence of being one big space. defined the living quarters.

The floral style gained popularity during the last third of

Axonometric model of a typical bahay na bato of the 19th the nineteenth century when the volada turned into an
century. The Main Entrance (1) leads to the zaguan which open gallery decorated with vegetal motifs (ibid.).
Devastating earthquakes which shook Manila in 1863 and rectangular, tray-like forms called bandejado (ibid.). The
1880 left many buildings in ruins. As a result, ordinances calados were broadened and extended from post to post,
were issued stipulating that house posts must be made and their fretwork took the form of butterflies, flowers, or
thinner but connected to each other by numerous bracings lyres, which, with
for more flexibility. Thin brick panels were inserted
between the braces. Where brick was not readily available, Pur 331-388.pdf
the house posts stood alongside the walls so as not to
fracture them. The volada became obsolete, replaced by roof overhangs
awnings, vents, and calates to facilitate ventilation. (Above)
Mercado House in Bustos, Bulacan (Top) is renowned for
its florld. exterior relief decoration (Above) The shift from
the geometrie style house (Midille) to a floral style house a play of lights, could cast decorative shadows. Floral
(Dettem) reflected the changing tastes of the period. motifs were abundant all over the exterior, enriching the
Persians and concha shutters of the Manalang-Gloria surfaces of soffit vents, corbels, and iron grilles. Hence, this
Ancestral House In Tabaco, Albay (Opposite page) style of the bahay na bato, which appeared between the
1880s and 1930s, was aptly termed the floral style, typified
The bahay na bato is a tropically responsive building, by the houses of the Pamintuans (Angeles), Tecsons (San
allowing air and light to penetrate the interior: an indoor Miguel de Mayumo), Bautistas (Malolos), Tanjosoy-
spatial quality known as allwalar, a concept which had no Bautistas (Malolos), and by the interiors of the houses of
equivalent in the English lexicon Two general types of the Pastors (Batangas City) and Avenidos (Alaminos,
residential architecture emerged during the colonial Laguna).
period: the city house (Top: Middle) which was built in
densely populated urban centers, often close to the Comparing the bahay na bato to the residential
roadside and had shared perimeter walls with adjacent architecture of Spain and other parts of Latin America
houses and the country house (Bottom) which was built in shows the departure of the former from the latter, showing
rural areas, summer retreat areas, and haciendas or how the country's colonial-era residential architecture
estates where space is abundant. developed uniquely, adapting to its environmental and
cultural context.
A house turned into a field hospital in Santa Cruz, Manila
displays neoclassical elements such as corinthian columns Philippine houses possessed steeply sloping roofs,
and caryatids in the upper floor and mudejar calados in the compared to the almost flat tile roof of Spanish and Latin
lower floor. American colonial houses, deflecting the heat of the sun,
and protecting the house against strong typhoons. The

Bahay na bato were clad in at variety of historical styles

Another decree prohibited the use of curved tiles and, Imported and approximated from Europe. Such stylistic
instead recommended either flat tiles or imported preference also reflected the European pretensions the
galvanized iron (hierro galvanizado or armadura de hierro) Filipino nouveau, riche of the period as seen in this
or zinc sheets. In 1883, the first galvanized iron sheets Victorian-inspired house (Top, left), the Mercado Mansion,
were installed in the reconstruction of the Tondo Church, In Carcar , right). and in the Grecian detalls of the Bautista
after it was ravaged by fire in 1863. Because it was cheaper House Malolos, Bulacan (Above, right)
and easier install, the metal roof became more popular
than flat tiles. Unfortunately, the absence of ventilators An opulent Interior of a bahay na bato in Manila used as
caused the metal roof to heat up easily, thus increasing the residence of the First Philippine Commission sent by the
heat inside the house, But since metal roofs were light, American colonial government. (Opposite page)
they could project beyond the walls to create wide eaves,
which had soffit vents to provide outlets for warm air
accumulating under the roof. Windows were further enclosed volada as a sun-shading and thermal control
screened by tapances or media aguas (metal awnings) device. distinct to the Filipino stone house since related
made of sheet metal cutouts (ibid.). With these houses in colonial America used projecting, open balconies
innovations, which protected the house walls from rain and more profusely. Along with it was the liberal use of
sun, the volada was abandoned, making the interior of the windows and barandillas: sliding window panels controlled
house more spacious. Moreover, the upper storey was the glare coming from the outside without preventing
almost entirely made of wood. Wall sidings were cross-ventilation. A set of capiz shell shutters, instead of
sometimes of wooden panels adorned with oval or glass panes, diffused the harsh tropical light, rendering the
interior with pearly white illumination. Between the The archives abound with narratives of eviction from the
windowsill and floor ran the ventanilla, with sliding urban space and cases of quarrels and complaints brought
wooden shutters, wooden balustrades, and iron grills. about by demolitions, where residents were highly
Large doorways reduced wall space to a minimum to let emotional, often seething with anger. The authorities
more air in. With all doors open, the house was implementing the policy complained of the vehement
transformed into one, big, multifunctional hall. Running Insistence of the natives in reconstructing their nipa houses
above the partitions were panels of wooden fretwork that on the same site. Military engineer Luis Angel Garcia
helped in filtering and circulating air. Ceilings were usually disclosed having demolished more than thirty times the
decorated with paintings of local flavor, applied directly on same nipa house during his entire tenure in the Philippines
the wooden boards or canvases. and reported the reappearance of nipa houses like
mushrooms on the forbidden areas. The victims of
The house of Governor-General Ramon Blanco, First expulsion lamented the unfair division of urban space,
Marquess of Peña Plata, fronting Plaza Salcedo In which uprooted them far from their place of labor and
Vigan(top) disengaged them from their symbolic tie to the land they
once occupied.

such, the flimsy nipa structures had no place. The colonial The poor who refused to reside in the periphery would
government considered each stone edifice a significant rather remain and bear the unhygienic and congested
investment by the owner and an important source of tax conditions in the slum colony or posesiones. These were
revenue, which filled municipal coffers. Moreover, the ramshackle dwellings found in dead spaces, vacant lots, on
absence of nipa houses in land parcels with stone houses coastal and swampy areas, banks of esteros, and ruins of
was expected to fetch a higher market value. Land buildings destroyed by earthquakes.
speculation, for instance, fueled the idea of making
Binondo an exclusive area for stone houses. Thus, from the Tondo and Sampaloc lay beyond the fire-code/building-
1830s onward, nipa houses were transferred to San Jose materials line established in the mid-nineteenth century.
(Trozo), and a demarcation line sixty-five meters wide These dwellings. were attractive to the poor migrant
between Binondo and Tondo was established a kilometer laborers because, aside from being affordable, they were
from the shore. This urban imposition, however, was not also accessible to factories and places of work opportunity.
fully implemented. In Tondo, makeshift dwellings or chozas could be
constructed on a tiny, leased lot or even on the foreshore
By 1660, a precise geographical demarcation line was set area for free..
up, known as the Divisoria. As its name implies, Divisoria
was not a roadway but a dividing line that traversed from Makeshift dwellings or chazas during the Spanish colonial
east to west. In fact, Divisoria was a 50-meter firebreak line period could be constructed on a tiny, leased lot or even on
created to separate the areas set aside for stone houses or the foreshore area for free. (Top, right; Above, right)
the materiales fuertes (durable materials) and the areas
dominated by nipa dwellings or the materiales ligeros
(combustible materials) in the margins. Dwellings of the Working Class

Map of Manila and its suburbs circa 1898, with the The accesories or apartment dwellings evolved from the
Divisoria outlined (Top) need of migrant laborers for cheap housing in commercial
and industrial areas. This new building type was developed
Nipa houses occupied by lower class Filipinos were fire in response to urban Manila's industrial revolution and was
hazards, thus confined to the periphery of the urban core, commonly found in the districts of Binondo, Tondo,
an area beyond the Divaorie (Aber, Opposite page, top left Sampaloc, Quiapo, and Santa Cruz-areas

Those who lived in nipa houses represented the poor. Plan and section drawings of a five-unit accesana in
Corollary to this, the rejection of nipa houses was linked Binondo, Manila for Don Gregorio Legaspi, dated 1898. The
with the stigma of a social outcast. The owners of nipa structure had a common tolles at the rear. The second level
houses were looked down upon by the Spanlards and were of each unit is partitioned into single cuartos (bedroom)
often described in the official records as sickly, unhygienic and salas (living room) (Top left Above lef
Immoral, and rebellious.
Acorn or apartment dwelling addressed the need of
migrant laborers for cheap housing in sommercial and
industrial areas. (or nae alive nHẢN
 same size) and "cuarta clase" (fourth class with three bays
characterized by commercial opportunities. Accesories with no side openings, the smallest stations in the category
were single or two-storey high structures having multiple like San Tomas, Guiguinto, and Mecacuayan stations). The
units, each defined by common party walls shared with classification is based primarily on the size of the station, in
adjoining units and by a separate door or access at the accordance with the population size and economic
facade. The accesoria unit occupied a floor area ranging importance of the site within the region it served.
from forty-five to fifty square meters per storey, with a Subsequently, the winning British concessionaire, the
narrow frontage of an average of 3.5 meters per unit and a Manila Railroad Company, was given the freedom to
ceiling clearance of 2.7 meters. The reasons for such interpret the initial schemes, introduce their own
proportion was the greater value given to the frontage modifications, and provide more detailing to the station's
area than to that more remote from the street. architecture,

Adhering to the precepts of the bahay na bato, the original

The Tutuban Station of the Manila-Dagupan railway line, stations were constructed of masonry walls faced with
designed by Juan Jose Hervas and completed in 1887, Victorian brickwork at ground level, while their upper
served as a main terminal for all northbound destinations. storeys were made of wood panels and punctured by a
Adhering to the precepts of the bahay na bato, it was system of sliding windows The stations were rectangular in
constructed of masonry faced with brickwork at ground plan and a concourse shed traverses the entire length of
level, the upper storey being made of wood panels graced the building, attached to the wall at a height before the
by grilled windows. It had galvanized iron roofing and cornice line and slopes down at an angle towards the rail
overhanging eaves made from the same material, line. The canopy is adorned with Victorian bargeboard trim,
providing perimeter shading for the first floor. The suspended on one side by a row of free-standing wooden
concourse shed, deriving its structural form from British posts spaced to align with from the pilasters of the brick
design, was supported by riveted steel crowned by stylized station building. Another unique method of construction
acanthus-shaped capitals. that was prevalent in Victorian England, the presence of a
wall cavity within the brick wall masonry, was used for
The immense urban growth of Manila led the constructing the walls. This technique was used not only to
administration to propose the allation of a public transport reinforce but to insulate the wall back in England. The wall
network. In 1878, Leon Monssour from the Department of cavity was filled with a concrete mix, resulting in a thick
Public Works submitted a proposal to Madrid for a tranvia and robust wall system that can better withstand siesmic
(streetcar) system. Evidently motivated by the systems in tremors.

The Tutuban Station, designed by Juan Jose Hervas, served The bricks used were manufactured in San Pedro Macati,
as a main terminal for the Manila-Dagupan Railway line. using a "grueso prensado" or "thick pressed" method. In
The building, completed in 1887, was built from masonry the case of the San Fernando Station, the style of brickwork
faced with brickwork at ground level, and the upper aterey used for the construction is known as the Flemish bond, a
made of wood (Top) course which alternates headers (bricks oriented with the
A steam-powered train of the Manila Dagupan railway line short side facing out) and stretchers (oriented with the
with a station in the background (Middle) long side facing out) producing a strong bond. In the case
of the Santo Tomas and Meycauayan Stations, both cuarta
clase stations, the bricklaying method employed was the
Estaciones de Ferrocarril de Manila-Dagupan monk bond, a variation of the Flemish bond using two
stretchers alternating with one header. Another design
The stations of the Ferrocarril de Manila-Dagupan followed element found only in the smaller stations was the use of
templated designs which allowed for proper scaling of the decorative quoining at the corners of the structure and a
stations with the towns they serviced, and introduced base plinth, also rendered in brick. The strength of the wall
Victorian building technologies into the Philippine setting. was further increased by joining the bricks with cement
Typologically, the stations fall into four categories of mortar made of Portland cement, which was then
construction. In the initial plans, Eduardo López Navarro imported from England.
prescribed 26 "estaciones de ladrillo y hierro" (stations of
brick and iron) along the line, classified into "primera clase" New York and Paris, Monssour proposed a network of five
(first class, Tutuban Station in Tondo, Manila), "segunda tramlines, with a central station outside Intramuros, and
clase" (second class stations with seven bays: San instead in the center of commerce, from Plaza San Gabriel
Fernando, Tarlac, and Dagupan), "tercera clase" (third class in Binondo. The lines were to run to Intramuros via the
stations with five bays, such as Malolos and others of the Puente de España Malate Church, Malacañang, Sampaloc,
and Tondo. The plan gained approval from the he went back to the Philippines, now as Inspector General
government, but its implementation had to wait for private of Public Works. He took office in the month of May and
funding (Zobel 1885). Entrepreneur Jocobo Zobel de remained in the archipelago until September 1898, when
Zangroniz, together with Spanish engineer Luciano M. the islands were occupied by the United States. He then
Bremon and Madrid banker Adolfo Bayo, founded the La returned to Spain with great difficulties and handed over to
Compañia de Tranvias de Filipinas in 1882 to operate the President Sagasta the funds for Public Works. During his
concession awarded by the government. The plan for the stay in the Philippines he built, among other works, the
Malacañang Line was abandoned and instead replaced by Manila to Dagupan railway and the Puente de España, over
the Malabon Line. The Manila-Malabon Line was the first the Pasig River.
to be finished and began serving the public in October
1888. All five were constructed between 1885 and 1889 The second to be erected was the Clavería Bridge, also
and became popular with commuters. The first tranvias known as the Puente Colgante (Hanging Bridge), a
that plied the metropolls were horse drawn omnibuses for landmark suspension bridge that linked Quiapo with the
twelve seated and eight standing passengers. The system Arroceros district. The suspension bridge was constructed
had a total length of 16.3 kilometers. by a private enterprise in 1852, which operated it on a toll
basis. The project was drawn up by the French engineer,
Also in the nineteenth century, the Puente Grande (Grand M. Gabaud. A third construction, the Ayala Bridge, was
Bridge) was the first and only bridge to be built crossing the built in two separate sections: crossing the river at Isla de
Pasig River. In the aftermath of the 1863 earthquake, a Convalecencia (now the island where Hospicio de San Jose
new bridge, the Puente de España (Bridge of Spain), took stands) and was opened in 1880.
its place in 1875. The bridge was designed by Casto Olano
Irizar and had eight arches-the two central arches were A design for a streetlamp of the Puente de España (Tep)
built of iron trusses and the other six were of quarried The Ayala bridge opened n 1830 (Above left) The Puente
stone. Jose Echevarria, Spanish engineer who served the Colgante suspension bridge) was constructed in 1852
Junta Consultiva de Obras Publicas from Paris, was (Below, left) Elevation and section drawing for a lighthouse
responsible for the specification and purchase of the on Corregidor Island, drawn by Mariano de Goicoechea,
central steel spans. circa 1830 (Bottom).

TRAMVIAS MANILA

PLANO Farolas or lighthouses were built to safeguard the colony's

Steam operated streetcar (travia de vapor) plying the bourgeoning maritime industry during the time of the
Manila-Malabon route, circa 1855 (Tep, left) Galleon Trade. With the increase of maritime traffic during
The horse-drawn tramis plying Calle San Sebastian (now the second half of the nineteenth century, as the Manila-
Hidalgo Street) in Quiape (fon, right) Cover of the 1878 Acapulco galleon trade came to a close, the colony joined
Plano de Tramvias de Manila (Above) the extensive network of international trade and
commerce, which required more shipping routes to and
from the islands. This began the massive construction of
Casto Olano Irizar lighthouses. The Plan General de Alumbrado de Maritimo
de las Costas del Archipelago de Filipino (Master Plan for
Casto Olano Irizar (1834-7) was a Spanish Civil engineer. He the Lighting of the Maritime Coasts of the Philippine
studied at the Escuela de Caminos and finished his civil Archipelago) issued in 1857 was carried out by the
engineering degree in 1859, and on June 1 of that year he Inteligencia del Cuerpo de Ingenieros de Caminos, Canales
was assigned to do an internship at the Obras Públicas in y Puertos (Corps of Engineers for Roads, Canals, and Ports).
Córdoba. In November 1859 he was appointed second This master plan ambitiously set its goal to build fifty-five
engineer and continued in Córdoba until November 1864 lighthouses all over the archipelago, including its remotest
when he joined the Seville Railway Division (División de corners. Philippine light stations were located on secluded
Ferrocarriles) and helped Manuel Pastor in the works of islets, barren rock outcrops, points, cliffs, capes, and bluffs-
the Guadalquivir river. After a brief assignment in Huesca, a commitment of the Spanish colonialist to modernize the
in 1866, he passed the Ministerio de Ultramar (Overseas Philippines and make it competitive at the dawn of the
Ministry) and was assigned to the Philippines. At the end of 19th century.
1873, he returned to Spain being assigned as head of Public
Works of Soria. In 1882, he was appointed to the Junta The Pasig Farols, the oldest lighthouse in the Philippines.
Consultiva de Caminos, Canales y Puertos (Board of Roads, Plan for a metal lighthouse from the Feandry of Gustave
Canals and Ports), in which he served as secretary. In 1891, Eiffel Section of the proposed San Nicolas lighthouse, also
known as the Pasig farala (Above, right) Elevation, floor "Liquid stone", or cement, as it was known, was imported
and detail plan of a farela in Cabo Santiago In Southern from Germany, Belgium, the United Kingdom and Hong
Luzon, circa 1889. (Opposite page) Kong, The Santa Mesa Cement Tile and Pipe Factory,
established in 1886 by Carl Fressel in Santa Mesa, Manila,
The oldest lighthouse in the country was built in 1642 was the first factory in Asla engaged in the production of
during the administration of Governor-General Sebastian cement tiles, blocks, pipes and other cement-based
Hurtado de Corcuera. This lighthouse, located at the mouth products. In the Philippines, the use of cement in
of the Pasig, guided navigators to the banks of the river, important administrative structures was also introduced in
which served as the main port of Manila. Designed in the the last decade of the 19th century. The method
Renaissance Revivalist style, the Pasig Farola (also known necessitated the manufacture of artificial masonry blocks
as the San Nicolás lighthouse) was a complex composed of employing Portland cement, a construction technique
a tower, a pavilion, and service buildings. It underwent proposed by Primitivo Luelmo Salvador, engineer in charge
several renovations, of which the 1846 renovation was the of the reconstruction of the Palacio del Gobernador
most significantly documented. The reconstruction General in 1897. In the San Sebastian Church, the hollow
included the completion of the masonry tower, which walls of steel were also filled with mixed sand, gravel, and
began in 1843, using stones quarried from Meycauayan, cement. In the construction of the Ferrocarril de Manila-
Bulacan. Built entirely of solid stone, the lighthouse Dagupan, portland cement mortar was used to join the
survived the earthquakes of 1852 and 1861. A new brickwork and to fill the cavity between the brick wall
lighthouse was constructed in 1876 following the designs layers. Taking largely from the application methods in
of Jose Echeverría, and completed in 1879. The metal Europe, reinforced concrete was largely confined to use in
structure was purchased from the foundry of Gustave Eiffel foundation structures rather than as primary construction
and constructed using a cast-fran screw pile method, material, owing to the negative reception towards its drab,
developed by Belfast engineer Alexander Mitchell, to gray appearance (de Viana, 2017). Another prominent
anchor the lighthouse in soft sand. structure which utilized a reinforced concrete base was the
Manila Cathedral, which was finished in 1879 based on the
plans by Eduardo Navarro, Luciano Oliver, and Vicente
New Industrial Construction Materials and Technologies Serrano.
Driven by the demands of global trade, mechanized
production, and rapid urbanization, a systemic In 1894, a new composite material made of cement and
improvement of colonial infrastructure took shape under bamboo was developed by an inventor known only as
the auspices of the Spanish authorities in the form of Ermitaño. Because of its Incombustible properties, the
portworks, roads, bridges, lighthouses, waterways, composite was endorsed as the new material for building
sewerage systems, piped water supply, telegraph cables, walls in urban areas. The system was known as "Modelo de
railroad and streetcar systems and electrical power plants- Nueva Sistema de Construccion Urbana" which was
adhering to the modern and leading-edge technology disseminated In pages of La Ilustracion Filipina that same
available at that time. year. This system never took off, but true reinforced
concrete structures would emerge in the Philippines in the
These infrastructure developments were made possible by first decade of the 20th century under the auspices of the
the miraculous properties of iron and steel-strong American colonial authorities.
lightweight, fire-resistant materials that could be mass-
produced and imported from Europe to fuel the country's Cover of eneste Che Publica featuring the ten featuring the
growing economy. San Sebastian Church

The earthquake of July 1880, which toppled many public CEMENTO

and residential structures in Manila, brought an immense
material transformation to local architecture that signified "APO CEBU PORTLAND CEMENT CO. Advertisment of Ago
the modernization of long-standing building practices. Portland Canad M CALIDADPrecios Mas Bajos!CEMENTO
Heavy clay tiles were replaced by light weight galvanized RIZAL
iron sheets (hierro galvanizado). The Importation of steel
and prefabricated steel components from Europe that Overall, the achievements of the Hispanic urbanization
heralded the industrialized methods of building made program were synonymous to the elevation of the
possible the construction the new Neo-gothic church of standards living of its colonial subjects through urban
San Sebastian, the Puente Colgante, and the new railway infrastructure and public works that bespoke of colonial
system. modernity and progress. The technological advancements
of the age-electricity, steel, railroads, and cement-would
pave the way for the United States to embark on its own water was commercially undertaken by the Chinese who
colonial project In the new century, which would embrace sold water at a price that depended upon the quality and
refrigeration, cinema, radio, flight, the automobile, and distance of its source.
reinforced concrete that would herald a new age of
American supremacy. The water from the Pasig River, although readily available,
could not support the entire population of Manila,
A 19th century advertisement endorsing the arrival of especially those who settled in communities far from the
electricity in Manila river. Unable to buy their water from peddlers for
economic reasons, these poor communities relied on
Colonial Waterworks and Utilities superficial wells for their water supply. The typical surface
well had no curbing, shed, or casing. In communal wells of
Before the installation of a piped-in water system offered this kind, people usually bathed and washed close to the
by the municipally operated Carriedo waterworks in 1882, well, which filtered the wastewater back into the well,
Manila's population were entirely dependent on surface thus, polluting the same well from which they also drink.
water supplies, such as rivers and superficial wells, which These wells proved to be extremely unsafe and dangerous
were dangerously polluted. As water coursed through for drinking, prompting the issuance of municipal orders
densely populated riverbank communities, it was subject to for their absolute deure at the height of the cholera
frequent and dangerous contamination. epidemic. The American proconsuls would later replace
them with artesian wells.
Potable water could be obtained by channeling rainwater
from the roof to a household cistern called aljibe. These Francisco de Carriedo y Peredo, a native of Santander,
cisterns were usually built of bricks or adobe and contained Spain and a governor of the Manila in the mid-eighteenth
enough water to last for weeks. The water for daily century, became Manila's benefactor when, in 1743, he
consumption was drawn by means of pails and kept in bequeathed the sum of 10,000 pesos, including its interest,
smaller earthen jars (tapayan) to which small alum crystals to the city for the purpose of bringing piped water to
(tawas) were added for purification. military barracks and other institutions, on the condition
that the poor should benefit from its installation. The
into the Pasig River from upstream, where the water was investments of this sum were so well managed that,
supposedly clean, then filled with water. Then it was pulled notwithstanding several vicissitudes and losses, it
down the stream into the Manila Bay by an empty boat run amounted in 1867 to 177,853.44 pesos. In 1867, the
by one or two paddlers. Upon reaching the beach of Tondo, Municipal Council embarked on a project to supply fresh
the water was loaded into cargahan (wooden cans) to be water to the entire city. By 1882, the first public water
distributed among the houses. One carga (two cans) was fountain gushed forth its waters. The establishment of the
paid two centavos. In its unpurified state, the water was Carriedo Municipal Waterworks in 1882 greatly improved
used for general washing, cleaning, and bathing. the quality of water consumed by the general populace.
The installation of a new water system supplied the
For drinking and cooking purposes, the water underwent residents of Manila with moderately pure water, conveyed
some technique of purification: filtration and application of from the Mariquina River through an aqueduct to a
alum and sulfur. Filtration was done by tying a piece of dry deposito, a distributing reservoir composed of eleven
clean cloth, usually undershirt or tablecloth, around the arched compartments hewn from adobe rock that held a
mouth of the vessel; water was then poured, sieving the volume of sixteen million gallons. From there, gravity
visible sediments and impurities. But even after filtration delivered water under mild pressure throughout the city
the water remained turbid. To make the water clearer, via its numerous public hydrants, thereby reducing
alum was added to the filtrate contained in large vessels Manila's reliance on dangerous sources of water.
resulting in the precipitation of suspended impurities at the
bottom of the vessel. After some time, the resulting The waterworks system was designed by Genaro Palacios y
supernatant liquid was deemed fit for drinking. For storage Guerra, a civil engineer of the Royal Corps of Engineers in
purposes, the alum-treated water was infused with sulfur. the Spanish Army, and provided five ornamental fountains,
200 hydrants, and 150 fire hydrants. Water was received
The affluent families, doubtful of the purity of water from Santolan, directly from the Mariquina River, through
collected from the Pasig River, resorted to collecting water two 24-inch cast-iron pipe Intakes. From the intakes, water
from far upstream and distant tributaries of the river, level was raised by pumps to a height of twenty-eight
especially the Mariquina (Marikina) River. Here the water meters into a stone aqueduct structure known as
was believed to be pure as it was less subject to Acueducto de Alfonso XIII, measuring 80 centimeters wide,
contamination and pollution. This method of gathering
1.25 meters high and four kilometers long, with an arched Plan and section of the aqueduct cormecting l Deposit to
top. the city of Manila, designed by Genaro Palacios in 1874
The Carriedo Fountain and Its Siblings (Alave)

The Carriedo Fountain in Manila Is a landmark of the city, An advertisement for La Compania la Electricite showing
but its existence and the memory it celebrates-is shared by the power plant in Calle San Sebastian (Below)
a similar fountain in Singapore. Both fountains were
erected in 1882 on separate occasions: in Manila in bonor LA ELECTRICISTA
of Francisco Carriedo and in Singapore in honor of Tan Kim
Seng both of whom made significant contributions to the CILA
development of the local waterworks systems of their
respective cities. The two water systems provided clean, In 1892, a Spanish corporation, the Compania La
piped water for the public of both Singapore and Manila, at Electricista, established the first power-generating plant in
a time when Cholera epidemics were rampant, caused by Manila. Its powerhouse was located at Calle San Sebastian,
contaminated water. now Calle R. Hidalgo in the district of Quiapo On October 8,
1892, the Spanish municipal government granted the said
The Victorian-era fountain is made of cast iron and company with a franchise to supply electric current for
produced by the renowned iron works manufacturer municipal lighting and private use. By 1902, La Electricista
Andrew Handyside & Co. in its Britannia Iron Works was operating a 1,000 horsepower plant, which supplied
foundry, In Derby, England. The fountain's design was Manila's power requirements to light up street arc lamps,
taken from their catalogue of ready-made ornamental and domestic incandescent lamps and to run electric fans.
ironwork, "An Illustrated book of Designs for Fountains and In 1904, together with the Spanish horsecar company,
Vases, manufactured by Andrew Handyside" from 1879. Compania de Tranvias de Filipinas, the company was
The exquisite fountain features four Muses: Calliope, the purchased by the Manila Electric Railroad and Lighting
Muse of Epic Poetry: Clio, the Muse of History; Erato, the Company (MERALCO), an American company franchised by
Muse of Lyric Poetry; and Melpomene, the Muse of the municipality of Manila to generate and distribute
Tragedy. Beneath the sculptures of the Muses are four electricity, and to operate the electric trolley system in
mascarons with the face of Poseidon, each spouting water. Manila.

The Tan Kim Seng fountain is found at Esplanade Park in The Lionhead Hydrants
Singapore, while the Carriedo Fountain is at Plaza Santa
Cruz in Manila. A version of the fountain called "The The iconic mascaron pillar hydrants were designed and
Fountain of the Muses" is found in the Jardim Botanico in manufactured by Glenfield & Kennedy Ltd., a manufacturer
Rio de Janiero, Brazil, originally placed in the villa of of cast iron waterwork fittings and hydrants based in
Henrique Lage, an industrialist and patron of the arts in Kilmarnock, Scotland, with offices in London, England. This
Brazil. late 19th century design, advertised as Kennedy's patent, is
a self-closing. anti-freezing pillar fountain. It consists of a
By gravity, the water was channeled through a tunnel a fluted cylindrical cast iron column with a lionhead
quarter of a kilometer from the river to a subterranean mascaron, a molded domed cap, and a small finial
reservoir in San Juan del Mente known as El Deposito. The resembling apineapple. The water was released by turning
Deposito was made up of parallel arched chamber a decorative knob found on the side, which released the
tunneled out of soft adobe stone, and connected by two water from the lionhead mascaron spout. A mascaron is an
cross tunnek forming groined arches at the intersections. ornamental element sculpted in the form of a human or
The roof was at least eight feet in thickness. Ventilation animal.
was provided by 207 shafts, which kept the water cool and
free from vegetal matter. The reservoir was to contain Detail of the hydrant's lion head mascaron and finial
about one and a half days' reserve, and about two days'
supply in wet seasons. From the Deposito, a cast-iron main Suset Sand and Pilar Fosstals Combled
line, twenty-six inches in diameter and three kilometers
long, conveyed the water to the city distributing system in Ladies drawing water from a hydrant in Manila in the early
Rotonda in the district of Sampaloc where it branched off 20th century (Above, left), Different models of iron
to the different public hydrants in the city. hydrants from Glenfield & Kennedy Ltd. (Middle, right;
Below, right)

Architecture for Colonial Commerce and Industry

 factories in Manila-two in Arroceros, one in Meisic, and
In the seventeenth century, Spain attempted to establish one in Malabon-employed over 17,000 workers at the
an Asian trading empire to be based in Manila. Soon the outset of the nineteenth century. These tabacaleras used a
city had quickly metamorphosed from a small but active predominantly female labor force drawn from surrounding
port town linked to regional networks into one of the suburbs. The employment of women in tobacco factories,
major colonial port cities in Southeast Asia, rivaling Batavia who were called cigarreras, was prevalent not only in the
(Jakarta) in the seventeenth and eighteenth century. Philippines but also in Spain and Mexico. The colonialists
believed that women were more skillful and more patient
Chinese merchants dominated Manila's vital trading for cigar production and that they were less prone to
institutions, although their numbers were only small. They commit fraud.
created the entrepot trade and controlled the internal
traffic of commerce and credit networks essential to that The tobacco factory in Meisic was called Fabrica de Puros
trade. The locus of all economic activities was in Binondo. de Meisic. The factory was completed in 1873, rebuilt from
a destroyed military barracks that had collapsed during the
The very first large commercial structure was probably the 1863 earthquake. Designed by Casto Olano, the
Alcelceria de San Fernando, a silk market established in manufacturing structure was defined by a two-storey
1758 in the densely populated Chinese district of Binondo, office. à the middle of a U-shaped factory block hugging an
immediately across the river from Intramuros. The expansive open ground. It had two long factory pavilions
Alcaiceria de San Fernando was the first formal custom internally illuminated with natural light emanating from a
house and its distinct octagonal plan was an architectural continuous band of clerestory windows Integrated to the
form which had no precedent in Spanish colonial roof structure, which also afforded for good ventilation. Its
architecture. Designed by Fray Lucas de Jesus Maria, a lay plain masonry wall of adobe had openings for 147 windows
Recollect brother who designed many royal infrastructures and two entrances. The windows adorned sparsely by
in the colony, the two-storey edifice housed not only stores wrought iron grilles had louvered and capiz shell panels.
for the Chinese merchants but also government offices for
the administration of trade. Inside the octagon was an After a century, the tobacco monopoly was abolished, and
inner courtyard or patio surrounded by porticos. The private companies soon took over the industry. In 1881,
balconled upper floor was used as living quarters of the the Compania General de Tabacos de Filipinas was
Chinese. Unfortunately, it was razed by fire in 1810 and established by Antonio Lopez y Lopez, Marquis of Comillas.
never reconstructed. Its burned-down site was later The company was a Spanish multinational Joint-stock
occupied by the Real Aduana (Royal Customs Building). company, and the first private tobacco company in the
Philippines. In 1885, the company established its flagship
The 1767 royal decree mandating the establishment of the establishment, the La Flor de Isabela factory, considered as
tobacco monopoly in the Philippines increased the revenue a state-of-the-art facility of its time. The company's office
of the Public Treasury. The Spanish Crown also established at No. 936 Calle Marques de Comillas (now Romualdez
in 1785 The Royal Philippine Company, which became an Street) in Manila was also of note: a majestic three-storey
investor in export crops in the Philippines, making the wood-and stone structure with a two-level central mirador,
colony a major producer of cash crops for the global bringing the total height to five floors. According to an
market with sugar, tobacco, coffee, and abaca as major account, the company by 1925, had close to 5,000
export products. The monopoly of the tobacco industry employees, a majority of which were tasked with hand
and investment in cash crop agriculture resulted in huge rolling cigars. The ornate tabacalera building was destroyed
returns, which were, in turn, invested in infrastructure. By in a battle.
the nineteenth century, the colonial administration
conscripted the services of a battery of engineers and of Manila in 1945 and rebuilt after the war. The ravages of
architects to design and construct an infrastructure war took a toll on the company, and it went into a gradual
network pertaining to the processing, manufacture, decline.
packaging, and distribution of export products-the almacen
(warehouses), fabrica (factories), and camarin Erected in 1894 using the design of Spanish architect Juan
(storehouses). Jose Hervas y Arizmendi, the La Insular Cigar Factory was a
rare example of Mudejar-inspired architecture. The three-
Plan and perspective drawings of the octagonal Alcaiceria storey building continued to be a landmark structure,
de San Temando, circa 1756 (Top: Middle) imposing its presence together with Hotel de Oriente at
the Plaza Calderon de la Barca in Binondo until it was
The tobacco and cigar factories, known as the tabacaleras, consumed by fire in 1945. Its delicate facade was like fine
became foremost sites of colonial production. Four cigar lacework defined by slender posts that terminated in a
succession of horseshoe arches that were incised with residence of the proprietor of the company. Ample space
arabesque piercework. The posts supported a third storey at the upper floor was devoted for keeping stocks.
projecting into an open gallery that ran the entire length of
the facade. This was a balcony protected by a balustrade The streets of Rosario and Escolta in Binondo played host
and marked by a dozen electric lampposts recurring at an to a contiguous line of business establishments, such as
interval. Above the open gallery was yet another line hotels, boticas (drugstores), cafés, restaurants, groceries,
decorative baluster that charmingly concealed the sloping wineries, hardware stores, and specialty shops among
roof, making it appear to be flat at street level. The corners others, endowing the vicinity with a cosmopolitan aura as
of the building were cut into chamfers and provided with can be found in some colonial cities in Southeast Asia, such
windows at every floor, but a third level emphasis was as Singapore. Shops and stores had open ground floors,
accomplished with the use of oriel windows. which offered wide visual access to the merchandise being
sold by the establishment. Some were equipped with
In addition to the tabacaleras, the Real Estanco or the retractable canvas shades to block direct sunlight from
Administration for the Monopolles, the sugar refinery in penetrating the shop floor. The presence of signboards and
Manila, the wine administration, the Matadero (municipal advertorials established the nature of service or
slaughterhouse designed by Juan Jose Hervas in 1893) in merchandise being offered for sale.
Dulumbayan (now Aranque Market), and the Quinta and
Divisoria markets were notable infrastructure initiatives of Arquitectura de Sangley: the Bahay na Bato, Tiendas, and
colonial authorities in the realm of trade and industry. The Accesorios
central market of Manila was in Quiapo and was known as
La Quinta. This was connected by the Claveria Bridge to the The 19-century proved tumultuous for Spain, which was
Arroceres district (from the Spanish word arret meaning racked by political and social unrest both within the
rice), where the rice market was situated. Divisoria market peninsula and in its colonies. After Mexico gained
in the district of San Nicolas would soon flourish as the Independence in 1821, the Galleon Trade was effectively
country's premiere wholesale brought to an end. The opening of the Philippines to
international trade-accelerated by the Industrial revolution
The Matadero, the municipal slaughterhouse of Manila In and the demise of the Compania de Filipinas in 1834-
Dulumbayan (in the district of Santa Cruz), designed by catalyzed a development of new architectural
Juan Jose Tervas in 1893. (Tap) morphologies, designed to suit the needs of new economic
ventures and the rising mercantile aristocracy. This group
Elevation and section drawings for a municipal people were dominated by the mestizos de sangley and
slaughterhouse in Manila, circa 1876 (Aleve) their foreign business partners who have settled in Manila
and other port cities of the period.
Concomitant with the industrial success of the nineteenth
century was an increase in foreign commercial Investments DEALER SHIP. CHANDLERY MINERS SUPPLIES &
in Manila, catalyzing the emergence of new building types.
In 1809, European commercial houses were allowed to Manila Blane BOE SCHADENBERG, ESCOLTA Manila Emai
operate in Manila and the influx of foreign commercial
firms followed suit. British, German, French, and other The racial pretensions of the Spanish colonial government
expatriates launched their businesses along Escolta and favored the exclusion of the Indio and the unbaptized
adjacent streets. By the end. of the nineteenth century, the Sangley population. The mestizos de Sangley however-
vicinities of Escolta and Binondo would earn the reputation acculturated by their conversion to Catholicism-were
of being the country's premiere central business district. safeguarded from racial oppression by their wealth and
The largest and most prestigious companles established by substantial involvement in the economic activities of the
local and foreign entrepreneurs chose their business archipelago. They were accorded freedom of movement
addresses within its proximity especially after the opening and gained upward social mobility, which they flaunted
of Manila as a free port. Most of these houses were with opulent, yet practical residences. The arquitectura
involved in the import and export of goods. mestiza developed into the monumental townhouses and
tiendas (shophouses), akin to the shophouses and urban
The early trading houses were the bahay na bato homes of the upper class in neighboring countries such as
retrofitted to have room for commercial function. In this Malaysia and Singapore. To address the risks of a more
hybrid housing, the ground floor was occupled by offices densely built urban fabric, these houses would be built
and shops while the upper storey (usually the structure did with masonry walls to adjoining houses, which would serve
not exceed more than three stories) functioned as the as firewalls and devices for privacy.
These abodes served as both residence and office for its Monte de Piedad, originally at the Colegio de Santa Isabel
inhabitants: the lower storey or zaguan of the bahay na in Intramuros, moved to a new building in Plaza Golti (at
bato was converted into present, A. Lacson) in Santa Cruz. The bank had a principal
elevation similar to that of Greek temples, with its
offices, warehouses, and shops containing the multitude of imposing pediment and fluted columns, making it an
business ventures handled by the respective homeowners, important specimen of Classic Revivalism in Manila at the
while the upper floors contained their residences (Lico, close of the nineteenth century. It was designed by the
2016). The mezzanine level or entresuelo, became Spanish architect, Juan Jose Hervas, who also designed the
warehouses and living quarters for other laborers, or were Manila Railroad Central Station in Tutuban.
rented out to transients. A number of these shophouses
offered wholesale and retail options, selling everything Spanish architect Juan Jose Hervas had a prolific career,
from European luxury goods to Chinese medicine, and local figuring prominently in the design of commercial
sundries. architecture. Hervas, as the municipal architect of Manila
from 1885 to 1893, designed the offices of Rafael Perez on
The economic prosperity of the urban centers drew people Anloague Street (now Juan Luna) in Binondo, the Ynchausti
from all walks of life. Industries also necessitated a Brothers' office along the waterfront, and the Purchasing
significant amount of manpower to run, which was readily Agency office. He also designed commercial buildings,
addressed by the Influx of coole labor from other port namely, Estrella del Norte on Escolta, the Heacock Store
cities such as Hong Kong and Amoy, as well as by local Building, the Paris-Manila building, the building occupied
laborers. Conversely, the bahay na bato morphed into the by the American Bazaar, the Hotel de Oriente building on
acceseria, providing affordable housing options for these Plaza Binondo, and the La Insular Tobacco Factory with its
laborers, analogous to the rowhouses found in the intricate application of neo-Mudejar motifs.
industrial centers of Great Britain. These houses divided
the bahay na bato into individual two-storey apartment In the midst of all these landmarks in colonial architectural
units, with individual zaguans, escaleras, and cuartos, and production, the sari-sari store-the perennial neighborhood
communal back patios where shared kitchens, latrines, and retail institution which began in the mid-19th century rose
bath areas. These units would also later carry the on a modest scale. Literally translated as "various kinds," it
underground market of the colony, housing burdels and is a convenience store operated by small entrepreneurs,
fumaderos de oplo. The cosmopolitanization of the colonial carrying an eclectic array of consumer products ranging
urban fabric, while taking elementally from the from foodstuff to hardware, from cosmetics to medicine,
architectural forebears of residential design, produced an which could be sold by tingé system (in small or
innovation which, while locally grounded, is global In apportioned quantities, which spurred the sachet culture
sensibility. of today). Historically, the sari-sari stores were initially
operated by the Chinese who favored selling goods tingé-
Like the shophouses, hotel architecture in the colony had a style and on loan basis. The sari-sari stores of the period,
str affiliation with the bahay na bato, sharing a common like the contemporary ones, were conveniently attached to
spatial elevational character. Hotels provided ready the residence of the retailer, generally fronting the street.
accommodation for the itinerant foreigners. Spatially, Neighbors usually congregated In front of the sari-sari store
bedrooms, and function rooms wen zoned at the upper where makeshift tables and benches served as venues for
floors, while reception areas and cafés were locate at the community exchange.
ground level. There were balconies from where the hotel ARQUITECTURA MEZTIZA
guen could observe the street scene below. In Binondo,
Hotel de Oriente Fonda Francesa were renowned for their - SPANISH COLONIAL ARCHITECTURE IN THE
hospitality. Hotel in Palma d Mallorca, Hotel de Paris, and PHILIPPINES (1521-1898)
Hotel de España were the foremost hotels inde the walled
PART 1
city of Intramuros. Less expensive lodgings, rented out s
monthly basis, were offered by casas de huespedes or GENESIS OF THE NEW KINGDOM ESPAÑA
boarding ho such as La Casualidad, El Cid, and Europa in
Intramuros.  Isabella and Ferdinand had married in 1469 in
Valladolid. Their marriage united both crowns and
Related to the commercial success in the colony was the set the stage for the creation of the Reino de
establishment of banking institutions. The first bank built España (Kingdom of Spain)
was the Banco Español po Isabel II, initially housed in the  Fernando de Aragon
Aduana, a customs house in a portion of Intramuros. Later  Isabela del Castillo
it moved to a new building in Santa Cruz. The s bank, the - Kingdom of Aragon
 - Kingdom of Navarre 1572 Miguel Lopez de
- Kingdom Granada
Legazpi died, he had already conquered the greater portion
- Kingdom Castile
of the archipelago to spread the Christianity and to
- Kingdom of Leon
colonize the islands.
 Bandera de España, colloquially known as “la
Rojiqualda” Manila: The Genesis of a Walled Colonial City
15th CENTURY - AGE OF EXPLORATION & COLONIZATION May 19, 1571
 Ferdinand of Again and Elizabeth of Castile’s sons El Adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legazpi founded conquered
- Emperor Charles and Prince Philip the Kingdom of Maynilad after the battle and Rajah
 Expansion of imperial domination Sulayman had evacuated his Fort after the inhabitants set
- Direct change fire upon their settlements.

3G 1572 Al Adelantado

 GOD Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Fundador de Manila died, he had

 GOLD already conquered the greater portion of the archipelago
 GLORY to spread the Christianity and to colonize the islands.

PART 1 PRE-COLONIAL HISTORY Pueblos ar the capitals or towns

Portuguese explorer, Ferdinand Magellan, Spanish Royal Barangay became Barrios

Conquestor Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and Navigator Fray
Poblacion are the centers
Andres de Urdaneta, OSA arrival in Ma-l islands in 1521.
Hacienda/Estancias are large estates, farmlands and
LA SENIORITA FILIPINA
ranches outside the walls
- Dedicated to el príncipe Felipe as "Islas de Las
PROGRAM FOR THE URBANISM “LEYES DE INDIAS”
Filipinas"
LAWS OF THE INDIES
On 14 April 1521, Rajah Humabon was christened Carlos in
honor of Rei Carlos I de España - expanding and a comprehensive compilation of
edicts incorporating the previous decrees of Rey
While his chief consort, Hara Humamay was given the
Fernando l de Aragon and Carlos V, Empirador de
name Juana, after Charles' mother, Reina Juana del Castillo.
pax Romano
The Baptism of Humabon and Humaymay and Image of The
Holy Child the beginning of the Oldest Founded church in
the Philippines, Basilica de Sto. Niño de Cebu in 1565

1565 the story of architecture in the Philippines under LAWS OF THE INDIES
Kingdom of Castile begins the permanent occupation and
- Collates all laws that dictates on planning, social,
Part of Virreinato de Nueva España (Viceroy of New Spain).
church, and economic matters pertaining to the
Viceroy of New Spain in Eutopia and Oriental World colonies.
THE SPANISH LAKE: THE PACIFIC OCEAN DECLARED AS Laws of Indies/ Leyes de Indias: Rey Felipe II, July 3, 1573,
SPANISH LAKE SERVES AS A ROUTE FOR THE GALLEON in San Lorenzo, Spain
TRADE FROM 1565-1813
Prescripcion por de la fundacion de colonia municipales y
PROGRAM FOR COLONIAL URBANISM pueblos: articulo numero 110-133
- Establishment of Colonial Settlements, building a LAWS OF INDIES
chapel and erection of Fort.
110. GENERAL PLOT
1571 Raja Sulayman
111. Topography and Resources 112. Allocation of Plaza
abandoned the Manila (May-nilad; abundant water lily)
113. Size of the Plaza
114. Designation of streets 115. Requirement of Streets  Residencia
 Distributed by hierarchy and political on
116. Climate considerations 117. Expansion
 Plaza complex expressed the centralization of
118-120. Main Building 121. Other Building political power
 Forts/Fuerza
122. Agriculture 123. Inland with water
 Churches, Cabecera was the capital of the parish
124-125. Plaza requirement and government office while Visita is the chapels of the Parish

126-128. Restrictions 129-132. Agriculture “PRIMERA CUIDAD” CAPITAL SPANISH CITIES

133. Building requirement  NUEVA SEGOVIA (ILOCOS SUR)

 MANILA
The villages were literally in Bajos dela Campanas (under
 SUGBU (CEBU)
the bells), which sanctioned control of natives' everyday
 NUEVA CACERES (NAGA OR CAMARINES SUR)
life by allowing the clergy to wake the villagers up each
day, summon them to mass and subject them to religious MANILA
catechism.
- June 24, 1571 in Honor of San Juan Bautista, the
Reduccion Bajo la Campana declaration of Manila as Colony's Capital
- 1573 Birth of Intramuros, following the
 Towns emerged from this concept
recommendations of the Royal decree issued by
 Villages and later towns developed under the
Rey Felipe II, from which future colonial towns and
watch and supervision of Spain's religious
cities of Emperio de Españalwould be modeled
missionaries.
after.
Reduccion y Encomienda
INTRAMUROS
- or forced urbanization and resettlement. Where
- Developed to become the political, educational,
they could be easily reached by the missionaries,
and religious hub of the Spanish colony.
tribute collectors and the military. Urbanizing
- Spanish walled city
program of Spain Building regulations and zoning.
- Pureza de Sangre, Pure Bloods Spaniards are the
It made easier for a friar to train Filipinos in the
only allowed inside the walls.
basic principles of Christianity.
Peninsulinares (Spanish Born in Spain)
Encomienda
Insulinares (Spanish Born in the Viceroys/Spanish colonies)
- The concept of land as private property and capital
was introduced, communal and individual lands 1595, the colonist proclaimed the foundation of Primera
were confiscated, divided into parcels, each Ciudades de Españoles because of Economic stability
assigned to a pioneering Spanish colonist who was
Sugbu - Cebu, under mission of Augustinians
mandated or distributed to the members of
Principalia (former Datus/Rajah/Lakan, their Naga, Bicol - Nueva Caceres under mission of Franciscans
families and descendants.)
Lalo, Cagayan – Nueva Segovia, under mission of
Cuadriculla Dominicans, was moved in 1758 to Vigan due to Economic
and Environmental issue
- A system of streets and blocks laid out with
uniform precision, the use of grid pattern for urban Vigan, Ilocos Sur – Villa Ferdinandina / Vigan
fabric, together with the adherence to the other
architectural rules, was a consequence of the ideal Ilo-ilo – Arevalo/Jaro
Greco-Roma city concept. Baculud, Pampanga - Villa Bacolor
Developed from experience in Americas - Bacolor On October 8, 1762, Governor-General
Simon de Anda y Salazar made Bacolor, Pampanga
 Plaza mayor
the temporary capital of the Philippines, in view of
 Cabildo (municipal building)
the British invasion of Manila.
 Mercado
PROGRAM FOR COLONIAL URBANISM “BUILDING Because of the Earthquakes and Fire Lessons, thicker walls,
MATERIALS” wider and thicker almost 3mts buttresses, lowered ceiling
lines in the churches, house post (haligue)
Structures inside Intramuros were first built with wood and
thatch roofing. PROGRAM FOR COLONIAL URBANISM "EXTRAMUROS /
ARRABALES"
1583 - The city was consumed by fire.
Indio, Mestiza y Sangley
= A decree was made that all structures will be constructed
with stone and tiles. ARRABALES – SUBURBS

1580's Dominican Friar, Fray Domingo Salazar, OP. Primera - Spaniards and the church authorities expanded its
mission
Obispo de Manila with Padre Antonio Sedeño, SJ. A Jesuit
priest, architect, and engineer, pushed for the construction Extramuros
of buildings and houses using stones and tile.
- Pueblo de Malate, home of ambitious nobleman,
Materials: tradesman amassed their wealth from the new
imperial order
 Volcanic tuff & Adobe - deposits discovered in
Guadalupe, Makati. Pueblo de Tondo was identified natives who regularly
 Cut stone - de Silleria or de cal y canto provided fresh foods.
 Hornos - Kilns for the manufacture of (Radillos) -
Part 2.3 Extramuros:
bricks
 Tejas - v-shape roof tile  Pueblo de Quiapo and Pueblo de Malate, home of
 Placuña Pelucida - capiz shells Dura la Madera - ambitious nobleman, tradesman amassed their
hard wood wealth from the new imperial order
 Arrabales/ Suburbans are Ermita, Sta. Cruz,
1595 - Bishop Salazar wrote to the King. that Sangleys
Sampaloc, Dilao, Paco, Sta. Ana de Sapa
(Chinese) population in Manila had artisan Skilled in many
crafts - carpenters, carvers, stone masons. book binders The Binondo
and so forth.
- With the increase of Chinese traders and
PROGRAM FOR COLONIAL URBANISM "Birth of Filipino craftsman, known as Sangleys, a policy was
architecture" enacted in 1581, designating to the Sangley
communities a separate urban quarter, known as
- 1645 a devastating earthquake shattered the
Parian.
ambitious plans of the Spaniards, marked a turning
point in the development of architecture. 1581 - Enacted, designating Chinese community a separate
- Birth of Arquitectura Mestiza in the Philippines urban quarter

Arquitectura mestiza, Combination of wood and stones

A term based on Hermano Due to insecurity of fast-growing Chinese population.

- (Brother) Francisco Alcina, SJ. To refer to the 1583 - they relocated in the eastward of Intramuros after
structures built partly of wood and partly stone the Pasig River, with easy range of the cannon from Fort
Santiago

PROGRAM FOR COLONIAL URBANISM "THE FORTRESS-

Theory of Style
BASTION"
Mestizaje, mixing of two cultures, hybrid architecture.
Dilao-Paco
Why? Propaganda? Façade retention or application
- Another rebellious ethnic sector in the eyes of the
Based on European models to bring power Greco-Roma castellans was the Japanese.
styles - A Japanese community assigned where could be
easily observed and controlled. The Spanish
 authorities found the Japanese proud and arrogant - A wide, deep trench surrounding the walls that is
and less obedient to Spanish command. They were usually filled with water
settled in Dilao. Japanese were the refuge from
Bastion system style
closing of foreign relation of japan including the
religion. - Stone landings casa matas artiellary
Bastion system style GARITAS (GARITA OR WATCH AREA)
- 1590, the walled city, patterned the medieval city FOSO or MOAT
fortress of Europe, under the Supervision of
Governador-General Gomez Perez Dasmariñas and - A canal filled with water to serve as a deterrent
Military engineer Leonardo Turriano against attackers approaching the wall.

Bastion system style PUENTE or Bridge

 7.6mts high PROGRAM FOR COLONIAL URBANISM "FUERZA

ARQUITECTURA"
 3-10 mts walls, curtinas
 Stone landings casa FUERZA DE SAN PEDRO (Cebu City)
 matas artiellary
- One of the royal forts supported by crown, Fuerza
de San Pedro in Cebu (renovated in 1738).
- Built following the triangular plan laidout by Miguel
ALMACEN DE POLVORA BODEGA NG PULBURA
Lopez de Legazpi.
- Structure for storage of gun powder. - Used as a military installation throughout the
Spanish colonial era.
BALUARTE OR BALWARTE/BASTION
FUERZA DE SAN FELIPE (Cavite)
- A projecting part of the fortification intended to
have a number of firing direction to defend the - Built between 1609-16.
adjacent perimeter. - A witness to pivotal events in Philippine history,
including a portent of the 1896 revolution.
TERREPLEIN
FUERZA DE SANTIAGO (Manila)
- Levelled top platform of the bastion where
cannons are mounted - Santiago dressed in armor riding a charger,
restored hardwood bas relief over the entrance of
PARAPETO or PARAPET
Fuerza de Santiago.
- Fortified parapet wall with alternate merlons and
FUERZA DE NUESTRA SENORA DEL PILAR (Zamboanga
crenels intended for defense and as wall decorative
Peninsula)
motif
- Built by military engineer Juan de Ciscara in 1719.
- Named after the Virgin of the Pillar in Zaragosa,
CARA or FACE Spain.

- The two outer sides of the bastions that meet to Historical Evolution of Philippine Liturgical Architecture
form a V-shaped outwork.
How Are Churches Designed in the Philippines?
FLANCO or FLANK
SIMBAHAN
- The portion that protrudes beyond the curtain.
SIMBAHAN
ESCARPA or ESCARP

- Outer slope of a fortified wall • Prior to colonization the Natives/Early Filipinos did not wor
called SIMBAHAN. According to Padre Francisco de San A
FOSO or MOAT
• IGLESIA/YGLESIA (Spanish)
Esquinita
The Oldest Stone Church: Iglesia-Monasterio de San Agust
Casa real/ munisipyo
Order St. Augustine (OSA); Augustinians 1565
Calle real/ main road
Manila cathedral - neo Romanesque
Korte/ hukuman
Cathedral/ Catedral- The principal church of a diocese hous
1580's Dominican Friar, Fray Domingo Salazar, OP. Primo Obispo de Manila with
Royal granted Missionaries/ Religious orders Order of Friar
Padre Antonio Sedeño, SJ. A Jesuit priest, architect and engineer, pushed for the construction of buildings and houses us
Franciscans 1578
Assignments of the Faithful
Missions:
Padres- will based on architectural books to look preferred model then trace the design, sermon
Southern Parts of Bulacan, Manila-Del Monte /Cubao, Paco
Mothers- Brick makers
Iglesia de Nuestra Señora de Los Angeles y Padre Serafico
Boys and Girls - carried little baskets of Sands
Results 1581
Masons-by monetary fund: if no budget the Padre will work himself to show volunteer
Missions: Cavite, Samar Island, Leyte Island, Bohol Island,
workers Accounts of Fr. Valentin Marin, OP
Royal granted Missionaries/ Religious orders Society of Jes
1583 Great Fire of Intramuros worldwide.)

Materials Volcanic tuff & Adobe- deposits discovered in Guadalupe,

Order Macati
of Prechers(OP); Dominicans 1587

Cut stone - de Silleria or de cal y canto IGLESIA DE SANTO DOMINGO

Neo gothic
Tejas v shape roof tile
SHRINE OF NSTRA. SRA. DE LA NAVAL
Placuña Pelucida- capiz shells Dura la Madera- hard wood
Order of Augustinian Recollects (OSA-R/OAR); Recoletos 1
Regional
IGLESIA DE SAN NICOLAS DE TOLENTINO-RECOLETOS
Identification:
REAL MONASTERIO DE NUESTRA SEÑORA DE INMACU
Adobe
Based on European models to bring power
& Volcanic Tuff in Central Parts of
• Greco-Roma style • Inculturation, means adapting the Chu
Luzon
• Mestizaje, mixing of two cultures, hybrid architecture.
Coralline and lime stone in Visayas and
•Why? Propaganda
Mindanao
•Façade retention or application (POWER)
Sandstone some parts of Panay Island
LADO DE EVANGELIO
Bricks in Northern Parts of Luzon
LADO DE EPISTOLA
1595- Bishop Salazar wrote the King, that Sangleys (Chinese) population in Manila had artisan Skilled in many crafts-carp
CONVENTO
The early builders
PLAZA IGLESIA
Augustinians 1565
IGLESIA
Missions: Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, La Union, Tarlac, Pampanga, Northern Part of Bulacan, Manila-Malate Ermita-Parañaq
PLAZA MAYOR Parts of church

LEFT TRANSEPT CRUCERO LA QUIERDA Church Fortress

ALTAR PECE/PETABLO Steel temple of Asia

SANCTUARY/PRISBETERIO BUTTRESS-CONTRA FUERTE

SACRISTY/SACRISTIA Narthex- Zaguan

COMMUNION RAIL/COMULCATORIO Other Church Features

Holy Water stoup Pila de Agua Bendita
RIGHT TRANSEPT/CRUCERO LA DERETO
CORO-CHOIR LOFT
HAVE NEVE CENTRAL
Other Church Features
CONVENTO Belltower/Belfry -Campanario

SCE ENTRANCE/FACADA POSTIGO PLAZA IGLESIA The villages were literally in Bajos dela Campanas
(under the bells), which sanctioned control of natives' every
IGLESIA catechism.

CHOUR LOFTI CORD PLANO DE IGLESIA- FACADA PRINCIPAL

Biggest Church in Asia, Basilica de San Martin de Tours, Ta
NARTHEX ZACLIAN
PLANO DE IGLESIA NAVE view to PRYBESTERIO/SANTU
BAPRSTERY BAPTISTERIO BELL TOWER CAMPANARIO
Other Church Features
MAIN FACADE FACADA PRINCIPAl Tribuna

BAROQUE & ROCOCO 1700-1800s Other Church Features Sanctuary- Prybesterio/Santuario

Neo classical  150- turn of century of 1900 Other Church Features Sacristy- Sacristia

NEO GOTHIC 1850s to TURN OF CENTURY OF 1900 The Only

Other
Steel
Church
Temple
Features
in AsiaConvent-Convento

San Sebastian: Don Genaro Palacios Other Church Features Iglesia y Convento

Post Colonial Filipino Church Builders Jose-Maria Zaragoza, Santo

OtherDomingo
Church Features
QC (1954)
Cemetery Cementerio/Osuario

Post Colonial Filipino Church Builders • Leandro Locsin. Benedictine Monastery of

Post Colonial Filipino Church Builders Religious Clergies founded Educational and Scientific facilit
Francisco Mañosa, EDSA Shrine (19891
Escuela- Building Intended for educational studies
Highest Terrain in the Community
There were Eight (8) schools inside Intramuros.
Dominican Cagayan valley's Exposed Bricks with detailed kilned ornaments
Colegio de Santa Catalina of the Dominican nuns Real Univ
Churches has unrelated and eclectic style Potenciana

Church Fortress Liceo de Manila

Philippine churches has Locally Mediated ornaments Ateneo de Municipal of the Jesuit Missionaries Colegio de S

Philippine churches has Locally Mediated ornaments - MudejarAll of these have their own chapels.

Twin churches Religious Clergies founded Educational and Scientific facilit

THIS
Commercial
Real Colegio de San Jose Manila (1601) 1910 restoration of the Escuela under
Carinderia with Turo-turo (ready to eat restaurants) and with
Jesuits Oldest existing Seminary, now part ADMU
notics shop) Market, Mercado
Katipunan Founded by Padre Pedro Chirino, SJ
Druptore, Bodies
La Iglesia Catolica Unversidad de Filipinas, El Pontifico y Real Universidad de Santo Tomas de Aquino
Commercial budding, Alcalferia Warehouse, Almazen
-founded by the
store house, Camarin
Dominicans / Fray Miguel Binavides, OP, Primera Obispo de Nueva Segovia
Factory, falirica
-1605 Colegio de Nuestra Señora del Santisimo del Rosario
oll house, aceteros Silk hoose, Alciacera
-1611 renamed as Colegio de Santo
Rice dealers, arrocetos
Tomas
Soap makers, jaboneros
-1611 renamed as Colegio de Santo Tomas
Silver and Gold smiths, platerias
-1645 promoted to University level
Salt maker, Salinas
-1690 received the title Pontifical
Sugar houso, acarera
Universidad de Manila, Real Colegio de San Jose Manila Obsatorio Astonomico Y Meteorologico de Manila, Manila Obser
Teatro de a la libre(open air) Cockfighting Arena, Salningan
Bahay na bato parts
cockfighting a vernacular pastime
Silong-Zaguan, vestibule and lower part as storage area
Commercial
Escaleras wooden staircase with 1st landing to entresuelo, mezzanine and 2nd landing caida/ante sala
Real Banco Españo de Las Islas Filipinas de Reyna Isabela
Salas living room with European inspired Muebles,
furniture What happened?

Volada, cantilevered gallery extending from the exterior of a building

1868-70's Ilustrados movement

Cuarto, bedrooms 1884 Exposición Nacional de Bellas Artes in Madrid, Spolar

Cocina Kitchen 1892 the establishment of Compania la Electricita, Located

Adjacent to the kitchen Baño bathroom Sebastian/Hidalgo

Latrina tollet 1896 DEATH OF JOSE MERCADO RIZAL Y ALONSO REA

Batalan converted to Azotea terrace with Balon or aljibe (water1898

cistern) Jun 12, Aguinaldo declared the independence of the Philipp

Fenestrations
Dec 10, Treaty of Paris: EL FIN DE EMPERIO DE ESPAÑO
Water supply
February 4, 1899 Hey!! Uncle Sam!!
Carriedo water works 1882 the first public Fountain
1904 La Electricita and La Campania tranvias merged beca
Waterworks and Utilities
ReplyForward
The water daily consumption was drawn by means of pail and kept in jars TAPAYAN to which small alum crystals TAWAS
 panoptic mechanism of disciplinary power, one that makes
possible the fixing of people in precise places and the
reduction of bodies to a certain number of gestures and
habits (Foucault, 1988). 
Spectacle of Power 
The colony as a place is constituted by the modes by which
Hispanic Structuring of the Colonial Space (1565-1898)  the land and its populace are collected as a particular
geography and mapped through the technology of
Spaces of Colonial Encounter  cartography to establish possession and rule. The
"enframing" of space mediates the power of the colonial
Colonialism refers to a relation of domination between the authorities through the occidental rationality of space that
colonizer and the colonized, interacting based on the combines Foucault's theory of "microphysical" or panoptic
imposition of political control by powerful states over disciplinary power with an effect of structured visual
weaker ones. At a basic level, colonialism implies a representation, whose techniques dividing, containing,
condition of subjugation of peoples that expansionist simulating-are inscribed in space and geometrical. units of
foreign powers instantiate, engendering hegemonic containment (Mitchell 1988). As projects of improvement
relations between them and the resisting peoples who and mileage in public works proclaim colonial progress,
defend their indisputable interest over a contested space. these practices also facilitate a method of control that may
Moreover, the process of colonialism presupposes what be said to effect lesser harshness and brutality compared
anthropologists would refer to as "directed change," to military enforcements, but, in the end, the order sought
Insofar as it involves one people or state establishing is still similar to that aimed by more "repressive" acts.
dominance over the other through military conquest, Nonetheless, disciplinary power is invisible, residing in the
political domination, or some other means of control. This seemingly neutral arena of ordinary space. 
type of acculturation often predicates the need to change,
to some degree, the way of life of the dominated group, The laying out of towns and cities, the erection of
usually in conformity with that of the dominant culture. infrastructure, and the design of settlements gave
Colonization does not only manifest itself as a mere colonialism a certain order and organization. But colonial
political and economic strategy; it also doles out its myriad space could only be configured in terms of racial and social
consequences on life and culture, which are exercised differentiation. This was rigidly practiced in Manila's prime
spatially.  city of Intramuros (within the walls) and spawned the
exclusionary spatial category Extramuros, referring to non-
Reading the said asymmetrical power relations in the Western people living outside the walls (Reed 1978).
architectural space reveals the complex imperatives that Extramuros included the residential and occupational
subjugated peoples must perform to endure the colonial quarters for Asians: Dilao, a Japanese district, the Parian
authorities' techniques to control the space, and to elicit for the Chinese, and the Filipino arrabales. Methods that
absolute obedience from its subjects. The centuries of guarantee the security of Spanish colonial elites were
colonial rule in the Philippines expedited the rigorous enforced. The colonial government issued a series of
processes of colonial place-making-empowering the decrees that restricted the number of non-Europeans who
colonizer to define/defend territory and set its boundaries, could work and reside within Intramuros. 
demarcate loci of domination and marginalization,
appropriate spatial zones for designated function, and Intramuros was Manila's self-contained colonial city built
organize them in accordance to certain urbanizing exclusively for the habitation of Western elites. Buildings
programs. Through the instruments of urbanism, the and street patterns were laid out within the intramural
Spaniards cemented their territorial, economic, and premises to imprint the urban order with a sense of awe
spiritual takeover in the archipelago. Thus, under a colonial for Ibero-American culture and civilization. It was an apt
framework, a systemic metamorphosis of the sical space of articulation of the expansionist Iberian imperial power that
the colony is initiated to mechanize civilizing and sought to replicate European grandeur in the colonial
urbanizing procedures, conflating colonial pledge and domain. The suspicion of revolt marshalled the deployment
intimidation through the alliance of secular and religious of the cuadricula street pattern, walls, and garitas (sentry
hegemony.  boxes) under a panoptical maneuver that subjected the
colonized body to constant surveillance. Protecting the
The notion of imposing power through subtle and almost exclusivity of the site and interiors of Intramuros was
undetectable means was inscribed spatially on the meant to maintain cultural superiority and to cultivate a
designed environment sponsored by the colonialist--a system of "othering" as Indios, Chinese, and Japanese were
premise that the author owes to Foucault's concept of relegated outside the vicinity of the walls to preserve the
colonialist ideology of pureza de sangre or hygienic purity
of the Iberian blood. larger communities to facilitate religious conversion and 

The Nuestra Señora de la Soledad de Porta Vaga Chapel cultural change. 

(otherwise known as the Ermita de Porta Vaga) in Cavite,
circa 1905. (Opposite page) 2. The creation of a land-use pattern through the
encomienda system. The concept of land as private
Moreover, the prominence of Spanish colonial churches in property and capital was introduced. Communal and
colonial town-planning should not just be seen as mere individual lands were confiscated, and thus circulated
monuments to God's greater glory or as architectural through the encomienda system of landownership, by
inheritances from our civilizing colonial masters. Church which the colony was divided into parcels, each assigned to
architecture must be framed within the canvas of power a pioneering Spanish colonist who was mandated "to
and untangled from the threads of political strategies allocate, allot, or distribute the resources of the domain.
associated with the colonial discourse, such as forced Conniving members of the principalia (former datus, their
labor, religious tolerance, genocide, and obscurantism.  families, and descendants, who later assumed office in the
colonial bureaucracy) sold or donated lands which they
Instituting the Program for Colonial Urbanism  formerly governed and owned privately. 

The story of architecture in the Philippines under Spain 3. The institution of a hierarchical settlement system. With
begins with the permane occupation of the archipelago in the reducción came a hierarchy of settlements. The core of
1565. The arrival of Miguel Lopez de Legaspi's expedition in the municipality was called cabecera (head) or poblacion
Cebu in that year ushered in an important phase in the and the adjacent barangays became known as barrios. The
development of architecture and urbanism in the poblacion became the center, not necessarily because it
Philippines with the establishment of colonial settlements, was the geographical center but because it was where the
the building of a chapel, and the erection of a fort. Before elite resided, where the church was located, and where
Legaspi's death in 1572, he had already conquered the folk paid tribute. Estancias or large ranches were the first
greater portions of the archipelago to spread Christianity haciendas or large land estates for both local consumption
and to colonize the islands.  and for Manila. 

It was not long before the Spaniards gained a foothold in 4. The creation and structuring of towns according to the
Manila in 1571. After launching a military assault against cuadrícula 
Rajah Sulayman, the settlement's ruler, Legaspi occupied
the strategic site at the mouth of the Pasig River. Here he model of planning. The cuadrícula, a system of streets and
was to institute an urban prototype of a colonial blocks 
settlement, following the recommendations of the decree
issued by King Philip II in 1573, from which future colonial laid out with uniform precision, was introduced through a
towns and cities of Imperial Spain would be modeled after.  varied 

In a broad historical stroke, Spanish colonialism had typology, and was usually structured in a hierarchical
changed the face of the built environment in the fashion, with 
Philippines as much as it had altered the social and
economic conditions. The Spanish conquistadores the central plaza as its focal point since the space
succeeded in developing the archipelago's town according symbolized the 
to their colonial urban prescription. The main ingredients in
the urban transformation of the Philippine colonial seat of power. The cuadrícula method was efficient in
landscape included the following:  maximizing 

1. The establishment of reducción or forced urbanization space and in the supervision of colonial subjects along the 
and 
geometry of grids. 
resettlement. The formerly scattered barangays were
brought  5. The introduction of building typologies and construction
technology through colonial infrastructures. New activities
together and reduced in number and made into compact jump started urban life, one which required particular
and  building types. The urbanization of the colonial landscape
necessitated the creation of new institutions represented the indigenous lowland population in larger urban
by buildings that carried functional and formal analogies communities so as to accelerate the processes of politico
(L.e., church for worship. school for learning, prison for religious transformation. This policy essentially meant a
incarceration). Moreover, colonial infrastructure was consolidation and forced relocation of small, scattered
constructed of sturdier and more permanent building settlements into one larger town. The Filipinos must be
materials using novel methods of construction to express "congregated" or "reduced" into compact villages varying
material superiority and to distinguish itself from the flimsy in size from 2,400 to 5,000 people, where they could be
indigenous architecture.  easily reached by missionaries, tribute collectors, and the
military. It was programmed for the administration of the
17th century engraving of the City of Manila and Cavite Spanish colony's population, an ingenious method to
from Manila Bay, in the Secret Atlas of the Dutch East India enable a small number of armed Spanish constabularies to
Company. 1647 (Above) control more easily the movements and actions of a large
number of Filipinos. The reducción policy also made it
easier for a single Spanish Catholic friar to train Filipinos in
At the very outset of imperial expansion in Southeast Asia, the basic principles of Christianity. In reality, the policy was
the tactics of the conquistadores for colonization varied successful in some areas but impossible to enforce in most.
greatly from the imperial stem implemented by other In retrospect, not all reducción endeavors were successful
European colonizers in other parts of the gion. The or passively accepted by the natives. The onslaught of
Portuguese, Dutch, and British before the nineteenth epidemics like cholera and smallpox had erased even the
century eadily limited their activities in the region to stable reducción from the colonial map. Some reducción
matters of trade, while oiding direct interference in the were simply dissolved with the exodus of the resettled
internal affairs of the indigenous states id participation in natives, who tenaciously resisted resettlements and
prolonged wars, in order to maximize commercial ofits. The continued to maintain sentimental close ties to their
Spaniards stood out among these other colonizers for they agricultural. plots, clinging to a semi-migratory mode of
rre dedicated to the implementation of a thorough colonial existence. In fact, the Spanish archives are brimming with
schema that sed together territorial expansion, economic accounts of frustrated colonial officials complaining about
exploitation, Christian nversion, and cultural how such settlements were all but abandoned in many
transformation (Reed 1978, 11). To achieve ese radical cases after only a few weeks. 
agenda, a consolidated effort was exacted from soldiers,
issionaries, bureaucrats, and merchants, in which Military coercion was rarely used to overcome resistance
participants could in both material and spiritual to relocation except in cases of extreme provocation. Since
remuneration.  most Filipinos could not be forced to form new villages,
they had to be enticed via the spectacle of religion and
cities and towns formed the nucleus of colonial control, the allure of church architecture. And the natives, seduced to
absence indigenous urban centers from which the the revelry, did flock to the churches. However, many of
colonizers were to graft eir Western version of an urban the new Catholic communities were sporadic rather than
institution presented a formidable allenge to the Spaniards, constant, coalescing to perform certain rituals set by the
who equated civilization with urbanism. e Philippine Church, only to disband after an event. The cabecera was
archipelagic domain was without a tradition of urbanism the capital of the parish and was designed to be esite of a
unlike other Indigenous states of Southeast Asia with compact village. Since the natives were hesitant to move
complex kingdoms such as those Hinduized or Theravada into these villages in large numbers, every parish had a
Buddhist-influenced kingdoms in mainland Southeast Asia whole series of visitas or chapels. The cabecera-visita mode
and on the island of Java in Indonesia. The pre-Hispanic slowly became the prevailing pattern of rural settlement in
communities were rather characterized by a decentralized the Philippines (Phelan 1959, 47). Concisely, the reducción
pattern of low-density settlements with substantial policy paved the way for the emergence of the present
sociopolitical fragmentation and independence from one system of politico-territorial organization of villages, towns,
another.  and provinces. The villages were literally "bajo de las
campanas" or "under the bells," which sanctioned the
Given this condition, it was physically and logistically acoustical control of natives' everyday life through the
impossible for a small deputation of missionaries to audible sound of the bell, allowing the clergy to wake the
convert the native population to the Christian faith and villagers up each day, summon them to mass, and subject
indoctrinate them to the ways of Western civilization. them to religious indoctrination or catechetical instruction. 
Thus, late in the sixteenth century, the Hispanic authority
launched an urbanizing program, known as the The massive and sweeping spatial reorganization of the
"reducción," which was designed to systematically resettle lowland native population resulted in the establishment of
more than 1,000 towns and cities during the entire
duration of the Hispanic colonial tenure in the Philippines.
But the Spanish were unsuccessful in converting Muslim Map of Manila and its suburbs drawn by Fray Ignacio
sultanates to Christianity, and, in fact, warred with the Muñoz in 1671 for the Council of the Indies (Consejo de
Muslim Filipinos throughout their years of colonial rule. Indias), the most important administrative organ of the
Nor did they successfully conquer certain highland areas, Spanish Empire (Below)
such as the Luzon highlands, where a diverse array of
ethno-linguistic groups took advantage of their remote,
difficult, and mountainous terrain to successfully avoid Leyes de las Indies Prescriptions for the Foundation of
colonization.  Hispanic Colonial Towns Philip II, July 3, 1573, San Lorenzo,
Spain 
Codification of Conquest and City Planning 
110. Upon arrival at the locality where the new settlement
The Spaniards regarded the city as an indispensable factor is to be founded (which according to our will and ordinance
in the organization of its colonial territories in Latin must be one which is vacant and can be occupied without
America and the Philippines. Cities were considered focal doing harm to the Indians and natives or with their free
points of the decision-making process. Instituting social consent), the plan of the place, with its squares, streets,
control in the colony was the first step in establishing and building lots is to be outlined by means of measuring
economic and political continuity for those in power. The by cord and ruler, beginning with the main square from
use of a grid-pattern for the urban fabric, together with the which streets are to run to the gates and principal roads
adherence to other architectural rules, was a consequence and leaving sufficient open space so that even if the town
of the renaissance of the ideal Greco-Roman city concept, grows it can always spread in a symmetrical manner.
when medieval, organic urban planning methods had Having thus laid out the chosen site the settlement is to be
already been abandoned.  founded in the following form. 

The Church and the State endeavored to replicate in the 111. The chosen site shall be on an elevation; healthful;
Philippines their program of resettlement and urban with means of fortification; fertile and with plenty of land
interventions first used in the Americas. From their for farming and pasturage; fuel and timber; fresh water, a
experience in the New World, they had become renowned native population, commodiousness; resources and with
founders and proficient developers of towns and cities in convenient access and egress. It shall be open to the north
the world. The resultant urban blueprint featured a small wind. If on the coast care is to be taken that the sea does
number of colonial capitals, each of which served as not lie to the south or west of the harbor. If possible, the
governmental, religious, and commercial hubs In a port is not to be near lagoons or marshes in which
politically distinct dependency.  poisonous animals and corruption of air and water breed. 

On 13 July 1573, Philip II formally issued a comprehensive 112. In the case of a sea-coast town, the main plaza, which
compilation of edicts expanding and incorporating the is to be the starting point for the building of the town, is to
previous decrees of Ferdinand and Charles V. What be situated near the landing place of the port. In inland
emerged was not just a set of ordinances dealing with towns the main plaza should be in the center of the town
aspects of site selection, city planning, and political and of an oblong shape, its length being equal to at least
organization, but the most comprehensive set of one and a half times its width, as this proportion is the best
instructions ever issued to serve as guidelines for the for festivals in which horses are used and any other
founding and building of Hispanic colonial towns. This celebrations, which have to be held. 
represented an attempt of the Spanish Crown to establish
a uniform and extensive urban plan of the colonies. King 113. The size of the plaza shall be in proportion to the
Philip's compilation reinforced the unilateral objectives of number of residents, heed being given to the fact that
conquest, emphasized the urban character of Spanish towns of Indians, being new, are bound to grow and it is
colonization, and clearly specified the physical and  intended that they shall do so. Therefore, the plaza is to be
planned with reference to the possible growth of the town.
It shall not be smaller than two hundred feet wide and
Mission church in Mindanao in the late 19th century. The three hundred feet long nor larger than eight hundred feet
chapel was made of wood plank aldings. and thatched long and three hundred feet wide. A well-proportioned,
gable roof and no different from native's  houses. It was medium-sized plaza is one that is six hundred feet long and
simple in plan and structure, with a rectangular nave and four hundred feet wide. 
high pitched roof. (Opposite page)
114. From the plaza, the four principal streets are to
diverge, one from the middle of each of its sides and two 122. The lots and sites for slaughterhouses, fisheries,
streets are to meet at each of its corners. The four corners tanneries, and the like, which produce garbage, shall be so
of the plaza are to face the four points of the compass, situated that the latter can be easily disposed of. 
because, thus, the streets diverging from the plaza will not
be directly exposed to the four principal winds, which 123. It would be of great advantage if Inland towns at a
would cause much inconvenience.  distance from ports were built on the banks of a navigable
river, in which case an endeavor should be made to build
115. The whole plaza and the four main streets diverging on the northern riverbank. All occupations producing
from it shall have arcades, for these are a great garbage shall be relegated to the riverbank or sea situated
convenience for those who resort thither for trade. The below the town. 
eight streets which run into the plaza at its four corners are
to do so freely without being obstructed by the arcades of 124 In inland towns, the church is not to be on the plaza
the plaza. These arcades are to end at the corners in such a but at a distance from it, in a location where it can stand by
way that the sidewalks of the streets can evenly join those itself, separate from other buildings, so that it can be seen
of the plaza.  from all sides. It can thus be made more beautiful and it
will command more respect. It would be built on high
116. In cold climates the streets shall be wide; in hot ground so that, in order to reach its entrance, people will
climates narrow, however, for purposes of defense and have to ascend a flight of steps. Nearby and between it and
where horses are kept, the streets had better be wide.  the main plaza, the Royal Council and Town House and the
Custom House are to be erected in order to increase its
117. The other streets laid out consecutively around the impressiveness but without obstructing it in any way. The
plaza are to be so planned that even if the town should  hospital of the poor who are ill with noncontagious
diseases shall be built facing the north and to planned that
increase considerably in size it would meet with no it will enjoy a southern exposure. 
obstruction which might disfigure what had already been
built or be a detriment to the defense or convenience of 125. The same plan shall be carried out in any inland
the town.  settlement where there are no rivers, with much care
being 
118. At certain distances from the town, smaller, well-
proportioned plazas are to be laid out on which the main  taken so that they enjoy other requisite and necessary
conveniences. 
church, the parish church, or monastery shall be built so
that the teaching of religious doctrine may be evenly 126. No building lots surrounding the main plaza are to be
distributed.  given to private individuals, for these are to be reserved for
the church, Royal and Town House, and also the shops and
119. If the town lies on the coast its main church shall be so dwellings for merchants, which are to be the first erected.
situated that it may be visible from the landing place and For the erection of public buildings, the settlers shall
so built that its structure may serve as a means of defense contribute, and, for this purpose, a moderate tax shall be
for the port itself.  imposed on all merchandise. 

120. After the plaza and streets have been laid out building 127. The remaining building lots shall be distributed by
lots are to be designated, In the first place, for the erection lottery to those settlers who are entitled to build around
of the main church, the parish church, or monastery and the 
these are to occupy, respectively, an entire block so that no
other structure can be built next to them except those main plaza. The rest are to be held for us to grant to
which contribute to their commodiousness or beauty.  settlers who may come later or to dispose of at our
pleasure. In 
121. Immediately afterwards, the place and site for the
Royal and Town Council House, Custom House, and Arsenal order that entries of these assignments be better made, a
are to be assigned, which are to be close to the church and plan of the town is always to be made in advance. 
port so that in case of necessity, one can protect the other.
The hospital for the poor and sick of noncontagious 128. After the plan of the town and the distribution of the
diseases shall be built next to the church, forming its lots have been made, each settler is to set up his tent on
cloister.  his lot if he has one, for which purpose the captains shall
persuade them to carry tents with them. Those who own adobes and all other tools for building quickly and at little
none are to build huts of such materials as are available cost. 
wherever they can be collected. All settlers, with greatest
possible haste. are to jointly erect some kind of palisade or 133. The building lots and the structures erected thereon
dig a ditch around the main plaza so that the Indians are to be so situated that in the living rooms one can enjoy.
cannot do them harm. 129. A common shall be assigned to air from the south and from the north, which are the best.
each town, of adequate size so that even though the town All town homes are to be so planned that they can serve.
expands in the future there  as a defense or fortress against those who might attempt
to create disturbances or occupy the town. Each house is
would always be sufficient space for its inhabitants to find to be so constructed that horses and household animals
recreation and for cattle to pasture without encroaching  can be kept therein, the courtyards and stockyards being as
large as possible to insure health and cleanliness. 
upon private property. 
From the Archive Nacional, Madrid, MS 3017, Bulas y
130. Adjoining the common, there shall be assigned Cedalas para el Gobierno de las Indias, as translated by
pastures for team oxen, for horses, for cattle destined for Zelia Nuttall, "Royal Ordinances Concerning the Laying Out
slaughter.  of New Towns." The Hispanic American Historical Review,
52 (May, 1921), pp. 249-54. For both the Spanish test and
and for the regular number of cattle, which according to an alternative English translation prepared by an
law, the settlers are obliged to have, so that they can be  anonymous Individual(s), see Zelia Nuttall, "Royal
Ordinances Concerning the Laying Out of New Town, The
employed for public purposes by the council. The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 4:4 (November,
remainder of land is to be subdivided into as many plots for 1921), pp. 743-51. organizational arrangements that were
cultivation  to be developed in the new cities of the Spanish empire. 

as there are town lots, and the settlers are to draw lots for In addition to the actual planning experience encountered
these. Should there be any land which can be irrigated it is in the Americas, the Royal Ordinance encapsulated the
to  classicist theories of urban design from antiquity proposed
by the Roman architect Vitruvius and the Italian
be distributed to the first settlers in the same proportion Renaissance architect Leon Battista Alberti. The urban
and drawn for by lottery. Whatever remains is to be prescription, like that of Vitruvius, exhibited "a keen
reserved  awareness of the function of open squares as essential
arenas of economic and social life, as well as places for the
for us so that we can make grants to those who may settle exposure of monumental edifices" (Reed 1978, 41). The
later.  lengthy urban statutes provided overseas colonial
administrators useful models for the design of town and
131. As soon as the plots for cultivation have been urban sites for both inland and coastal geography. 
distributed, the settlers shall immediately plant all the
seeds that they have brought or are obtainable, for which Colonial cities in the Philippines were, hence, built
reason it is advisable that all go well provided. All cattle according to rules codified in the "Leyes de las Indias" or
transported thither by the settlers or collected are to be Laws of the Indies of 1573, specifying an elevated location,
taken to the pasture lands so that they can begin at once to an orderly grid of streets with a central plaza, a defensive
breed and multiply.  wall, and zones for churches, shops, government buildings,
hospitals, and slaughterhouses. The "plaza complex"
132. Having sown their seeds and provided evolved, which consisted of a grid pattern with the main
accommodation for their cattle in such quantities and with plaza at the center surrounded by the church-convent, the
such diligence.  tribunal, and other important government buildings, and
the marketplace. Houses of various social classes are
that they can reasonably hope for an abundance of food, usually hierarchically distributed around this complex. As
the settlers, with great care and activity, are to erect their  the settlements expanded, secondary plazas were
established in different areas. The main plaza was ordained
houses, with solid foundations and walls for which purpose to lie close to the waterfront, the secondary plazas were
they shall go provided with moulds or planks for making  found inland, where growth naturally gravitated. 
Manila: The Genesis of an Intramural Colonial City Royal inaugurated a municipal council and proclaimed Manila as
instructions dispensed to Miguel Lopez de Legaspi's the capital of the new territories under the Spanish Crown. 
expedition 
The newly conquered settlement was described by Legaspi
required the establishment of a permanent urban base in in a letter to the King of Spain dated April 20, 1572: 
the Philippines from which to springboard the imperial
agenda in Southeast Asia. Spain's immediate objectives in The village of Maynilad is situated on the tongue of land
the Philippines were to use the islands as a base for further extending from east to west between the river and the sea,
expansion, to establish the colony as a center for the and a fort had been built at the extreme western end of
production and export of tropical spices, and to convert the the peninsula at the entrance of the fort. The sea makes a
natives to Christianity. Geographer Robert Reed (1978, 16) very large harbor about thirty leagues in circumference.
reports:  Around the fort, a hundred and fifty huts for the Spanish
officers were built by native labor, and the land around the
The Adelantado (Miguel Lopez de Legaspi) was told to city was apportioned to men of the colonizing party
consider a number of potential sites before making a (Filipiniana Book Guild 1965, 195). 
choice because strategies of efficient exploration, balanced
territorial expansion, and profitable trade ultimately Despite the impermanent and flimsy physical appearance
hinged on the selection of a strategically located of the early colonial city of Manila, new activities were
headquarters. In addition, Spanish authorities offered introduced which necessitated the creation of novel
advice concerning the proper layout of the proposed institutions and infrastructure, characterizing urban life.
colonial capital. They envisaged a substantial fortress as Slowly a city was created in accordance with Hispanic law
the nucleus of the imperial outpost.  and urban lineage. The city of Manila was a modest one:
barracks for soldiers, residences for officers, and a chapel,
Hence, the foundation of a well-garrisoned political center, all of which were made of light materials-bamboo, wood,
an adjoining space of residence for Spaniards and and nipa thatch. Covering a hundred-hectare area,
Christianized Filipinos, and the construction of a church spreading out from the point of a triangle formed by the
designed to function as the fulcrum of the socio-religious river and the bay at Fort Santiago, Manila was envisioned
transformation of the emergent colonial community were as the Spanish almacen de la fe (display window of the
in the making. Faith), and bestowed the title "El Insigne y Siempre Leal
Ciudad" or "The Noble and Ever-Loyal City" on June 24,
1574 by a decree by Philip II. 
Legaspi initially founded the early colonial settlements in
Cebu and Panay. But these locations were beset by both As they took full possession and administration of the city,
natural and man-made problems, which included the Spaniards ventured inland, spreading the spiritual
continuous shortage of food supply, sporadic Portuguese salvation of the cross and the reign of the Spanish Crown to
military threats, and persistent hostilities of Filipinos.  the surrounding countryside. Capitalizing on the
geographical endowment of Manila, they systematically
But it was the persistent plague of locusts that finally extended the authority of the Spanish colonial officialdom
forced the conquistadores to search for new headquarters in the archipelago by the Intramural city was being built
northward in the island of Luzon, the fabled Muslim and rebuilt, the friars took it upon themselves to
settlement at the mouth of a river. Maynilad. In 1570, evangelize the natives and to implement the reducción
Legaspi sent his lieutenant, Martin de Goiti, on a mission to policies throughout the archipelagle colony. By 1590, the
Manyilad who returned a year later. Soon after being colonialist proclaimed the foundation of three primary
elevated to the rank of Governor-General by King Philip II, ciudades de españoles in Cebu, Nueva Caceres (Naga), and
Legaspi was ordered to immediately begin the process of Nueva Segovia (Lal-lo, Cagayan) and two villas de españoles
systematic territorial colonization and sailed without delay in Vigan (in Ilocos Sur) and Arevalo (in Ilollo). Of these early
to Maynilad to set up the administrative center of the cities outside Manila, only Cebu, Naga, and Vigan
colonial government. Legaspi landed on the north shore, flourished as major urban centers, for they were sustained
razed the defenses of the settlement, and eventually by a concentration of population and economic activities
conquered Maynilad. The settlement was captured without resulting from their entitlements as diocesan sees. The
a fight because its head, Rajah Sulayman, had evacuated Diocese of Nueva Segovia moved its seat from Lal-lo to
his fort after the inhabitants set fire upon their own Vigan, due to the constant flooding of the Rio Grande de
settlement. On May 19, 1571, Legaspi laid the foundation Cagayan, and perhaps, due to the relative ease of travel
for Manila from the charred remains of Sulayman's from Vigan to Manila, as compared to the former. 
palisaded kingdom. By June 24, 1571, Legaspi officially
The Great Urban and Architectural Transformation  Bishop Salazar, and the first stone stone tower, the Nuestra
Señora de Guia, which was used as one of the defenses of
A decade after the founding of the city, Manila acquired Intramuros to demonstrate the feasibility of building in
the urban elements common with most established stone. Edifices of cut stone were called de silleria (meaning
Hispanic cities. As a port city, Manila had a wooden port "of stone blocks," from the word sillar which refers to
and a garrison of soldiers. The city quarter was surrounded finely dressed stone or ashlar) or de cal y canto (meaning
by a spiked log palisade. There was a central plaza, a "of lime and cut stone"). Kilns for the production of lime for
cabildo (a municipal building), and a general market. The mortar were established in Tondo, Morong, and San
residences of the Governor-General and of the Bishop Mateo. This golden age of building in stone required the
were also located in it. The cathedral was under Chinese and Filipinos to learn how to quarry and dress
construction and was made of wood boards. The houses of stone, how to prepare and use mortar or argamasa, and
the townsfolk occupied the rest of the area following the how to manufacture bricks. During the forty years that
grid street system.  followed after the last fire, beautiful edifices and
magnificent temples were built within and outside the
Manila was not spared its share of disasters and walls of Manila. However, a devastating earthquake in
tribulations. For one, the city was persistently preyed upon 1645 shattered the ambitious plans of the Spaniards. 
by pirates from the sea, such as that which Limahong
launched in 1574. Its internal peace was threatened by a Map of Manila from the Diccionario
sequence of Chinese insurrections, which began in the Geografico Estaduatico-Historico de las
Parian quarter. Earthquakes and conflagrations took a Islas Filipinas, published in Madrid.
heavy toll on life and property. For the early architecture of In 1851 (Opposite page) 
both private and public edifices, the colonial authority used
readily available organic materials and traditional methods The city of Manila from an oil painting on the Interior of a
of construction. Similar to the vernacular houses of wooden chest, circa 1640-50. Museo de Arte Jose Luis
Sulayman's port settlement, all of which are constructed of Bello, Puebla. Mexico (Top) 
wood, bamboo ( (caña), and nipa thatch, the edifices built
by the Spaniards were of non-permanent, abundant, and A brick and pottery kiln in the 
highly combustible building materials. In 1583, as the
remains of Governor-General Ronquillo lay in state in San suburbs of Makati (Above) 
Agustin Church, then made of bamboo and nipa, the
draperies caught fire from the vigil candles and the flames The Guadalupe quarry in Makati as seen in the 1930s
spread rapidly reducing the entire city to ashes. This event (Below)
ignited an architectural shift towards a new materiality.
This calamity reinforced the need to utilize more durable
building materials by the many residents. It prompted the Spanish-era Masonry Technology 
next Governor-General, Santiago de Vera, to order that all
buildings of the city be constructed of stone and tile. Kilns The quarrying of building stone was one of the period's
or hornos for the manufacture of ladrillos or bricks, tejas or important mineral industries. Different stones were used
v-shaped roof tiles, and baldosas or square floor tiles were for construction depending on the location, and at times,
soon established. Stone quarries located near the insular various types of masonry were simultaneously utilized in
metropolis were surveyed and exploited. Hence, the construction. 
decree fostered an abrupt architectural change and urban
renewal in Manila.  Adobe stone, batong sillar, and Guadalupe stone were
popular names applied to consolidated water-laid volcanic
By the middle of the 1580s, Domingo Salazar, the first tuff that occurs as a continuous blanket material from the
Bishop of Manila, and Father Antonio Sedeño, a Jesuit, Lingayen Gulf to southwestern Luzon. Adobe stones were
pushed for the construction of buildings principally quarried in Marikina, San Mateo, and
and houses using stones and tiles. Equally important was Guadalupe in Rizal, Meycauayan in Bulacan, Majayjay in
the opening of the newly discovered quarries along the Laguna, and other places. There are varieties of adobe
banks of the Pasig River, particularly in Guadalupe, Makati, which were generally used and classified by toughness:
under the auspices of Bishop Salazar, These quarries not bulik which is the hardiest type; and the gasáng and the
only provided a valuable source of local building blocks but palanas, which were softer and powdered easily when
gave rise to a stone-cutting industry in the country as well. exposed to the elements (Jose 2003, 17). The stone is soft
Sedeño (1535-1595), using a soft stone of volcanic origin and easily quarried with an axe but hardens rapidly upon
called adobe, built the first stone building, the residence of exposure to air. The tuff has low compression and tensile
strength, and when used in the construction of large sometimes also mixed with powdered brick, and other
buildings, very thick walls are generally required. Another organic materials that helped bind the mortar. This served
type of black, volcanic stone is used in the Bicol Region, as a protective layer for the brick and stone masonry
specifically in the area of Albay near the Mayon Volcano structures, and as a decorative stucco used for fine detail
(Jose 2003, 19). work on facades.
In several towns along the coast, notably in Cebu, Bohol,
and Ilollo, coralline limestones had been quarried and used
as building stones in the construction of houses and Rubblework or Piedra biruca
churches. This stone is referred to interchangeably as The best-known ornamental stone is the Romblon marble,
manunggul, anapóg, igang, or bató nga bukay depending which is quarried in Romblon Island. Romblon marble is a
on the location (Jose 2003, 18). It is suitable for shaping gray-blue mottled stone capable of taking on a high polish.
into sharp blocks for construction and can take fine relief The stone has been used principally for monuments,
work. Many churches in the Visayas were built of coralline tombstones, fonts, and similar articles. In certain parts of
limestone, and demonstrate the height of the stone old Manila, slabs of granite known as piedra china
mason's skill, as seen in the churches of Miag-ao and San imported from Hong Kong were used in flooring and
Joaquin in Iloilo. sidewalk construction.

Bricks or ladrillos were made using clay, or in some cases, a Arquitectura Mestiza
mix of different soils, which was then mixed with water and To avoid the consequences of both fire and earthquake, a
kneaded and shaped using metal wires and wooden form new hybrid type of construction was invented-the
works. These were then air dried before being fired in a arquitectura mestiza-a term coined by Jesuit Francisco
kiln. Brick kilns or hornos were built close to the Ignacio Alcina in 1668 to refer to the structures built partly
construction site, and many of them have remained in use of wood and partly of stone (Merino 1987). This half-breed
after the construction project, providing materials for the architecture used wood in the upper floor and stone in its
continued maintenance of the church, as well as for ground floor to make it resistant to earthquakes. Thus, all
creating bricks and mortar to sell to other towns (Jose edifices, except the cathedrals, rarely exceeded two floors
2003, 22). In San Pedro, Makati, there was a brick. factory, and had walls of about three meters thick supported by
La Olimpia, which utilized the clay found there to produce buttresses. Aside from this, the indigenous framework.
roof tiles, brick blocks, balusters, and other manufactured which relied on interlocking beams and house posts, was
clay-based products. Other brick factories were created in integrated to support the house effectively. In this type of
Pila in Laguna, Imus in Cavite, Argao in Cebu, among other construction, the house posts or hallgues supported the
locations, and these places supplied bricks to neighboring second floor, while the stone walls at the ground floor
towns. The best examples of brick construction may be merely acted as a compact curtain for the wooden
found in Cagayan Valley, which has examples of churches framework of the house.
which utilized the decorative possibilities that can be
achieved with clay. Ilocos churches and houses also used Although the character of the arquitectura mestiza was
bricks profusely, albeit with a generous use of plasterwork. further influenced by amateur artisans and builders, the
actual business of building was executed by the maestros
Another method employed in construction, perhaps as an de obras or master builders. They were natives who
economical choice, is Ornate plasterwork on masonry the apprenticed under friars, engineers, and other
Piedra bituca (literally translated from Spanish "Pledra" or knowledgeable and experienced people. It was only during
stone and Tagalog "bitika" or innards) or cascajo, an the mid-nineteenth century when numerous professional
aggregate of layered rubble or gravel and argamasa architects and engineers arrived from Spain. It was during
(mortar) used as infill for walls and then faced with brick or this economic boom that the first Filipino professional
stone (Jose 2003, 15). This method is related to the de designer, Felix Rojas y Arroyo (1820-1890), arrived from his
mamposteria or de cota method where rough stones and studies abroad.
rubblework were used and held together by mortar. This The idea of architectural hybridity defines the arquitectura
was a method used for fortifications, and in some churches mestiza-a wood and stone structure that combines Spanish
such as Paoay Church in Ilocos Norte. and indigenous building knowledge. (Above, left and right)

Crucial for these masonry construction works was the Felix Rojas y Arroyo (1820-1890)
application of palitada or plasterwork. The term comes Felix Rojas y Arroyo was the son of Antonio Rojas y Ureta,
from "paleta" or trowel, which is used for the who was commandant of the Caballeria de Luzon (Luzon
application and manipulation of the plaster. It is a mix of Cavalry), and Lucina Arroyo. Under the protection of a
lime mortar mixed with gypsum (known locally as yeso), relative, he spent the years 1850 to 1853 in a private fee
paying English boys' school, the Liverpool Collegiate In January 1858, Felix's request to take the exam was
Institution, where he read Arithmetic, Algebra, Geometry, granted and he took it in the Escuela Especial de
Mensuration, Physics, and Elements of Differential Arquitectura. The Real Academia de Nobles Artes de San
Calculus. He later worked for two years, presumably in Fernando accredited him after review of the exam results
1854 to 1855, in the company of Benjamin Hick & Son in and his credentials. In the same year, his request to be
the Soho Ironworks where he learned. the different aspects given the title of Maestro de Obras was granted and
of the manufacturing process. He was even detailed in the dispatched to him. On May 29, 1859, the Ministro de
mechanical drawing department for a time. The company Fomento (Ministry of Development) issued the title of
which manufactured locomotives was located in Bolton, Director de Caminos Vecinales to Felix Rojas y Arroyo with
England in Greater Manchester. The company later became specific area of practice in the Philippines.
a major supplier to British and foreign railway companies.
In the recommendation letter by Benjamin Hick & Son Cross section of San Ignacio Church
dated January 15, 1856, Felix was considered to be very In later years, Felix Rojas rose to become the Arquitecto del
attentive and Industrious with highly satisfactory. Ayuntamiento (City Architect). In 1865, the Ayuntamiento
performance and with practical and sensible experience in (City Council) recommended him as new Director de Obras
engineering. Publicas de la Provincia de Manila, a post vacated by
Enrique Manchon.
Felix wanted to pursue a career in architecture and in his lifetime, Felix Rojas designed significant buildings-the
enrolled in preparatory courses in Madrid. He studied Rafael Enriquez Mansion, San Sebastian corner Carcer
Descriptive Geometry, Shades/Shadows, and Stone Cutting Streets, Quiapo; Pedro Pablo Roxas Mansion, General
under Leocadio de Pagasartundua, and Topographic Solano Street, San Miguel; Neo-gothic Santo Domingo
Drawing, and Practice of Architectural Composition under Church in Intramuros; and San Ignacio Church, Intramuros.
Nicomedes de Mendivil. Both mentors were notable The Rafael Enriquez Mansion as it has been reassembled
architects of the Real Academia de Nobles Artes de San from Quiapo is now in the Las Casas Filipinas de Acuzar in
Fernando and adjunct professors in the Escuela Especial de Bagac, Bataan. It served as Rafael Enriquez's art school
Arquitectura. He also studied Applied Mechanical until it was converted as the School of Fine Arts of the
Topography and Construction under Tomas Ledo in the University of the Philippines where Enriquez served as its
Escuela Preparatoria de Arquitectos y Yngenieros Civiles first director.
which was then under the direction of Eusevlo Sanz y Oses.
Felix Rojas y Arroyo married Cornelia Fernandez. His son
The death of his father left Felix with ten other orphaned Felix later became Mayor of Manila and Governor of
siblings and a widowed mother. This circumstance prodded Batangas. His daughter Lucina married Enrique Brias de
him to apply for the position of Maestro de Obras and Coya, thus becoming the matriarch of the famous Brias
Director de Caminos Vecinales (Director of Neighborhood Roxas clan. (Lorelei D.C. de Viana)
Roads) in colonial Philippines although he was not yet done Santo Domingo Church as seen in the 1880s (Above): The
with his studies. On January 12, 1857, he wrote Queen Rafael Enriquer House, also known as the Casa Hidalgo,
Isabella 11 for the position of Maestro de Obras y Director originally located in Quiapo, Manila (Opposte page)
de Caminos Vecinales (Director of Neighborhood Roads),
and by applying he was willing to undergo the required
examination for the job. He specifically mentioned that this Disasters as Form-giver to Philippine Architecture
will not prejudice the architects and masters in the Spanish The Philippine environment, with its geographic location in
Peninsula because what he was requesting was limited to the Pacific region places it in the path of frequent
practice in the Philippines. His request was actually onslaughts of typhoons and seismic activity. Its vernacular
endorsed by the Engineering Corps of the Direccion architecture of botanical materials, while built to adapt to
Subinspeccion de Filipinas and the Sociedad Economico del these local ecological conditions, fall victim to rapid
Pais noting that there was really a scarcity of theoretically conflagrations which became more frequent with the
and practically trained maestros de obras in the colony. introduction of the reducción system. The confluence of
The Philippines then only had maestrillos who were natural and anthropogenic hazards coupled with the
actually mere stonemasons or specialized craftsmen due climatic conditions of the tropics demanded an
partly to the lack of a school that provided such training. architectural metamorphosis, which corresponded as well
His application actually brought to light the lack of with the necessities of colonial caprices and reminiscence.
academically trained personnel in the building construction
field in the colony and his application was welcomed. The introduction of masonry architecture was chiefly to
deter the spread of fires and allowed the colonial
Elevation of San Ignacio Church, Manila authorities to construct grand structures akin to those
which may be found in other parts of the Iberian Peninsula that surrounded it. It had watchtowers and dungeons and
and Nueva Españia. These edifices of stone however were entry was through seven gates.
prone to collapse in the face of strong earthquakes.
Volcanic activity also buries towns within the vicinity of Bordered by Manila Bay on one side and the Pasig River on
active volcanoes. Strong typhoons cause storm surges and the other, the walls facing landward were marked off by a
flooding in coastal towns, while strong winds blow away moat, thus making Intramuros virtually an island with
roofing and other light materials unfortunate enough to be drawbridges raised up every night, a practice religiously
in Its path. It is with this context that Philippine colonial observed up to 1872 to maintain both the security and
architecture developed distinctly from Its counterparts in exclusivity of its precincts. When it was finished,
Latin America, taking cues from the vernacular Intramuros had sixty-four blocks, with most of its streets
architectural idiom and merging it with western ideals named piously after saints.
enshrined in the Leyes de las Indias and subsequent
ordinances. Governor-General Dasmariñas began a systematic
building program for the city. Institutions for public
Veering away from purely masonry construction, wooden welfare, such as hospitals and educational facilities, were
supports and partitions within structures afforded the established. He set about to build the cathedral church of
structure flexibility during earthquakes. High ceilings, hewn stone and encouraged the citizens to continue
Interior calados, a profusion of exterior openings, and building their edifices out of stone and finishing them with
steeply pitched roofs allowed residential and institutional red tile roofs.
structures to adapt to the needs of tropical ventilation
while resisting the onslaught from strong winds. Keeping Detail of Filipino Struggles Through History by Carlos
the buildings generally low with at most two, sometimes Botong Francisco at the Manila City Hall (Above)
three floors made buildings stable enough to withstand In due course, Manila, like many others in Spanish
tremors. This type of construction became the most American port cities, became a well-garrisoned commercial
common technique for residences, commercial, and civic emporium, playing a significant role in the trans-Pacific
structures, varying only in size depending on its use. commerce called the Galleon Trade as a traffic point with
Church construction adopted the following techniques to merchandise being exchanged between the Occidental and
withstand earthquakes and strong typhoons: thick and Oriental worlds. The fortress of Nuestra Señora de la
squat masonry walls coupled with projecting buttresses; stood guard over the city. By the end of the sixteenth
stepped belltowers which were sometimes built century Guia the city was fully surrounded by a wall, which
Independently from the main structure, and wooden backed onto the river and the edge of the bay, with the
vaulting. This led to the development of a unique Santiago Fort at its top end. Manila's physical
ecclesiastical style known as Philippine earthquake transformation, from a dispersed cluster of nipa and
baroque. These responses to disasters would come bamboo structures fenced by a penetrable wooden
together to create the arquitectura mestiza which palisade into an imposing and well-fortified city, was vividly
addressed the needs of colonial life and environmental described in Antonio de Morga's 1603 account in the
threats. New construction technologies would later on Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas:
allow further architectural advancement, but the same
basic ecological considerations would still inform the The city is completely surrounded by stone walls... It has
design practice to this day. small towers and traverses at intervals. It has a fortress of
hewn stone at the point that guards the bar and the river,
Intramuros: The Bastion of Authority with a ravelin close to the water, upon which are mounted
 The Walled City of Intramuros, patterned after the some large pieces of artillery ... These fortifications have
medieval city fortresses of Europe, began to take form in their vaults for storing supplies and munitions, and a
1590 when Governor-General Gomez Perez Dasmarinas magazine for the powder, which is well guarded and
undertook the massive project of building the 3,916-meter situated at the inner part; and a copious well of fresh
pentagonal perimeter walls of volcanic tuff (adobe) and water. There are also quarters for the soldiers and
brick filled in with earth, with one bastion in each angle. artillerymen, and the house of the commandant. The wall
The designer and supervisor of the construction of this has sufficient height, and is furnished with battlements and
engineering feat was Leonardo Turriano, a military turrets, built in the modern style, for its defense. There are
engineer and personal appointee of the Crown. Native three principal city gates on the land side, and many other
labor was used to build the walls, exacting the services of posterns opening at convenient places on the river and the
tens of thousands of Filipinos conscripted from villages beach for the service of the city... The royal buildings are
throughout Central Luzon (Reed 1978, 49). The wall was very beautiful and sightly, and contain many rooms. They
fourteen meters thick and 7.6 meters high above the moat are all built of stone and have two courts, with upper and
lower galleries raised on stout pillars... There is a hall for Markets); Almacenes (Warehouse); Arroceros (Rice
the Royal Audiencia, which is very large and stately... The Dealers); Curtidor (Tanner); Jaboneros (Soapmakers);
houses of the cabildo [city government]. located on the Platerias (Silversmiths); Salinas (Salt Works); Toneleros
[main] square, are built of stone. They are very sightly also (Barrelmakers). From most of these streets came the goods
and have handsome halls. On the ground floor is the and services which supplied the daily necessities within the
prison... On the same [central] square is situated the walls.
cathedral church. It is built of hewn stone and has three
naves (Translated in Blair and Robertson v.16, 137-43). To ensure the protection of the Spanish colonial elite, the
colonial authorities decreed several official
Intramuros was reserved for the nobility and the clergy; pronouncements limiting non European population who
trading with the coolies and indios remained outside the could work or reside within Intramuros. This effected a
walls. The monumental structures and other edifices were more conspicuous colonial divide along ethnic lines,
all designed to relieve the conquistador of his nostalgia and underscoring the status of Intramuros as an exclusive
homesickness, away from his temperate homeland, in a urban precinct reserved for the Occidental elite. There
strange tropical colony. were a few exemptions though; municipal employees,
retail traders, and domestic servants were allowed to live
Extramuros: Living Beyond the Walls inside the walls. But all Chinese, Japanese, and Filipinos
Extramuros, which later pertained to villages outside the were ejected from the intramural premises of Manila
walls, became pueblos-Pueblo de Tondo, Pueblo de before the nocturnal closure of the city gates. The outcome
Binondo, Isla de Binondo, Pueblo de Quiapo, and Pueblo de of the colonial decree was the establishment of racially
Malate. Ermita, Sta. Cruz, Dilao, among others are the categorized residential districts in the extramural zone of
suburban nodes which were officially founded after the Manila.
completion of the Intramuros walls. These areas remained
as they were, even by name, and grew with Manila in its An additional tactic by which the Spanish authorities
first century. But during this period, the Spaniards began to attempted to handle the increasing Asian population was
build their residences in the suburbs or arrabales, and the through a "strict segregation and commercial control
Church authorities began to expand their missions devised to confine Chinese and Japanese residents and
Puerta Real was erected in 1663, Used exclusively as visitors to particular districts, to strictly delimit their
ceremonial gate by the Governor-General for state marketplaces, and to partly supervise social interaction
occasions. The original gate. was at the right of Baluarte de with Filipinos and Spaniards" (Reed
San Andres and faced the village of Bagumbayan. 1978, 52).
Destroyed during the British invasion in 1762, the present
Puerta Real was relocated and rebuilt in 1760. The gate dasla catenar de la lerns
was damaged during the Battle of Manila In 1945 and was The Chinese Parian
restored in 1969 (Opposite page) With the increase of Chinese trading merchants and
craftsmen, known as Sangleyes, a sense of anxiety began to
into Binondo, Quiapo, Ermita, and Malate. While the surface among the Spaniards, some of whom lobbied for
districts of Japanese Dilao and Chinese Parian were the closer monitoring of numerous alien residents. In 1581,
conceived and developed as segregated quarters designed a policy was enacted designating to the Chinese
to control the potentially mutinous aliens, the other community a separate urban quarter, known as the Parian,
arrabales proximate to Intramuros emerged unstructured, to be located at the northeastern sector of Intramuros, just
receiving no official directives from the Spaniards. Malate within the city's wooden palisade. However, it was not long
became the home of ambitious maharlika (noblemen), before such a policy began to show its consequences.
tradesmen who amassed their wealth. from the new
imperial order, while the arrabal of Tondo was identified The insecurity posed by the fast growing Chinese
with underprivileged natives who regularly provided fresh community as well as two serious fires in the densely
foodstuffs for the markets of Manila and could be readily populated Chinese neighborhood that threatened the
marshaled for major public works or private constructions surrounding structures of European proprietorship
(Reed 1978, 63). compelled the colonial government in 1583 to relocate the
Parian eastward to a site immediately outside the walls,
Trades and services were zoned outside the walls. The just south of the Pasig River and still within easy range of
trade names were. reflected in the street toponym in the the cannon of Fort Santiago-in the area of Arroceros. The
areas of San Nicolas, Binondo, Santal Cruz, and Quiapo. site was an estuarial swamp, rendered inhospitable due to
Some old street names were Aceiteros (Oil Merchant); daily tidal flooding and insect infestation. But the
Aduana (Customs House); Alcaiceria de San Fernando (Silk
resourceful Sangleyes soon filled the marshland and By this time, the Chinese were no longer considered a
reclaimed the land for settlement. threat, thus allowed to mix with the native population (de
Viana 2017, 8). A proclamation by Governor-General Felix
Elevation drawing of Puerta del Parian (Above) Berenguer de Mariquina in August 15, 1788 prohibited the
Chinese coolics along an estere in construction or reconstruction of any structure of stone or
Binondo (Belew) light materials along the land side perimeter of Intramuros
Puerta del Parian in Intramures, Manila (Opparite page) from the banks of the Pasig River to the seashore of the old
By 1590, the district, as initially programmed, proved Bagumbayan (Berriz 1888). The proclamation also gave the
ineffective to accommodate the permanent urban remaining inhabitants of the site two years to relocate
community of 3,000 Chinese and thousands of transients elsewhere, effectively clearing the area.
from mainland China who were engaged in the Manila- Chinese district of Binondo at the turn-of-the century (Top,
Acapulco trade. This condition resulted in a decree allowing left)
the new immigrants to build additional shophouses along A market scene in the Chinese Parian district (Tep, right)
the fringes of the built-up district, which gradually The Chinese migrant workers in. the Parian (Middle, left)
expanded the Parian area in an accretionary pattern. The Chinese laborers at work (Bottom)
localization of most trades and personal services On September 13, 1858, Governor General Fernando de
indispensable to urban life had transformed the Parian into Norzagaray decreed the open grounds left by the Parian be
a commercial core of colonial Manila for two centuries. transformed into the JardÃn Botánico, a lush landscape
The increasing wave of immigration in the last decade of promenade that served as an agricultural experimental
the 16th century spurred the Spaniards to allow some area as well as recreational space for the residents of the
Chinese, especially the Christians who had Filipino wives, to city. It was placed under the administration of Sebastian
settle permanently north of the Pasig River, in the area of Vidal, who served from 1878 until his death in 1889. The
Binondo or, as the Spaniards called it, the Isla de Binondoc. gardens would be renamed as the Mehan Garden in 1913
The settlement was given limited privileges of self- after John Mehan-chief of sanitation and park
governance, and Dominican friars were delegated the tasks superintendent in the early American colonial period-and
of Hispanization and Christianization. turned into a public zoological and botanical park.
With the population increase in the Parian and Binondo at Lithograph of the Parian circa 18th century by Fernando
the turn of the 17th century, Spaniards residing in Brambila (Above)
Intramuros were ever more fearful of the potential uprising The Chinese in Parian de Arroceros
of the Sangleyes whose community surrounds their Before Binondo became the foremost Chinese quarter of
intramural enclave. Thus, a decree was issued by the Manila, the Parian in Arroceros was the Chinese settlement
colonial administration to limit Chinese presence in the of the Spanish Extramuros. The former settlement is the
designated ethnic quarters by sanctioning that no Chinese namesake of the gate on Intramuros northeastern wall-the
could: Puerta del Parian facing what is now the Mehan Garden
live or own a house outside the settlements of Parian and and Plaza Lawton. The location of a Chinese settlement in
of Binondo. Native settlements are not allowed in the the area is corroborated by the presence of archaeological
Sangley. settlements, or even near them. No Sangley can artifacts found in 2016, during the excavations for the
go among the islands, or as much as two leagues from the restoration of the Manila Metropolitan Theater. Among the
city of Manila, without special permission. Much less can discovered artifacts were fragments of Chinese
he remain in the city at night, after the [intramural] gates ceramicware from the Ming Dynasty period, along with
are shut, under penalty of death. (Morga in Blair and granite gravestones with Chinese Inscriptions and human
Robertson v.16, 198) skeletal remains.
These urban restrictions were intimidatingly reinforced by A gravestone, pottery shards, and human remains
Intramuros cannons pointed at range toward Parian and excavated at the Metropolitan Theater, site of the former
Binondo. Fearful of the sanctions and penalty of death in Parian
cases of nocturnal loitering in the intramural premises, the The Japanese Dilao
Chinese themselves imposed a self-restriction that limited Another potentially rebellious ethnic sector in the eyes of
their movement in the city and confined their domestic the colonial authorities were the Japanese. Trading
realm in the officially allocated spaces. activities brought the Japanese to Philippine shores.
In the aftermath of the British Invasion of 1762, the Parian, Previous to colonization, the Japanese had forged a strong
along with its adjacent pueblos on the eastern and commercial link with the coastal communities of the
southern flanks of Intramuros were razed in efforts to Philippines. Japanese commerce with the Spaniards
improve the defenses of the walled city. By 1783 the Parian prospered during the colonial period as the Japanese
was demolished, and its Sangley population merged with supplied the Spaniards with goods and exotic items not
those of Binondo, Santa Cruz, and surrounding arrabales. obtainable in the Philippines but were bound for Acapulco.
As the Japanese population grew, a permanent Japanese turmeric, and perhaps because of the more than 3,000
community was assigned where they could be easily Japanese who resided there. Plaza Dilao is the last vestige
observed and controlled. The Spanish authorities found the of the old town of Paco. When the Japanese Tokugawa
Japanese proud and arrogant and less obedient to Spanish Shogunate began its Catholic holocaust in the seventeenth
commands. They were settled in Dilao, a suburb east of century, it claimed the lives of over a million Japanese
Intramuros and yet within cannon range. The area was Catholics and forced the exile of thousands to Macau and
placed under the spiritual guidance of the Franciscans and Manila. The statue of Takayama Ukon (1552-1615), Japan's
provided a safe refuge for Christians who fled Japan from well-known Christian daimyo who was exiled to the
the Tokugawa shogunate's persecution. The Hospital de Philippines in 1614 for refusing to renounce his Christian
San Lazaro was originally established in Dilao and catered faith, was erected in 1977 to preserve the urban memory
as well to banished Christian lepers. With the onset of of the district of Dilao in Manila. This monument was
Japanese self imposed isolation in 1639, the influx of displaced by the construction of the elevated Skyway
Japanese migrants ceased and, gradually, the identity of viaduct in 2019, as part of the Philippine government's
Dilao as a distinct Japanese settlement faded out, only to Build Build Build Program.
exist in urban memory. The town was moved further inland Takayama Ukon Monument in Plaza Dilao
and away from Intramuros, in the wake of the British Military Architecture and Defense Installations
Invasion of 1762. The building of garrisons, naval constructions, and
Dilao was merged with the villages of Peña de Francia fortresses was a military strategy to safeguard and protect
(Peñafrancia), and Santiago in 1791, creating the town of the Spanish colonial possessions. These fortifications-such
San Fernando de Dilao. In the 19th century, the town as Intramuros in Manila, Fort San Felipe in Cavite, the
gained the moniker Paco (a Catalan contraction of the island of Corregidor, Fort San Pedro in Cebu, Fort Pilar in
name Francisco, perhaps owing to the Franciscan order's Zamboanga, and others-guarded harbors and strategic
spiritual administration of the town), which became its coasts. They followed the European styles of the fifteenth
popular name, to the dismay of the colonial government. and sixteenth centuries, and were characterized by heavy
Paco would become famous for its circular cemetery, the stone walls, moats, and grid road layouts (to facilitate
first to be created for the city of Manila and its suburbs. movement of cannons, ammunition, and supplies). The
The cholera epidemics of the early 1800s would decimate a European style of fortifications also used a series of
significant amount of the population, prompting the bastions and keeps, which covered blind spots and
erection of purpose-built cemeteries far from the town prevented invaders from coming close enough to storm the
center. Manila's municipal cemetery, the Cementerio walls. Where forts could not be constructed due to lack of
General de Dilao was ordered to be constructed in the funds or materials, watchtowers were built to warn the
arrabal of San Fernando in 1814, placed under the direct coming of invaders. The church belfry also served as a
supervision of the Ayuntamiento. The cemetery was lookout and the tolling of its bells signaled the approach of
notable for its layout: a ring of adobe walls stacked high enemies.
with layers of niches, dominated by an elliptical mortuary The total number of Spanish troops in the Philippines never
chapel, all rendered in the neoclassical style. The outbreak exceeded 14,000, including native soldiers. Barracks both
of the epidemic in the 1820 prematurely put the cemetery inside and outside the walls were built to house them and
into operation that year. It was formally opened in April 22, their weapons: with a major naval base built in Cavite.
1822, and initially contained 572 niches. Further waves of Main concentrations of the Spanish garrisons were in
epidemic and the general acceptance of this off-site burial Manila, Cavite, Cebu, Zamboanga, Polloc, and Isabela,
practice necessitated the construction of a second outer Basilan.
ring in 1859 to accommodate more burials, creating a total Cebu has long been acknowledged as a major commercial
of 1,782 niches. Another larger cemetery would be needed, hub in the pre-Hispanic era. It was the first encampment of
leading to the creation of La Loma cemetery by 1884. Magellan and Legaspi, thereby the initial base of Spanish
Paco's cemetery would later be decommissioned during colonization, Christianization, and permanent European
the American colonial period, and the remains therein settlement. Aware of their increasing number of enemies
transferred to the new Cementerio del Norte. as a result of their expedition and colonization, Legaspi and
A depiction of the 16th century Japanese in the Boxer his men, in 1565, fortified the existing triangular fort of
Codex (Above) timber palisades which they found in Cebu, and named it
A Samural in Plaza Dilao Fort San Pedro. In the process of colonization, this fort
A monument of a Japanese feudal lord, clad in samurai turned out to be the forerunner of the succeeding
garb, stands a the center of a plaza in the Manila district of fortifications all over the country.
Paco, once a well-known Japanese settlement during the The earliest stone fortress built by the Spaniards was a
Spanish colonial era. The Spaniards referred to the Paco tower on the southern side of Intramuros, called Nuestra
district as Dilao (Yellow), named after the luyang dilaw or Señora de GuÃa, opposite the ermita or hermitage of the
same designation. Designed by the Jesuit Antonio Sedeño interior of the fort could contain one of the following: living
and built circa 1587, the tower was later integrated into quarters for the soldiers; a jail; a foundry; a chain of
the defensive system which Governor-General Perez de warehouses for ammunition; powder; and provisions; a
Dasmariñas built around Manila beginning in 1590. The well; and a chapel.
construction of the massive walls of Intramuros that Entrance of the Fort San Antonio Abad in Malate, Manila
surrounded the entire city was considered an engineering (Above)
feat. Watchtowers were strategically located, and, at some The gate of Fuerza de Santiago in Intramuros, Manila
sections there were compartments for the guards on the (Opposite page)
walls and gates. During this time, another fort was The forts were not always effective: Intramuros was
constructed over what was left of the fortification of the captured by the British in 1762 and Fort Pilar in
city's previous chieftain, Sulayman. The fort was named Zamboanga, although they satisfactorily stood up against
after the patron saint of Spain, James the Great, otherwise the Dutch in the 1600s, had to be abandoned for a while
known as Santiago Matamoros (Slayer of the Moors, owing due to shortage of manpower. By the time the Americans
to the legend of Spain's Reconquista of the Iberian came to the :
Peninsula). Fuerza de Santiago or Fort Santiago was built at The Bastion System
the sharpest angle, between the river and the bay, and this Fortifications and military architecture of the 16th to 19th
functioned as a citadel. centuries were developed to counteract the effects of
Fort Santiago facing the mouth of the Pasig River (Above) improved weaponry technology and siege tactics. While
Fortification of the city of Manila drawn by Dionisio Kelly in polygonal fortifications were already in use during the
1770. The wall surrounding the Intramuros precinct had Renaissance period in Europe, the method of fortifications
four fronts: one facing the river, one facing the sea, and found in Intramuros and the larger Spanish forts around
two land fronts. The apex of the triangle is the Baluarte de the Philippines are based off the improved bastion system
San Diego, which today is an archaelogical site where three devised by Sebastian Le Prestre de Vauban, a French
rings of stone connected by crossways were unearthed. military engineer of the 17th Century. The polygonal fort is
(Below) strung with triangular or diamond-shaped bastions (instead
Intramuros was considered the foremost fortification built of round bastions), which minimize blind spots and allow
by the Spanish Crown. It underwent a series of overhauls for counterattacks to besieging forces scaling the walls. To
to strengthen its defensive capability, especially after the counteract the destructive effects of cannons, lower,
British occupation in 1762 to 1764. Other major defenses thicker walls with sloped sides were devised. A system of
include Fuerza de San Felipe in Cavite, Fuerza de Nuestra moats and low walls surround the fortress to provide a safe
Señora del Rosario (1617) in Iloilo, Fuerza de San Pedro distance from heavy weaponry. Polygonal revellins act as
(circa 1600) in Cebu, and Fuerza de Nuestra Señora del supporting defenses and protect fortress gates. This system
Pilar (built 1635, demolished 1663, reconstructed 1719) in of fortifications proved effective for a few centuries but
Zamboanga. became obsolete as weapons with higher firepower were
The fortress architecture consisted of several sections: the developed and aerial attacks began to be incorporated into
sections that front the sea and the river, which were of less modern warfare, Philippines, most of the Spanish defenses
intricate and complex design; and the three-sided land were old and antiquated; a few relatively new guns had
fronts. Spanish fortifications were designed in accordance been brought to Manila, Corregidor, and Cavite, but these
with the principles of the bastion system straight stretches were still smooth bore muzzle-loading weapons, which had
of polygonal perimeter wall connected by protruding limited range. Virtually all weapons were obsolete and
precincts called bastions at every corner of the polygon. were either destroyed by the Americans or turned into
The typical fortifications may be three-sided or more, with decorative pieces.
walls called cortinas, three to ten meters thick. On top of Barracks and military offices were old and not well-
some of these walls were stone embrasures, called maintained, although
casamatas, on which artillery weapons were propped up. more recent wood and nipa construction had been built in
Skirting cortinas on both ends were four-sided bulwarks Malate, among
known as baluartes or bastiones. Resting on other corners other places. But all these would be taken over by the
were little turrets called garitas or sentry boxes where Americans in 1898.
sentinels kept watch. The moat or foso, deep and wide 1765 Plan of the Fuerte de Concepcion y del Triunfo also
ditch filled with water, surrounded the whole fortification known as the Catta of Osamia (Tup, left)
as a form of defense. One side of the entrance was a Main Gate of the Comta in Ozamiz City, Misamis Oriental
massive structure known as revellin, a small outwork in (Top right
fortifications consisting of two embankments shaped like A sectional perspective of the Intramuros defenses during
an arrowhead that points outward in front of a larger the Spanish Period the Gate (1) was separated from land by
defense work that was sometimes constructed. The a Moat (2) with a Bridge (3) that was drawn close at night.
A Revelie (4) protected the gate from encoming intruders. where the worshippers crossed themselves with holy
A series of Covered Ways (5) protected by Glacis (6) water; and, on the opposite end, the sanctuary or
provided additional defenses around the fortification. presbytery where the priest said mass.
(Below) Characteristically, a colonial church had two focal points:
Edifices for Religious Conversion the altar mayer (main altar) and the pulpito (pulpit). The
Several religious orders undertook the early evangelization, altar mayor at the far end of the church in the sanctuary,
conversion, and spiritual governance of the Islands: was where the Eucharist was celebrated ad orientem
Augustinians, Franciscans, Jesuits, and Dominicans. In the ("facing the east" whether the cardinal east or the liturgical
Philippines, the baroque churches of the Spanish colonial east, depending on the location of the church), and the
period constituted t most exemplary f the country's consecrated host kept in the sagrario (tabernacle). The
architectural heritage. Charged with the mission to pulpito was an elevated structure-attached to the wall and
evangelize the islands, the religious orders filled the built usually of wood, sometimes made free-standing, and
archipelago with ecclesiastical edes-churches, monasteries, built of wrought iron-and often placed at the nave or at the
and convents-in newly founded parthes. The architecture intersection of the nave and transept, or crucero, to
that resulted was an artifact of cultural encounter, allowing amplify audibility of the homily. This was also done
unique architectural styles to flourish, native labor giving because the homilies (which were opportunities to relay
interpretation and tangibility to the friar's blurred memory the gospel and deliver catechetical instruction in the
of European baroque churches. vernacular) and particular oratorical practices during holy
Prior to colonization, the early Filipinos did not worship in week celebrations were considered a break in the
temples. Instead, members of families, dependents, and sacramental rite of the mass and thus were made outside
relatives met for some special rituals in private places the sanctuary. Side altars or altares menores, formed by
called simbahan. Spanish friar Fray Juan Francisco de San the arms of the transept, or in larger churches located
Antonio recounts that the locals built their places of along the nave or within side chapels, could accommodate
worship extensions in their homes, which they termed sibi. several priests celebrating mass simultaneously with the
It had three separates naves, with the third one being the priest at the main altar, following Tridentine prescriptions,
longest. Leaves and flowers with small lighted lanterns where the priest faces the altar rather than the people. An
adorned the shelter. A large lamp with many ornaments elaborately ornamented retablo or altar screen
was placed in the middle, and this was their simbahan or emphasized the importance of the altar mayor. The interior
oratory. Solemn feasts were held in the simbahan, with the richly furnished with side altars, paintings, and carvings of
pandot being the most solemn ritual, lasting for four days. religious the church was often
Once the feast was over, all the ornaments were removed, A temporary mission church In Mindanao, circa late 19th
and the place once again became a nondescript residence. century (Above)
Friars in the sixteenth century built plain chapels of Construction of the Church of Santa Maria in Zamboanga,
bamboo, thatch, and other light indigenous materials. circa 1888. (Left)
These worship structures were no different from the native Binondo Church in Manila, circa late 19th century
houses-simple in plan and structure, with a rectangular (Opposite page)
nave and high-pitched roof. The floor may have been Axonometric diagram of the Metropolitan Cathedral of
raised above ground, or may have been on ground level, or Manila in Intramuros before the 1880 earthquake, which
the bare earth. itself. FrÃar chronicles described these bears the layout of major Hispanic churches. The Main
early churches as de caña y nipa (of bamboo and nipa). Facade (1) is the most elaborate face of the church and has
Because of the material, these structures were easily the main portals leading into the Vestibule (2), which has a
devoured by flames. Later, these churches evolved into separate altar for the native congregation. A Coro or Choir
monumental stone sanctuaries fusing European styles with Stalls (3) is where the music for the liturgy is chanted, and
indigenous influences but retaining the simple rectangular where a pipe organ is located perpendicular to the nave. In
plan. Thus, the single-nave colonial church owed the most Spanish-era churches in the Philippines, the coro is
provenance of its form not from a European archetype but located on a loft over the vestibule. The Nave (4) was
from an indigenous precedent. In traditional Western reserved for Spanish citizens while ther parishioners would
architecture, rectangular or longitudinal churches, as a have stayed along the Aisles (5) or Transepts (6) of the
rule, abide by the basilican plam, which featured a central church. The Sanctuary (7) contains the cathedra or Bishop's
nave with an aisle on each side formed by two rows of throne, and High Altar from where the Liturgy of the
columns and, typically, a terminal semicircular apse. Eucharist was conducted. A Pulpit (8) was located along the
Although chapels (kapilya) may later evolve into churches nave for sermons. A semi-circular Dome (9) marks the
(simbahan), both building adhered to a common spatial crossing of the church, and the cross above it historically
pattern: a longitudinal space-the nave-for congregation; at served as the point of reference for astronomical
the end, the narthex or the vestibule, a preparatory space longitudes of the country. Side Chapels (10) housed small
retablos where cofradias may hold masses for intimate style adopted in the seismic zones of America. Termed as
groups. The Sagrario (11) was a large chapel where the earthquake baroque, these structures possessed a more
Blessed Sacrament was reserved, and acts as the city's robust proportion and were squat in appearance. The skill
parish church. A separate Bell Tower (12) tolled the time of hewing stone led to the craft of carving stone for
and signalled masses and feasts. An adjacent Rectory (13) ornamental purposes. Native artisans skillfully executed
housed the cathedral's priests and the church caretakers. the stone relief ornaments to approximate the baroque
icons and biblical episodes-all of which were devised to and rococo design prototypes as recollected from the friar
direct the attention to the tabernacle at the center of the architect's memory of European churches.
main altar. To one side or behind the main altar was the میں
sacristia (sacristy) where the priest and his assistants put Elevation and section drawings of the Manila Cathedral of
on their religious robes before saying mass. The band and 1879. The cathedral was rebuilt seven times (Below, left
choir performed at the coro (choir loft), a high platform and right)
formed by a mezzanine behind or over the main entrance. The Manila Cathedral after the 1880 earthquake which
The organ was placed on a loft next to the coro in destroyed its campanile (Bottom, left)
accordance with Spanish tradition. Majority of the Plan of the fourth Manila Cathedral from 1750 (Bettom,
worshippers were left to stand or kneel; long benches were right)
provided only for the principales or leading citizens of the Gate of the Nagcarlan Cemetery in Laguna (Opposite page)
community. Persons who sought privacy could attend mass When building a church, the natives contributed much of
behind the tribunas, a screened gallery with entry from the the needed labor force. But they were not always
second floor of the convento. indispensable. Although the Filipinos were good builders of
Adjacent to the church was the parish house or rectory, wood and bamboo, they were unskilled in building with
called convento in the Philippines. Another component of stone. Hence, Chinese laborers were employed when such
the church complex was the cementerio or camposanto a specific skill was required. Muslims were also recruited to
(graveyard or cemetery). In the early days, only the elites provide labor. In several churches in the south, this
could be buried inside the church. In the nineteenth resulted in minaret-like belltowers with onion-shaped
century, graveyards near the church were abandoned in roofs, trefoil arches, and geometric patterns. One good
accordance with the funerary and hygienic reform. New example is the Carcar church in Cebu. The Malate Church in
cemeteries were established in the outskirts of the town, Manila also illustrates this Muslim influence. The collective
such as the cemeteries of La Loma, and Paco in Manila, labor of artisans coming from a varied ethnic and cultural
Nagcarlan in Laguna, Tayabas in Quezon, and Janiuay and heritage eventually led to the confluence of nonwestern
San Joaquin in Iloilo. motifs into the architecture, further creating a hybrid style.
Key settlements, located some distance from the parish, Thus, classical ornaments in baroque or neoclassical
were established as visitas, visited by the priest or his designs were often incorporated with local motifs such as
representative on certain occasions, such as feast days, to flowers, fruits, or a crocodile's head.
administer the sacraments. Eventually, many of the visitas The colonial churches were actually a mixture and
assumed independence as a separate parish from the accumulation of stylistic fragments borrowed from
mother parish or matriz. medieval Spanish architecture as well as from Chinese,
Saint Pancratius Chapel in Paco, Cemetery, Manila, circa Muslim, and other foreign influences coming from as far as
1905 (Top, left) India. Church architecture, thus, became an architecture of
1818 Plan of the Municipal Cemetery In Paco (Top, right) improvisation, or the adaptation of form and design to suit
Cemetery Chapel of Campo Santo de La Loma in Santa the means, the purpose, the skills of the craftsmen, and
Cruz, Manila (Above, left) their exposure to overseas ideas. The local adaptations of
Campo Santo and Mortuary Chapel of San Joaquin, Iloilo foreign forms and designs were plainer and highly
(Above, Right) selective. A high degree of originality is manifested in the
The early stone churches were of rubblework or de emphasis of decorative woodwork in the interior, the
mamposteria (from "mano" or hand, and "puesto" or fanciful treatment of pillars, columns, balustrades, and the
placed, meaning placed by hand). Later churches used elaborately sculptured facades. The outcome was a unique
hewn stone and were called de silleria or de cal y canto. vernacular interpretation of Spanish colonial architecture
The advent of stone churches began in Manila in the rendered through an aesthetic confluence of stylistic
aftermath of the great fire at the turn the sixteenth sources.
century. In the mission areas, stone churches began to be One fine example of the ingenuity of the local builders was
built in the first half of the seventeenth century. The sheer their own rendition of the wattle-and-daub construction
weight and rigidity of these stone edifices made them popular in Europe. Instead of using pliant branches of
prone to collapse during earthquakes. After the tremors, plants with a mixture of mud and straw applied on both
new churches were constructed, but this time following the sides of the wall and allowed to be sun-dried, the local
builders used pliant bamboo with a mixture of mortar curing caused by the additives, which in some cases takes
composed of sand, lime, and water. This was referred to as decades or even hundreds of years to complete.
tabique pampango: tabique from the Arabic word tasbbik, in the Ilocos region, the leaves are soaked in water for
meaning "wall"; pampango, from Pampanga, the name of three to seven days. The process will produce a sticky
the place where it was probably introduced and substance from the leaves. When the solution is combined
popularized. with lime, molasses, and sand, the resulting mixture
The more permanent and sturdier churches were made of becomes plastic and fluid, approaching the workability of
adobe stone or volcanic tuff, limestone, or brick. Regional concrete-a consistency ideal as plastering (palitada)
availability and abundance of raw materials for church material for buildings.
construction defined the material constitution of the The church was generally rectangular or cruciform in plan.
building. For instance, churches in Northern Luzon were of To configure the shape of a Latin cross, the single-nave
brick, while churches in the Visayas and Mindanao were of church was extended by integrating a transept with the
coral stone, a whitish type of limestone formed from longitudinal apse. This appeared to be the basic plan of
fossilized coral reefs and accretions of shells and other Philippine colonial churches, which was barely altered by
marine life. Laying bricks or adobe was accomplished with such philosophy as baroque dynamism, rococo lighting, or
the use of mortar or argamasa. A layer of plaster or gothic drama. Generally, colonial churches could be
palitada was laid over the brick or stone wall to protect it perceived as a plain stone box with a sumptuously
from direct exposure to the destructive effects of rain and ornamented principal facade. The latter demonstrated the
wind. The mortar mixture was concocted from various halo-halo (mix-and-match) or tapal-tapal (overlayering)
formulas utilizing a mélange of ingredients, such as pog stylistic attitude of fusing various architectural elements
(lime), crushed coral, crushed shells, crushed eggshells, into a single compositional concoction. The elevational
molasses, animal blood, carabao milk, sugar cane extract, height was visually segmented and traversed vertically by
puso-puso extract, and egg whites. columns and horizontally by cornices. Niches, parapets,
Brick ornaments were numbered according to installation blind arches, blind balustrades, false pediments, blind
sequence, and detail of the parapet of the Tumauini windows, pilasters, and bas-relief carvings provided texture
Church in Isabela (Top, left and right) and three dimensionality to the otherwise uniform and
Puso-Puso: A Forgotten Mason's Herb planar expanses of a wall. mnaments were culled from
The extract from the leaves of the puso-puso tree has been Classical, Romanesque, Gothic, Baroque, and Mudejar
traditionally employed by native masons as an additive for sources, with Chinese resonances and native influences.
the production of mortar, a formulation for the masonry Chinese moments could be discerned the decorative
binding agent that is now forgotten. The puso-puso (Litsea elements such as fu dogs, lions, stylized clouds, dragon-like
glutinosa) or Indian laurel in English is a native tree, seven scroll work, and geometric lattice screens. Exotic tropical
to ten meters high, with a very hard wood. Being widely decorative elements demonstrated the attempts toward
distributed in tropical Southeast Asia and Philippine forests subsequent local mediation such as in the facade of the
at low and medium altitudes, it is known by local regional Miag-ao Church in Iloilo, where the pediment portrayed a
names such as batikuling in Tagalog, sablot in Ilocano and lush tropical environment overgrown with coconut,
Ibanag, lau-at in Bicolano, balanganan in Bisaya, and olos- papaya, and guava trees.
oles in Pangasinan, among others. Its leaves are elliptical to While the church facade was displayed a riot of ornament,
oblong-elliptical, nine to twenty centimeters long, broadly the lateral surfaces remained plain. Such frontal indulgence
pointed at the base and tapering to a pointed tip deprived the sidewalls of grandiose decoration, yet the
The fresh leaves are pounded into a pulp while adding otherwise monotonous surfaces were broken to
water until the mixture becomes pale green. The mixture is accommodate side portals with sparse but recurring
sticky and becomes more so as it ferments. This decoction decorative patterns and structural buttresses assuming
is set aside to ferment for 12 to 18 hours before it is mixed different silhouettes-flat and thin, bulky and rectangular,
with native lime. It is said that this mixture when mixed tilting, steeped, serrated, cylindrical, or curving.
with lime and sand produces a very strong mortar that is Facade of the Miag-ao Church in Miag-ao, Iloilo (Above)
almost impenetrable to rain. Tuguegarao Cathedral in Cagayan,
In the olden days, the local masons of Bulacan made their circa 19th century (Below)
mortar with 30 parts lime, 60 parts sand, and one part Bell towers or campanarios ranging from three to five
melaza (molasses) with water infused with puso-puso juice stories accompanied the whole composition. These
prepared as described above. Experiments have shown structures could be as simple as the four-posted structures
that puso-puso and molasses enhances the hardness of the of early churches, or monumental, such as the detached
mortar. Although the said additives have no chemical bell towers of Ilocos. The bell tower served many functions
action on mortar, they delay the setting of the mortar. The for the colonial society: tolling the time, calling the
hardening of the mortar is attributed to the retardation of parishioners to prayer, announcing important events in the
parish, such as fiestas, weddings, and deaths, heralding the Painting God's Firmament: Alberoni and Dibella In 1875,
arrival of important personages, and warning of impending the Prior of San Agustin Church, Fr. Jose Esteban Ibeas
dangers such as fires and pirate attacks. contracted
A bell tower could vary in design as well as in location. the two Italian scenographers Cesare Alberoni and
Some were detached from the church; some were linearly Giovanni Dibella for the interior painting of the San Agustin
attached and integrated to the church; others stood near in Intramuros. The result is a lavish visual execution and
the front or some distance from the church. The towers imagery in the Neoclassical revival. Trompe l'oeil paintings
attached to the church were usually provided with a of wreaths, cornucopias, festoons, fleurettes, Christian
baptistry at its ground floor. Ilocos churches had bell symbols, and windows are framed with illusory pediments
towers detached from the church at a considerable and panels, according the worshipper with an imagined
distance so that it would not topple and fall over the aesthetic of God's firmament. The success of San Agustin
church's structure during earthquakes. In plan, bell towers Church resulted in more projects under Alberoni like the
may be square, octagonal, hexagonal or, in rare instances, churches in Caysasay in Taal, Batangas; San Miguel de
circular in form. The number of bell towers may also vary; Mayumo, Bulacan; and Lubao, Pampanga. Alberoni was
some churches have two, and a few have three. The church influential to many native Filipino painters during his time,
of San Luis Gonzaga in Pampanga, aside from exhibiting so that his student apprentices later on became maestros
concave undulations attributed to European and Latin pintores known for their excellent artistic executions as
American Baroque found nowhere else in the Philippines, evidenced in the Church of Apalit, Pampanga. The
proudly displays three belfries in its facade. contribution of Alberoni and Dibella to Philippine art and
Three bell towers from the Ilocos Region (from left to architectural history cannot be understated as their works
right): Masingal Church in Ilocos Sur, Sarrat Church in Ilocos stand out as the vivid glorification of the Divine through
Norte, and Bantay Church in Ilocos Sur (Top, left) the medium of visual artistry and perspective; and the
Central bell tower of Morong Church in Rizal (Top, right) Italian hand in the shaping of 19th century Philippine art
San Luis Gonzaga Parish Church and architecture.
in Pampanga (Bottom) Fu Dogs
Santa Cruz Church in Manila, circa late 19th century Stone zoomorphic sculptures of Sino-Buddhist origin,
(Opposite page) known as fu dogs or temple lions, are often mounted as
t guardians at the main doorways of colonial churches.
The first buildings of architectural significance in the These mythical creatures are believed to ward off negative
Walled City in Manila were the San Agustin Church and the energies and protect the church or sacred precincts. They
Manila Cathedral. The mother churches of all religious can be found in three of the oldest settlements in the
orders, including all the largest monasteries, were country established during the Spanish colonial period,
concentrated in Intramuros, Constructed in 1587, the San namely: Cebu City, Intramuros, Manila, and Vigan (formerly
Agustin Church is the only stone church of its size that is known as Ciudad Fernandina) in Ilocos Sur. They are also
still standing as initially built. It is also one of the very few present in the churches of Taal, Batangas and in Morong,
structures in the Philippines constructed with true barrel Rizal. Undoubtedly, these stone lions are palpable
vaulting. The barrel vaults have remarkably withstood even emblems of a strong Chinese presence in the development
the strongest earthquakes. The original design of the of Philippine architecture.
church had three story identical towers. Cupolas perched Fu Dog at the San Agustin Church
on drums topped the towers However, the two upper Badoc, Sarrat, Bacarra, and Dingras. Churches in southern
storeys of the tower were damaged during the 1863 Ilocos, on the other hand, are much smaller in scale but
earthquake, and thus had to be removed subsequently. more elaborate in ornament, such as those found in San
The Augustinians were also fortunate to have two Italian Vicente, Candon, Santa Maria, and Masingal. Chinese
painter-decorators, Cesare Alberoni and Giovanni Dibella, craftsmen who labored in the construction of these
to paint the interior with trompe l'oeil, a technique that churches had left their mark though its Sinicized details,
created an illusion of three-dimensionality in the recessed such as the scroll-cloud volutes and ornamental fu dogs
panels, rosettes, cornices, and mouldings. resting on pilasters.
The Augustinian churches in northern Ilocos are renowned The Paoay Church, built from 1699 to 1702, invokes the
for their massiveness, particularly their facades and side aura of the stone. architecture of Southeast Asia rather
buttresses, with detached bell towers in close proximity. than Europe's. The composition depends on delicate mass
Another outstanding feature is the single nave, discarding and majestic silhouette. Detached from the church facade,
the cruciform transepts predominant in other churches, the bell tower tapers as it rises from the ground in a
Notable examples of Ilocano baroque are the churches of fashion reminiscent of a pagoda. Enormous buttresses
Paoay, Laoag, protruding on both sides curve sensuously with its
voluminous, scroll-like base. The facade has no opening
except from the arched portal that punctures the central interiors are triumphs of colonial ecclesiastical art. Extant
axis of the front wall. Plain pilasters serve to negotiate the religious murals of Loboc, Loon, Panglao, and Baclayon
otherwise monotonous facade. A three-tiered wall complement the grand array of baroque retablos gracing
punctuated by arched windows on the first level and a the transepts.
deep niche at the second level defines the pediment. Some churches carry a statement of locally mediated
Built in 1765 under the supervision of the Augustinian architectural styles. Morong's baroque facade, completed
order, the Santa Maria Church resembles a citadel located in 1853 and designed by Bartolome Palatino (a native of
on the summit of a solitary hill rising above one side of the the wood-carving settlement of Paete), is another excellent
Santa Maria town plaza. The architectural ensemble expression of the tropical baroque spirit. The dynamic and
presents its side and detached pagoda-like bell tower pulsating elements of baroque are also present in the
rather than its facade to the town. The bell tower is facades of the churches in Binondo, Paete, Pakil, and
detached some distance away from the church, protecting Nagcarlan.
the main church structure from possible earthquake Other stylistic tendencies also figure in some churches. As a
damage. decorative style, gothic revivalism adorns a church with
The Cagayan Valley lays claim to Dominican-built brick pointed arches and finials, Tudor arches, spandrels with
structures that include ascending or undulating volutes trefoils, pointed niches, and lace tracery. Neo-Gothic-
topped by massive finials. Excellent examples of delicate inspired churches include the ones in Cordova in Cebu,
brick craftsmanship are the Tuguegarao Cathedral, Iguig Bantay in Ilocos Sur, Sto. Domingo in Intramuros
Church, and the Tumauini Church. (destroyed during World War II), and the Belgian
The Franciscans, who covered the area of southern prefabricated, all-metal San Sebastian church in Manila.
Quezon, Laguna, and the Bicol region, built churches in a Neoclassicism is epitomized in the churches of Taal in
range of unrelated styles, from the Renaissance-inspired Batangas, Malabon in Manila, and San Ignacio in
church of Majayjay, Laguna to the fantastic carving of Intramuros (destroyed during World War II). The
alcoves, seals, and twisted salomonica columns of Daraga Romanesque strain is evident in the Manila Cathedral, with
Church in Albay. Built in 1815, the Daraga Church has a its deeply recessed round portals framing a tympanum
baroque-inspired facade where the absence of raking with low-relief articulation and a central wheel window.
cornices is instead accentuated by salomonica that carries The Pavia in Iloilo is inspired by the early Christian Roman
no entablature. Lavishing the facade further are niches and basilicas with Church in rounded apse and a deep portico
a with three Roman arches of uniform heights. Non-Western
medallion that roughly define the facade's three- motifs, like neo-Mudejar, characterized by trefoils its
dimensionality. arches, salominica columns, and arabesque wall tracery,
San Matias Church in Tumaini, Isabela (Top, Left) lavish the facade of Malate Church in Manila as well as
Nuestra Señora de la Porteria Church in Daraga, Albay Carcar Church in Cebu, with its bulbous domes and pointed
(Tep, Rigla) Pediment of the Santo Tomas de arches.
Villanueva Church in Miag-ao,
Iloilo (Above) The church building enterprise of the Spanish missionaries
Augustinian-built churches in the Island of Panay are an set significant watersheds in the evolution of architecture
impressive specimen of Philippine Baroque. The fortress in this part of the world. The Taal Church in Batangas is the
church of Miag-ao features a massive triangular pediment widest church in Asia, while the San Sebastian Church in
portraying St. Christopher clad as a Filipino farmer and the Manila, perhaps the crowning glory of colonial church
Christ Child in a tropical environment verdured with building in the country, is the first and only all-metal
stylized coconut, papaya, and guava trees. The San Joaquin church in Asia.
Church pediment depicts the Battle of Tetuan, Morocco in Pediment of San Joaquin Church In San Joaquin, Iloilo (Top)
1859, where Christian cavaliers claimed victory over the
Muslim regiment. This is the only secularized theme ever San Francisco de Asis Parish in
executed in a colonial Philippine church. Naga City, Cebu (Above)
Churches in the Cebu and Bohol islands are huge coral Ecclesiastical Architecture as a Colonial Mode of
edifices incorporating Muslim motifs, such as sun disks and Production The magisterial command of the "Lumang
pointed arches. The church of Naga in Cebu is decorated Simbahan" enthralls the populace with a pageant of
with disks, gargoyles, and minarets. The towers of Carcar consummate artistic expression harnessed through a
Church are capped with bulbous mudejar domes. The colonial mode of production in the service of the Catholic
interior of Argao Church exemplifies the fusion of Faith. Since the Church serves as the locus of propagating a
eighteenth-century rococo style and a restrained Islamic system of beliefs previously unheard of, the colonial
design. Exterior ornamentation in the Jesuit-built churches masters necessarily capitalized on a church's imposing
in Bohol is likewise influenced by Islamic sources, yet their image, together with the colorful ceremonies held within
its precinct, to enshrine their cultural superiority and were seduced by the theocratic authority by saturating the
inculcate among the natives the teachings of an unknown church and its premises, through a liturgical year
faith, delivered in an intoxicating mix of architecture and programmed with innumerable feasts and holy
religious revelry. observances, with solemnity on the one hand and
Colonial churches have been romantically heralded as ostentation on the other. According to historian Teodoro A.
monuments to God's greater glory, if not architectural Agoncillo (1990), the Spanish friars utilized the novel sights,
inheritances we dearly owe our colonial masters. However, sounds, and even smell of the Christian rites and rituals-
this kind of historical framing needs to be rectified because colorful and pompous processions, songs, candle-lights,
it conveniently conceals the power relations at work in saints dressed in elaborate gold and silver costumes during
colonial arrangements, glossing over political strategies the May festivals of Flores de Mayo or the Santa Cruzan,
associated with colonial discourse, such as forced labor, the lighting of firecrackers even as the Host was elevated,
religious tolerance, genocide, and obscurantism. the sindkulo (passion play), the Christian versus Muslim
conflict dream (moro-moro) [to] "hypnotize" the spirit of
The celebrated grandeur of colonial church facades should the indio.
not singularly overwhelm us with a blurring image of During these commemorations, the performing arts,
beauty but must also be subjected to the critical eye of ranging from oral literature to theater to processions,
socio-historicism. In doing so, we will be able to discover would circumscribe the seductive theatrics of control that
and understand issues of colonial cultural assimilation and church culture held. Generally, the aura created by these
encounters, native mediations and transformations, colonial churches was scrupulously calculated to elicit
asymmetrical colonial power relations, religious subjection colonial obedience and passivity among the natives. Behind
and domination, and possible native resistances. the dissimulating beauty of each facade is an attempt to
mask colonial reality and evade one poignant question:
In studying the grammar of colonial governance, one will "How much forced labor was extracted from the natives by
need to read through the idiom of empire building that can the colonial clergy to construct these houses of God?"
be gleaned in architectural references. King Philip II, writing
in the 1573 "Prescriptions for the Foundation of Hispanic Juan Palazon, in Majayjay: How A Town Came Into Being,
Colonial Towns," makes it perfectly clear that the edifice of reveals a unique complexity in colonial church-building
the church must demand attention, if not enthralling transactions. In Palazon's account, colonial subjects
astonishment: depicted are far from the image of an unquestioning
In inland towns, the church is to be on the plaza but at a believer who gained spiritual satisfaction from the building
distance from it, in a situation where it can stand by itself, of a holy structure. Ultimately, the historian uncovers how
separate from other buildings, so that it can be seen from colonial subjects ingeniously attempted to avoid the task of
all sides. It can thus be made more beautiful and it will constructing the "house of God." Palazon (1964, 16) thus
inspire more respect. It would be built on high ground so described the indio's cunning strategy to evade labor:
that, in order to reach its entrance, people will have to
ascend a flight of steps (Reed 1976, 72). One of the most common practices resorted to by the
townspeople was to disappear from the towns in order to
King Philip II's prescriptions stipulate that the town plan avoid carrying out those obligations that they considered
should establish a main plaza from which a principal street too heavy for them to bear. We note from a decree issued
traverses at one side with secondary streets laid out in 1621 by the Audiencia that the townspeople of Majayjay
following a gridiron pattern. Built to designate the center were continually refusing to be counted as citizens of the
of colonial authority, the plaza complex was to be town. To this end, if they had a house in the town itself and
dominated by the scale and presence of the church. In a field in another town, they erected a house in their field,
some instances where the church was not at the main and when asked by the authorities of Majayjay whether
plaza, the church should at least be situated at the highest they had fulfilled their duties, they replied that they had
point in the town or elevated in a prominent position. A done so in the neighboring town. If the officials of the
bell tower of overwhelming height would serve as a neighboring town asked them the same question they
panoptical device whose surveying gaze plerces through replied that they were domiciled at Majayjay and would
the quotidian affairs of the native. population arranged fulfill their duties there. This practice became so
strategically along the cuadricula planning system. With widespread that the Audiencia was compelled to order the
the implementation of the ordinanzas, the native provincial governor to tear down the houses erected by the
population was soon reorganized bajo de las campanas, "or natives in their fields so as to compel them to live in the
under the sound of the bells." Resistance to the town.
resettlement scheme assumed different forms, one of
which was fleeing to the mountains. However, the natives Architecture for Colonial Administration
Monumental civic architecture, such as the Palacio de down in the earthquake of 1863, prompting the transfer of
Gobierno, the Ayuntamiento, and the Aduana, epitomized the governor-general royal residence to Malacañang
the colonial institutions under the Spanish governance. Palace, formerly a vacation house of the governor along
Bordering the Plaza Mayor of Manila were two of the most the Pasig River. The Ayuntamiento, after standing for eight
important administrative structures in the archipelago. The decades, was also reduced to rubble in World War II.
first was known by various names: casa del ayuntamiento,
casa del cabildo, casa consistorial, casa real. This building Other important civic structures were the Intendencia-
occupied an entire block on one of the sides of the plaza which housed the Aduana (Customs House) and later the
mayor. As a seat of colonial governance, it housed several Hacienda Pública (Treasury), among other central
administrative. offices and archives. The Ayuntamiento is government functions-which further lavished the
best remembered for its elegant escalera and portal and its magisterial atmosphere of Intramuros with Renaissance-
large hall where state banquets and dances were inspired classicist architecture. The well-proportioned and
celebrated. It underwent several modifications and solidly built edifice was situated right by the edge of the
reconstruction works. In 1845, the main facade was north wall of the city beside the river. The sprawling
refashioned in a style inspired from the Renaissance. building had three principal entrances, two courtyards, and
two principal staircases.
Inverted Jar Foundation
Excavations made for the construction of new building Meanwhile, in every provincial town in the archipelago was
foundations in Intramuros yielded shards of trade a smaller version of the Ayuntamiento, called the
ceramics, as well as an array of inverted jars (tapayan) in Municipio, Casa de Municipal, or Casa Real, symbolizing the
great number, embedded in the foundation of the older secular power of the colonial state. The said structure was
building which used to occupy the site. In 1936, jars were strategically located at one end of the town plaza, opposite
unearthed at the rear portion of the San Juan de Dios the church, to signify governmental power.
Hospital Building. bordering Legaspi and San Francisco
Streets. (Maceda 1936, 573). The same type and As a general rule, the casa real did not represent a special
arrangement of jars were found during the archeological type of architecture. The building form anal was analogous
assessment done on the ruins of the Ayuntamiento de to the convento and may be considered an oversized bahay
Manila and the Intendencia prior to its reconstruction. na bato. It was a two-storey structure with the lower floor
These jars, dating from the 18th century, were Inverted, made of stone and the second storey of wood. Emanating
and laid in rows beneath the layer of earth and debris a from a common architectural paradigm of the bahay na
meter thick. bato, civic buildings like the tribunal, cabildo, casa real, and
schoolhouses, were indistinguishable from one another in
The jars were rejects with cracks on the sides and some terms of architectural morphology.
with deformed shapes due to ill-timed heating and Elevation drawings and riverside facade of the Malacanan
overcrowding in the kiln. These jars were considered Palace in the 19th century (Top)
wastage from the kilns of Makati and instead were reused Elevation drawing of the Aduana (Customs House), also
as part of a foundation base. The jars were laid out in rows, known as the Intendencia In Intramuros, circa 1874
configured to support the basement floor. They were used (Middle)
as fillers in place of earth to raise the elevation of the
ground floor, and are arranged in such a way that they Elevation and section drawings of the Casa Real in Vigan
would lessen the capacity of the ground to hold water City (Bottom)
through capillary action, thus preventing water seepage to On the other hand, the administration of the hacienda or
the ground floor especially during floods. landed estate revolved around the casa hacienda, which
was made up of one or several expansive structures
Across the Ayuntamiento was the residence of the highest housing spaces for the administrators and his workers. It
official of the land: the Palacio del Gobernador General or also included a kitchen, a storage room, a carpentry atelier,
Palacio Real. The Real Audiencia or Tribunal (trial court) a stable, and a chapel. The Augustinian-bullt casa hacienda
was housed in another area until its abolition in the 18th in Mandaluyong, built in 1716, is regarded as one of the
century. oldest extant structures of its kind and now houses the Don
Both the Ayuntamiento and Palacio were European- Bosco Technical School for Boys.
inspired, two-storey stone structures with spacious inner
courts. They sharply deviated from the architectural genre Educational and Scientific Facilities
of the bahay na bato. Unfortunately, these important The missionary tasks of bringing education, health care,
examples of civil architecture with distinct architectural and social welfare to the indigenous subjects were
features did not last long enough. The Palacio was toppled zealously fulfilled by the various religious orders. Through
the commitment and Initiatives of the Dominicans, Jesuits, Royal University from Charles II, and in 1902, it was
Augustinians, and Franciscans, teaching facilities, hospitals, granted the title of Pontifical University by Pope Leo XIII.
and orphanages were established along with their Another Important educational institution in the à century
corresponding edifices. was the Ateneo de Manila founded by the Jesult fathers. In
The number of schools built by the Spaniards was Cebu, there was the Colegio de San Ildefonso, and later the
inventoried by the Americans and published in the Annual University of San Carlos. Other schools inside Intramuros
Report of the General Superintendent of Education in started as orphanages, such as the Hospicio de San Jose
1904. It listed 534 school houses which were "still standing and the Asilo de San Vicente de Paul. These institutions had
and to some degree serviceable in at least 374 the luxury of having spacious buildings and broad
municipalities" and described Spanish-constructed schools courtyards with a chapel at the center. Permanent
as "substantially built of stone or brick... cloister-like buildings were generally constructed based on the atrial
structure situated in the heart of some municipality, and scheme, usually a structure or cluster of buildings in
with no grounds or gardens except an interior court." rectangular configuration with a central courtyard
extending the full height or several storeys of a building.
Two types of school buildings surfaced during the Spanish On one side of the atrium was the church or chapel. The
colonial period: the escuela primaria found in different atrium itself was a garden with a well. The two or three-
pueblos and the the colegio storey tall structures surrounding the atrium provided
or universidad found in urban areas. space for instructional facilities on the lower floors and
dormitory facilities on the upper floors.
Depending on the capabilities of the town, their Escuela
Primaria or would have been built in stone (Above) or with While the establishment of primary schools was an
light materials (Below), with the local priests at times essential component of the colonial acculturation agenda,
heading the schools. the construction of schoolhouses failed to gain a foothold
Main entrance of the Ateneo Municipal de Manila, later in the colony until the 19th century, with the Facades of
known as the Ateneo de Manila University (Opposite page) the Colegio San Juan de Letran (Tep, left) and the
Universidad de Santo Tomas (Above, left) which were
Schoolhouses were either purpose built structures as with schools for boys Main entrance of the Colegio de Santa
the Escuela Municipal en Intramures (Top, left) and Escuela Rosa (Top, right); and the Colegio de Santa Isabel (Above,
Secundaria de Niñas in Tonde (Above, lef), or repurposed right) which were schools for girls.
homes (Tep, right Above, right)
A classroom in the Jesult-run Ateneo Municipal de Manila The Colegio de San Idelfonso in
(Below) Cebu (Below)
Escuela Normal de Maestros de Instruccion Primaria
Six schools were built within the Walled City or Intramuros: Alongside Isabella Il's mandate for universal primary public
Universidad de Santo Tomas and Colegio de San Juan de education, the Escuela Normal was created by the Royal
Letran, the Colegio de Manila, the Colegio de San Jose, the Decree of December 20, 1863, for the formation of suitable
Colegio de Santa Rita, and the Colegio de Santa Potenciana. teachers for primary instruction, and for the dissemination
Females were taught separately from males: males and popularization of the knowledge and use of the
received instructions from priests and brothers; females Spanish language in the Philippine colony.
learned from nuns. This school allowed for men who were at least 16 years
In 1571, the Jesuits built the Colegio de San Jose and, in old, coming from the different provinces, to become
1594, the Franciscans founded the Colegio de Santa teachers under government scholarship, following the
Potenciana, both of which were established under the program instituted in the Iberian Peninsula. Owing to the
direct order and sponsorship of King Philip II. standing royal patronage enjoyed by religious orders and
The Colegio de San Juan de Letran and the Colegio de Santa their significant numbers in the archipelago, the school was
Isabel were created in the first third of the 17th century to inaugurated and placed under the supervision of the
take in orphans and indigents of Manila, while the Jesuits in 1865. It was firstclocated in a house in
Dominicans founded the Colegio de Santa Catalina de Sena Intramuros, Manila and transferred to the Jesuit La
and maintained it through private donations. The college Ignaciana estate when their original structure was
later became a training center for schoolmistresses in the destroyed by the earthquakes of July 1880. Six years later,
19th century. the school found a permanent home together with the
Jesuits' Meteorological Observatory in Callejon de San
The country boasts of the oldest established university in Antonio (now Padre Faura Street).
Asia, the University of Santo Tomas, which was founded in
1611 by the Dominicans. In 1680, it received the title of
The modern school edifice consisted of offices, classrooms, catered only to the Spaniards; the Hospital de San Gabriel
and bedrooms for its student internes or boarders, priests was for the Chinese in Binondo; and the Hospital de San
quarters, and observatory. While strictly a boarding school, Lazaro was for lepers.
the Escuela Normal also allowed some day scholars or
externes. The students paid almost nothing for The Observatorio Astronomico y Meteorologico de Manila,
matriculation, exams, or costs for writing and other needs popularly known as the Manila Observatory, exemplified
as they were scholars of the colonial government which the efforts of the religious orders in the pursuit of scientific
granted 10 pesos monthly subsidy for each. Included in the knowledge. The Manila Observatory was established by the
students' curriculum is a course on the Elements of Jesuit Orders in 1865 at the tower of San Ignacio Church in
Drawing, taught by the eminent professor Lorenzo Rocha, Intramuros. That year, Father Juan Vidal, Superior of the
from whom the students learned academic drawing and Jesuit Mission in the Philippines, assigned Father Francisco
drafting. Colina, a professor of mathematics at the Ateneo Escuela
Municipal, to set up an observatory that would consolidate
During the Philippine Revolution and the brief Spanish- the research in the science of meteorology to assist in
American War, the Escuela Normal was used as barracks by forecasting typhoons. Realizing the advantages of
Spanish troops as well as a safe haven for refugees during predicting the approach of a storm, the business
fighting and unrest. It reopened in October 1898. When the community contributed funds to improve the antiquated
Philippines came under the United States, the United instruments used by Father Colina with a meteorograph
States Philippine Commission withdrew its support to the designed by an Italian Jesuit, Father Angelo Secchi, and to
school and opened the Philippine Normal School, now the enable the institution to continue its valuable work on a
Philippine Normal University, which promoted the larger scale. In 1878, Father Federico Faura (the inventor of
the Faura barometer) assumed directorship of the
American public school system. observatory. By 1880, cable connections had been
The Escuela Normal de Maestros became a private school established with other countries in the Far East and
ran by the Jesuits renamed as the Escuela Normal de overseas request for typhoon warnings were received and
Maestros de San Francisco de Javier, which was granted by the observatory. A seismic section was added In
transformed into an archdiocesan seminary for Manila 1880, a magnetic section in 1887, and an astronomical
(later renamed the San Jose Seminary) in 1903. When the section in 1889.)
Ateneo de Manila in Intramuros was razed by fire in 1932,
the seminary transferred to the Jesuit house in Intramuros, In 1884, the Spanish government declared Father Faura's
while the Ateneo occupied the Padre Faura property. This weather bureau as a state Institution to be known as the
building was destroyed during the Second World War. On Manila Observatory, It was then relocated from the Ateneo
its site now stands Robinsons Place Manila. building in Intramuros to a new building built as a normal
school of the Jesults in the district of Ermita. In 1887, the
promulgation of the Educational Decree of 1863 by Queen Manila Observatory was rebuilt, and it became a familiar
Isabella II. Under its mandate, at least one escuela primaria landmark of colonial science at Calle Observatorio (now
or primary school for boys and one for girls were Padre Faura in honor of its foremost Jesult scientist). The
established in every village or town. Attendance in such a rectangular stone building was dominated by a huge steel
school was mandatory and failure to attend was strictly cupola housing the telescope. The telescope's shaft and
castigated. Primary education was designed to be mechanism were built in Barcelona, Spain. The shaft was
catechetical as reading and writing were imparted with the constructed in such a manner that despite its enormous
aim to assist children learn prayers and the teachings of size and weight of sixteen tons, it could be repositioned
the Catholic doctrine. without difficulty even by a child. The equatorial telescope
had a focal distance of seven
Apart from educational needs, the religious orders also
considered the health and medical needs of the colonial Liceo de Manila (Top)
subjects. The Franciscans built the first hospital around The plan for the reconstruction of the Hospital of San Juan
1564, the Hospital Real, which was also one of the first de l Dios by Luis Cespedes. Founded in 1596 by the
buildings to be erected in Manila. In 1587, the Dominicans Brotherhood of Mercy, the hospital was rebuilt after being
founded an important medical center in Tondo, the destroyed in the 1663 earthquake. (Left)
Hospital de San Gabriel, which was demolished in 1744.
The Hospital de Santa Ana, the oldest hospital in the whole was later to become the Hospital de San Juan de Dios and
of the Orient, founded in 1596 by the Franciscan Juan the Hospital de San Lazaro. The Hospital Real catered only
Clemente was later to become the Hospital de San Juan de to the Spaniards; the Hospital de San Gabriel was for the
Dios and the Hospital de San Lazaro. The Hospital Real
Chinese in Binondo; and the Hospital de San Lazaro was for in Munich, Germany, and the tube in Washington, United
lepers. States. Unfortunately, in 1945, the structure was in burned
to the ground at the height of the Battle for Liberation in
The Observatorio Astronomico y Meteorologico de Manila, World War II. After the war, the observatory building was
popularly known as the Manila Observatory, exemplified never reconstructed but the institution was initially
the efforts of the religious: orders in the pursuit of relocated to Baguio, then to its present site in Quezon City
scientific knowledge. The Manila Observatory was in the 1960s.
established by the Jesuit Orders in 1865 at the tower of San
Ignacio Church in Intramuros. That year, Father Juan Vidal, Obras Publicas and Colonial Building Regulation
Superior of the Jesuit Mission in the Philippines, assigned
Father Francisco Colina, a professor professor of Spanish military engineers, and, In later years, civil
mathematics at the Ateneo Escuela Municipal, to set up an engineers, practiced their profession in the Philippines. At
observatory that would consolidate the research in the the onset of Spanish colonization, the construction of obras
science of meteorology to the researen in the science assist publicas or public works was assigned to a corps of military
in forecasting typhoons. Realizing the advantages of engineers who were tasked to build defense structures and
predicting the approach of a storm, the business government edifices. In 1705, the Corps of Engineers was
community contributed funds to improve the antiquated established in Manila to take charge of all constructions,
instruments used by Father Colina with a meteorograph including the erection of churches, government buildings,
designed by an Italian Jesuit, Father Angelo Secchi, and to and other structures. On record, the first military engineer
enable the institution to continue Its valuable work on a was Juan de Ciscara y Ramirez, a native of Cuba, who
larger scale. In 1878, Father Federico Faura (the inventor of arrived in October 1705. He directed the construction of
the Faura barometer) assumed directorship of the many fortifications works, such as in the Port of Cavite, and
observatory. By 1880, cable connections had been Initiated the momentum in the erection of religious
established with other countries in the Far East and structures, such as the cathedral of Cebu, where he drew
overseas request for typhoon warnings were received and up the plans In 1719. In M pointed out the serious defects
granted by the observatory. A seismic section was added in Manila, Ciscara ts in the public works of the e colonial city,
1880, a magnetic section In 1887, and an astronomical y the absence of a parapet at the Bastion de Dilno, and the
section in 1889. particularly the absence of a sence of a carriage road made
of limestone outside the city walls, presence might be used
The clock tower over the entrance of the Hospital de San as a line of attack for potential which, in his opinion, might
Juan de Dios in Intramuros (Tep, left) be used as a marauder. He also drew up the engineering
plan for the remodeling of Fort In 1714 to make it worthy
facade of the Hospital de San Juan de Dios in the 1920s of being a defense structure. In Fort Santiago In 1714 to 1
(Tep, right) The Manila Observatory founded by the Jesuits 1718, Ciscara went on an expedition to Mindanao, under
next to their Escuela Formal in Ermita (Opposite page) the orders of Governor General Manuel Bustamante
Bustillo, on a mission to repair the abandoned fort of
Zamboanga. The fortification was remodeled with four
In 1884, the Spanish government declared Father Faura's bastions and renamed the Fuerza de Nuestra Señora del
weather bureau as a state institution to be known as the Pilar, otherwise known today Fort Pilar.
Manila Observatory. It was then relocated from the Ateneo
building in Intramuros to a new building built as a normal
school of the Jesuits in the district of Ermita. In 1887, the The early churches were built under the direction of
Manila Observatory was rebuilt, and it became a familiar architects or maestros de obras (master builders), many of
landmark of colonial science at Calle Observatorio (now whom were priests. These friar architects wishing to build
Padre Faura In honor of its foremost Jesuit scientist). The or repair a church were required to present to the bishop a
rectangular stone building was dominated by a huge steel presupuesto, a proposal detailing the drawings, plan, and
cupola housing the telescope. The telescope's shaft and cost estimates. Aside from church-building, the friar
mechanism were built in Barcelona, Spain. The shaft was architects were sometimes engaged in the construction of
constructed in such a manner that despite its enormous hospitals and schools and were consulted occasionally on
size and weight of sixteen tons, it could be repositioned government construction projects, From the late sixteenth
without difficulty even by a child. The equatorial telescope century to the end of the eighteenth century, there were
had a focal distance of seven. about nineteen architects on record.

meters, measured 50 centimeters in diameter, and The actual construction or repair of buildings was
weighed 14 tons. The base of the telescope was fabricated sometimes contracted to builders, many of whom were
Chinese. This contractual system was called pacquiao produce a set of building ordinances that would minimize
(pakyaw in Filipino, meaning "bundled-in" or "wholesale") the shattering effects of earth tremors.
and managed to persist to this day. The colonial
government also employed the tax system of polo y Devastation caused by fires and earthquakes in the 19th
servicio, which compelled every able-bodied male to century forced Spanish colonial authorities to pass laws
render labor service for public construction for a period of regulating building works, these Introduced new
forty days annually (reduced to fifteen days in 1884). techniques and materials which revolutionized the
Exemptions were made for the sickly, military servicemen, methods of construction. (Top: Middle; Button)
the principalia, or anyone who could afford to pay the
monetary equivalent of the polo y servicio. The system A house in San Miguel, Manila which uses Iron roofing
assured the continuous supply of labor force for the many (Opposite page, below)
colonial infrastructures, such as roads, bridges, forts, and
harbors. Under this system, friars could also obtain labor For fire prevention, specific areas were zoned according to
for the construction or repair of ecclesiastical structures, building materials. Ordinances were issued in relation to
subject to approval of the colonial administration. the construction of houses made of nipa, a highly
flammable building material. A decree was Issued on
With the economic progress of the nineteenth century, the January 23, 1866, prohibiting the use of nipa in areas
accumulation of new wealth triggered a construction boom designated as zonas de mampostería (zones for masonry
in the colony followed suit. In 1837, a decree was issued structures)
forbidding any construction which required blueprints to Bandos
begin, unless the plans were duly submitted and approved
by the proper agency of the colonial state. However, the In the 18 and 19th centuries, a series of edicts of good
decree was doomed to fail for there were not enough governance or bandos were issued by the Governor of
architects and engineers to implement its provisions and, General to regulate and control how urban spaces may be
moreover, no penalty was imposed on offenders. For used by its inhabitants. In Regulating Colonial Spaces (1565
security purposes, the Royal Ordinance of February 13, 244, ordinances relating to the collection and disposal of
1845, required the submissions of plans for repairs, wastes, keeping of animals, zoning ordinances, regulation
of gambling and regulated activities in public spaces,
The Polo y Servicie system allowed the populace to pay control of vagrants, and their corresponding penalties and
their taxes in labor. While the system enlisted able-bodied sanctions, among others, are listed (Lico & de Viana, 2017).
men for public works constructions, it was not used for all
construction projects of the period. (Below, left) These bandes aimed to instill a sense of urbanity in the
populace and reinforce the image of an ideal urbanism that
The Pacquiao (or pakyaw) system was used by the Chinese the colonial government would like to have for Manila and
in their construction projects to streamline their labor its environs. Some of the edicts issued deal with similar
services. (Below, right) alterations, or construction to be issues, pointing to either the reluctance of city dwellers to
made on vicinities within a 1,5001 varas (about 1.3 follow the rules, or the weak enforcement of these rules by
kilometers) radius from Intramuros for approval of the the government-an issue that still holds true today.
state engineer.

To successfully enforce the decrees related to building Bahay na Bato: The Realm of Aristocratic Domesticity
regulation, the Asesor General, In 1852, declared that
violators would be penalized by a fine in proportion to the In the latter years of Spanish rule, a new type of domestic
importance and magnitude of the work being undertaken. architecture, the bahay na bate, would gradually emerge
The Inspecccion General de Obras Publicas (General Board from two centuries of gestation. This novel housing
for Public Works) was created through a Royal decree prototype combined the elements of the indigenous and
dated May 1, 1866. It was under the direction of an Hispanic building traditions to prevent the dangers posed
engineer who was given the title of Inspector General de by fires, earthquakes, and tropical cyclones. Aside from
Obras Publicas, as the inspector was also the president of addressing the physical factors of the environment, the
the Junta Consultiva de Obras Publicas (Consultancy Board bahay na bato was also the outcome of profound social
for Public Works), a body mandated to examine and change. As the colonial society's needs expanded and
approve plans for buildings. socioeconomic progress was attained through the galleon
trade and cash-crop agriculture, the simple house of nipa y
The destructive earthquakes of 1863 and 1880 finally caña could no longer satisfy the demands of the new urban
compelled the city officials of Manila to collaborate and elites and the provincial aristocracy. The urgent need was
to acquire a new domestic prototype expressive of the earthquakes. Thus, galvanized iron sheets began to replace
owner's cultural attainment and European affectations. the roof tiles, especially after the great earthquake of 1880.

Ayna b The upper starry would be of wood, the lower stery One could enter the elevated living quarters through the
of stane The thick stone wall was merely a skirt concealing naguan (vestibule) on the ground floor, from where the
the woden legs in the ground. grand staircase started. The zagun, similar to the ground
level of the bahay kubo, was also reserved for storage
Despite regional variation and centuries of transformation, Sometimes the vestibule had an entresuelo (mezzanine
the bahay na bate has retained its essential features. area), raised a meter above ground, for use as offices or
Generally, it has two storeys, at times, three. The ground servants' quarters. In business areas, some spaces were
floor is made of cut stone or brick, the upper, of weed. rented out to shop owners.
Grillwork protects the ground floor windows, while the
second storey windows are broad, with sliding shutters The sale of the Rafael Enriques Residence, originally in
whose latticework frames either capiz shells (Placuna Quiape, Manila, la decorated with lonic calams and
placenta) or glass panels. Beneath the pasamano Vitruvian wave entablatures. (Top) Eders of the Caridad
(windowsill), auxiliary windows called ventanillas (small Crisologs Sinpon Residence in Vigan, Ilocos The sofa bahay
windows) reach to the floor. These are protected with na na bato is the grandest raam of the house. In the 19th
either iron grilles or wooden barandillas (balusters) and century, realdential design was influenced by different
have sliding wooden shutters. The house is capped by a styles, when resulting in eclectic motifs
high hip roof with a 45-degree-angle pitch to repel rain and
discharge warm air. A wooden staircase, or escalera, with two landings led to
the upper floor and directly onto the interior overhanging
The first buildings put up by the Spanlards were similar to verandah or anteroom (calda). As one ascended this
the native constructions, but after the many fires that staircase, one waited to be received at the calda or
devoured these structures, residents decided to rebuild antesala, which was the most immediate room from the
their houses in masonry using hewn adobe stones quarried stairs, and was an all-purpose room for entertaining,
from cliffs facing the Pasig river. Houses built of stone were sewing, dancing, or even dining. In the sala, or living room,
fire-resistant but caused more damage during earthquakes, dances and balls were held during fiestas and other special
as the accounts of the 1645 and 1658 tremors claim. Since occasions. European influence was evident in the furniture,
it was observed that structures with wooden frameworks draperies, tapestries, paintings, porcelain jars, or piano
proved resilient to any movement of the earth, the logical adorning the sala. At end of the room was the comedor or
solution was an architectural compromise which combined dining room, well furnished with silverware displayed in
stone with wood, a hybrid earlier referred to as plateras or glass-paneled cabinets, while food dishes from
arquitectura mestiza. the kitchen were placed on a walst-high cabinet or mesa
platera. The dining area led to the cocina or kitchen, with
its distinctive banguerra. A walkway connected the kitchen
Again, the design principles of the bahay kubo became the to the house if it was built separately from the house.
inspiration is developing a similar house having the same Adjacent to the kitchen was the baño or paliguan
features but on a grande scale. Retaining the bahay kubo's (bathroom) and latrina (tollet). The bathroom was often
basic characteristics, such as the steep hip roof, elevated built separately from the tollet. The batalan of the bahay
quarters, post-and-lintel construction, and maximized kubo metamorphosed Into the azotea, an outdoor terrace
ventilation, the new domestic form was similarly framed in where the residents and their guests usually relaxed. At
wood with an elevated living space of hardwood. The times, the azotea was used for food preparation and
entire house was supported by haligi (wooden pillars) in laundry activities as it was located either beside a bolon
keeping with the endemic building tradition The hardwood (well) or over an aljibe (cistern). The carto or bedrooms
posts, 7.5 meters or more in height from ground to rool surrounded and opened into the spacious living area.
were, at times, unprocessed, twisted trunks. The upper Room partitions did not reach up to the celling, ending
storey would be of wood, the lower storey of stone. The instead in calados or open fretwork that enhanced cross-
thick stone wall was merely a skirt concealing the wooden ventilation Inside the house. With the wide doors leading
legs on the ground floor. The roof would either be of to the rooms open on most occasions, the house virtually
curved tile or impenetrable thatch, which covers a frame of had the essence of being one big space.
trusses and rafters. Tiles had the advantage over thatch for
being fireproof, but since they were set in three or more
layers, they were heavy and could easily fall apart during Axonometric model of a typical bahay na bato of the 19th
century. The Main Entrance (1) leads to the zaguan which
served as storage, housed an Office (2), and at times, Devastating earthquakes which shook Manila in 1863 and
provided additional living space for extended family. The 1880 left many buildings in ruins. As a result, ordinances
Escalera or Stairway (3) led to the main living spaces or were issued stipulating that house posts must be made
piano nobile of the house. The term Caida (4) stems from thinner but connected to each other by numerous bracings
the practice where ladies would drop the trains of their for more flexibility. Thin brick panels were inserted
skirts in this area before entering the main house; the between the braces. Where brick was not readily available,
space may serve as a small receiving area. The Sala or the house posts stood alongside the walls so as not to
Living Area (5) is where guests are entertained, and where fracture them.
most domestic activities are held. The Comedor or Dining
Area (6) is dedicated for formal meals. Bedrooms (7) were Mercado House in Bustos, Bulacan (Top) is renowned for
normally communal spaces among siblings and parents. its florld. exterior relief decoration (Above) The shift from
The Kitchen (6) is fitted with a banggerahan for drying the geometrie style house (Midille) to a floral style house
dishes, and in some houses would have a home or oven. (Dettem) reflected the changing tastes of the period.
Adjacent to this is a batalan or wash area, beside a Persians and concha shutters of the Manalang-Gloria
Palikuran or Tollet (9). The Azotea is an outdoor area which Ancestral House In Tabaco, Albay (Opposite page)
is used either as a lounging or a laundry area. An Aljibe or
Water Cistern (11) is located underneath the azotea. The bahay na bato is a tropically responsive building,
allowing air and light to penetrate the interior: an indoor
As seen in the inset above, the structure of a bahay na bato spatial quality known as allwalar, a concept which had no
usually rested on Wooden Posts (12) while the stone walls equivalent in the English lexicon Two general types of
merely acted as skirting around the ground floor spaces. In residential architecture emerged during the colonial
some cases, the wooden posts would be embedded within period: the city house (Top: Middle) which was built in
walls, and Argamasa or Mortar and Rubblework (13) placed densely populated urban centers, often close to the
in between as a more economical construction method. roadside and had shared perimeter walls with adjacent
The posts would often be left exposed in the upper floors, houses and the country house (Bottom) which was built in
and the roof then rested directly on the posts. Often the rural areas, summer retreat areas, and haciendas or
piano nobile and the roof extended over the lower levels, estates where space is abundant.
providing shade for the fenestrations below.
A house turned into a field hospital in Santa Cruz, Manila
displays neoclassical elements such as corinthian columns
According to architectural historian Fernando Zialcita, the and caryatids in the upper floor and mudejar calados in the
bahay na bato may be stylistically categorized into two: the lower floor.
geometric style and the floral style. Between 1780 and
1880, the geometric style was widespread. In this style, the
flying wooden gallery, now called either the galería volada
or the corredor, extended along the exterior walls, Another decree prohibited the use of curved tiles and,
accentuating the horizontality of the buildings. It had dual instead recommended either flat tiles or imported
sets of sliding shutters: the outer one of concha (shell) and galvanized iron (hierro galvanizado or armadura de hierro)
the inner of wooden persiana (window shade) or jalousies or zinc sheets. In 1883, the first galvanized iron sheets
or louvers. An intervening wall of plastered brick were installed in the reconstruction of the Tondo Church,
distinguished the volada from the adjacent rooms. Wooden after it was ravaged by fire in 1863. Because it was cheaper
doors led into the volada. The wooden gallery allowed the and easier install, the metal roof became more popular
inward passage of light and air and shielded out excess than flat tiles. Unfortunately, the absence of ventilators
sunlight, for during this period, roof eaves were narrow caused the metal roof to heat up easily, thus increasing the
(Zialcita, 1980). Surface decorations were kept to a heat inside the house, But since metal roofs were light,
minimum: translucent capiz shells in squares or diamonds they could project beyond the walls to create wide eaves,
adorn the window panels, and friezes with simple, which had soffit vents to provide outlets for warm air
neoclassical motifs. During the nineteenth century, the use accumulating under the roof. Windows were further
of enormous pillars was minimized; false ceilings and screened by tapances or media aguas (metal awnings)
wooden walls with geometric fretwork on their upper part made of sheet metal cutouts (ibid.). With these
defined the living quarters. innovations, which protected the house walls from rain and
sun, the volada was abandoned, making the interior of the
The floral style gained popularity during the last third of house more spacious. Moreover, the upper storey was
the nineteenth century when the volada turned into an almost entirely made of wood. Wall sidings were
open gallery decorated with vegetal motifs (ibid.). sometimes of wooden panels adorned with oval or
rectangular, tray-like forms called bandejado (ibid.). The interior with pearly white illumination. Between the
calados were broadened and extended from post to post, windowsill and floor ran the ventanilla, with sliding
and their fretwork took the form of butterflies, flowers, or wooden shutters, wooden balustrades, and iron grills.
lyres, which, with Large doorways reduced wall space to a minimum to let
more air in. With all doors open, the house was
Pur 331-388.pdf transformed into one, big, multifunctional hall. Running
above the partitions were panels of wooden fretwork that
The volada became obsolete, replaced by roof overhangs helped in filtering and circulating air. Ceilings were usually
awnings, vents, and calates to facilitate ventilation. (Above) decorated with paintings of local flavor, applied directly on
the wooden boards or canvases.

a play of lights, could cast decorative shadows. Floral The house of Governor-General Ramon Blanco, First
motifs were abundant all over the exterior, enriching the Marquess of Peña Plata, fronting Plaza Salcedo In
surfaces of soffit vents, corbels, and iron grilles. Hence, this Vigan(top)
style of the bahay na bato, which appeared between the
1880s and 1930s, was aptly termed the floral style, typified
by the houses of the Pamintuans (Angeles), Tecsons (San such, the flimsy nipa structures had no place. The colonial
Miguel de Mayumo), Bautistas (Malolos), Tanjosoy- government considered each stone edifice a significant
Bautistas (Malolos), and by the interiors of the houses of investment by the owner and an important source of tax
the Pastors (Batangas City) and Avenidos (Alaminos, revenue, which filled municipal coffers. Moreover, the
Laguna). absence of nipa houses in land parcels with stone houses
was expected to fetch a higher market value. Land
Comparing the bahay na bato to the residential speculation, for instance, fueled the idea of making
architecture of Spain and other parts of Latin America Binondo an exclusive area for stone houses. Thus, from the
shows the departure of the former from the latter, showing 1830s onward, nipa houses were transferred to San Jose
how the country's colonial-era residential architecture (Trozo), and a demarcation line sixty-five meters wide
developed uniquely, adapting to its environmental and between Binondo and Tondo was established a kilometer
cultural context. from the shore. This urban imposition, however, was not
fully implemented.
Philippine houses possessed steeply sloping roofs,
compared to the almost flat tile roof of Spanish and Latin By 1660, a precise geographical demarcation line was set
American colonial houses, deflecting the heat of the sun, up, known as the Divisoria. As its name implies, Divisoria
and protecting the house against strong typhoons. The was not a roadway but a dividing line that traversed from
east to west. In fact, Divisoria was a 50-meter firebreak line
Bahay na bato were clad in at variety of historical styles created to separate the areas set aside for stone houses or
Imported and approximated from Europe. Such stylistic the materiales fuertes (durable materials) and the areas
preference also reflected the European pretensions the dominated by nipa dwellings or the materiales ligeros
Filipino nouveau, riche of the period as seen in this (combustible materials) in the margins.
Victorian-inspired house (Top, left), the Mercado Mansion,
In Carcar , right). and in the Grecian detalls of the Bautista Map of Manila and its suburbs circa 1898, with the
House Malolos, Bulacan (Above, right) Divisoria outlined (Top)

An opulent Interior of a bahay na bato in Manila used as Nipa houses occupied by lower class Filipinos were fire
residence of the First Philippine Commission sent by the hazards, thus confined to the periphery of the urban core,
American colonial government. (Opposite page) an area beyond the Divaorie (Aber, Opposite page, top left

Those who lived in nipa houses represented the poor.

enclosed volada as a sun-shading and thermal control Corollary to this, the rejection of nipa houses was linked
device. distinct to the Filipino stone house since related with the stigma of a social outcast. The owners of nipa
houses in colonial America used projecting, open balconies houses were looked down upon by the Spanlards and were
more profusely. Along with it was the liberal use of often described in the official records as sickly, unhygienic
windows and barandillas: sliding window panels controlled Immoral, and rebellious.
the glare coming from the outside without preventing
cross-ventilation. A set of capiz shell shutters, instead of
glass panes, diffused the harsh tropical light, rendering the
The archives abound with narratives of eviction from the
urban space and cases of quarrels and complaints brought characterized by commercial opportunities. Accesories
about by demolitions, where residents were highly were single or two-storey high structures having multiple
emotional, often seething with anger. The authorities units, each defined by common party walls shared with
implementing the policy complained of the vehement adjoining units and by a separate door or access at the
Insistence of the natives in reconstructing their nipa houses facade. The accesoria unit occupied a floor area ranging
on the same site. Military engineer Luis Angel Garcia from forty-five to fifty square meters per storey, with a
disclosed having demolished more than thirty times the narrow frontage of an average of 3.5 meters per unit and a
same nipa house during his entire tenure in the Philippines ceiling clearance of 2.7 meters. The reasons for such
and reported the reappearance of nipa houses like proportion was the greater value given to the frontage
mushrooms on the forbidden areas. The victims of area than to that more remote from the street.
expulsion lamented the unfair division of urban space,
which uprooted them far from their place of labor and
disengaged them from their symbolic tie to the land they The Tutuban Station of the Manila-Dagupan railway line,
once occupied. designed by Juan Jose Hervas and completed in 1887,
served as a main terminal for all northbound destinations.
The poor who refused to reside in the periphery would Adhering to the precepts of the bahay na bato, it was
rather remain and bear the unhygienic and congested constructed of masonry faced with brickwork at ground
conditions in the slum colony or posesiones. These were level, the upper storey being made of wood panels graced
ramshackle dwellings found in dead spaces, vacant lots, on by grilled windows. It had galvanized iron roofing and
coastal and swampy areas, banks of esteros, and ruins of overhanging eaves made from the same material,
buildings destroyed by earthquakes. providing perimeter shading for the first floor. The
concourse shed, deriving its structural form from British
Tondo and Sampaloc lay beyond the fire-code/building- design, was supported by riveted steel crowned by stylized
materials line established in the mid-nineteenth century. acanthus-shaped capitals.
These dwellings. were attractive to the poor migrant
laborers because, aside from being affordable, they were The immense urban growth of Manila led the
also accessible to factories and places of work opportunity. administration to propose the allation of a public transport
In Tondo, makeshift dwellings or chozas could be network. In 1878, Leon Monssour from the Department of
constructed on a tiny, leased lot or even on the foreshore Public Works submitted a proposal to Madrid for a tranvia
area for free.. (streetcar) system. Evidently motivated by the systems in

Makeshift dwellings or chazas during the Spanish colonial The Tutuban Station, designed by Juan Jose Hervas, served
period could be constructed on a tiny, leased lot or even on as a main terminal for the Manila-Dagupan Railway line.
the foreshore area for free. (Top, right; Above, right) The building, completed in 1887, was built from masonry
faced with brickwork at ground level, and the upper aterey
made of wood (Top)
Dwellings of the Working Class A steam-powered train of the Manila Dagupan railway line
with a station in the background (Middle)
The accesories or apartment dwellings evolved from the
need of migrant laborers for cheap housing in commercial
and industrial areas. This new building type was developed Estaciones de Ferrocarril de Manila-Dagupan
in response to urban Manila's industrial revolution and was
commonly found in the districts of Binondo, Tondo, The stations of the Ferrocarril de Manila-Dagupan followed
Sampaloc, Quiapo, and Santa Cruz-areas templated designs which allowed for proper scaling of the
stations with the towns they serviced, and introduced
Plan and section drawings of a five-unit accesana in Victorian building technologies into the Philippine setting.
Binondo, Manila for Don Gregorio Legaspi, dated 1898. The Typologically, the stations fall into four categories of
structure had a common tolles at the rear. The second level construction. In the initial plans, Eduardo López Navarro
of each unit is partitioned into single cuartos (bedroom) prescribed 26 "estaciones de ladrillo y hierro" (stations of
and salas (living room) (Top left Above lef brick and iron) along the line, classified into "primera clase"
(first class, Tutuban Station in Tondo, Manila), "segunda
Acorn or apartment dwelling addressed the need of clase" (second class stations with seven bays: San
migrant laborers for cheap housing in sommercial and Fernando, Tarlac, and Dagupan), "tercera clase" (third class
industrial areas. (or nae alive nHẢN stations with five bays, such as Malolos and others of the
same size) and "cuarta clase" (fourth class with three bays and Tondo. The plan gained approval from the
with no side openings, the smallest stations in the category government, but its implementation had to wait for private
like San Tomas, Guiguinto, and Mecacuayan stations). The funding (Zobel 1885). Entrepreneur Jocobo Zobel de
classification is based primarily on the size of the station, in Zangroniz, together with Spanish engineer Luciano M.
accordance with the population size and economic Bremon and Madrid banker Adolfo Bayo, founded the La
importance of the site within the region it served. Compañia de Tranvias de Filipinas in 1882 to operate the
Subsequently, the winning British concessionaire, the concession awarded by the government. The plan for the
Manila Railroad Company, was given the freedom to Malacañang Line was abandoned and instead replaced by
interpret the initial schemes, introduce their own the Malabon Line. The Manila-Malabon Line was the first
modifications, and provide more detailing to the station's to be finished and began serving the public in October
architecture, 1888. All five were constructed between 1885 and 1889
and became popular with commuters. The first tranvias
Adhering to the precepts of the bahay na bato, the original that plied the metropolls were horse drawn omnibuses for
stations were constructed of masonry walls faced with twelve seated and eight standing passengers. The system
Victorian brickwork at ground level, while their upper had a total length of 16.3 kilometers.
storeys were made of wood panels and punctured by a
system of sliding windows The stations were rectangular in Also in the nineteenth century, the Puente Grande (Grand
plan and a concourse shed traverses the entire length of Bridge) was the first and only bridge to be built crossing the
the building, attached to the wall at a height before the Pasig River. In the aftermath of the 1863 earthquake, a
cornice line and slopes down at an angle towards the rail new bridge, the Puente de España (Bridge of Spain), took
line. The canopy is adorned with Victorian bargeboard trim, its place in 1875. The bridge was designed by Casto Olano
suspended on one side by a row of free-standing wooden Irizar and had eight arches-the two central arches were
posts spaced to align with from the pilasters of the brick built of iron trusses and the other six were of quarried
station building. Another unique method of construction stone. Jose Echevarria, Spanish engineer who served the
that was prevalent in Victorian England, the presence of a Junta Consultiva de Obras Publicas from Paris, was
wall cavity within the brick wall masonry, was used for responsible for the specification and purchase of the
constructing the walls. This technique was used not only to central steel spans.
reinforce but to insulate the wall back in England. The wall
cavity was filled with a concrete mix, resulting in a thick TRAMVIAS MANILA
and robust wall system that can better withstand siesmic
tremors. PLANO
Steam operated streetcar (travia de vapor) plying the
The bricks used were manufactured in San Pedro Macati, Manila-Malabon route, circa 1855 (Tep, left)
using a "grueso prensado" or "thick pressed" method. In The horse-drawn tramis plying Calle San Sebastian (now
the case of the San Fernando Station, the style of brickwork Hidalgo Street) in Quiape (fon, right) Cover of the 1878
used for the construction is known as the Flemish bond, a Plano de Tramvias de Manila (Above)
course which alternates headers (bricks oriented with the
short side facing out) and stretchers (oriented with the
long side facing out) producing a strong bond. In the case Casto Olano Irizar
of the Santo Tomas and Meycauayan Stations, both cuarta
clase stations, the bricklaying method employed was the Casto Olano Irizar (1834-7) was a Spanish Civil engineer. He
monk bond, a variation of the Flemish bond using two studied at the Escuela de Caminos and finished his civil
stretchers alternating with one header. Another design engineering degree in 1859, and on June 1 of that year he
element found only in the smaller stations was the use of was assigned to do an internship at the Obras Públicas in
decorative quoining at the corners of the structure and a Córdoba. In November 1859 he was appointed second
base plinth, also rendered in brick. The strength of the wall engineer and continued in Córdoba until November 1864
was further increased by joining the bricks with cement when he joined the Seville Railway Division (División de
mortar made of Portland cement, which was then Ferrocarriles) and helped Manuel Pastor in the works of
imported from England. the Guadalquivir river. After a brief assignment in Huesca,
in 1866, he passed the Ministerio de Ultramar (Overseas
New York and Paris, Monssour proposed a network of five Ministry) and was assigned to the Philippines. At the end of
tramlines, with a central station outside Intramuros, and 1873, he returned to Spain being assigned as head of Public
instead in the center of commerce, from Plaza San Gabriel Works of Soria. In 1882, he was appointed to the Junta
in Binondo. The lines were to run to Intramuros via the Consultiva de Caminos, Canales y Puertos (Board of Roads,
Puente de España Malate Church, Malacañang, Sampaloc, Canals and Ports), in which he served as secretary. In 1891,
he went back to the Philippines, now as Inspector General known as the Pasig farala (Above, right) Elevation, floor
of Public Works. He took office in the month of May and and detail plan of a farela in Cabo Santiago In Southern
remained in the archipelago until September 1898, when Luzon, circa 1889. (Opposite page)
the islands were occupied by the United States. He then
returned to Spain with great difficulties and handed over to The oldest lighthouse in the country was built in 1642
President Sagasta the funds for Public Works. During his during the administration of Governor-General Sebastian
stay in the Philippines he built, among other works, the Hurtado de Corcuera. This lighthouse, located at the mouth
Manila to Dagupan railway and the Puente de España, over of the Pasig, guided navigators to the banks of the river,
the Pasig River. which served as the main port of Manila. Designed in the
Renaissance Revivalist style, the Pasig Farola (also known
The second to be erected was the Clavería Bridge, also as the San Nicolás lighthouse) was a complex composed of
known as the Puente Colgante (Hanging Bridge), a a tower, a pavilion, and service buildings. It underwent
landmark suspension bridge that linked Quiapo with the several renovations, of which the 1846 renovation was the
Arroceros district. The suspension bridge was constructed most significantly documented. The reconstruction
by a private enterprise in 1852, which operated it on a toll included the completion of the masonry tower, which
basis. The project was drawn up by the French engineer, began in 1843, using stones quarried from Meycauayan,
M. Gabaud. A third construction, the Ayala Bridge, was Bulacan. Built entirely of solid stone, the lighthouse
built in two separate sections: crossing the river at Isla de survived the earthquakes of 1852 and 1861. A new
Convalecencia (now the island where Hospicio de San Jose lighthouse was constructed in 1876 following the designs
stands) and was opened in 1880. of Jose Echeverría, and completed in 1879. The metal
structure was purchased from the foundry of Gustave Eiffel
A design for a streetlamp of the Puente de España (Tep) and constructed using a cast-fran screw pile method,
The Ayala bridge opened n 1830 (Above left) The Puente developed by Belfast engineer Alexander Mitchell, to
Colgante suspension bridge) was constructed in 1852 anchor the lighthouse in soft sand.
(Below, left) Elevation and section drawing for a lighthouse
on Corregidor Island, drawn by Mariano de Goicoechea,
circa 1830 (Bottom). New Industrial Construction Materials and Technologies
Driven by the demands of global trade, mechanized
production, and rapid urbanization, a systemic
improvement of colonial infrastructure took shape under
Farolas or lighthouses were built to safeguard the colony's the auspices of the Spanish authorities in the form of
bourgeoning maritime industry during the time of the portworks, roads, bridges, lighthouses, waterways,
Galleon Trade. With the increase of maritime traffic during sewerage systems, piped water supply, telegraph cables,
the second half of the nineteenth century, as the Manila- railroad and streetcar systems and electrical power plants-
Acapulco galleon trade came to a close, the colony joined adhering to the modern and leading-edge technology
the extensive network of international trade and available at that time.
commerce, which required more shipping routes to and
from the islands. This began the massive construction of These infrastructure developments were made possible by
lighthouses. The Plan General de Alumbrado de Maritimo the miraculous properties of iron and steel-strong
de las Costas del Archipelago de Filipino (Master Plan for lightweight, fire-resistant materials that could be mass-
the Lighting of the Maritime Coasts of the Philippine produced and imported from Europe to fuel the country's
Archipelago) issued in 1857 was carried out by the growing economy.
Inteligencia del Cuerpo de Ingenieros de Caminos, Canales
y Puertos (Corps of Engineers for Roads, Canals, and Ports). The earthquake of July 1880, which toppled many public
This master plan ambitiously set its goal to build fifty-five and residential structures in Manila, brought an immense
lighthouses all over the archipelago, including its remotest material transformation to local architecture that signified
corners. Philippine light stations were located on secluded the modernization of long-standing building practices.
islets, barren rock outcrops, points, cliffs, capes, and bluffs- Heavy clay tiles were replaced by light weight galvanized
a commitment of the Spanish colonialist to modernize the iron sheets (hierro galvanizado). The Importation of steel
Philippines and make it competitive at the dawn of the and prefabricated steel components from Europe that
19th century. heralded the industrialized methods of building made
possible the construction the new Neo-gothic church of
The Pasig Farols, the oldest lighthouse in the Philippines. San Sebastian, the Puente Colgante, and the new railway
Plan for a metal lighthouse from the Feandry of Gustave system.
Eiffel Section of the proposed San Nicolas lighthouse, also
"Liquid stone", or cement, as it was known, was imported pave the way for the United States to embark on its own
from Germany, Belgium, the United Kingdom and Hong colonial project In the new century, which would embrace
Kong, The Santa Mesa Cement Tile and Pipe Factory, refrigeration, cinema, radio, flight, the automobile, and
established in 1886 by Carl Fressel in Santa Mesa, Manila, reinforced concrete that would herald a new age of
was the first factory in Asla engaged in the production of American supremacy.
cement tiles, blocks, pipes and other cement-based
products. In the Philippines, the use of cement in A 19th century advertisement endorsing the arrival of
important administrative structures was also introduced in electricity in Manila
the last decade of the 19th century. The method
necessitated the manufacture of artificial masonry blocks Colonial Waterworks and Utilities
employing Portland cement, a construction technique
proposed by Primitivo Luelmo Salvador, engineer in charge Before the installation of a piped-in water system offered
of the reconstruction of the Palacio del Gobernador by the municipally operated Carriedo waterworks in 1882,
General in 1897. In the San Sebastian Church, the hollow Manila's population were entirely dependent on surface
walls of steel were also filled with mixed sand, gravel, and water supplies, such as rivers and superficial wells, which
cement. In the construction of the Ferrocarril de Manila- were dangerously polluted. As water coursed through
Dagupan, portland cement mortar was used to join the densely populated riverbank communities, it was subject to
brickwork and to fill the cavity between the brick wall frequent and dangerous contamination.
layers. Taking largely from the application methods in
Europe, reinforced concrete was largely confined to use in Potable water could be obtained by channeling rainwater
foundation structures rather than as primary construction from the roof to a household cistern called aljibe. These
material, owing to the negative reception towards its drab, cisterns were usually built of bricks or adobe and contained
gray appearance (de Viana, 2017). Another prominent enough water to last for weeks. The water for daily
structure which utilized a reinforced concrete base was the consumption was drawn by means of pails and kept in
Manila Cathedral, which was finished in 1879 based on the smaller earthen jars (tapayan) to which small alum crystals
plans by Eduardo Navarro, Luciano Oliver, and Vicente (tawas) were added for purification.
Serrano.
into the Pasig River from upstream, where the water was
In 1894, a new composite material made of cement and supposedly clean, then filled with water. Then it was pulled
bamboo was developed by an inventor known only as down the stream into the Manila Bay by an empty boat run
Ermitaño. Because of its Incombustible properties, the by one or two paddlers. Upon reaching the beach of Tondo,
composite was endorsed as the new material for building the water was loaded into cargahan (wooden cans) to be
walls in urban areas. The system was known as "Modelo de distributed among the houses. One carga (two cans) was
Nueva Sistema de Construccion Urbana" which was paid two centavos. In its unpurified state, the water was
disseminated In pages of La Ilustracion Filipina that same used for general washing, cleaning, and bathing.
year. This system never took off, but true reinforced
concrete structures would emerge in the Philippines in the For drinking and cooking purposes, the water underwent
first decade of the 20th century under the auspices of the some technique of purification: filtration and application of
American colonial authorities. alum and sulfur. Filtration was done by tying a piece of dry
clean cloth, usually undershirt or tablecloth, around the
Cover of eneste Che Publica featuring the ten featuring the mouth of the vessel; water was then poured, sieving the
San Sebastian Church visible sediments and impurities. But even after filtration
the water remained turbid. To make the water clearer,
CEMENTO alum was added to the filtrate contained in large vessels
resulting in the precipitation of suspended impurities at the
"APO CEBU PORTLAND CEMENT CO. Advertisment of Ago bottom of the vessel. After some time, the resulting
Portland Canad M CALIDADPrecios Mas Bajos!CEMENTO supernatant liquid was deemed fit for drinking. For storage
RIZAL purposes, the alum-treated water was infused with sulfur.

Overall, the achievements of the Hispanic urbanization The affluent families, doubtful of the purity of water
program were synonymous to the elevation of the collected from the Pasig River, resorted to collecting water
standards living of its colonial subjects through urban from far upstream and distant tributaries of the river,
infrastructure and public works that bespoke of colonial especially the Mariquina (Marikina) River. Here the water
modernity and progress. The technological advancements was believed to be pure as it was less subject to
of the age-electricity, steel, railroads, and cement-would contamination and pollution. This method of gathering
water was commercially undertaken by the Chinese who 1.25 meters high and four kilometers long, with an arched
sold water at a price that depended upon the quality and top.
distance of its source. The Carriedo Fountain and Its Siblings

The water from the Pasig River, although readily available, The Carriedo Fountain in Manila Is a landmark of the city,
could not support the entire population of Manila, but its existence and the memory it celebrates-is shared by
especially those who settled in communities far from the a similar fountain in Singapore. Both fountains were
river. Unable to buy their water from peddlers for erected in 1882 on separate occasions: in Manila in bonor
economic reasons, these poor communities relied on of Francisco Carriedo and in Singapore in honor of Tan Kim
superficial wells for their water supply. The typical surface Seng both of whom made significant contributions to the
well had no curbing, shed, or casing. In communal wells of development of the local waterworks systems of their
this kind, people usually bathed and washed close to the respective cities. The two water systems provided clean,
well, which filtered the wastewater back into the well, piped water for the public of both Singapore and Manila, at
thus, polluting the same well from which they also drink. a time when Cholera epidemics were rampant, caused by
These wells proved to be extremely unsafe and dangerous contaminated water.
for drinking, prompting the issuance of municipal orders
for their absolute deure at the height of the cholera The Victorian-era fountain is made of cast iron and
epidemic. The American proconsuls would later replace produced by the renowned iron works manufacturer
them with artesian wells. Andrew Handyside & Co. in its Britannia Iron Works
foundry, In Derby, England. The fountain's design was
Francisco de Carriedo y Peredo, a native of Santander, taken from their catalogue of ready-made ornamental
Spain and a governor of the Manila in the mid-eighteenth ironwork, "An Illustrated book of Designs for Fountains and
century, became Manila's benefactor when, in 1743, he Vases, manufactured by Andrew Handyside" from 1879.
bequeathed the sum of 10,000 pesos, including its interest, The exquisite fountain features four Muses: Calliope, the
to the city for the purpose of bringing piped water to Muse of Epic Poetry: Clio, the Muse of History; Erato, the
military barracks and other institutions, on the condition Muse of Lyric Poetry; and Melpomene, the Muse of
that the poor should benefit from its installation. The Tragedy. Beneath the sculptures of the Muses are four
investments of this sum were so well managed that, mascarons with the face of Poseidon, each spouting water.
notwithstanding several vicissitudes and losses, it
amounted in 1867 to 177,853.44 pesos. In 1867, the The Tan Kim Seng fountain is found at Esplanade Park in
Municipal Council embarked on a project to supply fresh Singapore, while the Carriedo Fountain is at Plaza Santa
water to the entire city. By 1882, the first public water Cruz in Manila. A version of the fountain called "The
fountain gushed forth its waters. The establishment of the Fountain of the Muses" is found in the Jardim Botanico in
Carriedo Municipal Waterworks in 1882 greatly improved Rio de Janiero, Brazil, originally placed in the villa of
the quality of water consumed by the general populace. Henrique Lage, an industrialist and patron of the arts in
The installation of a new water system supplied the Brazil.
residents of Manila with moderately pure water, conveyed
from the Mariquina River through an aqueduct to a By gravity, the water was channeled through a tunnel a
deposito, a distributing reservoir composed of eleven quarter of a kilometer from the river to a subterranean
arched compartments hewn from adobe rock that held a reservoir in San Juan del Mente known as El Deposito. The
volume of sixteen million gallons. From there, gravity Deposito was made up of parallel arched chamber
delivered water under mild pressure throughout the city tunneled out of soft adobe stone, and connected by two
via its numerous public hydrants, thereby reducing cross tunnek forming groined arches at the intersections.
Manila's reliance on dangerous sources of water. The roof was at least eight feet in thickness. Ventilation
was provided by 207 shafts, which kept the water cool and
The waterworks system was designed by Genaro Palacios y free from vegetal matter. The reservoir was to contain
Guerra, a civil engineer of the Royal Corps of Engineers in about one and a half days' reserve, and about two days'
the Spanish Army, and provided five ornamental fountains, supply in wet seasons. From the Deposito, a cast-iron main
200 hydrants, and 150 fire hydrants. Water was received line, twenty-six inches in diameter and three kilometers
from Santolan, directly from the Mariquina River, through long, conveyed the water to the city distributing system in
two 24-inch cast-iron pipe Intakes. From the intakes, water Rotonda in the district of Sampaloc where it branched off
level was raised by pumps to a height of twenty-eight to the different public hydrants in the city.
meters into a stone aqueduct structure known as
Acueducto de Alfonso XIII, measuring 80 centimeters wide,
Plan and section of the aqueduct cormecting l Deposit to
the city of Manila, designed by Genaro Palacios in 1874 In the seventeenth century, Spain attempted to establish
(Alave) an Asian trading empire to be based in Manila. Soon the
city had quickly metamorphosed from a small but active
An advertisement for La Compania la Electricite showing port town linked to regional networks into one of the
the power plant in Calle San Sebastian (Below) major colonial port cities in Southeast Asia, rivaling Batavia
(Jakarta) in the seventeenth and eighteenth century.
LA ELECTRICISTA
Chinese merchants dominated Manila's vital trading
CILA institutions, although their numbers were only small. They
created the entrepot trade and controlled the internal
In 1892, a Spanish corporation, the Compania La traffic of commerce and credit networks essential to that
Electricista, established the first power-generating plant in trade. The locus of all economic activities was in Binondo.
Manila. Its powerhouse was located at Calle San Sebastian,
now Calle R. Hidalgo in the district of Quiapo On October 8, The very first large commercial structure was probably the
1892, the Spanish municipal government granted the said Alcelceria de San Fernando, a silk market established in
company with a franchise to supply electric current for 1758 in the densely populated Chinese district of Binondo,
municipal lighting and private use. By 1902, La Electricista immediately across the river from Intramuros. The
was operating a 1,000 horsepower plant, which supplied Alcaiceria de San Fernando was the first formal custom
Manila's power requirements to light up street arc lamps, house and its distinct octagonal plan was an architectural
and domestic incandescent lamps and to run electric fans. form which had no precedent in Spanish colonial
In 1904, together with the Spanish horsecar company, architecture. Designed by Fray Lucas de Jesus Maria, a lay
Compania de Tranvias de Filipinas, the company was Recollect brother who designed many royal infrastructures
purchased by the Manila Electric Railroad and Lighting in the colony, the two-storey edifice housed not only stores
Company (MERALCO), an American company franchised by for the Chinese merchants but also government offices for
the municipality of Manila to generate and distribute the administration of trade. Inside the octagon was an
electricity, and to operate the electric trolley system in inner courtyard or patio surrounded by porticos. The
Manila. balconled upper floor was used as living quarters of the
Chinese. Unfortunately, it was razed by fire in 1810 and
The Lionhead Hydrants never reconstructed. Its burned-down site was later
occupied by the Real Aduana (Royal Customs Building).
The iconic mascaron pillar hydrants were designed and
manufactured by Glenfield & Kennedy Ltd., a manufacturer The 1767 royal decree mandating the establishment of the
of cast iron waterwork fittings and hydrants based in tobacco monopoly in the Philippines increased the revenue
Kilmarnock, Scotland, with offices in London, England. This of the Public Treasury. The Spanish Crown also established
late 19th century design, advertised as Kennedy's patent, is in 1785 The Royal Philippine Company, which became an
a self-closing. anti-freezing pillar fountain. It consists of a investor in export crops in the Philippines, making the
fluted cylindrical cast iron column with a lionhead colony a major producer of cash crops for the global
mascaron, a molded domed cap, and a small finial market with sugar, tobacco, coffee, and abaca as major
resembling apineapple. The water was released by turning export products. The monopoly of the tobacco industry
a decorative knob found on the side, which released the and investment in cash crop agriculture resulted in huge
water from the lionhead mascaron spout. A mascaron is an returns, which were, in turn, invested in infrastructure. By
ornamental element sculpted in the form of a human or the nineteenth century, the colonial administration
animal. conscripted the services of a battery of engineers and
architects to design and construct an infrastructure
Detail of the hydrant's lion head mascaron and finial network pertaining to the processing, manufacture,
packaging, and distribution of export products-the almacen
Suset Sand and Pilar Fosstals Combled (warehouses), fabrica (factories), and camarin
(storehouses).
Ladies drawing water from a hydrant in Manila in the early
20th century (Above, left), Different models of iron Plan and perspective drawings of the octagonal Alcaiceria
hydrants from Glenfield & Kennedy Ltd. (Middle, right; de San Temando, circa 1756 (Top: Middle)
Below, right)
The tobacco and cigar factories, known as the tabacaleras,
Architecture for Colonial Commerce and Industry became foremost sites of colonial production. Four cigar
factories in Manila-two in Arroceros, one in Meisic, and succession of horseshoe arches that were incised with
one in Malabon-employed over 17,000 workers at the arabesque piercework. The posts supported a third storey
outset of the nineteenth century. These tabacaleras used a projecting into an open gallery that ran the entire length of
predominantly female labor force drawn from surrounding the facade. This was a balcony protected by a balustrade
suburbs. The employment of women in tobacco factories, and marked by a dozen electric lampposts recurring at an
who were called cigarreras, was prevalent not only in the interval. Above the open gallery was yet another line
Philippines but also in Spain and Mexico. The colonialists decorative baluster that charmingly concealed the sloping
believed that women were more skillful and more patient roof, making it appear to be flat at street level. The corners
for cigar production and that they were less prone to of the building were cut into chamfers and provided with
commit fraud. windows at every floor, but a third level emphasis was
accomplished with the use of oriel windows.
The tobacco factory in Meisic was called Fabrica de Puros
de Meisic. The factory was completed in 1873, rebuilt from In addition to the tabacaleras, the Real Estanco or the
a destroyed military barracks that had collapsed during the Administration for the Monopolles, the sugar refinery in
1863 earthquake. Designed by Casto Olano, the Manila, the wine administration, the Matadero (municipal
manufacturing structure was defined by a two-storey slaughterhouse designed by Juan Jose Hervas in 1893) in
office. à the middle of a U-shaped factory block hugging an Dulumbayan (now Aranque Market), and the Quinta and
expansive open ground. It had two long factory pavilions Divisoria markets were notable infrastructure initiatives of
internally illuminated with natural light emanating from a colonial authorities in the realm of trade and industry. The
continuous band of clerestory windows Integrated to the central market of Manila was in Quiapo and was known as
roof structure, which also afforded for good ventilation. Its La Quinta. This was connected by the Claveria Bridge to the
plain masonry wall of adobe had openings for 147 windows Arroceres district (from the Spanish word arret meaning
and two entrances. The windows adorned sparsely by rice), where the rice market was situated. Divisoria market
wrought iron grilles had louvered and capiz shell panels. in the district of San Nicolas would soon flourish as the
country's premiere wholesale
After a century, the tobacco monopoly was abolished, and
private companies soon took over the industry. In 1881, The Matadero, the municipal slaughterhouse of Manila In
the Compania General de Tabacos de Filipinas was Dulumbayan (in the district of Santa Cruz), designed by
established by Antonio Lopez y Lopez, Marquis of Comillas. Juan Jose Tervas in 1893. (Tap)
The company was a Spanish multinational Joint-stock
company, and the first private tobacco company in the Elevation and section drawings for a municipal
Philippines. In 1885, the company established its flagship slaughterhouse in Manila, circa 1876 (Aleve)
establishment, the La Flor de Isabela factory, considered as
a state-of-the-art facility of its time. The company's office Concomitant with the industrial success of the nineteenth
at No. 936 Calle Marques de Comillas (now Romualdez century was an increase in foreign commercial Investments
Street) in Manila was also of note: a majestic three-storey in Manila, catalyzing the emergence of new building types.
wood-and stone structure with a two-level central mirador, In 1809, European commercial houses were allowed to
bringing the total height to five floors. According to an operate in Manila and the influx of foreign commercial
account, the company by 1925, had close to 5,000 firms followed suit. British, German, French, and other
employees, a majority of which were tasked with hand expatriates launched their businesses along Escolta and
rolling cigars. The ornate tabacalera building was destroyed adjacent streets. By the end. of the nineteenth century, the
in a battle. vicinities of Escolta and Binondo would earn the reputation
of being the country's premiere central business district.
of Manila in 1945 and rebuilt after the war. The ravages of The largest and most prestigious companles established by
war took a toll on the company, and it went into a gradual local and foreign entrepreneurs chose their business
decline. addresses within its proximity especially after the opening
of Manila as a free port. Most of these houses were
Erected in 1894 using the design of Spanish architect Juan involved in the import and export of goods.
Jose Hervas y Arizmendi, the La Insular Cigar Factory was a
rare example of Mudejar-inspired architecture. The three- The early trading houses were the bahay na bato
storey building continued to be a landmark structure, retrofitted to have room for commercial function. In this
imposing its presence together with Hotel de Oriente at hybrid housing, the ground floor was occupled by offices
the Plaza Calderon de la Barca in Binondo until it was and shops while the upper storey (usually the structure did
consumed by fire in 1945. Its delicate facade was like fine not exceed more than three stories) functioned as the
lacework defined by slender posts that terminated in a
residence of the proprietor of the company. Ample space These abodes served as both residence and office for its
at the upper floor was devoted for keeping stocks. inhabitants: the lower storey or zaguan of the bahay na
bato was converted into
The streets of Rosario and Escolta in Binondo played host
to a contiguous line of business establishments, such as offices, warehouses, and shops containing the multitude of
hotels, boticas (drugstores), cafés, restaurants, groceries, business ventures handled by the respective homeowners,
wineries, hardware stores, and specialty shops among while the upper floors contained their residences (Lico,
others, endowing the vicinity with a cosmopolitan aura as 2016). The mezzanine level or entresuelo, became
can be found in some colonial cities in Southeast Asia, such warehouses and living quarters for other laborers, or were
as Singapore. Shops and stores had open ground floors, rented out to transients. A number of these shophouses
which offered wide visual access to the merchandise being offered wholesale and retail options, selling everything
sold by the establishment. Some were equipped with from European luxury goods to Chinese medicine, and local
retractable canvas shades to block direct sunlight from sundries.
penetrating the shop floor. The presence of signboards and
advertorials established the nature of service or The economic prosperity of the urban centers drew people
merchandise being offered for sale. from all walks of life. Industries also necessitated a
significant amount of manpower to run, which was readily
Arquitectura de Sangley: the Bahay na Bato, Tiendas, and addressed by the Influx of coole labor from other port
Accesorios cities such as Hong Kong and Amoy, as well as by local
laborers. Conversely, the bahay na bato morphed into the
The 19-century proved tumultuous for Spain, which was acceseria, providing affordable housing options for these
racked by political and social unrest both within the laborers, analogous to the rowhouses found in the
peninsula and in its colonies. After Mexico gained industrial centers of Great Britain. These houses divided
Independence in 1821, the Galleon Trade was effectively the bahay na bato into individual two-storey apartment
brought to an end. The opening of the Philippines to units, with individual zaguans, escaleras, and cuartos, and
international trade-accelerated by the Industrial revolution communal back patios where shared kitchens, latrines, and
and the demise of the Compania de Filipinas in 1834- bath areas. These units would also later carry the
catalyzed a development of new architectural underground market of the colony, housing burdels and
morphologies, designed to suit the needs of new economic fumaderos de oplo. The cosmopolitanization of the colonial
ventures and the rising mercantile aristocracy. This group urban fabric, while taking elementally from the
people were dominated by the mestizos de sangley and architectural forebears of residential design, produced an
their foreign business partners who have settled in Manila innovation which, while locally grounded, is global In
and other port cities of the period. sensibility.

DEALER SHIP. CHANDLERY MINERS SUPPLIES & Like the shophouses, hotel architecture in the colony had a
str affiliation with the bahay na bato, sharing a common
Manila Blane BOE SCHADENBERG, ESCOLTA Manila Emai spatial elevational character. Hotels provided ready
accommodation for the itinerant foreigners. Spatially,
The racial pretensions of the Spanish colonial government bedrooms, and function rooms wen zoned at the upper
favored the exclusion of the Indio and the unbaptized floors, while reception areas and cafés were locate at the
Sangley population. The mestizos de Sangley however- ground level. There were balconies from where the hotel
acculturated by their conversion to Catholicism-were guen could observe the street scene below. In Binondo,
safeguarded from racial oppression by their wealth and Hotel de Oriente Fonda Francesa were renowned for their
substantial involvement in the economic activities of the hospitality. Hotel in Palma d Mallorca, Hotel de Paris, and
archipelago. They were accorded freedom of movement Hotel de España were the foremost hotels inde the walled
and gained upward social mobility, which they flaunted city of Intramuros. Less expensive lodgings, rented out s
with opulent, yet practical residences. The arquitectura monthly basis, were offered by casas de huespedes or
mestiza developed into the monumental townhouses and boarding ho such as La Casualidad, El Cid, and Europa in
tiendas (shophouses), akin to the shophouses and urban Intramuros.
homes of the upper class in neighboring countries such as
Malaysia and Singapore. To address the risks of a more Related to the commercial success in the colony was the
densely built urban fabric, these houses would be built establishment of banking institutions. The first bank built
with masonry walls to adjoining houses, which would serve was the Banco Español po Isabel II, initially housed in the
as firewalls and devices for privacy. Aduana, a customs house in a portion of Intramuros. Later
it moved to a new building in Santa Cruz. The s bank, the
Monte de Piedad, originally at the Colegio de Santa Isabel - The 1st Republic of the Philippines and Malolos
in Intramuros, moved to a new building in Plaza Golti (at Congress in Malolos, Bulacan
present, A. Lacson) in Santa Cruz. The bank had a principal
elevation similar to that of Greek temples, with its THE FIRST IMPERIAL DEVELOPMENTS
imposing pediment and fluted columns, making it an
1. Construction of Forts and Camps
important specimen of Classic Revivalism in Manila at the
- US army officers in the Philippines decided to
close of the nineteenth century. It was designed by the
establish camps outside the urban centers. Ancient
Spanish architect, Juan Jose Hervas, who also designed the
Manila Railroad Central Station in Tutuban. Spanish barracks were considered as substandard
from the perspective of modern military
Spanish architect Juan Jose Hervas had a prolific career, "Crumbling stone hovels, dank, hot, airless, comfortless
figuring prominently in the design of commercial
and unsanitary"
architecture. Hervas, as the municipal architect of Manila
from 1885 to 1893, designed the offices of Rafael Perez on Fort John Stotsenburg
Anloague Street (now Juan Luna) in Binondo, the Ynchausti
Brothers' office along the waterfront, and the Purchasing (Angeles, Pampanga 1902)
Agency office. He also designed commercial buildings,
Camp McGrath (Batangas)
namely, Estrella del Norte on Escolta, the Heacock Store
Building, the Paris-Manila building, the building occupied Camp Eldrige (Los Baños, Laguna)
by the American Bazaar, the Hotel de Oriente building on
Plaza Binondo, and the La Insular Tobacco Factory with its
intricate application of neo-Mudejar motifs.
Military camp Facilities:
In the midst of all these landmarks in colonial architectural  Headquarters
production, the sari-sari store-the perennial neighborhood  Officers Housing
retail institution which began in the mid-19th century rose
 Barracks (armories, warehouse)
on a modest scale. Literally translated as "various kinds," it
 Men's Club
is a convenience store operated by small entrepreneurs,
carrying an eclectic array of consumer products ranging  Recreation/Sports -facilities Hospitals
from foodstuff to hardware, from cosmetics to medicine,  Chapel Landscaping
which could be sold by tingé system (in small or  Post Exchange house
apportioned quantities, which spurred the sachet culture  Urban Cleansing
of today). Historically, the sari-sari stores were initially
operated by the Chinese who favored selling goods tingé- With the American colonial Policy in Full Swing in the
style and on loan basis. The sari-sari stores of the period, Islands, Urban planning and architecture served the needs
like the contemporary ones, were conveniently attached to of Secular Education and Public services
the residence of the retailer, generally fronting the street.
Neighbors usually congregated In front of the sari-sari store
where makeshift tables and benches served as venues for Urban Cleansing
community exchange.
September 12, 1900.
AMERICAN ARCHITECTURE IN THE PHILIPPINES
- The 1st act approved by the Philippine Commission
(IMPERIAL AMERICA AND COMMONWEALTH PERIOD PART was Im USD budget for construction of roads and
1) bridges in the colony. Under the Law is the Labor
responsibilities and Limitation.
Dec 10, 1898
"Every able-bodied man in the Islands to give 5 days of
 Treaty of Paris: EL FIN DE EMPERIO DE ESPAÑOL en labor each year on road construction and maintenance, or,
Las Islas Filipinas in lieu of that, to pay a sum equivalent to local cost of such
 After defeating Spain, America was uncertain as to labor.
what to do with the Philippines.
Urban Cleansing
United States President - William McKinley

January 21-23, 1898

 - Due to Malaria Carrying Mosquitos thru stagnant  Lighting the roads
moat of the walled City, they filled it with earth
land.
The Master Builders: American Architects in the Philippine
Urban Cleansing
Islands
Public architecture Sanitary
Schuyler: Bourne: Burnham: Parsons: Fenhagen: Doen
- facilities that signify the democratic and civilizing
mission
Montgomery Schuyler
Problem: Unhygienic, outdoor bathing, cooking outdoors,
washing along the rivers - The First American architectural Historian to
Survey Philippine architecture

"The architecture of the Philippines and of the Spanish of

Public Bath
West Indies is a great deal better being Spanish than it
- 1913 Concrete was introduced in Calle Lipa in would...had it been of the United States."
Sampaloc

Edgar k. Bourne
3. Evolution of Bahay kubo (Austronesian House) and
- Bureau of Science Building 1901
Bahay na Bato (Casa Mestiza)
- Mission Revival style with two flanking mirador
3.1 Healthy House towers, extended pediments, precast ornaments.
- 1902 Insular Ice plant and Cold storage 1st massive
 1912 prototype or mass production for all design
building by the Americans
under supervision of Bureau of Health
- Brick-clad façade
 Drafted by George H. Guerdam
- The largest structure of the period to sustain the
 Single detached, Semidetached, Row house and
absence of cold for Americans
Tsalet
- Renovation of San Lazaro Hospital, and
3.2 TSALET construction of San Lazaro Morgue and Cholera
Buildings
 Original base from British-Indian Bungalow, - Bilibid Prison Hospital
evolved to Philippine setting became Tsalet. - Manila City Hall Made of imported materials,
 Single storey Residential Californian Red Wood wall shingles, Oregon pine
wooden floor and with Concrete footing
- Customs House 1903 Made of imported materials,
 1903 Philippine Act no. 1838 Californian Red Wood wall shingles, Oregon pine
 sanctioned banishment of Nipa roof with the wooden floor and with Concrete Dome, footing
invention of incombustible material substitute - Episcopal Cathedral of Saint Mary and John 1905
- 1st modern church in Concrete
4. Urban Facilities

 Old Botanical Garden Converted into Mehan

Garden Daniel Hudson Burnham
 Luneta Esplanade was rehabilitated and extended
- City Beautiful Movement: Civic core, wide radial
out to Sea
avenue, landscape promenades and visually
 Construction of concrete streets
arresting panorama
5. Establishment of Bureau of Architecture - Master Plan Manila Development of water Front,
developing canals and esteros as mode
 1904 La Electricita and La Campania Tranvias
transportation.
merged electric Railroad and became Manila
- Construction bay shore boulevards and
 Light Company or MERALCO
Monumental Avenue Appeared to resemble in
 many aspect the plan for Chicago and San - Theory of Styles: Buildings with Neoclassic
Francisco. rendition Large with Capiz windows extended to
- Master Plan Manila are base on City Beautiful the floor and arcaded or colonnade.
Movement and Style of NEO-CLASSISIM and
Gabaldon type schools
PALADIANISM of US Capitol
- Attributed to Senator Isauro Gabaldon who
authored the Bill for the building of modern public
Master Plan of Baguio schools throughout the Philippines
- MANILA HOTEL- 1912 Telephone, air-condition and
- Health Resort of Americans, Majority of Americans
Lifts (Elevator) was introduced in Manila Hotel
in the Philippines recognized the health hazards
accompanying the imperial venture in the tropics.
Typhoid, Malaria and other tropical ailments.
George Fanhagen
Includes the depression. Medical Scholars coined a
term for "tropical depression" - Remembered for the UNBUILT Capitol Building in
- An upland climate believed to be an effective cure Manila
to tropical fatigue of the Americans. - 1st multi storey, Masonic Temple in Manila
- June 1, 1903 Philippine Commission of the United
States declared Baguio as the Summer Capital of
the Philippines. Ralph Doen
- The 1st Recreation hub of the Philippines
- Capitols Buildings, composed of court house, jail,
garage, storeroom, hospital and residence of
Provincial governor and Provincial treasurer

- Malacañang Executive House

- On May 27, 1936, President Manuel L. Quezon
Master Plan of Baguio 3 proposal objectives gave instructions for the installation of an air
conditioning system in Malacañan Palace.
1. Streets adapted to the Changing contours, easy
- The office of President Quezon was the first air
communication, and avoiding east-west & north-south
conditioned office in the Philippines. Today, it is
orientation.
called the Quezon Executive Office in honor of
2. Suitable location for Public, semipublic and private President Quezon, and is located in the Presidential
institutions of importance Museum and Library.

William E. Parsons

- Recommended by Burnham personally, to continue THE MASTER BUILDERS PART 2: PENSIONADOS

the Beautiful city Movement
Pioneer Filipino Architects in the Philippine Islands BATCH
- Nicknamed "Caminero" or "Road builder"
1
- Introduced the building technology "Khan"
structural system: terrazzo stones and veneer for Barreto Arguelles: A.Arelleno: J.Arellano: Toledo: Mapua
floor, Steel, galvanized iron roof, prefabrication,
reinforced concrete and Concrete Hollow blocks;
- PROBLEM-ABSENSE OF SKILLED WORKERS CARLOS A. BARRETO
- Responsible for Public Buildings
- Civil services - The 1st recipient of the scholarship for
- Health services Architecture in Drexel Institute of Philadelphia
- Education & transportation - 1st Filipino architect with formal academic degree
- Building planning of modularized system

TOMAS FERNANDEZ ARGUELLES

 - Advocate of the enforcement of Building Code of Pablo Sebero Antonio
Manila.
- University of London, finished within 3yrs of 5yrs
- Manila City counselor
program
- Art deco Vanguard
- 1st National Artist for Architecture
Arcadio De Guzman Arellano

- Maestro de Obras
- established the 1st surveying office Juan Felipe de Jesus Nakpil
- 1st Filipino employed by the
- Master's degree Harvard University
- Americans' adviser
- 2nd National Artist for Architecture
- Art deco Vanguard
- Engineer and Architect
Juan De Guzman Arellano

- Brother of Arcadio
- Drexel Institute
- University of Pennsylvania, graduate school
Imperial Imaginings Architecture and Urban Design in the
- Beaux Arts School of New York
New Tropical Colony of the United States
- Vernacular Classist & Modernist
- Banco Español de Filipinas de Reyna Isabela or
Bank of the Philippine Islands (outside the walls)
- Legislative Building (National Congress and Senate (1898-1920s)
of the Philippines
- Antonio Mañalac Toledo
- Ohio State University in 1910 Framing the Imperial Imagination
- Master of Classist Style

The demise of the Spanish empire at the end of the

Tomas Bautista Mapua nineteenth century enabled the United States, through the
Treaty of Paris, to acquire the Philippines, along with other
- Cornell University island possessions. Such shift of colonial power signaled
- 1st registered architect the advent of the pseudo-Hispanic Mission style and the
neoclassic style in the Philippine architectural scenography.
Pioneer Filipino Architects in the Philippine Islands BATCH This stylistic alliance gave continuity, rather than
2 disruption, to a form of government that had changed from
Spanish to American colonial rule. The neoclassic style, in
Luna de San Pedro: Ocampo, Antonio, Nakpil particular, served as a visible narrative of imperial ambition
cultural attainment transcoded in America's modern and
imported building material of choice: reinforced concrete.
Andres Luna de San Pedro

- Revivalist
Colonial Mission Revival and Monumental American
- Son of Juan Luna
neoclassicism were declared by the United States as its
official style in its imperial enterprise in the Philippines at
the beginning of the twentieth century. The Mission
Fernando Hizon Ocampo
Revival, a style that swept America in the 1890s,
- University of Pennsylvania manifested its presence initially in the works of Insular
- Master’s degree in Rome Architect Edgar K. Bourne through the romantic evocation
- Revivalist of America's Hispanic heritage from Southwestern
frontiers. This style was further articulated by William E.
Parsons within an associationist aesthetic credo that
spawned hybrid architecture in the Philippines. This was, of and Gwendolyn Wright (1991) have showt the history of
course, in compliance with Daniel H. Burnham's architecture and urbanism in colonial settings develops
architectural prescription to profusely use local building into a narrative of adaptive strategies that were closely
motifs in the design of state architecture. Adhering to related to the changing policies of colonial rule. In both
Burnham's classicist urban master plan for Manila and French and British colonies there was a gradual move from
Baguio, pensionado Filipino architects, like Juan Arellano, building in styles imported directly from the metropole to
Tomas Mapua, and Antonio Toledo, upon finishing their the adoption of elements from local architecture. In the
architecture degrees in the United States, went on to words of architectural historian Gwendolyn Wright:
design public buildings in the grammar of the Beaux Arts
neoclassicism. They were the same personalities who
would eventually takeover prominent positions in the Administrators hoped that preserving traditional status
Bureau of Public Works as architects. From the drawing hierarchies would buttress their own superimposed
boards of these architects, there emerged a reformation of colonial order. Architects, in turn, acknowledging that
spatial ecology and a perpetuation of stylistic concoctions resistance to new forms is often based on affections for
that take the visible politics of architecture to the highest familiar places, tried to evoke a sense of continuity with
orders-declaring the ascendancy of America as a new world the local past in their designs (1991, 9).
power, its civilizing presence, and its pledge to spread
democracy across the globe. Corollary to this, an imperial
self-image became more evident with the onslaught of Similarly, in the manufacture of American colonial
architecture and images mimicking European and Roman architecture, associationist style was sought by Parsons as
descent that was developed for the fairs that subsequently a response to Burhan's recommendations to learn from the
bombarded the American popular consciousness. vernacular hy het The works of Parsons evidently
runmaged familiar local architectural scons from
Hispanized colonial structures overlaid with a neoclassical
The neoclassical Fost Office Building by the Pasig River and and sensequently formed a so-called tropical hybrid style.
the William Atkinson Jones Memorial Bridge connecting This deployment of Filipino type of fenestration and
the districts of Ermita and Binondo. ornamentation could be understood as a hybrid
intervention which unsettled the imperialist intent of
Parson architecture Such stylistic crossbreeding was no
The White City of the Columbian World's Fair of 1893 set mere accident in the creation of an official architecture of
the tone of building iconography in the Beaux Arts lineage, the colorry, as the building med an ideological position that
while the Panama Expositions in San Francisco and San made colonialiem appear as the continuity of local culture
Diego of 1915 consolidated the revival of the Mission Style rather than a rupture. Furthermore, the mandschure of
or neo-castilian architecture. They provided the paradigm architectures that celebrate hybridity was meant to jatily
for the creation of imperial spaces in Philippine soil. cultural encounters and mediations between the coloniser
and the colonized Capitol complex and state architecture,
therefore, as they ideologically express the political power
Many of the studies on colonialism implicate how of the colonist and legtimise colonial rule through
architecture functioned as a cultural instrument of colonial monumentalism and aesthetic exaggeration, hurve designs
politics. Scholar Homi Bhabha relates one of his core that were very conscious of interfacing with local
concepts, cultural bybridity, to the politics of style and architecture through a poignant reference to historical
appropriation. The perpetuation of hybrid styles in colonial forms and architectural precedents in the colony. The
architecture was strategically pursued by the colonial extensive use of architectural allusions that accommodate
authority as a mode of accommodating familiar vernacular local and familiar building motifs was meant to project
styles so as to project a harmonious coexistence between among the natives on a semiotic level, a harmonious
the native and the foreign. Such condition of appropriation coexistence between two contesting cultures as a way to
was best manifested in the early stages of colonial solicit obedience and consensus from the sewitting natives.
architecture when, for instance, the English in India, and It is a strategy that disrupts the visibility of the colonial
the French in Indochina and in their colonies in North presence and makes the recognition of its authority
Africa, attempted to retain control of the semantic content problematic
of the styles in which they built As Thomas Metcalf (1989)
 of the white race across the face of the earth. To expand is
to thrive; to stay home is to expose oneself to be unfit for
The Roots of American Imperialism
the global contest. The United States felt that it had to
partake in the European race for empire. Aside from a
source for creating mercantilist empires, colonies had
In retrospect, the United States by 1898, like the nations of become a symbol of national stature. Because of a strong
Europe, was caught in a wave of imperialism. With its sense of nationalism, America was bound to enter into the
victory in the Spanish-American War, the United States world of imperial competition. In the widely read The
suddenly became a colonial power and laid its claim to the Influence of Sea Power Upon History, 1660-1783, US Navy
status of world power. Prior to the war, the United States officer Alfred T. Mahan emphasized the necessity of
had take an isolationist approach to world affairs. annexing the Caribbean Islands, Hawali, and the Philippine
However, the ideology of Manifest Destiny, the desire to Islands in order to create naval bases to protect American
demonstrate its strength and power, and to increase its commerce. As the proper inheritor of this British power.
wealth prompted the United States government to Mahan continued, the United States must act quickly to
commence its own imperialist regime at the turn of the build a large navy and emulate earlier British imperial
century, policies. The application of Social Darwinism to
international relations led to the conclusion that the United
States should use its new economic and military power to
Territorial expansionism was not new to America but it had protect what the British poet Rudyard Kipling called "the
always limited sell to the North American continent until lesser breeds without the law and lead them in the ways of
the federal Census Bureau announced the closing of the republican democracy.
western frontiers in 1890. The cemus made certain that the
United States had filled out the entire continental domain,
compelling the nation to search for new lands overseas. After defeating Spain in 1898, America was uncertain as to
what to do with the Philippines. The debate raged between
the expansionists and the anti-imperialists as the Treaty of
The spirit of Manifest Destiny, which had remained Paris was being signed in December 10.1898. Leaning
pervasive since the founding of the American republic, toward the imperialist persuasion and imploring divine
reached its peak during the last decade of the nineteenth guidance. President McKinley explained publicly his
century to rationalize America's overseas espation The dilemma as to how to proceed with the Philippines:
phrase was coined by New York journalist John O'Sulbran
in 1838 when he wrote that "it was the nation's manifest
desting to overspread and to possess the whole of the I didn't want the Philippines, and when they came to us, as
continent which Providence has given for the development a gift from the gods, I did not know what to do with them. I
of the great experiment of liberty and finderated self went down on my knees and prayed to Almighty God for
government entrusted to as 10'Sullivan 1839, 416) light and guidance more than one night. And one night late
Democratic republicanism was felt to be the best form of it came to me this way that we could not give (the
government and God's plan for mankind, and so it was Philippines) back to Spain-that would be cowardly and
believed to be an obligation to introduce it and "freedom" dishonorable, that we could not turn them over to France
to as broad an area as possible. Manifest Destiny provided or Germany our commercial rivals in the Orient-that would
an idealistic and benevolent rationale for expansion than be bad business and discreditable; that we could not leave
mere ambition for land them to themselves-they were unfit for self-government-
and they would soon have anarchy and misrule over there
worse than Spain's was and that there was nothing left for
Moreover, it was also during this period that powerful us to do but to take them all, and to educate the Filipinos,
advocates of imperialism began to surface in America's and uplift and civilize and Christianize them, and by God's
popular imagination. In The Law of Civilization and Decay, grace do the very best we could by them, as our fellowmen
Brooks Adams called upon the ideals of Social Darwinism, for whom Christ also died. And then I went to bed, and
asserting that "not to advance is to recede" and, therefore, went to sleep and slept soundly" (Rusling 1903, 17).
in order to survive, America must expand. Thus, America's
national survival was equated with the triumphant march
in this brief statement, McKinley had summarized the General Arthur MacArthur. The infrastructure and buildings
motivating ideas behind imperialism in the Philippines: of Manila and other urban centers were appraised and
national honor, commerce, racial superiority, and altruism those that incurred damage from the aftermath of the war
were repaired immediately to make them serviceable. The
Philippine Commission, headed by Judge Howard Taft, was
Two political cartoons from the satirical magazine Judge: in control of the development and improvement of the
Its June 10, 1899 cover shows President William McKinley islands and eventually took over the civil administration.
giving a Filipino "vage its first bath in the water of Taft was appointed as the first civil governor general of the
civilization (Above another cartoon from its March 21, Philippines. Soon, the commission generously deployed its
1900 issue shows the Philippines as a mere stepping stone resources to rehabilitate the colonial city, restore and
to Uncle Sam's larger imperial goal in China (Below) improve existing infrastructure, and introduce urban
strategies that assured a comfortable, healthy, and secure
settlement for the anticipated influx of the American
What began as a heroic project to liberate the Philippines population.
from the tyranny of Spanish imperialism soon changed into
a struggle to quell the Filipino independence movement.
The United States faced strong armed resistance from the Construction of Forts and Camps
supporters of the Philippine Republic in February 1899, the
r epublic declared war on the United States, fighting a
conventional war for several months and then resorting to with the declaration of the end of fighting. US Army officers
guerilla warfare in response to major losses against the in the Philippines decided to establish camps outside the
Americans. By April 1902 the war had ended, with the urban centers. The construction of such military facilities
United States victorious, but unable to quell the native was undertaken to better administer the enlisted men and
discontent that fueled guerilla warfare. maintain discipline as well as to lessen friction with the
native population. Besides, the conditions in the ancient
Spanish barracks were considered substandard from the
In the Aftermath of the Philippine-American War perspective of a modern military: those in Manila were
described as "crumbling stone hovels, dank, hot, airless,
comfortless, and unsanitary," crawling with vermin The
After defeating the Filipino guerrillas, the American Spanish buildings in Subic were decrepit; most of them
occupation regime began the massive rebuilding of the leaked and needed new floors and had to be repainted.
Philippines along the American model and planned an
entire battery of infrastructure to facilitate ventures in
military control, public health education, and commerce. While it was originally planned to establish a dozen
The establishment of the colonial administration and of the permanent posts in Luzon, only a few were actually built
infrastructure of American rule in rule in America's new due to budgetary limitations. Some of the early posts
tropical possession was implemented through two included Camp (later renamed Fort) Stotsenburg near
Philippine Commissions initially, military government was Angeles City, Pampanga, which was claimed by the US as a
established to conduct various modes of pacification in the military reservation in 1902. Fort William McKinley, in the
region. The American troops pledged freedom and a more province of Rizal, eat of Manila, was also established in
civilized way of life. The Filipinos, with the exception of 1902, and construction began immediately, troops first
those who rebelled, responded with great optimism. occupied the new buildings in 1904. Camp Wallace in Paro
However, to actualize this civilizing scheme, Americans had Point, La Union was established in 1903; while Camp John
to supplant the existing cultural system through the Hay in newly opened Baguio, in 1904. Warwick Barracks in
establishment of new sociopolitical criteria under the Cebu, originally known as the Post of Cebu, was established
persuasive theme of "benevolent assimilation." in 1899 around Fort San Pedro, with the old Spanish fort
used as headquarters and additional barracks and
warehouses constructed outside.
On August 15,1898, all public works were placed under the
United States Army Corps of Engineers. The corps took
charge of all public works under the military government of
The establishment of more permanent camps in the cool in times of rain, they were closed by large wooden
Philippines followed a pattern and reflected American shutters. Open porches and stairs allowed for easy access
military operations and strategy.Camp John Hay protected in and out of the barracks
Baguio and the nearby gold mines and projected the
American military presence in northern Luzon, at the same
time serving as a rest and recreation camp for officers and The construction of permanent structures in Fort William
men, Camp Wallace in La Union covered the Lingayen Gulf McKinley In 1905 was halled as the second largest military
area, while Camp Stotsenburg covered central Luzon Camp cantonment in the work inst the British cantonment in
Gregg in Bayambang provided an additional garrison in Aldershet), a "heads the list of great military reservations
northern Luzon. Fort McKinley became the home of the which accommodate troops contusuusly, and in the matter
Philippine Division, the main American ground unit in the of modern facilities, buildings, etc., it is said to be far away
Philippines It covered southern Luzon as well as Manila the greatest of all reservations of this character" (Far
Camp McGrath in Batangas provided military presence in Eastern Review, October 1905, 124). The wooden buildings
the province, which the Americans had had trouble on the reservation were designed by Harry Allyn, the
subduing Camp Eldridge in Los Baños similarly provided a Supervising Architect, in a style that bure resemblance to
check in Laguna Province Camp Wilhelm in Lucena, American Swiss cottages or chalets. The structures. totaling
Quezon, and Camp Daraga (later renamed Regan Barracks) 198, were "planned for the comfort and physical well-being
in Legaspi, Albay, rounded out the American military posts of the troops, and to meet the climatic and other prevailing
in Luzon conditions in these tropical Islands (ibid.). The wood-built
structures principally utilized Oregon pine, except the
posts, which were of native hardwood The military
In addition to headquarters, officers' housing and enliated architecture of Fort Mckinley was essentially characterized
mens barracks, the camps also had armories, warehouses, by the abundant use of galleries, balconies, large windows,
messes biometimes located within the barracks), officers and clapboards. Roofs were allowed to project widely
and enlisted men's clubs, hospitais commissaries, post around the structure to create deep shadows. Their long
exchanges, recreational facilities, and a chapel and narrow outside-galleries had crisscross-patterned pine
Landscaping, layout, and construction generally followed railing. The use of reinforced concrete was recommended
standard US Army designs for all buildings constructed for the American army based
in the Philippines in an order issued by General Leonard
Wood, then commander of the United States military
As the posts took shape, the need for new construction forces in the Philippines, on October 31, 1906
becaine urgent and these buildings became more
permanent. The early nipa quarters In Fort Stotsenburg
were replaced by more solid wooden cottages and harracks The strategic location of Manila and Subic Bays
built from 1903 to 1904. The cottages followed American underscored the necessity of bolstering its defenses
designs adapted to Philippine conditions they were built of against naval attack. As early as 1905, a plan to modernize
American pine boards especially imported from the US the Harbor Defenses of Manila and Subic Bays was
mainland, were rahed off the ground on cement columns, recommended to the Taft Commission. Between 1905-
and had four-sided pyramidal ir twe sided peaked roofs 1915, forts were established on the substantial islands
Initially, these roofs were topped with thick tr paper called along the mouth of Manila and Subic Bays, or extensively
"rubberoid One feature of the officers cottages and met improved as in the case of former Spanish Military
wooden barracks was the open-air porch. Many of these installations. The following defense posts were established:
cottages still exist and Stotsenburg became part of the Fort Mills on Corregidor Island, Fort Hughes on Caballo
Clark complex after the Second World War. Island, Fort Drum on El Fraile Island, Fort Frank on Carabao
Island, all at the entrance to Manila Bay; and Fort Wint on
Grande Island, protecting the mouth of Subic Bay
Wooden barracks also followed standard American designs (McGovern and Berhow, 2003). These sites would be built
adapted in the tropics. These were also originally built of up in reinforced concrete, and would conform with the
American pine, especially shipped to the Philippines. These aesthetic directives set out by the developing colonial
buildings were usually two-storey affairs, raised off the architectural program.
ground on cement pillars Large windows kept the buildings
 manifest itself in the works of future consulting architects
detailed to the Philippines.
Architectural Inventory of the New Colonial Possessions
The first American architectural historian to survey
Philippine architecture was the illustrious Montgomery
Urban Cleansing and the New Tropical Hygiene With the
Schuyler (1843-1914), who, in January of 1900,
comparatively examined the architectures of America's
newly acquired territories (Cuba. Puerto Rico, the
Philippines, and Hawail) for one of the most important American colonial policy in full swing in the Philippines,
architectural publications in America, the Architectural urban planning, and architecture served the needs of
Record. Schuyler forewarned imperial America when he secular education and public services. The first act
asserted: "The conqueror entertains a general contempt approved by the Philippine Commission
for the people he has beaten, and refuses to learn even
what they have to teach and have proceeded tranquilly to
apply to their subject their own view of the fine as well as Montgomery Schuyler, American architectural historian
the coarse arts" (Schuyler 1900, 312-13). Appraising the (Above)
architectures of the new colonial possessions, "as
photography enables us to judge." Schuyler recognized
that "our acquired architecture in general sets us a on September 12, 1900 was the appropriation of $1 million
standard to which we shall find troublesome to live up to. for the construction of roads and bridges in the colony to
"Looking at the extant Spanish architecture in the open up new territory Initially, a law was passed and
Philippines, he took notice of its distinguished qualities: adopted that required "every able bodied man in the
"The architecture of the Philippines and of the Spanish Islands to give five days of labor each year on road
West Indies is a great deal better being Spanish than it construction and maintenance, or, in lieu of that, to pay a
would had it been of the United States." sum equivalent to the local cost of such labor" (Forbes
1928, 199).

Schuyler was uncompromising in his belief that "the

Spanish mode of building fits the requirement of the In the city and quaint suburban districts of Manila,
Spanish colonies better than the American mode of overnight changes and improvements had taken place
building. He went on to enumerate the distinct qualities of since 1898. The city was mapped, and public works were
tropical architecture: "The thin walls impermeable to heat, started for new city streets. Some of these urban
the long, dark, open arcades along which one may make his Interventions by early architects were misdirected, such as
way in the shade, these features of the architecture of the the plan to demolish the Intramuros walls to use the stones
Peninsula which are equally appropriate, which are even for paving the new streets. The colonial authority initially
more appropriate in the tropical heat of Cuba and Luzon devalued the Walled City of Intramuros as an "obsolete
these necessary features are susceptible of a most fortification of the middle ages, the walls of gray stone with
attractive architectural expression." He advised with parapets and bastions imposing enough and picturesque,
caution the American authorities in the colonial but utterly valueless against modern artillery." Moreover,
bureaucracy assigned to matters of architecture in the the health authorities singled out the stagnant moats
newly acquired colonies: "No thoughtful patriot could surrounding the edges of the wall as a breeding ground for
contemplate with equanimity the prospect of having malaria-carrying mosquitoes and recommended that the
designs for public buildings in Havana, in Manila, or in San moats be filled with earth. In 1902, the Municipal Board
Juan de Puerto Rico sent out from the office of the average petitioned the civil government for permission to open
Supervising Architect to come in competition with the suitable gates into the old Walled City as the narrowness of
architectural remains of the Spanish occupation. They the approaches caused great traffic congestion. Plans for
really could not stand it." At this point, Schuyler these openings were drawn by Major Sears and Captain
acknowledged the need for a contextual approach in the McGregor of the Corps of Engineers and were authorized
design of public architecture in the colonies which would by the Philippine Commission by virtue of an act. The part
be both tropically and iconographically congruous with the of the wall that was torn down was, according to
architectural precedent set by Spain. Heeding Schuyler's authorities, "the least picturesque and obstructive to
advice, this direction in colonial architecture would commerce and its removal was regarded as a necessity to
the progress of business." The portion removed was along down but its moats were filled and converted into beautiful
the river front, extending from the Fort Santo Domingo and healthful
Gate toward Fort Santiago. This section "obstructed the
use of the river for wharf purposes and additional wharf
facilities... regarded as imperative by the Commissioners" parkways (Cable News American, January 15, 1903, 1).
(New York Times, May 19, 1903, 8).

Colonial sanitary reengineering was vital to arrest native

The effort to demolish the historic walls and drain the unhygienic practices so as not to pose biological threats.
moats of Intramuros was also prompted by a health According to Warwick Anderson, "the tropical environment
imperative dictated by Manila's colonial sanitarians, whose called for massive, ceaseless disinfection: the Filipino
convictions resounded by virtue of a historically bodies that polluted it required control and medical
uninformed argument: "The walls are historically not of reformation; and the vulnerable, formalized bodies of the
great importance, being a little over a hundred years old, American colonialists demanded sanitary quarantine"
and sentiments should not be allowed to interfere in the (Anderson 1995). The indescribable sanitary conditions in
course of progress, and in the matter which affects the the Philippines, according to the account of Dr. Victor
health of tens of thousands of people" (Ballentine 1902, Hieser in his An American Doctor's Odyssey (1936) were
72) combated through the strict enforcement of a battery of
sanitary methods, which focused on the natives toilet
practices, food handling, dietary customs, burial practices,
The move to wreck the walls of Intramuros stirred much and housing design. The Americans rebuilt the domestic
controversy to a point necessitating presidential architectures and markets using the more hygienic
arbitration. To resolve the matter. President Theodore concrete, executed routine quarantines for suspected
Roosevelt requested landscape architect B. R. Slaughter epidemic-stricken communities, petrolized stagnant waters
from Mount Holy, New Jersey, to visit Manila and to eliminate the breeding places of malarial mosquitoes,
investigate the contested structure. Slaughter, after and even suppressed the unsanitary fiestas to contain
thorough impection, recommended that the Intramuros disease vectors from spreading.
walls be retained and transformed into a circumferential
park-a plan which antedated Burnham's recommendation
prescribed in the 1906 Manila Plan. Slaughter wrote the The bubonic plague of 1901 impelled the colonial authority
President, exclaiming that the preservation of the to create a permanent detention camp at the San Lazaro
Intramuros walls would be more than an exercise of grounds capable of accommodating 1,500 patients. A
architectural mediation, the higher purpose of which was militaristic sanitary surveillance in the city was dispatched
the solicitation of colonial loyalty among the inhabitants of through the Bureau of Health. With a high degree of
Manila: efficiency and frequency, this sanitary battalion went on a
house-to-house inspection and arrested suspected carriers
of the pathogen for quarantine detention at the San
1 appreciate that question of commercial and utilitarian Lazaro. Plague houses and buildings incapable of thorough
nature far outweigh historic and artistic considerations, but disinfection and rehabilitation were set on fire. The burning
in dealing with a people who are not yet loyal to us. think of infected houses resulted in the complete eradication of
the preservation of their architecture and an appreciation the plague
of it go. far toward conciliating them-(letter of Slaughter to
Roosevelt, April 11, 1902)
Dr. Victor Hieser posing with an Igorot native (Above, left)

Secretary of War Elihu Root immediately sent a cabled

instruction to Governor-General Taft in Manila "to suspend Detail of the mural Filipino Struggles through History by
action for the removal of any portion of the wall" (Manila Carlos "Botong" Francisco depicting the militaristic eforts at
Times 25 June 1903, 1). Slaughter's recommendation hygienic surveillance and sanitary re engineering in the
prevailed, the ancient Intramuros wall was never torn early American colonial period. (Above, right)
Draining and filling of the intramuros moats and demolition As a result of the bubonic plague and Asiatic cholera, the
of portions of the ancient walls to facilitate vehicular traffic Municipal Board of Manila published fourteen ordinances
and urban ventilation into the walled city (Above, left and for a more stringent sanitary surveillance. Some of these
right) ordinances had architectural implications that penetrated
the domestic sphere: (1) an ordinance relating to buildings
and premises infected with bubonic plague; (2) an
Similarly in 1901, the cholera outbreak compelled the ordinance authorizing the board of health to install the so-
colonial authority to strictly monitor the Marikina water called "pail conservancy system" at the expense of the
reservoir and to close all wells in Manila. The Insular Ice property owner; (3) an ordinance relating to nipa houses;
Plant was directed to increase the output of distilled water (4) an ordinance regulating tenements and lodging houses;
to the maximum, while the army distributed water in and (5) an ordinance prohibiting the practice of cleaning
districts without city water supply and closed wells. The ears, scraping eyelids, or barbering in the streets, lanes,
native population viewed the situation with contempt and alleys, and public squares.
"imagined that the health authorities were attempting to
poison them." But their fears were soon dispelled.
Immediately enacted were orders to demolish "dangerous
and unsanitary buildings" that were in violation of the
The Farola district, with its closely packed, filthy shacks ordinances; alluding to the hovels and huts inhabited by
offering conducive conditions to the spread of the cholera the poor. The domestic disenfranchisement was mitigated
contagion, was strictly quarantined. When the conditions by the construction of a municipal tenement that was
made it impossible to subject the district to thorough designed to accommodate forty families. This $6,000
disinfections, the residents of the Farola were rounded up tenement had an interior court with cookhouses,
and taken to the San Lazaro detention camp and the entire washtubs, and latrines.
district was burned. The burning of the nipa shacks to
contain the epidemic, in most instances, provoked great
resistance and hostility among the poor native populace. Diagram of a Pail Conservancy System or cubetas (Top, left)
The secretary of interior, in his report to the US Secretary which allowed municipal authorities to collect household
of War, remarked of the cholera situation in the city: human excrement. The system was also used for public
latrines (Top. right) which were set up by the government
in conjunction with new tenement housing (Above. right)
For weeks the presence of cholera was denied by the for those displaced by the sanitation measures.
ignorant, misinformed, and ill-intentioned person. The
more ignorant Filipinos refused to believe of its existence
because the daily deaths did not reach up to the Ear cleaning in public spaces was
thousands. The minds of the common people were
among the activities prohibited
poisoned by tales of horrible abuses in the detention
camps and the deliberate murder of patients at the cholera by the government in the name of
hospital. The story was widely circulated that the houses of
the poor were burned in order to make room for future public hygiene. (Below)
dwellings and warehouses for rich Americans. These
absurd tales gave credence among the populace, and
together with some actual abuses committed by ignorant, The Architectural Implication of Epidemic Disease The early
inexperienced, or overzealous health inspectors, produced years of American occupation were beleaguered by a
a state of popular apprehension, which proved a very succession of epidemics. Bubonic plague and cholera were
serious factor in the situation, as it led to the concealment fought by the American proconsuls with paramilitary
of the sick, the escape of contacts, and the throwing of firmness. Ordinances were issued to regulate and modify
dead bodies into the esteros and the Pasig River, the vernacular dwellings. This brought many technological
polluted waters of which were fruitful sources of infection changes to Filipino domestic spaces, for the materials.
(Secretary of Interior 1902, 19). layout, construction, and services of the nipa houses were
found by the colonists to be inconsistent with colonial
sanitation ideals. Buildings were made ratproof in response With the success of the sanitary barrios, the American
to plague-carrying rodents. In 1905, the city's Building authorities focused their efforts to modernizing the Filipino
Ordinance, which brimmed with provisions against house house. In the quest for a sanitary domestic architecture,
infections was passed. This stringently fixed the minimum the American colonial architects, following what the British
standards and stipulated medicalized guidelines for house did for the Indian bungalow, successfully evolved a new
density, illumination, ventilation, and waste disposal. The kind of architecture that crossbred the tropical features of
concept of the toilet was introduced in 1902 among vernacular buildings with hygienic structural principles and
dwellers of the bahay kubo in Manila by way of the pail modern materials that gave premium to light, ventilation,
system or cubeta. In the absence of metropolitan sewers, and drainage. This innovative hybrid house called tsalet-
the system provided each household with wooden buckets, from the word chalet-would influence the domestic
which were collected daily by the municipal excrement aspirations of the Filipino middle class beginning in the
wagons. Public toilet sheds were also installed in congested 1910 and continuing even after the Pacific war. This house
nipa districts. A latrine system for remote areas was also was a single-storey structure constructed of either entirely
developed based on a vernacular toilet structure found in of wood or a combination of ferroconcrete and wood. The
Antipolo in the Province of Rizal. living areas were maintained at an elevation between one
to 1.5 meters above ground, slightly lower than the bahay
kubo to discourage the placement of domestic animals in
To put an end to the unsanitary practice of bathing and the underfloor area. The most obvious innovation of this
washing in the esteros, the authorities established a new house was its extended porch or veranda in the principal
type of communal architecture that combined the façade, which could be accessed by either an L-shaped or
functions of toilet, bath, and laundry, with al continuous T-shaped stairway. Unlike the bahay kubo, the interior
supply of clean water. The first public bath and laundry, a space was defined by wall partitions, which divided it into a
one-storey structure made of concrete, was built in 1913 at combined living and dining area, a kitchen, a toilet and
Calle Lipa in the district of Sampaloc. bath, and two bedrooms.

As a measure against overcrowding, filth, poor ventilation, Detailed design drawings of a covered commode (Bottom,
and fire, the Americans introduced in 1908 the left) and plans for a single-detached house with corner
neighborhood concept known as "Sanitary Barrios" which rooms, bath, and front porch (Bottom, right) prepared by
permitted nipa houses to be built on highly regulated George H. Guerdrum in 1912 for the Division of Sanitary
blocks of subdivided lots. Each sanitary block had a built-in Engineering.
system of surface drainage, public latrines, public bath
houses and laundry, and public water hydrants, which
could be availed of by the residents free of charge. Imprints Tsalet: The Healthy Housing Alternative
of these barrios could still be seen in Sampaloc, San Lazaro,
and Vito Cruz.
At the outset of 1900, the upper-class bahay na bato, a
vestige of the Spanish colonial era, remained until the
The first one-stop public building which combined bath, 1920s. But as the century flowed on, the wood-and-stone
laundry, and toilet functions for Manila's Sampaloc District style ceased to be the preferred ideal for urban centers.
in 1913 (Top, left). With the introduction of communal While expressions in interior design continued to some
wash spaces, public bathing (Middle) and riverside washing stylistic variants derived from either Greek revivalist
(Bottom) were suppressed by local health authorities. neoclassicism or the long, curving. dynamic, floral rhythmic
lines of the Art Nouveau, domestic architecture was a
product of a close collaboration between the
Detailed drawings of the Bureau of Health for standard architect/maestros de obras and the sculptor.
public toilets for provincial municipalities, circa 1913. (Top,
right)
As an alternative to the bahay na bato, the Americans
introduced a new domestic typology-the "tsalet"-to create
a less formal dwelling design. As stated earlier, the tsalet's
distinguishing feature was the extended veranda. Inside, and other principal thoroughfares in the heart of Binondo's
bedrooms were laid out on a row on one side business quarters were repaired and rehabilitated.
perpendicular to the front while living and dining rooms
and the kitchen were laid out on the other.
The provision of Manila's utilities and other urban services
was undertaken by the Philippine Commission as early as
In 1912, the Bureau of Health drew up the plans for 1902 with the authorization of a franchise granted on a
sanitary habitations using the tsalet prototype. These competitive bidding to construct and maintain in the
plans, drafted by George H. Guerdrum, chief of the Division streets of Manila and its suburbs an electric street railway
of Sanitary Engineering, were disseminated to the public and the service of electric light, heat, and power The
via Health Bulletin No. 10, Philippine Habitations (Viviendas franchise was awarded to an American capitalist, who
Filipinas), written in English and Spanish, instructing acquired the existing antiquated power plants and installed
architects, builders, house owners, and occupants of modern ones which
houses in the few simple principles of sanitary house
construction. Schemes were drawn for the general types of
an urban house: single detached, semi-detached (duplex), Plans and Instructions Relative to the Construction of the
row-house apartments (accessorias), and the one-storey Sanitary Model House (1917) Bulletin No. 16 of the
concrete chalet. Department of Public Instruction and Philippine Health
Service, istued in 1917, provided detailed plans and
specifications for a "Sanitary Model House. This housing
New materials were being developed to replace the highly prototype, endorsed by the Director of Health and Chief of
flammable pa as the staple material for urban the Fire Department, was designed to discourage the use
constructions, especially after the Great Fire of Manila in of nipe as construction m for houses by emphasizing the
1903. Philippine Assembly Act No. 1838 sanctioned the economic and sanitary advantages of the new housing
banishment of the nipa roof with the invention of model. Replacing the shingles on the roof were fire-
incombustible material as substitute. The pinnacle of this resistive, diamond-shaped, molded cement shingles
material experimentation was the "ideal sanitary house" of reinforced by our of bamboe (sawali), which were
1917. A refinement of the tsalet, this modular prototype fabricated on site. The cement mixture for the shingles was
house introduced a fire-resistant roofing material made up of volumes of cement, sand, and rice husk
composed of diamond-shaped shingles molded from a
mixture of equal volumes of cement, sand, and rice husk,
reinforced by woven bamboo. Its components, a cement In plan, the house was divided into five rooms,
floor and wall slabs, were implanted with serwe or woven emphasizing privacy, isolation of the sick, and containment
bamboo, a technique analogous to a local building method of
known as tabique pampango. The concrete shingle-and-
slab units could be fabricated on site with minimal skill and
investment, with the labor supplied by the homeowner domestic pollution: a front porch used as dining and
himself based on the blueprints of the Bureau of Health reception, sala and sleeping room combined, bedr

The Hygienic City and Its Modern Urban Facilities and kitchen and back porch with provisions for toilet and bath.
Services After the extensive sanitation maneuvers in The demarcation of spaces into compartmentalad
support of the new tropical hygiene, the colonial
authorities were geared up to lavish the urban space using
the technologies of architectural aesthetics. Public spaces rooms dictated a new kind of domestic life for Filipinos
were laid out as lawns with promenades around them; the who were used to the one-room lifestyle. Furthermon
old Botanical Garden enclosure was removed and the site
was converted into what is now known as the Mehan
Garden, the Luneta Esplanade was rehabilitated and
extended out to sea, the marshy field of Bagumbayan was
drained the roads and pavements in the Escolta, Rosario,
the Antipolo toilet system consisting of a pit, a seat with a
pipe connected to the pit, and a ventilating pipe, was a
Further improvement of Manila's water supply was again
major sanitary feature of the house.
undertaken in 1919 with the reorganization of the
waterworks under the Metropolitan Water District, which
constructed the Balara Filtration Plant. By 1920, a water
greatly contributed to the industrial development,
purification plant was constructed in San Juan del Monte to
economy, and living comfort in Manila and its suburbs. In
address the increased demand for pathogen-free water,
1903, the city of Manila had under its auspices the
and a new water source was surveyed in Angat River in
operation of 218 arc lights and 1,568 incandescent lamps
Bulacan.
on the streets and public buildings. Small tramcars drawn
by native ponies were replaced by a modern American
electric street-railway service and the railway service to
The system of sanitary and modern public market buildings
and from other towns on the island of Luzon had been
was also established in Manila under the control of the
extended. Connected to Manila by electric railway is Fort
municipal authority. This consisted of seven markets: Anda
William McKinley, a US army post in the hills five miles
Market, Intramuros; Aranque Market, Santa Cruz; Herran
away, providing quarters for about 3,000 men.
Market, Paco; Quinta Market, Quiapo; Santa Ana Market,
Santa Ana; Pandacan Market, Pandacan; and Divisoria
Market, Tondo. Quinta Market at the foot of the
Among other American improvements were: an efficient
Suspension Bridge was completed at a total cost of
fire department, a sewer system whereby the sewage, by
$67,821.29 and opened for public use in October 21, 1901.
means of pumps, is discharged into the bay more than a
The Divisoria Market at Plaza Mercado, Tondo, was
kilometer and a half from the shore; a system of gravity
completed at a total cost of $154,469.50 on November that
waterworks whereby the city water supply was sourced
same year.
from the Marikina river about twenty-three kilometers
from the city and directed into a storage reservoir, which
had a capacity of two billion gallons sixty-five meters above
Lighting the City
sea level. An improvement over the outmoded Carriedo
waterworks and the Deposito (the subterranean reservoir
of San Juan del Monte), the new American-designed
reservoir, following the plan drawn by military engineer Blectricity, a relatively new commodity at the beginning of
Major James F. Case, was rectangular. 225 meters long. the century, was made available to a broader Filipino
155 meters broad, and six meters deep. Its capacity was consumer market with the establishment of the Manila
fifty-four million gallons that necessitated the excavation of Electric and Railway Company (MERALCO) March 14, 1903,
some 211,538 cubic meters of material, placing of about by Charles M. Swift. Though the first electric power plant
6,925 cubic meters of concrete, and the use of about was built in 1892 by a Spanish corporation known as the
55,000 kilograms of steel. This feat of American Compania La Electricista, electricity came to Greater
engineering made available twenty-two million gallons of Manila in 1903. Initially, its use in mary households was
water daily to inhabitants of Manila, or nearly a hundred limited to illumination, but the promise of clean,
gallons a day. quadrupling the water volume from the old smokeless, and odorless energy source, marry source.
Carriedo water system. The supply from the new storage created an attraction of new inventions which made
basin went into operation on November 12, 1908. With the housework more efficient and less tiring like the electric
public utilization of the new water distributing system in traster, and flat iron. These common house appliances
Manila, the colonial health officials had observed "a were specifically given away for free by the electric
reduction in the yearly average number of deaths of company if the household can consume more than 10
children from convulsion from 1,921 to 500" (United States kilowatts per hour.
Bureau of Insular Affairs 1913, 31).

in 1904, a new powerhouse containing four Westinghouse

Water filtration system installed by the colonial authorities turbo generators weas erected on Isla de Provisor, island
at the San Juan Reservoir (Top) along the Pasig River from where they drew their
condensing water, replacing the obsolete 1000-
horsepower plant of the La Electricista. Aside from dredged: the refuse material from the process was used to
supplying power to the street railway and public lighting, fill in ground for a new commercial district on what were,
the same plant delivered 220 volts of electricity to before the arrival of the Americans, shoals in front of the
households and other power subscribers (Snyder. 195%, shoreline of Manila. This was the Ermita and Malate
384) The company serviced 3,478 households in 1906, district, a marshy area along the shoreline of Manila.
increasing at an average of 6,000 additional customers per
year, reaching 42.126 households in 1923. The plant also
increased its power output to 55,000,000 kilowatts by 1923 According to the Philippine Commission Report of 1903,
there were over thirty esteros or branches of esteros
within the city limits of Manila. Although they were dirty
Ports, Canals, and Bridges of Manila and foul-smelling, their value to the city as commercial
waterways, sewers, open drains, and irrigating ditches was
incalculable, playing a significant role in the cultural and
The project of immediate necessity was the improvement economic life of Manila. These canals were depicted not
of the port of Manila to provide safe anchorage and wharf only as picturesque destinations in vintage photographs
facilities for freight and passenger ships. In 1901, the but also as busy and sometimes congested thoroughfares,
improvement of the Port of Manila, under the stewardship bustling with economic activities and doubling as home to
of Major Clinton B. Sears of the US Army Corps of Manila's floating population (15,000 persons who lived in
Engineers, was undertaken. The project was estimated to cascos, lorchas, launches, and other small watercrafts). In
cost $3 million This consisted of four divisions: the the absence of an efficient road system during this time,
improvement of the outer harbor or bay of Manila; the the esteros of Manila became traffic avenues for the
improvement of Pasig River below the Bridge of Spain (now distribution of cargo coming from freighters anchored at
Jones Bridge), the bar at the entrance, the inner basin, and Manila Bay. The extent of the navigable esteros was
the canal connecting the latter with the river; the estimated to reach more than 107 kilometers, according to
improvement of upper Pasig River to Laguna de Bay; and an article in the December 1928 issue of the Philippine
the building of a drawbridge across the Pasig River near its Education Magazine. A small casco, a native river vessel,
mouth, giving passage to steam and street cars, and other could keep on traveling for several days in Manila's
vehicles and foot passengers. network of canals without traversing the same one twice.
The navigable esteros were kept dredged to a mean depth
of two meters at low water. The canals were kept in
In summary, this project called for the completion of a navigable condition through the Estero Agreement forged
breakwater and the dredging of designated harbor areas in between the city of Manila and the Insular Government.
which dredged materials were used to reclaim some sixty Under this agreement, the government was responsible for
hectares from the sea. The Pasig River was also widened to the maintenance of all navigable canals through the Bureau
seventy-six meters up to the Bridge of Spain and the river's of Public Works, while the city was mandated to take
intermediate arterial canals were deepened to 5.5 meters. charge of the small and shallow canals, assuring their
The places from above the Ayala Bridge to Laguna de Bay hygienic condition, and all the bridges over the esteros.
shoal were dredged to a two-meter depth to allow for low
water navigation. The highlight of this plan, which was
never realized, was the construction of a through A more stable steel bridge, the Santa Cruz Bridge across
drawbridge over the Pasig River, near its mouth. This steel Pasig, was completed and opened to vehicular traffic and
bridge, with a double-track railway, two wagon roads, and public convenience on March 1, 1902, at a cost of
two foot walks, was to rest on three concrete piers and $185,000. The Bridge of Spain was widened, and Australian
two abutment piers. blocks were purchased to renew its pavement. The new
Ayala Bridge, first built in 1872 by Don Jacobo Zobel de
Ayala of the Ayala-Roxas family, was reconstructed in steel
The construction of two breakwaters as part of the port materials and connected the San Miguel district to
improvement project transformed Manila's infamous Arroceros. This bridge, which opened in 1906, consisted of
reputation as the worst major port for freight in the Orient. two spans of the Pratt double intersection type, with a
The harbor metamorphosed from an open roadstead into a curved upper chord, and was a riveted structure with pin
secure closed harbor. An area within the breakwaters was bearings throughout. It had a clear roadway of 5.70 meters
with two sidewalks of a width of 1.75 meters. The floor Ayala Bridge connects the Arroceros and San Miguel
consisted of buckle plates riveted directly to the floor districts of Manila, along with the Isla de la Convalecencia
beams. The south span had a length of 202 feet between on the Pasig River. (Top)
end pins, and the north span of 242 feet between end pins.
It was the intention to lay the roadway with asphalt as an
experiment. Santa Cruz Bridge connects the Ermita and Santa Cruz
districts of Manila. (Above)

The City Engineer's office kept up a feverish pace in 1905

with significant projects, including the production of Street Naming and Toponymic Signification
construction drawings for the new Pasig River walls on the
north and south banks west of the Bridge of Spain; the
concrete steel arch over the Estero San Miguel, made For the purpose of colonial rule, municipal authorities were
necessary by the extension of the electric street railway: a empowered to establish networks of streets and place-
substructure of the Ayala Bridge; a substructure of the names to make possible the identification, demarcation,
Binondo lift-bridge; and a redesign for the suspension and delineation of the urban space. A well ordered and
bridge. legible system of street and place naming was necessary
for the colonial authorities as it was crucial to the
surveillance function of the state, which ranged from
The construction of an automatic steel lift-bridge to relieve taking census, policing, sanitary inspection, instituting
both land and water traffic over the Binondo Canal at the arrest, posting notices, serving summons on occupiers, and
foot of Calle Soledad was a technological marvel of the tracing the source and spread of contagion. Aside from
period. This bridge effectively linked the business district facilitating colonial regimentation of space, the toponymic
and the customs house. The bridge's superstructure importance of giving names to streets is an ideological tool
consisted of a movable platform with a clear roadway of of public commemoration, investing the urban landscape
6.7 meters and two sidewalks of 2.3 meters in width. The with colonial association to achieve a degree of political
span from the center to the center of supports was legitimization. Therefore, to officially name a street is to
thirteen meters, and the clear channel between abutments fabricate a system of mental images programmed by
was twelve meters. This movable platform was operated by dominant cultural groups. The rigorous inventory of
electricity through a small operating house situated north Manila's street names, which traced their toponymic
of the bridge at the Calle Soledad end. On the average, origins, was undertaken by Col. H.O.S. Heistand of the US
13,400 pedestrians and 1,382 vehicles passed over the Army when he was stationed in the Philippines between
bridge, while 141 cascos traversed beneath the platform on 1902 to 1903. The Military Information Division in Manila
a daily basis. This engineering breakthrough was coupled issued the listing in 1903.
with the gradual phaseout of all wooden bridges over the
esteros and canals of Manila beginning 1906. The wooden
bridges, prone to rotting, were replaced with permanent The first concrete step toward suburban expansion was
constructions, ideally of concrete and steel, as these taken in the first decade of the American occupation when
materials were almost maintenance-free. the influx of American migration, mostly of businessmen,
military men, and civil servants. became more remarkable.
The creation of new residential enclaves outside of
Waterways such as the Estero de la Reina (Top, left) and Intramuros was undertaken by Henry M. Jones, an
the Estero de Binondo (Top, right) were crucial for American entrepreneur who founded the American
commercial logistics as they connected the business district Hardware and Plumbing Company. Jones saw the potential
to the port, thus they were kept navigable. of the swampland south of Luneta. In this area, there were
a few permanent structures along Calle San Luis. Calle Real
(M.H. del Pilar), Calle Alhambra, and other streets along
Section drawings of the proposed embankments along the the bay, while the rest were mainly nipa districts built on
Pasig River (Right) undrained land.
Jones bought most of the areas of Paco and Malate and did (Philippine Commission Act No. 258, 18 October 1901) and
his own reclamation. Jones filled the low parts and was tasked: "To make all necessary plans, specifications for
subdivided the area into lots for sale from one to two construction and repair of public buildings, and to send
pesos a square meter and offered them on installment these plans and specifications, with estimate of cost.
basis. Aside from Americans, Jones' buyers included through the Secretary of Public Instruction, to the Civil
wealthy families from the provinces whose children were Governor for his approval, and when approved by the
enrolled in private schools in Manila and Filipino Governor, shall be presented to the Commission with a
professionals, many of whom were doctors, dentists, and requisition for an appropriation or appropriations for
lawyers. execution"(ibid.), Bourne, with his seven trained men
(composed of a master builder, a superintendent of
construction, a civil engineer, a derk engineer, three
To inscribe the subdivided space with the nimbus of draftsmen, and a disbursing officer) and a few support
American presence and to underscore the enclavist staff, was mandated to design, construct, repair, and
bearings of the new neighborhood vicinity, Jones named supervise all public buildings belonging to the Insular
the streets after American states such as California government or proposed structures detailed by the civil
Carolina, Colorado, Dakota, Florida, Indiana, Kansas, governor (Report of the Civil Government 1903.422) For
Nebraska, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, and Vermont- the actual construction, Bourne's office employed a labor
names of home states of army volunteers who fought in force composed of two Chinese, twelve Japanese, and 343
the Philippine-American War. These street names are still Filipinos, supervised by six English-speaking foremen
being used today in the districts of Malate and Ermita. The (Report of the Philippine Commission 1903, 942). Bourne's
district soon became Manila's fashionable residential initial works in Manila consisted mostly of extensive
center. alterations, repairs, and additions of existing structures
owned by the Insular government. Furthermore, he went
on to develop a style predicated on the extant Spanish built
Edgar Ketchum Bourne, the Insular Architect heritage of Manila in order to dispense a sense of imperial
nostalgia and instill domestication of the local styles.

On May 11, 1901, the pressure of architectural production

and rehabilitation of buildings prompted the Philippine To shelter the novel government programs, the American
Commission to request the Secretary of War via cablegram, colonial government generated many new building types
to appoint a competent architect to head the Bureau of that necessitated a "new architecture." In the American
Architecture to be created by the Commission (Report of architectural schema were public school buildings,
the Philippine Commission 1902, 422). In compliance with sanitariums, schoolhouses, universities, municipal halls,
this petition, the Secretary appointed architect Edgar hospitals, industrial plants, prisons, slaughterhouses, public
Ketchum Bourne (1864-1938), who arrived in Manila on markets, public baths and laundries, and many other public
October 10, 1901. A native of New York, Bourne was an buildings.
architect reared in the style of eclectic revivalism. His
major works prior to his Philippine appointment were
Bedford Park Congregational Church (1891-92), and Colonel H.O.S. Heistand (Above)
Greater Bethel AME. Church (1891-92) both of which exist
today as among New York City's landmarks of built
heritage. No information has been recovered as to how The reclaimed marshlands of Ermita and Malate were
Bourne was chosen for the position of Insular Architect. subdivided in 1903 by a street network named after
American states. (Below, left and right)

A week later, October 18, 1901, Philippine Commission Act

No. 268 was passed which founded the Bureau of Bourne's Supremacy and the Colonial Mission Revival A
Architecture and Construction of Public Buildings under the number of the architectural revivals popular in the United
executive control of the Department of Public Instruction. States proliferated in the Island. The initial architectural
As Chief of the Bureau of Architecture and Construction. production was exposed to a broad array of stylistic
Bourne was to receive an annual salary of $4,000 influences, but only two had surfaced as the most
influential. At the outset, there was the Mission Revival, a roofs, exposed roof rafters: arched arcades and corridors
style that originates from their previous exploits in and, a dominant mirador tower.
continental expansion. Mission Revival architecture
became widespread in the 1890s, taking the American
Southwest by storm. Its essential elements-clay roof tiles, Taking root from this aesthetic trajectory, Edgar K. Bourne
adobe, concrete, stucco, gables, arches, and towers were designed a number of buildings that characterized the
mimicked in countless schools, train stations, office Spanish Revival lineage. His designs antedated Burnham's
buildings, and residences throughout Southern California. detailed visions for the future buildings of the insular
Such style creates a visual springboard that dares to government, as outlined in Bourne's report dated August
reimagine their victorious advance in the American West 15. 1905 This design inflection toward Spanish architecture
where nostalgic Hispanic building iconography and was also strongly evidenced in the Bureau's purchases of
infatuation with ruins prevailed. The American adoption of books on the subject of Spanish architecture. On July 2,
the Mission Style in the Philippines was fed by the 1902, through the Insular Purchasing Agent, the Bureau
assumption that the Philippines, as a former Spanish ordered the following titles: Die Baukunst Spaniens (The
colony, shared the same Hispanic tradition with the Architecture of Spain) by Max Junghandel, Details and
American Southwest, thus perpetuating the logic of an Ornaments in Spain by Owen Jones, and Renaissance
architectural analogue. American architects introduced the Architecture and Ornament in Spain by Andrew H. Prentice.
Spanish Revival interlaced with vernacular forms as an The aesthetics presented in these books could have
effective means to create a convincing architectural inspired the architecture of the Insular government, mast
paradigm that conveyed the sensitivity and responsiveness profoundly expressed in the Government Laboratory
of the colonizers to local culture. Such an established (which later became the Bureau of Science Building),
architectural association further legitimized the operations Customs House, Government Printing Office, San Lazaro
of colonial cultural mediations. Crematory, Municipal Building of Manila. the Office of the
Bureau of Architecture, and the Insular Ice Plant and Cold
Storage. The initial works of Bourne in Manila consisted
This venerable architecture soon became an object of mostly of extensive alterations, repairs, and addition of
recollection to be romanticized and beckoned a return to existing government structures. His renovation work had a
the simple, authentic. and pedigreed past. Buildings that strong affinity to Hispanic designs. boldly expressed in
embodied the Mission Revival had successfully rummaged, government buildings, such as the Malacañang,
mimicked, synthesized, and adapted architectural forms Ayuntamiento, Intendencia, Audiencia Building, Postigo
and details into a contrived architectural idiom, Building Oriente Building, Bilibid Prisons, Exposition
superimposing Spanish, Italian, Moorish, and Byzantine structures at the Exposition grounds in Ermita (the site now
motifs on the condition that they generate a solar and heat occupied by Robinson's Place Ermital San Lazaro Hospital,
resistive architecture. Santa Mesa Detention Hospital, and a Semaphore Station,
as well as in several wooden resort cottages in Bagulo.

The Mission Style was a readily exportable architectural

style, which could easily be replicated since its essential The forward-looking Bourne seemed to anticipate
character was expressed straightforwardly. Its bold, arched Burnham' associationist architectural philosophy that
openings and expansive, plain, unadorned, whitewashed sought to prescribe tropically responsive architecture and
stucco surfaces, which to a certain extent evade finely considerably took design cues from older buildings of
detailed craftsmanship, rendered the style to Manila. Burnham recommended
uncomplicated reproduction. Terracotta tiles or shingles on
the roof of a building seemed an appropriate fit for a
unique architectural design that approximated the built The beautiful roofs of Spanish tile are losing ground before
forms of the American Southwest. The stylistic essentials of the invasion of galvanized iron there is no doubt that for
the Mission Revival include: curvilinear, parapeted, or permanent buildings the long-lived Spanish tile will prove
scalloped rooflines and gabled roofs that recalled Spanish more economical Spanish traditions are deserving of
Baroque designs; round arched entrances; white or slightly acceptance. In a tropical climate costly structures put up
tinted, smooth, plastered walls; pyramidal terracotta tiled with granite, marin or other building stones, in the manner
of public buildings in Europs and America, would be out of
place. The old Spanish buildings with their relatively small The Customs House, an L-shaped structure at the corner of
openings, their wide-arched arcades, and large wall spaces Calle Numancia and Muelle del Rey, was "an honor to the
of flat whitewash, possess endins charm, and as types of city" (Manila Time 11 July 1903, 1). The construction of the
good architecture for tropical service, could hardly be edifice exacted $75,000 from the Insular coffers. It was a
improved upon. To mention a few examples in Manila: the two-storey structure topped by a dome over which was a
Ayuntamiento, the Intendencia, the Cathedral, the tower cupola with another gilded dome, which functioned as an
of Santa Cruz. the circular cemetery at Calie Nozaleda, observation point twenty-six meters from the ground for
[and] the inner court of the present constabulary barracks sighting steamers and reporting departures Inside, at the
at Paranaque are especially noteworthy (Burnham 1906, junction were two wings forming an L-configuration. A 9.75
17) meter diameter rotunda extended from the second floor to
the top of the roof, a distance of about twelve meters. On
the second storey, the walls of the rotunda were pierced
In addition, Burnham advised the use of overhanging with right arched openings, three meters wide and 42
stories for maximized ventilation and the utilization of meters high, and between the openings were fluted
Spanish tiles for roofs not just to address issues of urban pilasters with lonic capitals supporting a cornice at the base
contextualism but to maintain continuity and mitigate of the dome. At the line of the third floor and above the
potential resistance to alien forms as well. Architects have arches were square openings into a passageway around
acknowledged that resistances to new forms were often the rotunda, These openings, in connection with the
based on the long-standing affection and established sixteen openings which pierced the dome, supplied natural
affinity to familiar places and strived to induce a sense of light for the rotunda. The collector's office was finished in
continuity with the local past in their designs. They extolled native wood, while the rest of the wood finishing
the virtues of traditions-often resorting to what Eric throughout the building was of California redwood. All
Hobsbawm (1990) described as the "inventions of woodwork was in natural finish except at the rotunda
traditions which relied on pageantry or other symbolic where it was painted white to reflect the natural light
expressions of a rigid social order and concocted artificial coming from the dome's arched openings. The floors were
revival styles to provide a semblance of continuity. In made of Oregon pine. Concrete footings were used with
essence, the apparent respect for other cultures involved stone walls for the first storey. The posts and girders and
in the Euro-American imperial ventures aimed to legitimite timber used below the grade line were of native timber,
colonial power while preserving a sense of locality in the and all other structural works were in Oregon pine.
colonial urban order

The principal facade of the Customs House faced the

Bourne's corpus of work was responsive to the cultural and waterfront. The exterior was defined by a cornice,
environmental context of Manila. He introduced the projecting nine centimeters, supported by heavy
application of concrete and lime masonry and the use of medallions of carved wood. The second storey was
cast concrete ornaments which mimicked the familiar local provided with three large windows on each side, with
building motif. But cement was in short supply and was molded architraves and cornices carried on carved
only used for the important edifices of the colonial brackets. The dormers in the third storey were treated as
government. Cement was then imported from Macau, balconies, with columned openings and heavy balustrades
China, and from Japan. A large number f his works were in front, supported on ornately carved brackets. The
built using Oregon pine and California redwood, which octagonal base of the dome had windows on four sides,
were shipped from the United States. Since many of his which allowed light to penetrate the rotunda. The circular
structures were constructed using these types of wood, base was treated with eight pilasters, dividing the wall into
which were prone to termite attacks and easily eight divisions, each provided with two circular-top
deteriorated in tropical weather, none of them had windows in the octagonal base. The dome itself was
survived to this day. Even his iconic cement buildings, such segmented into a series of circular and triangular molded
as the Bureau of Science Building and the Customs House panels and was crowned with a circular cupola with four
were reduced to rubble during the last World War. openings and four Corinthian columns.
Unable to utilize the Ayuntamiento, the seat of central Another outstanding work of Bourne was the Bureau of
government. the American municipal authorities initiated Government Laboratories Building, which was founded
the construction of at separate municipal building in 1901. under the Philippine Commission Act No. 156 dated July 1,
The city government purchased and completed a half- 1901. Ironically, the Mission Revivalist edifice was devoted
finished hospital structure on filled ground at Calzada de to modern scientific research and colonial techno-science.
Vidal, which was left abandoned as a consequence of Finished in 1904, the structure consisted of biological and
Philippine Commission Act No. 247, which called for the chemical laboratory pavilions occupying the 24-acre site of
creation of a large civil hospital. From the existing the old Exposition Grounds in Ermita. The building served
framework, Bourne designed a three-storey. Oregon pine as an architectural set-piece in a large tract that was
structure fitted with a mechanical lift, electric lighting. destined to become a Science Complex and University
tanitary conveniences, and a septic tank. The city hall's Town, which would extend from Calle Faura to Calle Herran
iconography was modeled on the basic bahay na bato, (now Pedro Gil) in Manila.
except that the ground level was constructed of wood
fashioned in the American clapboarding technique instead
of heavy stone masonry. It was officially occupied on Perspective drawing of the Bureau of Customs building
March 7. 1904, and for forty years, the said building, which along the banks of the Pasig River (Tuph and a perspective
was intended for temporary use, served as the Manila City of the corner tower of the Custom bulling in 1903
Hall until it deteriorated and was replaced by the more
familiar neoclassical structure of reinforced concrete with
an iconic monumental clock tower in 1941, a building Gagalangin Elementary School in Tondo, Manila (Below)
designed by architect Antonio Toledo.

The Capitol Building of the Moro Province has a rusticated

Perhaps the largest of Bourne's designs was the Insular Ice facade with projecting balconies. (Opposite page)
Plant and Cold Storage (1902). So huge and expensive, it
was criticized as an "unnecessarily huge refrigerating and
ice making plant for the army commissary" in order "to The perspective drawing of the Insular Ice Plant and Cold
provide supplies and comfort for American officers and Storage in Manila displays an asymmetrical facade
troops not regularly appropriated for by [the US] Congress" articulated with blind arcades (Below)
(Le Roy 1914, 292). The building was constructed to house
the Bureau of Cold Storage and Ice Plant created under the
Philippine Commission Act No. 315 on December 10, 1901.
Facade of the Insular Ice Plant and Cold Storage facing
The Insular Ice Plant and Cold Storage, built on the
Plaza Lawton, Manila. Its iron smokestack was a landmark
southern side of the Pasig River, was considered the first
in the city. (Bottom)
building of a permanent nature to be erected by the
Americans. Its massive brick masonry was fashioned in the
Mission Revival style, with low-relief false arches and
The Government Laboratory, whose masonry component
pedimented portals bearing the insignia of the Insular
was joined by a composite of lime-and-cement mortar, was
government. A series of mirador towers cleverly concealed
smoothly plastered by hand. The foundation walls of the
its industrial components and power plant. The cold
building were made entirely of poured solid concrete. The
storage section consisted of internal and external walls of
structural system was radically new, using a method in
brick masonry, while the floor, columns, and interior
which,
structural members were of Oregon pine. (McGregor 1914,
23). This modern industrial edifice was dominated by a
slender smokestack, almost ten storeys high, which for a
posts do not extend into the foundation wall, but, instead,
time served as a vertical landmark of Manila's horizon as it
are to be set on a 9 by 9 inch sill plate, running
could be seen far and wide. Bourne's Insular Ice Plant was
continuously around the foundation walls, the foot of each
demolished to make way for the superstructure of the
post being let into the sill by a small tusk and both sills and
Light Railway Transit (LRT 1) in the early 1980s.
post bolted to the foundation with anchor bolts, extending
four feet into the concrete foundation wall (Report of the
Philippine Commission 1902, 1012)
In support of the government's medico-sanitary agenda,
Bourne planned Manila's hospital architecture along the
pavilion scheme. This can be seen in buildings such as the
The main façade was dominated by a central portal
single-storey Contagious Disease Hospital on the San
articulated by the scalloped parapet of a Baroque
Lazaro grounds and the Santa Mesa Detention Hospital
silhouette. Verticality was established by two mirador
wooden buildings set on masonry foundations. The
towers flanking the entrance; the two towers were
pavilion-type hospital was an American innovation in the
surmounted by a low hipped roof. The cast relief
Philippines. The pavilion system, as conceived and
ornaments of madejar design were made from forms hand
advocated by colonial health officials, consisted of single-
carved in situ.
storey, if not, two-storey ward blocks, placed orthogonally
to A connecting corridor, which might either be straight or
enclosing of large central square. The pavilions were amply
Internally, the building design was responsive to the separated, usually by pen-air devices, such as gardens or
tropical climate, as the plan manifested the grouping of the lawns. In the wards, natural cross ventilation was achieved
rooms on either side of the ten-foot-wide corridor that ran by opposite rows of tall, narrow windows whose height
the entire length of the building. The hallway opened at reached from floor to ceiling. The pavilion design, which
either end, allowing constant cross ventilation and air placed emphasis on spaciousness and natural ventilation,
exchange within each room. The finished floor in the main was consistent with the logic of aerial conveyance of
halls and toilet rooms were surfaced with "a neat pattern infections upheld by the prevailing namic theory of disease
of encaustic tile." and the floors in the laboratory rooms of the period.
were finished with asphaltic material impervious to acids
(Report of the Philippine Commission 1902, 1013) The
building became the subject of controversy in 1904, when
The Government Laboratory
John C Mehan. the Park Superintendent and Chief of
Sanitation, offered slabs of Italian marble for use by the building in Ermita, Manila, circa
Bureau, which was incorporated into the mosaic flooring of
1905 (Top) Entrance to the San Lazaro
the building. It was discovered that these were gravestones
of American soldiers formerly interred in the Paco Hospital complex in Santa Cruz,
Cemetery, donated by the American public and former
comrades of the fallen men. Mehan had wanted to dispose Manila (Bottom)
of these markers for a long time, and it was cited that the
sale of abandoned gravestones had been a long-standing
practice in Manila which made considerable returns for the Also in San Lazaro, the Manila Board of Health
government. The Issue would however be overshadowed commissioned Bourne to design a modern and hygienic
by the organization's reputation as one of the best morgue with a crematory. This one storey structure with
scientific institutions in the Far East, serving as the concrete floors had fitted tables for laying the corpses and
headquarters of the Bureau of Science in the pre-war autopsy tables with Italian marble tops (Report of the
years. Philippine Commission 1903, 926). The notable external
feature of the San Lazaro Morgue was the pierced,
decorative wooden Roman lattice screen, obviously
Bourne's design for the Government Laboratory, which borrowed from the calado concept of the bahay na bato to
necessitated a new method and style of construction, facilitate cross-ventilation.
served as the benchmark for succeeding government
buildings and a testing ground for industrialized building
techniques and new material applications combined with Bourne also prepared a plan for the unbuilt, 1,500-bed
the extensive use of native hand craftsmanship. The hospital composed of four one-storey pavilions known as
handcrafting of ornaments using concrete, a technique the Manila General Hospital. Bourne's scheme and plan
unknown to native skilled workers, were learned by the followed those "used by F. Ruppel for the great Hamburg-
natives under the close supervision of American master Eppendorf" in Germany (Philippine General Hospital
builder David E. Graham. Medical Center 1986, 30). Since this building was part of a
medical science complex in the Exposition Grounds where Detailed drawings of the Morgue at San Lazaro Hospital
the Government Laboratory was, it took on the same (Top)
Mission Revival aesthetics established in the area by the
latter. The main central structure had ornate parapets; the
façade design placed emphasis on the planarity of the Perspective drawing of the unbuilt Manila General
central volume by flanking it with a pair of protruding Hospital. The plan was later revised and revived as the
cylindrical volumes surmounted by a dome which served as Philippine General Hospital. (Above)
side entrances; the cylindrical drum, in turn, was
sandwiched by two rectangular towers capped by a
pyramidal tiled roof. The four pavilions were zoned for the His standard solution for schoolhouses was no different
following: a combined maternity and women's ward; a from the prototype schools which Parsons later developed
general surgical ward; a general medical ward; and a ward for the Bureau of Education, codified and disseminated in
for native men and women. The four pavilions were linked 1912 through the Bureau of Education Bulletin No. 37-
to a two-storey building housing the administration offices, 1912, titled "School Buildings and Grounds."
operating room, emergency ward, attendant's quarters,
and a one-storey kitchen and dining room extension. The
hospital, made of Philippine hardwood was estimated to Again, collaborating with the Bureau of Education, Bourne
cost 240,000 pesos. Due to shortage of funds, plans for this designed the "Plans for a Model Filipino House," the
colossal hospital building would be temporarily shelved blueprint of which was issued by the said Bureau in 1904.
and turned over to William Parsons, who radically altered The building of the prototypical Filipino house on school
and toned down its ornate Mission Revival architecture but grounds was part of the curricular plan of the Bureau of
preserved its pavilion arrangement for what was to Education for the mandatory instruction of Filipino
become the Philippine General Hospital. elementary and intermediate female students in the
subject of "Domestic Science." The interior could
accommodate a class of twelve and their teacher. The
Since the Bureau of Architecture was a branch of the larger wooden house had a raised floor, partitioned rooms, and
Department of Public Instruction, which was also in charge an entry porch. It was estimated to cost from 2,000 to
of the Bureau of Education, Bourne was directly involved in 2,500 pesos, with the following materials: "roof, galvanized
the design of schools, not only for Manila but also for the iron; posts, ipil, girders, apitong: floor and steps, apitong or
entire archipelago. In fact, from September 1902 to August guijo; siding ("cove"), 5" to, tangili, almon, or lauan; doors
1903, he had designed fourteen school buildings for and window frames of apitong; window. sills, ipil, yacal, or
various provincial locations. The gravity of such work was apitong, sheathing and ceiling, tangili, 1/2" (half lap, or T
so immense that he pleaded for the authorities to design &G). footings, concrete, one part cement, three of sand,
standardized school architecture. He recommended the and six of gravel" Bureau of Education 1910, 43-44). The
uniform design of schoolhouses with preference for the architecture of the house showed
one or two-storey structures built entirely of wood or
wood frames with masonry walls and iron roofs. According preference for the native style of construction and native
to Bourne hardwood. Perhaps, Bourne's model Filipino house served
as progenitor of the Bureau of Health's sanitary model
houses.
It is believed that uniformity in schoolhouse construction
would result in vastly simplifying the work, not only of this
bureau, but also that of the Bureau of Education as well as To maintain a sense of stylistic coherence, the municipal
that of the division superintendents and provincial boards. engineering department clad their design solutions for the
Reference is made more particularly to uniformity of plan sanitary architecture and public infrastructure of Manila
and arrangement, and constructive materials must with elements of Mission Revival to harmonize with the
necessarily be limited in a degree to local conditions works of the Insular Architect. Thus, new building types,
(Report of the Philippine Commission 1903, 938). such as sanitary markets, public schools, slaughterhouses,
police stations, corral, and prisons, among others, were
produced in a style that was unerringly a revival of Spanish
Mission designs. Divisoria Market (1901), the Municipal
Slaughterhouse (1901), and the Tondo Police Station Designed by architects Sturgis and Barion of Boston in the
(1904) among others exhibited this stylistic inflection. Mission Style and executed by the Atlantic, Gulf, and Pacific
Company, the cathedral was the first of its kind to be built
entirely of reinforced concrete. The monumental cathedral
In 1905, Bourne oversaw the design of school buildings for had a cruciform plan with minimal decorations, a steel
Bacolod, Romblon, Lingayen, Tuguegarao, Ilagan, Calapan, trussed dome sheathed with copper, window openings
Silang in Cavite, Sorsogon, a municipal building for shielded by capiz windows, and two sixty-foot rectangular
Bayombong, Nueva Vizcaya, provincial jail buildings for towers punctured by arches-evoking "the dignified and
Ilocos Norte and Tayabas, a market and slaughterhouse for classic lines of Spanish Renaissance" in its massive yet
Lucena in Tayabas, proposals for a model high school unadorned building skin (The Far Eastern Review
building, and science hall, among others (Report of the November 1906, 175).
Philippine Commission 1905, 622). Grandest among the
last of Bourne's projects in the Philippine Islands was the
Provincial Capitol of the Moro Province (now the City Hall Facade and elevation drawing of the Sorsogon Provincial
of Zamboanga), inaugurated in 1905. Continuing the brand High School Building in Sorsogon City, Sorsogon (Top;
of Mission Revivalist design found in his works for the Above)
American Insular Government, the building's principal
façade is dominated by a central mirador, overhanging
balconies that resonate the volada of the bahay na bato, Exterior and plan of the Episcopal Cathedral of Saint Mary
capiz window panes, gabled parapets, and rusticated and Saint John in Ermita, Manila (Bottom, left and right)
exterior walls. flanked by pavilions at either end. The
edifice follows a U-shaped plan to accommodate the
functions of the provincial government. Bourne's position as Insular Architect uthly ended in
controversy. In July 1903, he was charged t Secretary of
Public Instruction with incompetence, and the plaint the
Single-storey school buildings designed by Edgar Bourne Office of the a group of contractors (Jones, Smith, Grant
for the Bureau of Education (Above, top to bottom) Attorney Sutro, pleaded for Bourne's removal from office
by re and Bryan). arrogance and by reason of his
arbitrariness" (Manila Times, July 17, 1 1). The government
Plan for a Model House for the Domestic Science courses of probe into Bourne's case made headlines in Ma
the Bureau of Education (Right) broadsheets. An American newspaper described the
investigati sensational event" (Manila Times. July 23, 1903,
1). But no fact was presented to substantiate the
Elevation and section drawings of the Corral for the complainant's "vague" Bourne was "incompetent to hold
Government Laboratories in Manila (Top) his office by reason of his unles both to Government and
private individuals" (Manila Times, July 17.10.1 a evidenca

Courtyard of the Bureau of Printing

In 1905, with the reorganization of government agencies
Building in Manila (Middle) engaged i infrastructural delivery and architectural design,
Bourne fell out of favor, resulting in the abolition of the
Bureau of Architecture and Const of Public Buildings. This
Capitol Building of the Moro Province, later the City Hall of was, perhaps, catalyzed by the submission struction
Zamboanga (Bottom) Burnham's report early that year, which shifted the
attention of the colonial government to a much more
auteur-centric and grander b vision. The position of Insular
In private constructions, the aesthetic language of Spanish Architect was dissolved and replaced by Consulting
Revivalism propitiously flourished in the architectural Architect, a high-profile government position created
climate imagined and crafted by Bourne. One such work accommodate Burnham's endorsement, William E.
was the Episcopal Cathedral of St. Mary and St. John (1905) Parsons, who would interpret Burnham's imperial
located on Calle Isaac Peral (now United Nations Avenue).
aspiration for Manila and Baguio with aesthetic fidelity and With the merger, the Bureau of Architecture and
philosophical sanctity. Construction of Public Buildings, which Bourne headed,
was accordingly abolished in October of 1905 and its duties
and mandates were effectively transferred to the Division
The Bureau of Public Works: of Building Construction and Repair under the Bureau of
Public Works, Department of Commerce and Police.

The Nerve Center of Colonial Architectural Production

In May 1906 by virtue of Act No. 1495, the office of
Consulting Architect in the Department of Commerce and
The Bureau of Public Works (BPW) was formally organized Police was established. Within the same month, William
on November 1. 1905, pursuant to the provisions of Act Parsons assumed the responsibilities left by Bourne in the
No. 1407, also known as the "Reorganization Act" passed newly organized Office of the Consulting Architect. This
by the Philippine Commission on October 26, 1905. From government position may have been created to fit Parsons'
its embryonic stage of growth under the American colonial credentials, stemming either from the recommendation of
authorities, the Bureau's function was confined to the Daniel Burnham or from an initiative by Commissioner
construction of roads and public buildings. Cameron Forbes, head of the Department of Commerce
and Police. The new Consulting Architect was in charge of
preparing all the designs, drawings, specifications,
The Bureau of Public Works, as founded in 1905, was the estimates, and documents for all public constructions. As a
consequence of a merger between two bureaus created in supervisory government position, he was also mandated to
1901 during the American military regime, under the "exercise general supervision over the architectural
provisions of Acts Nos. 222 and 268 namely, the Bureau of features of Government construction and of the landscape
Engineering and Construction of Public Works under the gardening of public spaces of recognized prominence"
Department of Commerce and Police, and the Bureau of (Dakudao 1994, 9). In January of 1914, a major
Architecture and Construction of Public Buildings under the reorganization of the Bureau of Public Works was enacted
Department of Instruction The merged bureau soon by the Philippine Legislature through Act. No. 2319 or the
became the nerve center of all state-initiated infrastructure "Appropriation Act of 1914," which transferred the Office
and architectural works in the country. of the Consulting Architect to the Bureau of Public Works.
The Bureau of Public Works was soon after reorganized
with four principal divisions: the Administrative Division;
the Designing Division; the Constructing Division; and the
The Bureau of Engineering under the Department of
Division of Architecture which was placed under the direct
Commerce and Police was established on January 8, 1903.
supervision of the Consulting Architect.
It provided the labor force and construction machinery for
the execution of the designs of all insular work under the
authority of the consulting architect. The functions of the
bureau were: the maintenance and repair of insular Within this institutional matrix that lasted until the
buildings advising the Governor-General, the Legislature, outbreak of the Pacific War, American-influenced modes of
and the Secretary of Commerce and Police on all matters architectural production remained pervasive among Beaux
pertaining to engineering and architecture; the design of all Arts-trained pensionado architects, who inherited the
municipal and provincial improvements; the supervision administration of the Bureau from the American colonial
over architectural features of buildings, parks, streets, and architects soon after the Philippine Autonomy Act or Jones
improvements throughout the islands; and all Law was enacted in 1916.
infrastructure for drainage, sewers, waterworks irrigation,
and ports works. The Bureau of Public Works was the
principal implementing agency that interpreted and No Little Plans: The Burnham Plan and the Creation of
executed Burnham's urban designs, specifically all parks Tropical Imperial Space in the Philippines
and landscape elements of Manila and Baguio.

As early as 1901, the American colonial authorities sought

professional advice from prominent architects and urban
planners from the United States. In August 1901, on official reasons, declined the offer. Circumstances connived which
visit to Washington, Captain George Ahern, Director of the resulted in the appointment of an equally prominent
Bureau of Forestry of the Philippine Insular Government, architect and the father of the City Beautiful Movement -
wrote to the renowned landscape architect Frederick Law Daniel Hudson Burnham.
Olmsted Jr. (1870-1957), expressing his desire to organize a
"Town Improvement Society" for Manila. Ahern solicited
Olmsted's advice and requested him to draft a preliminary To architecturally materialize the imperial ambition to build
proposal for the overhaul and beautification of Manila. In an American tropical empire in the largest overseas
an affirmative gesture, Olmsted met with Ahern to discuss possession of the United States, the federal government
the former's initial ideas for Manila's urban makeover that conscripted the services of Daniel H. Burnham (1846-1912),
entailed the creation of 300-foot radial avenue encircling assisted by Pierce Anderson, on a six-week official mission
the walled city of Intramuros, emulating the Ringstrasse, a to the Philippines from December 1904 to January 1905 to
grand circular boulevard bordering the old quarters of survey Manila and Baguio and to recommend preliminary
Vienna. After this brief meeting, nothing happened until plans for the development of these American colonial
two years. In 1903 when Howard Taft assumed office as the cities.
Secretary of War and head of Bureau of Insular Affairs, he
resumed the search for a planner for Manila. Taft
delegated Commissioner Cameron Forbes to scout for a Burnham enthusiastically accepted his new assignment and
suitable consultant to plan the colonial capital, inspiring agreed not to take any compensation for his employment
him to pursue Olmsted. as he considered the work a patriotic duty. Burnham and
Anderson reached Manila on December 7, 1904. During the
period of their stay, their time was spent talking with
Independently, the Manila Municipal Board passed a government officials, inspecting and surveying pertinent
resolution in October 19, 1903, authored by its member sites, working over maps and "in situ," and socializing with
Percy G. McDonnell, explicitly naming Olmsted as the the host officials. They surveyed Manila on the first and
preferred urban designer: second week and spent the third, a Christmas week, up in
Baguio. The first few days of January were spent working in
the office in the Manila Municipal Hall until they sailed for
That an effort should be made to secure the services of Mr. Hong Kong mid-January.
Olmsted [Jr.] or a man of the same class, with the idea of
having an expert come to Manila for six or eight months, or
a year, if necessary, for the purpose of making thorough The master plans and final report were submitted on June
study of the best disposition of [the entire city of 28, 1905, to William H. Taft, the Secretary of War, in
Manila)]...and prepare plans for a system of parks and Washington, DC. The plan of Manila appeared to resemble
boulevards and recommending the location and varieties in many aspects the plan for Chicago and San Francisco.
of shade trees. Burnham was a progenitor of and a proponent of the City
Beautiful, a movement whose main advocacy was to
transform cities into beautiful, orderly, efficient, healthy,
This resolution made it clear that the proconsuls did not and democratic places, with profound reliance on Beaux
want to employ one of its officers from the available roster Arts formalism, a principle Burnham had previously applied
of military engineers and went out of their way to hire a in the Chicago Columbian Exposition of 1893 and the city of
pedigreed artist and urban auteur that could envelop the Washington, DC. Formulaic urban elements of the City
colonial landscape with a certain degree of urban prestige Beautiful included a civic core, wide radial avenues,
and cosmopolitan splendor. landscaped promenades, and visually arresting panorama.

Manila's link with Frederick Olmsted Jr. was renewed By Looking back, the City Beautiful Movement was conceived
March 1904 Forbes had met with Frederick Olmsted Jr. to out of the ill effects caused by the Industrial Revolution to
discuss the arrangements for the Manila commission with a combat pollution, traffic and human congestion, lack of
negotiated compensation of $ 5.000 (Letter of Forbes to basic utilities, outbreaks of disease, and general social
Olmsted Ir. 11 March 1904) Olmstead was, for various disorder plaguing American cities at that time. An early
answer was the provision of parks and open spaces to
improve the deteriorating quality of urban life. A profound
City Beautiful Movement
example of this initiative was Central Park in New York City,
designed by landscape architects Frederick Law Olmsted
and Calvert Vaux
The City Beautiful was an aesthetic movement in American
urban planning and architecture that started in the 1890s
as an attempt by advocates to improve their cities through
Burnham's plans intermixed colonial expansion with the
beautification, which was envisioned to sweep away social
urban design principle of the City Beautiful. Parks,
ills, as the beauty of the city would inspire civic loyalty and
symmetrical pathways for traversing the city, and the
moral rectitude in the impoverished; bring American cities
importance of classical motifs were all fundamental to the
up to cultural parity with their European competitors
total of the City Beautiful. These planned verdant spaces
through the use of the European Beaux-Arts idiom; and
executed in the City Beautiful scheme were envisioned to
create a more inviting city center that would bring the
assume a kind of pastoral locus in an urban setting where
upper classes back to work and spend money in the urban
citizens were to experience democratic cultivation and
areas, but not live there. Exemplified by the White City at
cosmopolitanism.
the 1893 Columbian World's Exposition, the City Beautiful
Movement emphasized danical architecture for public
buildings built around parks and lawns, the most successful
Through the aesthetic language of the City Beautiful
application of which was the 190) Plan for Washington, DC.
Movement, an auspicious architectural climate for
neoclassicism was now set and the tradition of
neoclassicism gained a vigorous foothold in the colony as
Origins of the Neoclassical Style
the official architectural style. The neoclassical
architectural template rose to fabricate a persuasive
metaphor of colonial supremacy and democratic iconology.
The Insular government favored the neoclassic style for it The style of neoclassicism was based on a precise study of
alluded to some imperialist trope, recalling the European ancient Roman and Greek buildings. At the heart of this
approaches to colonialism and empire-building. style were the orders: Doric, lonic, Corinthian, and two
Neoclassicism conferred the modern reinforced concrete other Roman variations, Tuscan and Composite. Each had
building with an aura of civilizing heritage, instilling its own system of organization, composition, and
Jeffersonian purity that conjures the grandeur and proportion. During the Renaissance, architects
spectacle of the ancient Greek and Roman temple rediscovered these systems, grously inventoried them, and
archetypes. These nonumental buildings were deemed as carefully applied them in new ways to all types of
the embodiment of the American people's aspirations, an Renaissance buildings. In the mid eighteenth century it
image which connected them to the glorious ancient reemerged as a result of archeological discoveries of the
civilizations of the West. ancient ruins and a renewed interest in Greek and Roman
architecture. Architects and intellectuals of the time went
on grand tours, which brought them through the major
cities in the European continent, North Africa, and the near
Burnham's intended city image of Manila reverberated
East and into direct contact with the cultures, art,
with Eurocentric optimism and a romantic evocation for
architecture, and artifacts of Greco-Roman civilizations.
European allusions. Burnham romantically located Manila
along the lines of Western civilization, and declared in his
report in 1906:
In the United States, towards the closing of the eighteenth
century. Thomas Jefferson, in his role as architect and
tastemaker, advocated a direct return to the architectural
Yet still small in area, possessing the bay of Naples, the
principles of Republican Rome as the true course for a new
winding river of Paris, and the canals of Venice, Manila has
democracy-a classical revival. This shift in taste coincided
before it an opportunity unique in the history of modern
with the American Revolution, and the Neoclassical style
times, to create a unified city equal to the greatest of the
became closely identified with the political values of the
Western world with the unparalleled and priceless addition
young republic. This is seen in the civic, institutional, and
of a tropical setting (Hines 1972, 46),
religious architecture of the period. Thomas Jefferson was development of canals and esteros (waterways) for
both a promoter and practitioner of this type of transportation, construction of a bay shore boulevard from
architecture. en in his University of Virginia campus Manila to Cavite, the provision of zones for major public
complex. For a time in the mid-nineteenth century, the facilities, such as schools and hospitals, the development of
style saw competition from various other architectural parks and open spaces for recreational activities, and the
"fashions, such as the Gothic Revival of Richardson and a development of summer resorts near the capital. The plan
nascent movement in a trily American "style" that saw included all elements of a classic City Beautiful plan. It had
honest expression of materials and structure in mainly a central civic core; radials emanating from this core were
high-rise buildings. This was the merging Chicago School of laid over a gridiron pattern and large parks were
architecture led by Louis Sullivan and his protégé Frank interconnected by parkways, all of which recommended an
Lloyd Wright. architectural style from which future buildings were to be
patterned. A scholar remarked that "if the plan had had a
chance to be fully executed, Manila would have become
Daniel H. Burnham (Top) the most beautiful city in the East."

Fierce Andersan (Abere) American historian, Thomas Hines, remarked: "Despite

Burnham's pro imperialist political sentiments, and
generally 'imperial' manner of his
In the nineteenth century, the French architectural school, and all City Beautiful planning, the Manila plan was
the Ecole des Beaux Arts, dominated architectural educatio remarkable in its simplicity and its cognizance of the
The institution promoted a rigorous yet eclectic application Philippine conditions and traditions. Concise and
of classical design. Students were trained in an archite straightforward, its technical recommendations for streets,
language that was symmetrical, formal, and hierarchical, parks, railroads, and public buildings echoed much of
but used elaborate decorations. Beaux Arts design was Burnham's ideas for Washington, Cleveland, and San
exuberant excursion into classicism than the earlier revival Francisco" (Hines 1972, 43). Burnham's Manila plan
had been. It also coincided with a technological revoluti borrowed elements from the Washington, DC plan, as
construction methods, notably with steel, which allowed evidenced in the central civic core, where government
unprecedented ease in spanning great distances. Any space buildings were arranged in a formal pattern around a
could be framed in steel could then be clad with a classical rectangular mall. The imagery of the Philippine mall was
veneer. reminiscent of the national mall in Washington, DC and
overtly manifested a building silhouette of a capitol akin to
that of the American Capitol. Completing the civic
Classicism as a design approach valorizes the virtues of ensemble were the Hall of Justice complex, located south
rationality, logic, beauty, order, and symmetry. It is more of the mall, and semipublic buildings, such as libraries,
th imitation of Periclean Athens or a utilization of columns, museums, and permanent exposition buildings, all along a
entablature, and peristyles, but is sustained by drive towards the north. To directly quote from the
organization proportion. Nowadays, there seems to be an proposal:
attempt by mainstream postmodernism to resurrect, on a
superficial level the image of postmodernism and
classicism which are not the same. Postmodernism makes Among building groups, the first in importance, the
references to classical de ironically and indirectly, and Government or National group, which would include the
intentionally tries to subvert the classical position that Capitol building and the department buildings, is located
buildings can be rational and cine Modern architecture, on the present Camp Wallace and the adjacent land back
with its devotion to logic, is actually closer to classicism of Calle Nozaleda. Grouping itself closely about the capitol
minus the ornamentation. building at the center, it forms a hollow square, opening
out westward to the sea. The gain in dignity by grouping
this (sic) buildings in a single formal mass has dictated this
Approved on June 20, 1906, by the US Congress, Burnham's arrangement, the beauty and convenience of which has
recommendation included the establishment of a central been put to the test in notable examples from the days of
civic core with streets radiating from it, cleaning and
old Rome to the Louvre and Versailles in modern times (Far portions of either have been given up to private use should
Eastern Review March 1907, 326). be reclaimed where possible, and such portions as are still
under public control should be developed and forever
maintained for the use and enjoyment of the people."
The eastern front of the Capitol group faced a semicircular Burnham prescribed a continuous parkway along Manila
plaza, from whose center radiated a street system Bay. extending from the Luneta and southward all the way
communicating with all the sections of the city-an to Cavite. This was to be a seventy-six-meter-wide ocean
arrangement entirely fitting for both practical and drive "with roadways, tramways. bridle paths, rich
sentimental reasons: practical, because the center of plantations, and broad sidewalks and should be made
government activity should be readily accessible from all available to all classes of people in all sorts of
sides; sentimental because every section of the capitol city conveyances." Burnham further proposed shaded river
should look with deference toward the symbol of the drives along the Pasig, all the way to the south-bank drive
nation's power. The plaza allows space at its center for a going to Fort McKinley, and beyond this, to the lake area,
national monument of compact plan and simple silhouette. as part of the park and parkway system.

Radiating out from this Government Center was a series of Burnham, in an effort to disseminate American imperial
radial boulevards superimposed on an efficient gridiron ambition in the Far East to a wider audience, presented an
street system. These radials divided the city into five abstract of his proposal to The Western Architect, a
sections and produced a street system that directed traffic national journal of architecture and allied arts published in
efficiently up to a point where diagonals were introduced the United States. While his article focuses on the urban
as a continuous connection between sections. Such a street modifications that were to be performed in Manila, it
pattern was patterned after Washington, DC and resonated inadvertently exposed his strong imperialist predisposition.
in the Burnham-Bennett plan for San Francisco. At the initial passages of the essay, Burnham observed the
absence of an urban plan in the previous colonial regime.

Burnham also specified zones to locate the future capitol

buildings, hall of justice, post office, railway station, In Manila, in the time of Spanish dominion, was an old
municipal buildings, official residences, social clubs, new walled city situated on the shores of Manila Bay, at the
hotel, casino, public bath, yacht club, school center, and mouth of the Pasig River. There was no plan by which the
charitable institutions. city was built. and, as a result, the place was ill-suited for
the abode of white men (emphasis mine). The plans for the
development of the city should make it, not only healthful,
Waterways, like streets, were also imperative to Burnham's but beautiful as well (Burnham 1906, 7).
plan for facilitating transportation and commerce in
Manila. For instance. Burnham observed that a system of
existing narrow canals, called esteros, linked the various In this passage, Burnham briefly declaimed his version of
parts of the city and provided a practical means to move Manila's history. The lack of planning during the previous
goods throughout Manila. He declared that these canals colonial era led to an urban accretion, rendering the city
may not be aesthetically pleasing, but an estero, "it should inhospitable to "white men." It can be surmised that
be remembered, is not only an economical vehicle for the Burnham's plan was generated from an imperialist desire
transaction of public businesses: it can become, as in to transform the Philippine space into a place where "white
Venice, an element of beauty. Both beauty and men" can feel disease-free and reimagine America in a
convenience dictate a very liberal policy toward the tropical milieu.
development of these valuable waterways.)

The City of Pines: Designing America's Colonial Hill Station

Burnham also endowed great importance to waterfront
development. He remarked in his report: "Manila
possesses the greatest resources for recreations and Majority of Americans in the Philippines recognized the
refreshments in its river and its ocean bay. Whatever health hazards accompanying the imperial venture in the
tropics. Some had been weakened by dysentery, typhoid, The 1905 Plan of Proposed Improvements for the City of
malaria, and a host of other tropical ailments, not to Manila, more commonly known as the Burnham Plan
mention symptoms of depression. Later, medical scholars (Above)
coined a term for it: "tropical fatigue." In insular parlance,
this came to be referred to as "Philippinitis" (Heiser 1936,
76). An upland climate was then believed to be an Similar geometries and urban arrangement of the
efficacious cure to tropical fatigue, and the search for the government buildings in Luneta (Top, left) and Washington
fabled cool place, set in the mountain ranges of the North, D.C. (Top, right)
occupied the imaginations of the heat-crazed Americans.
That chilly place was Baguio, whose environment offered
an ideal site for an American health resort. The great Perspective drawing of the facade of the proposed National
enthusiasm to develop Baguio as a place of American Capitol Building in Luneta, Manila (Opposite page, top)
refuge and recuperation motivated the costly construction
of Kennon Road, undertaken from 1901 to 1905. This two-
million-dollar road leading to ten-room sanitarium in Plan of the proposed Government Center in Luneta,
Baguio exacted hundreds of human lives from Filipino, Manila, as detailed in the 1920s (Opposite page, bottom)
Japanese, and Chinese road laborers.
POST COLONIAL MODERNITY

- THE MANILA LIBERATION (1945)

Baguio was declared by the Philippine Commission on June
1, 1903, as the summer capital of the archipelago. In POST WAR EFFECT: Post-Colonial Modernity
accordance with the declaration, Baguio would be
 Philippine War Damage Commission
transformed into a new city conceived, planned, built, and
maintained by the Americans for the comfort and POST-WAR
enjoyment of Americans.
 Philippine War Damage Commission
 US War Damage Rehabilitation Fund
- Manila City Hall
Burnham's Baguio plan provided for this function, with
- Post Office Building
emphasis on the city's tripartite role-as a health sanitarium
- Agriculture Building
for American servicemen, as a large market center, and as
- Finance Building
a hub of recreational activities. The proposal for Baguio
- Legislative Building
had three objectives:
- UP Manila Building

SHIFT OF STYLE
1. To provide a street system adapted to the changing
 MODERNITY
contours,
- As a historical stage
 MODERNISM
- As a cultural process that takes place at several
allowing easy communication, and avoiding east-west and
points along the development of capitalism
north-south orientation of building lines:
 MODERNIZATION
- As a social process that attempts to construct
modernity
2. To provide suitable locations for public, semipublic, and
MODERNISM

 positivistic (knowledge and truth systems could is

private institutions of importance; and, 3. To provide
verified by way of scientific inquiry)
recreational areas in the shape of playgrounds, parks and
 technology marked by strongly held beliefs in
open esplanades, and parkways.
universal progress, the possibility of absolute truth,
rational planning of ideal social orders.
  technocentric (progress in knowledge is achieved - First gated community for Middle income Families
through advances in rationalistic (knowledge is
THIRD GENERATION FILIPINO ARCHITECTS
achieved by the application of reason); and
professed cogently the ideals of democratic  FEDERICO ILLUSTRE
collectivism, industrialization and machine - GSIS Head Quarters, located in Arroceros,
aesthetics, devotion to a utopian future, and championed in the Post-Independence Modern
aspiration towards the creation of a universal Style
culture - Veterans Memorial Building
- Department of Agriculture and Natural Resources,
Cartographies of Philippine Modernity
a symmetrical structure at the Elliptical Road
 The search for identity - PHHC current National Housing Authority
 The notion of nation-building - Manila International Airport (terminal 2)
 The sense of progress - Quezon Memorial Monument Pylon
 The overall image of Modern architecture -
pristine, hard-edged, machine-like edifices stripped
of anything inessential - was recast locally to  CESAR CONCIO
accommodate tropes of the Philippine namely: the - UP Diliman Melchor and Palma Hall, functional
trope of tropicality; the trope of native civilization; modernist redesigns of the premier state of
and, the trope of state spectacle. These categories university by the pensionado architects from W.
are not inherently independent from each other; in Parson’s original Plan
some instances, they mutually overlap to reinforce - Church of Rise Lord (Protestant)
the discourse of Philippine identity in the built - Redemptorist Church, Baclaran Church exemplified
form. in a revival of a Gothic Style Church
- Insular Life 1963, the 1st Makati Skyscraper
 Simplicity over complexity - Quezon City Assembly Hall, Ruperto Gaite’s
 Concrete successful massive clear structure tranced to
 Steel signify the Southern American Modernism Style
 Glass - Rizal Provincial Capitol, influenced by Oscar
 Cubic forms Niemeyers Presidents Palace in Brasilia
 Geometric shapes - Araneta Coliseum, a commissioned structure for J.
 Absence of applied classical decoration Amado Araneta, holds the title of largest domed
 Brise soleil coliseum in the world from 1960-1963
 Spaceships - DOST- Philippine Nuclear Research Institute,
Philippine Atomic Research Center, designed by
R.A NO. 333 (1948) Cresenciano de Castro, an arc shaped laboratory
 A Decree signed by President Manuel Roxas and that took 7 years of planning and research before
President Elpidio Quirino, creating a new capital its formal construction
- Asian Development Bank (DFA)
Juan Arellano, Chairman of City Planning Commission

Constitution Hill
 JUAN NAKPIL AND SONS
 Palace of the Executive - Social Security System Main Office, Juan Nakpil
 House of Congress and sons designed the structure reflecting the
 House of Representatives international style in architecture
- Boys Scout of the Philippines Head Quarters
BUNGALOW
- Commercial Bank & Trust (PNB Quezon Ave,)
- A bungalow type of residence designed by the - Rizal Theater, a compliment structure for Jose
People’s Homesite and Housing Corporation for Rizal’s Glory, demolished to give way for Shangri-La
the Kamuning Housing Projects. Hotel in Makati
- San Carlos Seminary
PHILAM LIFE QC
 - PRESIDENTIAL DECREE 824 CREATING METRO
MANILA AND ITS MANAGING PUBLIC
 ANGEL NAKPIL
CORPORATION, THE METROPOLITAN MANILA
- Picache Building, Plaza Miranda Quiapo, he
COMMISSION (MMC) ON NOVEMBER 7, 1975,
designed this first ever skyscraper using
GOVERNOR IMELDA MARCOS
international style Modernist in the Philippines
- NATIOANL SCHOOL FOR ARTS, MAKILING
- National Press Club office, a Bauhaus Dessau
- PAMANTASAN NG BAGING LIPUNAN (DEPED)
influenced building
- MEDICAL CENTER OD ASIA
- MANILA FILM THEATER (Tragic theater)

 JOSE MARIA ZARAGOZA

- Meralco Building office
NEO VENACULAR ARCHITECTURE
- New Santo Domingo, Quezon city
- Renovation of Quiapo Church - FELIPE MENDOZA HOLIDAY HILLS GOLF
CLUBHOUSE
- FRANCISCO FAJARDO MAX’S RESTAURANT
 ALFREDO LUZ - LUIS ARANETA 1962 PHILIPPINE PAVILION
- Ramon Magsaysay Building, Alfredo Luz design the - OTILION ARELLANO 1964 PHILIPPINE PAVILION
building following a Brutalist Expressionist - LEANDRO LOCSIN 1970 PHILIPPINE PAVILION
Architectural Style - ZAMBOANGA INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT

 CARLOS D. ARGUELLES ARCHITECTURE AFTER MODERNISM

- Philam Building, UN Avenue

 CARLOS SANTOS-VIOLA
- Iglesia ni Cristo Templo Central

 LEANDRO LOCSIN
- Holy Sacrifice Church, with Arturo Luz and
Napoleon Abueva

BAGONG LIPUNAN ARCHITECTURE

- SEARCH FOT THE NATIONAL IDENTITY

- BAGONG LIPUNAN IMRPOVEMENT OF SITES AND
SERVICES (BLISS)
- TANGHALANG PAMBANSA
- KASAYSAYAN NG LAHI
- PHILIPPINE INTERNATIONAL CONVENTION
CENTER
- TAHANANG FILIPINO (COCONUT PALACE)
Invention of Imelda Madera
- PAMBAYAN TANGHALAN (FOLK-ARTS THEATER)
77 DAYS CONSTRUCTION
- PHILIPPINE INSTITUTE OF ARCHITECTS, LEAGUE OF
PHILIPPINE ARCHITECTS AND ASSOCIATION OF
PHILIPPINE GOVERNMENT ARCHITECTS