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Accomplishing Authenticity in a Labor-Exposing Space

Article in Computers in Human Behavior · September 2012

DOI: 10.1016/j.chb.2012.05.017

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 Computers in Human Behavior xxx (2012) xxx–xxx

Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect

Computers in Human Behavior

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/comphumbeh

Accomplishing authenticity in a labor-exposing space

Jenny L. Davis ⇑
Texas A&M University, 311 Academic Building, College Station, TX 77840, United States

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: The present work, through an ethnographic study of MySpace (N = 96), examines the ways in which
Available online xxxx authenticity is accomplished within a labor-exposing space. To maintain authenticity, actors must make
invisible the extensive labor of self-presentation. Certain online spaces, such as social network sites
Keywords: and personal interactive homepages, can be thought of as labor-exposing spaces, in that they give actors
PIH clear and explicit control over self-representations, making impressions of spontaneity difficult to accom-
Social network site plish (Davis, 2010; Gatson, 2011a; Marwick & boyd, 2010). I discuss and delineate several strategies used
MySpace
by participants to maintain authenticity on MySpace. I conclude that while the priorities of identity pro-
Identity
Authenticity
cesses remain stable over time, the ways in which we accomplish identity are culturally, historically and
materially contingent.
Ó 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction of personal biographical information in both textual and

(photo)graphic forms. (3) The bricolage of personal information
Actors, interacting within the social world, must collaborate to is presented through a templated structure (Davis, 2010, pp.
construct definitions of self, other(s), situations, and reality. These 1104–1105).
constructions, however, do not take place idiosyncratically from
The PIH, as a vehicle for self presentation, lends itself to studies
encounter to encounter, but instead take place in patterned ways
of self and identity. Most recently, it has been argued the PIH gives
through existing social structures (Goffman, 1959; Stryker, 1980).
its users greater control over their identity performances, making
These patterned forms of interaction vary with the contexts and
explicit the conscious decisions that go into self-presentation (Da-
settings within which they occur. Much of the work within com-
vis, 2010). Here, I describe this feature as one which designates the
puter mediated communication (CMC) has therefore concerned it-
PIH as a labor-exposing space, or a site of interaction that illumi-
self with understanding the online spaces and places of interaction
nates the labor of identity construction.
and identity construction (e.g. Chandler, 1998; Davis, 2010; Ellison,
Self, identity, and reality are products of collaborative labor
Steinfield, & Lampe, 2007; Gatson & Zweerink, 2004a; Robinson,
between social actors. Reality is stable when this labor remains
2007).
hidden, as this allows social actors to take for granted their
Personal interactive homepages (PIHs) like MySpace and Face-
assumption about the physical and social world (Berger &
book, are increasingly pervasive media on and through which
Luckmann, 1967; Goffman, 1959; Mead, 1934). As such, everyday
interaction and identity construction take place (Burcher, 2009;
interactions run smoothly due to our keen ability to hide the
Hargittai & Hsieh, 2011; Kiss, 2007; Lewis & West, 2009; Thelwall,
constructed nature of our shared systems of meaning (Blumer,
2008). The PIH is a sub-genre of social network sites (SNSs), refer-
1969; Goffman, 1959). Any interaction medium which illuminates
ring specifically to those social network sites which resemble the
the construction process therefore threatens the social products
personal homepage, and incorporate interaction. More formally,
(i.e. selves, others, reality) that we work so hard to maintain. I
the PIH is:
term such sites labor-exposing spaces. I argue that PIHs are labor-
. . .a templated, bricolage of personal information, used for the exposing spaces, and examine here one particular PIH—MySpace.
purposes of communication and interaction within social net- Specifically, the architecture of MySpace provides templated
works. It is defined by the following features: (1) it is a social categories, in which users explicitly fill out information about
network site (and fits all of the criteria for a SNS as defined by themselves. In doing so, they tell an audience about their skills,
boyd & Ellison (boyd & Ellison, 2007). (2) It contains a bricolage hobbies, interests, sexual preferences, favorite movies, taste in mu-
sic, educational attainment and financial status. They post pictures
and provide their own captions. They write bulletins and send
⇑ Tel.: +1 571 239 9993. them out to be read by all others in their networks. They select
E-mail address: jdavis4@neo.tamu.edu which friends will be displayed prominently as top friends. All

0747-5632/$ - see front matter Ó 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2012.05.017

Please cite this article in press as: Davis, J. L. Accomplishing authenticity in a labor-exposing space. Computers in Human Behavior (2012), http://dx.doi.org/
10.1016/j.chb.2012.05.017
2 J.L. Davis / Computers in Human Behavior xxx (2012) xxx–xxx

completed temporally prior to interaction, as friends can only com- self is a self that appears to simply be, rather than a self that is
ment upon content once the page creator has already posted it (Da- accomplished. To expose the laborious nature of a self is to threa-
vis, 2010). ten the authenticity of the social actor. Moreover, to expose this la-
This means that by default, MySpace users ‘‘give,’’ rather than bor on a larger scale is to call into question the very notion of
‘‘give off,’’ impressions about the self (Goffman, 1959; Walther, authenticity, and so the very structure of our reality system. Selves
1996). It is therefore understood that a profile, which represents and reality are therefore highly fragile, and must be upheld by so-
the self, is a product of the time, effort and conscious decisions cial actors individually and collectively.
on the part of the profile creator. In other words, PIH users partake It is not hard to imagine how an interaction medium which
in the shared understanding that the profile is the product of a cer- facilitates a carefully crafted self would present actors with a con-
tain amount of labor. Inverting the problem of face-to-face interac- siderable challenge. Actors, interacting within labor-exposing
tion (potential for misunderstanding and an inability to control spaces, must balance the tension between ideal self-presentation
information about the self (Goffman, 1959; Snow & Anderson, and the need to maintain authenticity (Marwick & boyd, 2010).
1987) the challenge for the PIH user is to hide her/his identity work This is well articulated by Gatson (2011a), who asks: ‘‘how do
within a setting that explicitly facilitates a great deal of acknowl- we negotiate our identities online, in situations where text, which
edged control over identity meanings (Sessions, 2009). is normally understood as inherently more deliberative than
By using data from an ethnographic study of MySpace (N = 96), speech, dominates?’’ (p. 11). I argue that the PIH creates this
the present work investigates the strategies used by social actors to authenticity-challenging situation for its users, and so provides
maintain authenticity (i.e. an impression of spontaneity) while an arena in which the handling of this challenge can be explored.
interacting within a context that facilitates an explicitly crafted
representation of the self. I identify four main strategies employed
2.2. Self and identity online
by PIH users as they embark on this complex task:
Within the CMC literature, there is a debate over the meaning of
 Consistency.
online identity construction and its relationship to the offline
 Reconciled contradictions.
world. Specifically, scholars debate the ‘‘uniqueness’’ of the online
 Corroboration and affirmation.
versus the offline self and the relative roles of agency and struc-
 Apathetic framing.
ture. Earlier works tend towards the idea that the online world is
a fully separate sphere, where social actors can be uprooted from
Although MySpace is no longer the predominant PIH (far sur-
their everyday lives, separated from their physical bodies, and have
passed by Facebook (Kiss, 2007)), a study of this platform offers
the ability take on new selves.
important theoretical and empirical insights. Indeed, the internet
Chandler (1998) for example, argues that the internet provides
is littered with once thriving but now abandoned spaces, dead
not only another medium for creating identities, but by infinitely
links, and forgotten communities. A study of MySpace is a study
expanding and diversifying our networks, offers the potential to
of a classic form of the personal interactive homepage; a study of
create a different kind of self. Similarly, Turkle, based on research
social media by its roots. A study such as this offers insights into
in Multi-User Domains (MUDs), paints a picture of a mediated self
the basic impact PIHs have on processes of the self, and leaves
where the online and offline selves are enmeshed in a postmodern
room to adapt future analyses to the more recent developments
way, changing forever the nature of what it means to be a ‘‘self’’
in PIH platforms and social media use in general.
(Turkle, 1995).
I begin with a review of the literature. Next, I discuss my meth-
In her more recent work, Turkle (2011) revises her thesis to fit
odology. Finally, I illustrate the four authenticity accomplishing
with the nonomous online environments more prevalent today
techniques discussed above.
(Zhao, Grasmuck, & Martin, 2008). According to Turkle, we are
overtaken by the technologies with which we interact. She argues
2. Theory and literature
that these technologies promote isolation, and that because of this,
we are lonely. Work permeates home life, home life interrupts
2.1. Authenticity and identity work
work, and we are overwhelmed and overrun by technological
advancement (Turkle, 2011).
The social construction of self and identity is highly laborious.
Although we cannot ignore the potentially liberating or delete-
Actors view themselves in particular ways, and work to have their
rious effects of any communication/interaction medium, the above
identity meanings verified through interaction (Burke, 2004). The
mentioned views are highly deterministic and falter into utopic
work begins behind the scenes, as actors prepare themselves
and dystopic polemics. A more nuanced (and I think more accu-
(physically and psychically) for the collaborative performance.
rate) understanding of social media is that of a physically rooted
Upon entrance into a situation, they work with interaction partners
but digitally mediated technology that has a reciprocal relationship
to determine a definition of the situation, and a definition of self
with agentic social actors. In line with this, danah boyd is careful to
and other(s) within it. In doing so, they must constantly gauge
point out that all technologies provide structural affordances
the actions and responses of others, and adjust their own actions
which facilitate particular kinds of action/interaction, but certainly
and responses in turn (Goffman, 1959, 1961; Snow & Anderson,
do not control action/ interaction fully (boyd, 2011). Similarly,
1987; Swann & Hill, 1982). This identity work, however, must re-
Nakamura argues that online interaction takes place through
main unacknowledged. A key ingredient in the successful social
real-world, bodied users, who are embedded in a raced, classed,
construction of the self (and reality) is that its constructed quality
and gendered society (Nakamura, 2002, 2007). This is well articu-
remain invisible to all those involved in the interaction, including
lated by Robinson (2007) who argues for a symbolic interactionist
oneself (Berger & Luckmann, 1967).
perspective of the cyberself:
In other words, the actor must not only present a self that is
ideal (i.e. in line with how the actor wants to be seen) but also I find that in creating online selves, users do not seek to tran-
authentic. By authenticity, I refer to a seeming spontaneity of ac- scend the most fundamental aspects of their offline selves.
tion, interaction, demeanor, and selfhood (Goffman, 1955, 1959). Rather, users bring into being bodies, personas, and personali-
I refer to a perceived commitment to self-values, without regard ties framed according to the same categories that exist in the
for the impressions of others (Erikson, 1995). In short, an authentic offline world (p. 94).

Please cite this article in press as: Davis, J. L. Accomplishing authenticity in a labor-exposing space. Computers in Human Behavior (2012), http://dx.doi.org/
10.1016/j.chb.2012.05.017
 J.L. Davis / Computers in Human Behavior xxx (2012) xxx–xxx 3

My assumptions in the present work are in line with those of users with the unique challenge of keeping invisible the architec-
Robinson, Nakamura and boyd. In particular, this is because of turally exposed process of self and identity construction.
the specific kind of online interaction I study. It is important to
point out that ‘‘The Internet’’ is actually many places and spaces,
with distinct locales, customs, structures, and architectures (Beer, 3. Methods
2008; Gatson, 2004a; Miller & Slater, 2000). I think that Robinson,
in differentiating herself form Turkle (referencing Turkle’s early Data for this study were collected over a 6 month period be-
work), makes a crucial point in this debate. She points out that Tur- tween July and December of 2007. Prior to engaging in a formal
kle makes claims based upon one kind of online interaction (i.e. study of the site, I was a recreational MySpace user for about
MUDs), but her assumptions and assertions do not translate into 2 years. The sample is made up of the people in my direct MySpace
other online arenas (e.g. the nonymous environment of SNSs/PIHs) network over the age of 18 (N = 96). My use of a familiar sample
(Robinson, 2007). follows a rich history of ethnographic tradition, particularly in
My assumptions are therefore nested in the empirical realities the realm of computer-mediated-communication. For example,
of the site of study (i.e. MySpace—a PIH). These empirical realities Rheingold’s seminal work The Virtual Community was inspired by
include MySpace as a nonymous environment, where online inter- his active membership in the ‘‘WELL.’’ More recently, Gatson and
action takes place primarily with an existing social network (boyd, Zweerink, united by their shared membership in a Buffy the Vam-
2011; boyd & Ellison, 2007), who expect the profile to be an accu- pire Slayer posting board (The Bronze), collaborated to produce a
rate representation of the person signified by it (Ellison, Lampe, book and several articles based upon an ethnographic study of
Steinfield, & Vitak, 2011; Popova, 2007; Zhao et al., 2008). Identity their community Gatson and Zweerink (2004a, 2004b).
on MySpace is therefore heavily intertwined with identity in the Certainly the use of a familiar sample colors the depth, type, and
physical space of the offline world.1 interpretation of information that I received. However, because
A second debate, though smaller, is of particular significance for PIHs are typically used to interact with an existing network, my
the present work. This debate centers on the kind of self-presenta- use of friends as a sample locates me, as a researcher, symmetri-
tion that the architecture of the PIH facilitates. I argue elsewhere cally within the setting (Miller & Slater, 2000). This means that
that the PIH facilitates overt self-presentation, where actors tell as an ethnographer, I am able to experience the field site as it is
(rather than show) an audience who they are (Davis, 2010). In con- experienced by its inhabitants.
trast, Zhao et al. make the argument that self-presentation through Although I do not use the real names of participants, I do use
the PIH is primarily implicit, with actors saying very little about their self-selected MySpace handles. I do so because these hold
themselves in direct ways (Zhao et al., 2008). identity meanings, but guard the actual identity of the MySpace
Since the present work examines how social actors maintain user to the degree desired by the user her/himself. For instance,
authenticity in the face of explicit identity work, this debate is of a MySpace handle can be a person’s real first and last name, or it
crucial importance. If I am correct, then MySpace is indeed an can be the name of a movie character, song title, or descriptive
appropriate venue through which these issues can be studied (i.e. characteristic. Each option makes the MySpace user more or less
it is a labor-exposing space). If, however, Zhao et al. are correct, ‘‘searchable.’’
and self-presentation through the PIH is primarily implicit, then The demographic makeup of the sample is predominately mid-
the findings of this study will be of little meaning. twenties in age (median age of participants is 24 years old), white
Luckily, the two points of view can be easily reconciled, and (89%) and female (71%). Putting this in perspective, Thelwall re-
were in a previous article (Davis, 2010). Looking more deeply into ports from a 2008 random sample of MySpace profiles that the
each argument, the disagreement is definitional rather than empir- median age of MySpace users is 21, 59% of MySpace users are
ical. Zhao et al. define as ‘‘explicit’’ only the information put forth white, and there is a only a slight majority of females (Thelwall,
in the about me section of a PIH profile (Zhao et al., 2008). They 2008). This sample is therefore disproportionately female, slightly
consider (photo)graphic representations to be part of the actor’s older than average, and disproportionately white. Although one
‘‘visual self’’, and the information put forth through the templated must be careful about making generalizations from these findings,
categories (i.e. interests and consumption preferences) to be part of the sample is appropriate for the exploration into, and demonstra-
the actor’s ‘‘cultural self.’’ Their argument rests on the assertion tion of, a set of theoretical ideas, and does not preclude the work
that the visual and cultural aspects of the self are primarily implicit from offering insights into the use of MySpace/PIHs as sites of
forms of identity information. interaction.
While agreeing that visual representations are implicit, I argue Participants were initially contacted via bulletin, a mass mes-
that templated categories are spaces of explicit identity construc- sage that is sent to everyone in a user’s direct MySpace network.
tion. Liu (2007) points out that the templated categories on social They were given details of the study, offered the option to remove
network sites are the spaces through which taste performances are themselves from the sample, and offered the opportunity to volun-
constructed, and cultural selves are displayed. To dissociate iden- teer to be interviewed. I posted the bulletin multiple times to give
tity from culture is to create a false dichotomy, un-embedding ample opportunity for potential participants to view and respond
the self from the social and cultural world in which it is con- to it. I had no requests for removal. Upon completion of the study,
structed (Bourdieu, 1984). I posted another bulletin thanking participants, offering to share
The template of the PIH profile prompts users to share their my final analysis, and inviting feedback. In addition, I elicited
tastes, consumption preferences, religious views, etc., in an explicit (and sometimes did not elicit but still received) feedback from par-
way. Little is left over to say in the general about me section. ticipants during the interview process and through informal con-
Assuming then, that these cultural representations of the self hold versations (Hine, 2000).
identity signifying meanings, MySpace does indeed present its I had nine requests to view the final paper, and of those, all pro-
vided feedback. While most agreed with the overall analysis, two
respondents argued that I overstated the amount of ‘‘work’’ that
1
goes into creating a profile. Theoretically, this critique strengthens
Note: As of this writing, humans are the primary actors within the PIH. However,
Marvidis (2011) points out that bots and other forms of artificial intelligence may
the overall argument of this paper, as acknowledgement of the
increasingly come to populate these spaces. As such changes take place, a re-thinking ‘‘work’’ that goes into self-construction can threaten the very
of the architecture and structural affordances will be necessary. authenticity which actors are working to uphold (Goffman,

Please cite this article in press as: Davis, J. L. Accomplishing authenticity in a labor-exposing space. Computers in Human Behavior (2012), http://dx.doi.org/
10.1016/j.chb.2012.05.017
4 J.L. Davis / Computers in Human Behavior xxx (2012) xxx–xxx

1959). It is therefore unsurprising that outward discussions of face-to-face contexts, but simply informative in a different way
identity work, done for the benefit of an audience, would be met (Gatson, 2011b; Gatson & Zweerink, 2004a; Hine, 2000; Jones,
with discomfort and resistance. This issue is also noted by Marwick 1999; Mann & Stewart, 2000; Miller & Slater, 2000).
and boyd (2010) and is further discussed in the present work in the I followed interviews with e-mail messages, which included
section on ‘‘apathetic framing.’’ questions that came to mind after the official interview, or issues
I engaged in three practices of data collection. First, I re-created that required further elaboration or clarification. The supplemen-
my own MySpace page, taking extensive field notes on the process. tary use of asynchronous interaction allowed participants to think
I did so in order to re-acquaint myself with the architecture of the carefully about responses, better ensuring that their meanings
PIH using a fresh lens. By re-constructing my own page, I could were articulated (James & Busher, 2006). This aspect of the inter-
more clearly, and first hand, examine the structural affordances view process meant that participants also had time to come up with
of this interaction space. Second, I looked through and analyzed questions, insights, and elaborations on their own. These questions,
in detail the content of participants’ pages, including their ex- insights, and elaborations, though not often included explicitly
changes with other MySpace users. Here, I looked for and recorded within the text of the analysis, can be implicitly found in the overall
trends surrounding page format, interaction, updates, etc. Third, I shape, feel, and direction of the manuscript as a whole.
conducted in depth semi-structured interviews with MySpace From all of this, categories were constructed, split, and com-
users. bined until no more categories could be created, and all pieces of
Although listed separately, these processes were highly inter- data fit into at least one category (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). These
twined. Following Glaser (1978) data were collected and analyzed categories were created from both the top down and the bottom
simultaneously. My own page re-creation informed my readings of up (Geertz, 1973). I was guided both by a theoretical framework
others’ pages, which then shaped the interviews with participants, (i.e. symbolic interactionism) and previous empirical literature
and my interpretations of them. After conducting interviews, I (e.g. boyd, 2011; Zhao et al., 2008), as well as the actual words
went back and re-analyzed participants’ pages, allowing my lens and meanings expressed by participants. The analysis is therefore
to be shaded by the messages and stories of participants them- a reflection of the merger between high theory, others’ empirical
selves. As such, each evidentiary piece of interview data unmistak- findings, and the voices of actual MySpace users at a particular cul-
ably contains in it the imprint of larger ethnographic observations. tural and historical moment.
Interviews were completely voluntary, and I had twenty partic-
ipants agree to be interviewed. These were semi-structured, and 4. Results and discussion
although our conversations often went in unexpected directions,
I went into each interview with a base set of questions. Questions Understanding that identity work takes place, but that it does so
focused around how the user constructs her/his own page, the invisibly, and assuming that I have successfully argued the case
impressions they get based upon others’ profile content, and their that the PIH (and MySpace in particular) is a labor-exposing space,
motivations for including particular information. I have included a then we are presented with a conundrum: How do social actors,
sample of the base questions below: presenting themselves on, and interacting within, the personal
interactive homepage, maintain a sense of authenticity?
 What does your MySpace page say about you? An authentic self-presentation on MySpace can be thought of as
 How do you choose what you will include on your MySpace one in which the page creator seems to exert very little effort. The
profile? authentic MySpace page is not a carefully crafted selection of ideal
 When posting things about yourself (pictures, blog posts, about traits, but an amalgamation of the complex and ‘‘true’’ aspects of
me section, categorical information, etc.) do you have any par- the self. This can be juxtaposed (and often is by participants) to
ticular people in mind? an inauthentic self-presentation. According to participants, an inau-
 What, if anything, do you choose to exclude from your MySpace thentic MySpace user puts forth an exorbitant amount of effort,
profile? thinks about how others will see her/him, and/or presents an
 Do you use the profile information of others differently depend- over-idealized or even false image. Dan, for example, demonstrates
ing on how you know the person with whom you are interact- his accomplishment of authenticity by being non-selective in the
ing (e.g. a close friend, a friend who lives far away, someone you photographs that he displays:
know only through MySpace, etc.)?
 Have you ever changed your opinion about somebody based on I leave bad pictures of me up, because I think that if that’s how I
the content of their MySpace profile? looked at that moment, then I shouldn’t be ashamed of that (Male,
 Do you think anyone has changed their opinion of you based 24).
upon the content of your MySpace profile?
Similarly, Neal, a 27 year old male, explicitly juxtaposes his own
apathetic attitude against those who ‘‘sadly’’ put too much care
Interviews took place over instant messenger. This was both
and effort into their online identities:
practically and theoretically beneficial. From a practical perspec-
tive, it allowed for interaction with participants who are geograph- I am NOT one of those people who complain about their position [in
ically dispersed. In addition, I was able to interact with participants others top 8 friends lists]. That’s really sad to me.
in the same way that they interact with each other within the set-
ting. Like my use of a familiar sample, this again located me in a The following analysis illustrates four strategies used by My-
symmetrical position (Miller & Slater, 2000). Further, despite Space actors as they work to hide their identity-work, and so con-
claims that online spaces are contextually thin (and so uninforma- struct an authentic self within the structure of a labor-exposing
tive) (e.g. Stieger & Göritz, 2006; Travers, 2009) I found the envi- space.
ronment of MySpace to be quite rich. Both interviewer and
interviewee looked together at the participant’s MySpace page, tra- 4.1. Consistency
versing through its many nooks, crannies, and links, being simulta-
neously stimulated by the journey. The depth of information Goffman (1959) argues that to maintain authenticity in self-
provided by this particular online space (MySpace) supports an presentation, audiences expect the actor to keep the presentation
understanding of online environments as no less informative than consistent both within and across identities. MySpace offers a

Please cite this article in press as: Davis, J. L. Accomplishing authenticity in a labor-exposing space. Computers in Human Behavior (2012), http://dx.doi.org/
10.1016/j.chb.2012.05.017
 J.L. Davis / Computers in Human Behavior xxx (2012) xxx–xxx 5

plethora of categories, each representing a single piece of the ac- It’s good to be a Romero (female, 23) presents herself in
tor’s self (e.g. religion, music tastes, sexual preferences, etc.). My multiple sections of her profile to be religious. In her about me
analysis suggests that actors have a larger picture in mind when section, she says that she is catholic and reads the bible every
creating their profiles. To paint this picture, actors connect categor- morning. She includes Jesus in her who I’d like to meet section,
ical pieces of identity information in a cohesive way. and her headline quote references Christ and the Virgin Mary.
When asked what their pages say about them, many partici- In order to maintain this presentation, she avoids posting
pants articulate some general message, omitting entirely any men- anything that expresses sexuality, which she views as contradic-
tion of the specific information put forth through the templated tory to her religiosity.
categories. Those who do mention specifics, often do so to illus-
It’s good to be a Romero: [I leave out] certain characteristics
trate how these pieces fit within the image portrayed by the profile
about me that I believe to be very essential to my iden-
as a whole. Combining the claims made by participants during
tity. . .Sexuality, that’s probably the biggest one. I try to keep
interviews with actual content from participants’ pages, we can
my page censured from any pictures, messages, or comments
examine how categorical information is strategically woven into
that may reveal that sort of thing. My boyfriend and I are both
a holistic, cohesive picture of the self.
religious and everyone knows that so we try to keep it clean on
LukeASS, a 24 year old male, expresses in his interview that he
the web. . .
wants to present himself as sophisticated, funny, and somewhat
above the culture of MySpace.
Similarly, Sarah (female, 21) begins by dictating the overall mes-
LukeAss: I think there are a lot of little things that I hope people sage that she tries to portray through her profile, and then dis-
will notice that make me somehow unique. I think MySpace is cusses what she excludes from her profile so as to avoid
horribly trendy, which I’m generally against, so I try to keep it contradiction.
plain and somewhat intellectual and witty. So yeah, I guess I
Sarah: I wanted people to be able to see the real me and where I
hope someone out there gets those little things. . . I usually
stand on different issues. . .the real me is what people don’t typ-
put up ‘‘artsy’’ pictures or outdoorsy pictures. . . I have done
ically see from just looking at a picture or at first impression,
subtle things that demonstrate, or at least hint, that I know
that I am a very driven person who wants to do great things
how to write html code.
in life, and I am a very caring person, but at the same time I
am not a push over or wishy-washy. I can have my own opin-
LukeAss is a particularly interesting case because he works to define
ions and values and stand by them. I am a strong woman who
himself against the very medium which he defines himself on. The
knows what I want and how to get it. . .I tried to leave out the
overall simplicity and ‘‘feel’’ of his MySpace profile is created to sug-
fact that I have the character flaw of worrying too much about
gest that he is not the kind of person who (he thinks) typically has a
what other people think, and that I am very insecure about the
MySpace profile. He is very intentional in constructing this design.
way others perceive me, that would make me look weak, and
Under the Television section, for example, he writes, ‘‘Keep your
not in control.
TV I prefer having an imagination thanks.’’ Although he could have
chosen to leave this section blank (since he does not watch televi-
By excluding this ‘‘character flaw,’’ Sarah is able to maintain her
sion), he instead uses the category to define himself unambiguously
presentation as a strong woman. Contradictions (e.g. insecurity
as the kind of person who is unable to adequately fill in such a
and self-consciousness) are excluded to avoid calling into question
section. He also indicates that he is a graduate student, and provides
the overall message that she tries to portray.
a link to his blog, which discusses primarily social and political
In sum, actors display through their MySpace profiles the infor-
issues.
mation that helps them present a cohesive self. They omit informa-
KiKi, a 25 year old female, wants to send the message that she is
tion when it contradicts this ideal presentation, avoiding an
fun, but also mature. In particular, she wants to convey a moment
authenticity threat. Actors on MySpace therefore thoughtfully
in her lifecycle, as she transitions from wild youthful ways, into the
intertwine the various pieces of their templated, categorical, iden-
responsibilities of adulthood.
tity information to paint a holistic, cohesive, and so authentic self-
KiKi [in reference to how she is portrayed through her MySpace portrait. In theoretical terms, participants make strategic use of an
profile]: . . .I guess to sum it up in one sentence: I’m the adult explicit forum of self-presentation, construing ‘‘given’’ impressions
who still can have fun but I’ve grown up a lot. in a way that allows a larger impression to be ‘‘given off’’ (Goffman,
1959).
Looking at KiKi’s page, we can see how her categorical presenta-
tions come together to communicate to her audience that she is 4.2. Reconciled contradictions
‘‘the adult who can still have fun but has grown up a lot.’’ On her
page, she makes frequent references to her fiancé, showing that Of course, however, the self cannot seem too cohesive, for a pic-
she is about to enter into the adult institution of marriage. She in- ture that is perfect implies great effort on the part of the artist. The
cludes on her profile a humorous poem addressed to ‘‘Alcohol’’. In self is complex and multi-faceted, and at times, contradictory.
the poem, she ‘‘breaks up’’ with ‘‘Alcohol,’’ telling it that they have Therefore, although actors work to display continuity, they also
had good times but that she needs now to focus on other areas of must incorporate inconsistencies. Inconsistencies demonstrate
her life. She explicitly references her transitional state in her about the depth of the self and combat perceptions of self-manipulated
me section, saying, ‘‘In my previous life I was a lush....:).’’ Her pic- plasticity. Showing contradictions can therefore aid in the
tures also contribute to the overarching message. She includes pic- accomplishment of authenticity (Erikson, 1995; Mason-Schrock,
tures of drinking in bars and being out with friends, but also 1996).
pictures of herself in an office and at a professional convention. This surely seems like an odd claim, bearing in mind the
These examples illustrate how information is selected for inclu- discussion of the previous section. Contradictions, however, are
sion into the MySpace profile. This implies, of course, that other not displayed indiscriminately. Rather, MySpace actors are quite
information is not included. In an effort to present a unified, cohe- careful and strategic about which contradictions to include, and
sive, and so authentic self, MySpace actors exclude certain contra- how they are implemented. In particular, contradictory informa-
dictory information. tion is selected and implemented in a way that allows the actor

Please cite this article in press as: Davis, J. L. Accomplishing authenticity in a labor-exposing space. Computers in Human Behavior (2012), http://dx.doi.org/
10.1016/j.chb.2012.05.017
6 J.L. Davis / Computers in Human Behavior xxx (2012) xxx–xxx

to reconcile this information with a core self, as represented by the The explicit elicitation or implicit normative expectation of re-
holistic image portrayed through the profile. Ultimately, contradic- ciprocal picture comments is a common manifestation of this need
tions are used to strengthen the image of a singular and cohesive for identity affirmation.
core. Meghan Sullivan Thompson’s about me narrative offers a
It’s good to be a Romero: picture comments are my favorite
particularly clear illustration of this practice.
The 24 year old female says in her interview that she wants to Me: Why is that?
portray herself as an ‘‘intense and passionate’’ person. Although It’s good to be a Romero: . . .I mean I love pictures... so having an
some of the statements in her about me section seem to contra- online album that people can look at without having to come
dict this, she frames these contradicting statements as symptom- over your place it’s pretty awesome. . .Then they get to com-
atic of her passion and intensity. The first line of her about me ment on the pics, usually you post the best looking pics, the fun-
states: niest ones, the most memorable ones and you get to read about
how people think you’re so cute, and hot, how you look so good
I am spirited. I am intense, and emotional, and passionate. with your boyfriend, how that time was so much fun I mean it’s
[Further down she states]; great!.
I am complicated. I am a sweet girl with a vicious bite. . .. I am
very fragile, I take things very personally and my heart breaks Similarly, Sarah, S@r@, and Meghan Sullivan Thompson all report
on a daily basis about things that may not even have to do with looking forward to picture comments more than any other form of
me. communication on MySpace, and talk about the norm among their
[She then reconciles this by saying]; networks of commenting on one another’s pages regularly.
But I bounce back fast and forgive anyone who wants me too. I Going a step further, it is common for participants to send a
don’t hold grudges against people for their mistakes unless bulletin after posting pictures, updates, or blog entries. Dreamer
there was malicious intent behind it, in which case they no and LukeAss post a bulletin each time that they write a new blog
longer exist to me. I have a bad temper, I get heated very easily. entry, and explicitly ask for comments. Gibsongirl posted a
I am passionate and emotional, I fight hard for what I believe in bulletin with the title: ‘‘well. . ..new everything!’’ informing her
and will fight to the death for things others would see as friends that her page had been altered, and inviting them to be
insignificant. an engaged and interactive audience for her most recent
presentation.
The rest of her about me section talks about strength, indepen- In addition to sending bulletins when a page has been altered,
dence, and passion. Through her about me narrative, she accom- some participants send out bulletins containing self-surveys, or
plishes a complex self (a sweet girl with a vicious bite) in a way long questionnaires with quirky and/or mundane questions that
that situates her contradictions within the framework of her ‘‘true the MySpace user fills in about her/himself (e.g. if you were a color,
self.’’ We are led to understand her sensitivity (‘‘I am very frag- what color would you be? Who was the last person you kissed?
ile. . ..my heart breaks on a daily basis’’) not as a threat to the Which celebrity would play you in a movie about your life?). My-
authenticity of her claims to passion and strength, but as a symp- Space provides a space for friends to comment upon bulletins, and
tom of her core identity (she is sensitive because she is so many participants report expecting (or at least looking forward
passionate). to) the comments that these surveys receive.
Impressively, participants (like Megan Sullivan Thompson) create In sum, MySpace users corroborate with one another to confirm
a simultaneously ‘‘messy’’ and ‘‘tidy’’ image of themselves through each other’s presentations. They give each other cues to do so by
their MySpace profiles. By pointing out their contradictions, and posting surveys through bulletins, by announcing new page infor-
then enveloping them within a larger message, the image of the mation, or more subtly, by posting on a friend’s profile with the im-
core self is reinforced, and ultimately strengthened. Of course, plicit assumption that this favor will be returned. Although the
however, nobody can make it alone, and what makes MySpace latter is conducive to the maintenance of authenticity, the former
(and other PIHs) so theoretically interesting is that they center two practices seem like glaring authenticity threats.
on interaction. As such, we will look next at how actors on My- The careful reader might notice with curiosity that LukeAss,
Space utilize interactions and interaction partners to strengthen who, as we know from earlier comments, works to distance him-
the authenticity of their presentations. self from MySpace, explicitly elicits feedback for his MySpace pre-
sentation. Indeed, this is a risky move for anyone trying to maintain
4.3. Corroboration and affirmation
authenticity. To elicit feedback is to tell the world (or at least the
MySpace world) that you are putting thought and effort into your
The self is part of a complex process, in which actors perceive
presentation (i.e. it is not spontaneous). Worse yet, it announces
and present themselves in particular ways, receive feedback from
the need for affirmation, exposing the (often carefully hidden) real-
others, and adjust their presentations accordingly (Burke, 2004;
ity that you present yourself with others in mind, that you do, in
Goffman, 1955, 1959; Swann & Hill, 1982). The social construction
fact, care what other people think.
of the self is a joint endeavor, which, to be successful, requires per-
ceived affirmation from an audience. Since the architecture of the
PIH leads profile creators to construct their pages prior to audience 4.4. Apathetic framing
interaction, it generates a need to seek out, and engage in, dialogue
with others after the page has been created/updated. Interaction At this point, it may seem as though the need for affirmation,
creates an opportunity to receive affirmation and to solidify the and the explicit requests for it, could be the downfall of authentic-
crafted presentation. ity on the PIH. As Marwick and boyd (2010) point out in their study
Of course, audiences are actively interpreting the information of Twitter: ‘‘consciously speaking to an audience is perceived as
that they receive (Barthes, 1964) and so will not necessarily inter- inauthentic’’ (p. 6). The final section of this analysis therefore ad-
pret an actor’s MySpace profile in the way that the actor intended. dresses how MySpace actors are able to get themselves out of this
This means that by engaging in (and eliciting) interaction, profile particularly sticky situation. Specifically, I show how participants
authors run the risk of de-constructive (rather than affirming) construct an apathetic frame around their MySpace use, simulta-
interaction. The social nature of the self, however, makes this risk neously rejecting the need for affirmation as they actively seek it
a necessary one. out (Goffman, 1974).

Please cite this article in press as: Davis, J. L. Accomplishing authenticity in a labor-exposing space. Computers in Human Behavior (2012), http://dx.doi.org/
10.1016/j.chb.2012.05.017
 J.L. Davis / Computers in Human Behavior xxx (2012) xxx–xxx 7

The subject lines and contents of bulletins offer a clear illustra- labor-exposing interaction space. It shows how MySpace users
tion of how affirmation is sought in a way that allows actors to present themselves in a cohesive, yet complex way, and seek out
seem unconcerned with how their presentations are perceived. Be- affirmation, while framing themselves as apathetic towards the
cause the architecture of MySpace allows users to title their bulle- very affirmations that they seek.
tins any way that they choose, MySpace users are able to frame These findings can be applied and tested in other labor-expos-
their bulletins in strategic ways. Often, the subject line of a bulletin ing spaces. These include other PIHs (such as Facebook and Goo-
simply says what the bulletin is about e.g. ‘‘survey,’’ ‘‘new pics,’’ gle+), as well as online dating profiles, interest-based
‘‘page updates.’’ Other times, however, the person who posts the communities (such as Pinterest), and several other arenas in which
bulletin gives a qualification for posting this information. These the user is granted explicit control over self representations. More-
qualifications work to redefine actions that might otherwise be over, these findings speak to the impact of new technologies on
coded as effortful, a ploy for attention, and/or done with the audi- processes of the self.
ence in mind. In short, these qualifications temper the labor-expos- Specifically, we can explore how new forums of interaction,
ing potential of a self-presentation explicitly constructed and which make more explicit the processes of identity construction,
distributed. impact to the meanings of the self. Are we more enlightened, better
For example, Christal, a 31 year old female, posted a bulletin able to see the constructed nature of self and reality? Do we sepa-
announcing the addition of new pictures. She titled the bulletin: rate the needs of our online selves from our offline selves, allowing
‘‘I was having a weak moment.’’ By acknowledging that this is the work to be visible in one arena (i.e. online) as long as we keep it
not something she would normally do (i.e. not something she hidden in the other (i.e. offline)? Do we give up entirely the collab-
would do in a ‘‘stronger’’ moment) she is able to ask for recognition orative task of self and reality construction, becoming self-focused
while maintaining that she is not usually the kind of person who and embracing our new-found ability to construct ourselves in
cares about that sort of thing. Kristen, a 25 year old female, when ideal ways? Based on the above analysis, the answer to all of these
posting a bulletin containing a long self-survey, titled the bulletin questions is ‘‘No.’’
‘‘bored.’’ Similarly, KiKi posted a self-survey with the subject line Theoretically, we can conclude that traditional priorities of
‘‘waiting for work to be over.’’ identity construction are played out in the online world, facilitated
Within the body of the bulletins, participants make further qual- in particular ways by the structures and architectures within
ifications. Shawn, for example, posted a self-survey that included which they take place (Pearce, 2009). We know from traditional
the question: ‘‘who is most likely to respond?’’ He answered this symbolic interactionism that selves and identities are the product
question by saying: ‘‘Nobody lol [laugh out loud], I’m sure nobody of collaborative work, and that we come to see ourselves as others
reads these things.’’ Implied in this, is the claim that he did not fill see us (e.g. Cooley, 1902). We know from contemporary structural
in or post the survey for the benefit of others, and that he does not symbolic interactionism that we strive to have others see us as we
expect others to see or respond to it. see ourselves (e.g. Burke, 2004; Swann & Hill, 1982), and we know
This kind of apathetic framing can also be seen in the inter- from Goffman (Goffman, 1959) that actors aspire to appear natural,
views. Unsurprisingly, I found it somewhat difficult to elicit re- for their actions to seem spontaneous, and for their work to remain
sponses about the work that goes into creating a profile. Many invisible. We see all of these practices in participants of the study.
participants, when asked about how they make decisions about In short, this study shows that despite an interaction medium
profile content, or who they had in mind while creating their pro- which exposes the constructed nature of the self, social actors em-
files, responded with a bit of hesitation, requiring some solid prob- ploy creative strategies to maintain their sense of authenticity.
ing on my part to get at these issues. Two participants in particular More largely, it shows that online interaction does not necessarily
were adamant about their apathy. They said explicitly and on mul- change the meanings of self and identity, but simply changes how
tiple occasions that they do not care what other people think of self and identity are accomplished. This how, of course, is no small
them based on their profiles, and that they do not think much matter.
about how others will perceive them. These two participants (Holla Changes in the structures of interaction media alter the ways in
Holly and S@r@) are also, ironically, two of the most active elicitors which we behave, and the ways in which we think about selves,
of feedback. In addition, these participants utilize almost every others, and reality (boyd, 2011). For instance, the prevalence of
architecturally provided category, put up decorative backgrounds, mobile devices and nonomous online environments have led to a
have song lists, and are at the high end of the sample for picture blurring of the lines between offline and online. Physical experi-
quantities. ences can be documented and shared digitally—often in real-time.
Overall, these MySpace users qualify their overt, explicit, and Similarly, our digitally mediated interactions are often made up of
highly visible identity work with statements of apathy. They por- content from past, present, or future ‘‘offline’’ interactions. With
tray themselves as uncaring about what others think, while delib- increasing technological growth and pervasive connectivity, ‘‘vir-
erately sharing a plethora of identity information. In short, they tual’’ and ‘‘actual’’ are no longer states to be juxtaposed, but en-
engage in complex framing practices that allow them to seek out meshed parts of lived experience in the contemporary era
nourishing feedback, while dissociating themselves from the labor (Anderson, 2001; Subrahmanyam, Reich, Waechter, & Espinoza,
of doing so. 2008).
Future work should further explore how social patterns both
5. Summary and conclusions endure and change within an increasingly connected context.
Moreover, and in line with the present study, future work should
In sum, I began with the assumption that the self, although it is continue to examine the empirical realities of specific interaction
the product of extensive work, must come off as spontaneous, or- media, being careful to disaggregate broad categories and inten-
ganic, essential, and authentic. The constructed nature of the self sively examine the particular technologies on/through which we
must therefore remain invisible. Social actors are quite adept at act, interact, and construct/change/maintain social realities.
this practice in face-to-face interaction. I have argued, however,
that the process becomes complicated when interaction takes 5.1. Limitations
place through a medium that makes the self-construction process
more explicit. The above analysis explores the strategies employed As with all studies, the present work is weakened by several
by MySpace users as they work to maintain authenticity within a limitations. First, MySpace is a largely outdated form of the PIH.

Please cite this article in press as: Davis, J. L. Accomplishing authenticity in a labor-exposing space. Computers in Human Behavior (2012), http://dx.doi.org/
10.1016/j.chb.2012.05.017
8 J.L. Davis / Computers in Human Behavior xxx (2012) xxx–xxx

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