Bric pr ict ae gets Ws (Onto oe pple esti no oor Pore ca Co Cryer Cer Wier eeu sit rae eRe ea eer Pero rin pera d ee Bec) [cre Coe SnelPhotograph: Elephant’s Stable/Gajsh: Courtesy: ShashikanthaS21; July 2007; CC-BY-SA 3.0 ‘Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Elephant%27s_stable_or_Gajashaale.JPGUNIT 2 DELHI SULTANATE: CONSOLIDATION AND EXPANSION* Structure 2.0 Objectives 2.1 Introduction 2.2 Conflict and Consolidation: 1206-1290 2.3 The Mongol Problem 2.4 Political Consequences of the Turkish Conquest of India 2.5 Expansion under the Khaljis 25.1 ‘West and Central India 2.5.2 Northwest and North India 2.5.3 Deccan and Southward Expansion 2.6 Expansion under the Tughlags 2.6.1 The South 2.6.2 East India 2.6.3 Northwest and North 2.7 Summary 28 Keywords 2.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises 2.10. Chronology of the Delhi Sultans: 1206-1526 2.11 Suggested Readings 2.12. Instructional Video Recommendations 2.0 OBJECTIVES After going through this Unit, you should be able to: ‘© understand the formative and most challenging period in the history of the Delhi Sultanate, ‘* analyse the Mongol problem, © list the conflicts, nature, and basis of power of the class that ran the Sultanate, © valuate the territorial expansion of the Del the north, northwest and northeast, and sultanate in the 14° century in ‘* explain the Sultanate expansion in the south. © Dr. Iftikhar Ahmad Khan, Department of History, M.S. Ui (y, Baroda; and Prof, Ravindra Kumar, School of Social Sciences, Indira Gandhi National Open Univers New Delhi. The present Unit is adapted from IGNOU Course EHI-03: India: From 8" to 15" Century, Block 4, Units 13, 14 and 15. aPolitical Formations 2.1 INTRODUCTION The tenth century witnessed a westward movement of a warlike nomadic people inhabiting the eastern comers of the Asian continent. Then came in wave upon wave, each succeeding invasion more powerful and more extensive than the last. In a relatively short span of time, the barbarian hordes had overrun and brought, down the once prosperous empires and kingdoms of Central and West Asia, reaching the shores of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. While between the tenth and twelfth centuries the invaders were primarily “Turks’, the invasion of the thirteenth, to fifteenth centuries involved a kindred but more ferocious people, the Mongols. Mahmud of Ghazni’s invasions of India at the close of the tenth century, followed some hundred years later by the Ghorian invasions (both Ghazni and Ghor are in Afghanistan) were distant projections of these vast nomadic movements. As in other parts of Asia, the Turkish irruption in India culminated in the formation of an independent political entity; the Delhi Sultanate in the early years of the thirteenth, century. The term ‘Delhi Sultanate’ signifies the rule of Turks over large parts of Northern India from their capital at Delhi. In more than two centuries of existence, the Sultanate gave birth to institutions — political, social and economic — which though greatly different from the ones existing earlier, were a unique combination of what the Turks had brought with and what they found in India. In political and military terms, the invasions of Mahmud of Ghazni were the actual precursors of the Dethi Sultanate (For further details, see BHIC-105, Unit 6). In this Unit we will be looking at the conquest of India by the Turks, leading to the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate at the beginning of the 13 century. After military conquests, the rulers of the Delhi Sultanate set themselves on the track of consolidating the Sultanate. 2.2. CONFLICT AND CONSOLIDATIO} 1206-1290 The period from 1206 to 1290 constitutes the formative and the most challenging period in the history of the Dethi Sultanate. It was marked by a prolonged, multi- cornered conflict within the Ghorian ruling class as well as against the renewed Rajput resurgence. Muhammad Ghori’s sudden death in 1206 resulted in a tussle for supremacy among, his three important generals, Tajuddin Yalduz, Nasiruddin Qubacha and Qutbuddin Aibak. Yalduz held Karman and Sankuran on the route between Afghanistan and upper Sind, Qubacha held the important charge of Uchh, while Aibak had already been deputed as the ‘viceroy’ of Muhammad Ghori and the overall commander of the army in India. Though, technically still a slave, the title of sultan was conferred upon him soon after the death of his master. The formal establishment of the Delhi Sultanate, as an entity in its own rights, is traced back to this event. Subsequent developments made this a reality. Early in his brief reign of four years, Aibak (d. 1210) moved his capital to Lahore in order to frustrate Yalduz’s ambition of annexing Punjab. With the Khwarizm Shah steadily advancing on Ghor, there was partly a compulsion in Yalduz’s attempt fh himself in India,Aibak was succeeded on the throne by his son-in-law Iltutmish who brought back the capital to Delhi. Large portions of the, territories conquered by the Turks had slipped out of control and subjugated Rajput chieftain had ‘withheld tribute and repudiated allegiance’. Iltutmish’s quarter century reign (1210-1236) was distinguished by a concerted drive to re-establish the Sultanate’s authority on areas that had been lost. In 1215, Yalduz was defeated at Tarain and in 1217 Titutmish wrested the province of Lahore from Qubacha and placed it under his own governor. Expansion c9 lan 8 NORTH INDIA ee ©1206 A.D. Muhammed Ghot!s conquest — Map 2.1: Northern India on the Eve of Ghorid Invasions Source: EHI-03: India: From 8% to 15* Century, Block 4, Units 14, p. 24 Within three years of this event, the Mongols, under Chenghiz Khan’s leadership, appeared on the banks of the Indus in pursuit of Jalaluddin Mangbarni (the son of the Khwarizmian ruler) who had taken refuge in Punjab, Henceforth, the Mongols remained a constant factor among the concerns of Delhi Sultans. We will discuss Mongol intrusions during the 13-14" century in the subsequent Section. ‘Though, the Mongol presence had upset Iltutmish’s plan of consolidation on the northwest, it also created conditions for the destruction of Qubacha who held Uchh and faced the brunt of Mangbarni’s invasion. As a consequence, Iltutmish was able to seize Bhatinda, Kuhram, and Sarsuti, About 1228, he launched two-pronged attack on Multan and Uchh. Defeated, Qubacha drowned himself in the Indus. Unified control over the northwest now became possible for the Delhi Sultanate. In Rajputana, the Turks were able to reclaim Ranthambhor, Mandor, Jalor, Bayana and Thangir. After 1225, Iltutmish could turn towards the east. Apart from sporadic military successes, however, Lakhnauti (in Bengal) and Bihar continued to evade 35Political Formations the authority of the Sultanate. A modem historian assesses the Sultan’s achievement as follows: to him the Sultanate owed the first outline ofits administrative system. He laid the foundations of an absolutist monarchy that was to serve later as the instrument of a military imperialism under the Khaljis. Aibak outlined the Delhi Sultanate and its sovereign status; Iitutmish was unquestionably its first king. Ttutmish’s death saw more sharpened factionalism and intrigue among the Turks, Ina period of some thirty years, four rulers (descendants of Itutmish) occupied the throne. The most prominent group, to decide the course of high polities during these years is identified as the turkan-i chihilgani bandagan Shamsi (the “forty” Turkish slave ‘officers’ of lltutmish) (for details see Unit 3). The fourteenth century historian, Ziauddin Barani, has left behind concise and insightful account of these ctitical years: During the reign of Shamsuddin — (Iitutmish),... owing to the presence of peerless ‘maliks, wazirs...educated, wise and capable, the court of the Sultan (Shamsuddin) hhad become stable...But after the death ofthe Sultan...his forty’ Turkish slaves got the upper hand...So owing to the supremacy of the Turkish slave officers, all these ‘men of noble bitth...were destroyed under various pretexts during the reigns of the successors of Shamsuddin... 56 Map 2.2: Htutmish's Empire Source: EHI-03: India: From 8 to 15% Century, Block 4, Units 14, p. 28Inthe main, Barani’s account is borne out by contemporary developments. During, 1235-1265 political developments revolved around a conflict between the crown and a military aristocracy determined to retain its privileged position with the balance often increasingly tilting in favour of the latter. In these circumstances, the very survival of the Sultanate was under question. Political instability was exacerbated by the recalcitrance of smaller Rajput chiefs and local leaders. Moreover, the Mongols were constantly active in and around Punjab. The accession of Balban in 1265 provided the Sultanate with an iron-willed ruler. Balban addressed himself to two major objectives (for details on Balban’s theory of kingship see Unit 3): (i) to raise the prestige of the crown through elaborate court ceremonials, and inculeation of Sassanian traditions that distanced the ruler from ordinary folks, converting him into a symbol of awe; (ii) consolidating Turkish power: rebellions were put down with determination and administrative procedures were streamlined, After the death of Balban, struggle for the throne started. Balban had nominated Kai Khusrau, son of Muhammad (Balban’s eldest son) but the nobles helped Kaiqubad, son of Bughra Khan, to ascend the throne. Intrigues continued for more than two years, Finally, Jalaluddin Khalji, who was a prominent noble during this period, managed to capture the throne which was strongly resented because it was thought that the Khaljis were not Turks but belonged to a different race. Barani does not specify the race to which the Khaljis belonged. The Khaljis had been occupying important positions during the period 1206-1290. For example, Bakhtiyar Khalji was the mugti of Bengal. Even Jalaluddin Khalji was the mugti of Sunam in Western Punjab. Jalaluddin Khalji started consolidating his kingdom but was killed in 1296 by his nephew Alauddin Khalji who captured the throne. For almost 20 years, the Sultanate under Alauddin Khalji followed a policy of conquests (You will read about this in Section 2.5). 2.3. THE MONGOL PROBLEM In this Section, our emphasis would be on the Mongol threat on the northwest border of India and its repercussions. For the Delhi Sultans, control over Kabul- Ghazni-Qandahar line flanked by the Hindukush, was important not only for stabilizing the ‘scientific frontier” but also for the fact that it connected India with the major silk-route passing from China through Central Asia and Persia, But the development in Central and West-Asia did not permit the newly founded Turkish state to do the job. The situation on account of the Mongol onslaught compelled the Delhi Sultans to take comfort along the Chenab, while the cis-Sutlej region became the cock-pit of confrontations. Thus, the ‘Indus remained only the cultural boundary of India,’ and for all practical purposes the line of control was confined to the west of the Indus only, Professor K.A. Nizami has categorized the response of the Sultanate towards, the Mongol challenge into three distinct phases: (i) aloofness, (ii) appeasement, and (iii) resistance, Delhi Sultanate: Consolidation and Expansion 37Political Formations 58 Iitutmish followed the policy of ‘aloofness’. The Delhi Sultans had to face the Mongol threat as early as 1221 CE when, after destroying the Khwarizmi empire, Chenghiz Khan reached the Indian frontiers in pursuit of the crown-prince Jalaluddin Mangbarni. The latter seeing no alternative, crossed the Indus and entered the cis-Indus region. Iltutmish had to take note of the Mongols who were knocking at the Indian frontier, but equally prime was the presence of Mangbarni in the cis-Indus region. The Sultan feared a possible alliance of Qubacha and the Khokhars with Mangbarni. But, Qubacha and Mangbami locked their horns for political ascendancy, and meanwhile bonds of friendship developed between Mangbami and the Khokhars through a matrimonial alliance. This strengthened the position of Mangbarni in the northwest. Ata Malik Juwaini in his Tarikh-i Jahan Gusha decisively opines that Itutmish smelt danger from Mangbarni who might ‘gain an ascendancy over him and involve him in ruin.’ Besides, Itutmish was also aware of the weaknesses of the Sultanate. These factors compelled Iltutmish to follow the policy of ‘aloofness’. Chenghiz Khan is reported to have sent his envoy to Iltutmish’s court. Itis difficult to say anything about the Sultan’s response, but so long as Chenghiz Khan was alive (d. 1227 CE), Iltutmish did not adopt an expansionist policy in the northwest region. An understanding of non-aggression against each other might have possibly been arrived at. Iutmish shrewdly avoided any political allianee with the Khwarizm Prince. The latter sent his envoy Ain-ul Mulk to Iitutmish’s court requesting for asylum which IItutmish denied by saying that the climate was not congenial for his stay. On the other hand, he put the envoy to death. Minhaj Siraj mentions that Itutmish led an expedition against Mangbarni but the latter avoided any confrontation and finally left the Indian soil in CE 1224, A shift from Itutmish’s policy of ‘aloofness’ to ‘appeasement’ was the result of the extension of the Sultanate frontier up to Lahore and Multan which exposed the Sultanate directly to the Mongol incursions with no buffer state left between them, Raziya’s discouraging response to anti-Mongol alliance, proposed by Hasan Qarlugh of Bamyan is the indicator of her appeasement policy. We must bear in mind that this policy of non-aggression was due primarily to the partitioning of the Chenghiz’s empire among his sons which weakened their power; and also on account of the Mongol pre-occupation in West Asia. At any rate, between 1240-66, the Mongols for the first time embarked upon the policy of annexation of India and ‘the golden phase of mutual non-aggression’ with Delhi ended. During this phase, the Sultanate remained under serious Mongol threat. The main reason was the change in the situation in Central Asia. The Mongol Khan of Transoxiana found it difficult to face the might of the Persian Khanate and, thus, was left with no alternative except to try his luck in India. In 1241, Tair Bahadur invaded Lahore and completely destroyed the city. It was followed by two successive invasions in CE 1245-46. In spite of the best efforts of Balban during the reign of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud, the Sultanate frontier during CE 1241 stood at Beas. And, yet, the appeasement policy continued for sometime. In CE 1260 Hulagu’s envoy to Delhi was well received and this diplomatic gesture was reciprocated by Hulagu also.distinct change in Delhi Sultan’s policy can be seen from Balban’s reign onwards. On the whole, it was the phase of ‘resistance’. By and large, Balban remained in Delhi and his energies concentrated mainly in keeping away the Mongols, at least from the Beas. Barani mentions, when the two nobles Tamir Khan and Adil Khan suggested the conquest of Malwa and Gujarat and advised him to pursue an expansionist policy Balban replied: When the Mongols have occupied all lands of Islam, devastated Lahore and made ita point to invade our country once in every year...1f I move out ofthe capital the Mongols are sure to avail themselves of the opportunity by sacking Delhi and ravaging the Doab. Making peace and consolidating our power in our own kingdom is far better than invading foreign territories while our own kingdom is insecure, Balban used both ‘force and diplomacy’ against the Mongols. He took some measures to strengthen his line of defence. Forts at Bhatinda, Sunam and Samana were reinforced to check any Mongol advance beyond Beas. Balban succeeded in oceupying Multan and Uchh but his forees remained under heavy Mongol pressure in Punjab. Every year Prince Muhammad, Balban’s son, led expeditions against the Mongols. The Prince died in CE 1285 while defending Multan. Actually, till CE 1295, the Mongols did not show much enthusiasm to occupy Delhi. During Alauddin Khalji’s reign, the Mongol incursions extended further and they attempted to ravage Delhi for the first time in CE 1299 under Qutlugh Khwaja. Since then, Delhi became a regular target of the Mongols. For the second time, Qutlugh Khwaja in CE 1303 attacked Delhi when Alauddin Khalji was busy in his Chittor campaign, The attack was so severe that the Mongols inflicted large-scale destruction and so long as the Mongols besieged Delhi, Alauddin could not enter the city. Constant Mongol attacks pressed Alauddin to think of a permanent solution, He recruited a huge standing army and strengthened the frontier forts. Asa result, the Mongols were repulsed in 1306 and 1308, Another reason for the Mongol reversal was the death of Dawa Khan in 1306, followed by civil warn the Mongol Khanate. It weakened the Mongols greatly, and they ceased to remain a power to reckon with. This situation helped the Delhi Sultans to extend their frontier as far as the Salt Range, The last significant Mongol invasion was under the leadership of Tarmashirin during the reign of Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq, Thus, the Delhi Sultans succeeded in tackling the Mongol problem and succeeded in keeping their kingdom intact. It shows the strength of the Sultanate, Besides, the Mongol destruction of Central and West Asia resulted in large-scale migration of scholars, mystics, artisans and others to Delhi, which transformed it into a great town of Islamic culture area, 2.4 POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST OF INDIA The Turkish conquest of India brought about some far reaching changes in the political, economic and social conditions of India. Its first major consequence was to replace the ‘feudal’, multi-centred, polity of the country by a centralized state, in which the king enjoyed practically unlimited powers. The chief institution whieh made the Sultanate possible was that of the igta: transferable revenue assignments, an institution which the Seljugs found in Delhi Sultanate: Consolidation and Expansion 59Political Formations operation in the Abbasid ruled areas and which they updated in the light of their own requirements, In the next theme, you will be reading the history of the igia system in India in greater detail. Here we will simply touch upon its principal features to illustrate how it provided the basis of a different polity. Under this system, the officers of the king were assigned territories to realize revenue and maintain troops and cavalry contingents. The holders of such assignments were known as magti. Unlike the pre-Turkish system wherein the land grantees had acquired permanent rights of ownership, the igra-holders were regularly transferred and their tenure in particular places or localities was normally for 3 to 4 years. Taking the Delhi Sultanate as a whole, such a system made the assignee dependent on the central authority to a far greater extent than it was possible under the earlier Indian politics. While the rais, ranas and thakurs failed to unite the country, the Turks succeeded in establishing an ‘all-India administration by bringing the chief cities and the great routes under the control of the government of Delhi”. Much as the igta system provided the base fora despotic state, it was also a means of extracting the agricultural surplus. The Turks had brought with them the tradition of living in the cities and, as.a result, the large surplus produce of the countryside found its way into the cities in the form of land tax. This led to a considerable growth of urban economy. Turks also brought with them the Persian wheel and the spinning wheel. The former helped greatly in increasing the agricultural produetion (for further details see Unit 11). Cheek Your Progress-1 1) Write how Qutbuddin succeeded in crushing the power of Yalduz. 2) Itutmish was the real founder of the Turkish rule in India. Explain. 3) Aloofness, appeasement and resistance were the three weapons used by the Delhi Sultans to face the Mongol challenge. Explain briefly. 4) _ Briefly discuss the political consequences of the Turkish conquest2.5 EXPANSION UNDER THE KHALJIS The initial surge of occupation under the early Turkish Sultans died down about the middle of the thirteenth century. Now the primary objective of the later Sultans became the consolidation of the Sultanate, Thus, it was not until the establishment of the Khalji rule that the boundaries of the Sultanate expanded beyond the early gains. The overthrow of the Turkish hegemony at the end of the thirteenth century and its replacement with the Khaljis, under whom the exclusive racial character of the ruling class was thoroughly diluted, is thus an event not without significance. The opening up of the Sultanate and diversified participation of ruling groups in managing the affairs of the Sultanate made territorial expansion a feasible proposition. Initial forays into Jhain and Ranthambhor soon after the accession of Jalaluddin Firuz Khalji to the Sultanate of Delhi, had brought home the fact that territorial expansion was now a political necessity. Neighbouring kingdoms had become strong and any concerted attempt against the Sultanate could cost it dear. Moreover, Alauddin’s glittering prospect of the acquisition of wealth, besides extending territorial gains, had set the stage at the beginning of the fourteenth century for the adoption of an expansionist polis The first of the Khalji Sultans, Jalaluddin, did neither have will nor resources to undertake any large-scale expansionist programme. His six years’ reign was gripped by the internal contradiction of having to reconcile between the policies of the Sultan and the interests of his supporters. The resolution of this problem came i the unfortunate assassination of the Sultan. Alauddin Khalji, his assassin and successor, had a different imperial design, He was to herald an age of territorial annexation and expansion of the Sultanate which saw the frontiers of the Sultanate reaching close to the tip of the Southern peninsula by the middle of the fourteenth century. 2.5.1 West and Central India Alauddin Khalji, after consolidating his position and firmly establishing himself at Delhi, undertook the first expedition in the region of Gujarat in 1299. This also happened to be the first project of territorial expansion under him, Possibly Alauddin was attracted by the wealth of Gujarat whose flourishing trade had always lured invaders. The imperial army was jointly commanded by Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan, two of Alauddin’s best army generals. Gujarat was an easy prey ~ the province was plundered and the capital Anhilwara was sacked. The administrative control of Gujarat was entrusted to Alp Khan as governor. In the control and westward expansion of the empire, the next kingdom to fall was that of Malwa in 1305. It was an extensive region and was governed from the capital Mandu by Rai Mahalak Dev with the assistance of a powerful minister Koka Pradhan, The imperial army was outnumbered by the forces of Rai but did eventually succeed and the fort of Mandu was captured. The province of Malwa, after its fall, was given for administration to Ainul Mulk who was known to have soon brought Ujjain, Dhar and Chanderi, too, under his control. Malwa was followed by Siwana, a town situated some eighty kilometres to the south-west of Jodhpur. Alauddin’s army had been besieging Siwana for five or six Delhi Sultanate: Consolidation and Expansion 61Political Formations years beginning 1304-05 without much sucess. The fort was finally captured in e 1309. The ruler of Siwana, Rai Sital Dev, was killed in action and the fort and territory was put under the charge of Kamaluddin Gurg, In the same year (1309), Jalor was attacked and its ruler Kanhar Dev was killed in the battle and the fort annexed to the Sultanate under the control of Kamaluddin Gurg BAY OF BENGAL Map 2.3: Khalji Expansion Source: EHI-03: India’ From 8° ro 15% Century, Block 4, Units 15, p. 372.5.2. Northwest and North India Soon after his accession, Alauddin was faced with the problem of suppressing the prospects of revolt by the surviving members of Jalaluddin’s family who had fled to Multan, Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan were entrusted with the job of eliminating Arkali Khan at Multan, Arkali Khan was made prisoner and escorted to Delhi. Multan once again came under the control of Delhi. Strictly speaking, Multan expedition was not an act of territorial expansion but formed part of the policy of consolidation. In 1300, Alauddin sent Ulugh Khan to march against Ranthambhor ruled by Rai Hamir, Nusrat Khan, then posted at Awadh, joined Ulugh Khan, The Imperial army captured Jhain on the way and then laid a siege. Alauddin had to personally take the command of the campaign. The siege lasted for over six months, Ultimately, the women inside the fort performed jauhar and one night the gates of the fort were opened by Hamir Dev who died fighting. In pursuance of the same policy, Alauddin attacked the kingdom of Chittor in 1303. After several assaults, the ruler of Chittor suddenly sent an offer of surrender to the Sultan on his own. The heir apparent Khizr Khan was assigned the governorship of the territory. But soon the fort was bestowed upon Maldeo, a son of the sister of the earlier ruler of Chittor who remained loyal to Delhi till the end of Alauddin’s reign. By the end of the first decade of Alauddin’s rule the frontiers of the Delhi Sultanate had expanded to cover almost the whole of north, west and central India, From Multan in the northwest to the Vindhyas in central India, and almost the entire Rajputana, had now been brought under the expanse of the Delhi Sultanate. 2.5.3. Deccan and Southward Expansion Devagiri in the Deccan had already tasted Alauddin’s plunder in CE 1296 during tenure as the governor of Kara, The next military eampaign in the Decean was again planned by Alauddin against Rai Ram Chandra Dev of Devagiri in 1306-7. An immediate cause for this was an unduly long delay in sending the annual tribute to Delhi in 1296, The command of the Deccan campaign was given to Malik Kafur, and directions were sent to Ainul Mulk Multani and Alp Khan for providing assistance. Only a feeble resistance was provided by Ram Chandra Dev as he surrendered to the imperial army under the assurance of personal safety. His son, however, fled with apart of the army. Ram Chandra Dev was accorded great honour by the Sultan and, restored to the throne of Devagiri in return for the assurance of regular and prompt payment of an annual tribute to the Sultan, The Rai also gave his daughter in marriage to the Sultan. It appears that Alauddin’s policy was not to annex Devagiri but retain it as a protectorate and amass as much wealth as possible from the igdom. Malik Kafur’s careful handling of the affair of Devagiri enhanced Sultan’s confidence in his abilities as a military general and he decided to entrust him with the responsibility to make forays in the peninsular region in the South. Acquisition of wealth from southern kingdoms and not actual territorial annexation seems to have been the prime motive in sending these expeditions. Accordingly, in October 1309, the imperial army began its southward mareh under the command of Malik Delhi Sultanate: Consolidation and Expansion 6Political Formations Kafur. Amir Khusrau has given details of these campaigns in his Khazain-ul Futuh, Enroute a surprise assault was made by Malik Kafur on the fort at Sirpur (in Adilabad District). The nobles of Sirpur fled to Rai Rudra Dev of Warangal and the fort was captured by the Imperial army. By the middle of January 1310, the marching army had reached the suburbs of Warangal. On 14 February 1310, Kafur attacked the fort. The war came to an end because Rai Rudra Dev decided to surrender, He agreed to part with his treasures and pay an annual tribute as token of submission, Warangal was a spectacular success for the Sultanate army: the booty comprised of 20,000 horses, 100 elephants, and an enormous stock of gold and precious stones laden on thousand camels. The province was not territorially annexed but accorded the status of a protectorate, The imperial army came back to Delhi at the beginning of June 1310. Sultan’s avarice now knew no bounds. Since the Sultanate was by this time made secure of Mongol menace and almost the entire country to the north of the Vindhyas had come under the sway of Alauddin, he planned another military campaign in the far south, The sight of the Sultan was now set on Dwarasamudra, further south of Warangal Malik Kafur was once again commanding imperial army and was instructed to capture nearly 500 elephants besides the treasures of gold and precious stones, The fort was besieged in February 1311 and the very next day a message seeking peace came from Ballala Dey, the ruler of Dwarasamudra. Like earlier eases the terms included parting of much wealth and a promise for annual tribute. Encouraged by his success in Dwarasamudra, Malik Kafuur decided to move further south. Accordingly, he marched towards Ma’bar in a little less than a month’s time reached Madura, the capital of the Pandyas. Sundar Pandya, the ruler, had already fled. The elephants and treasure were captured by Malik Kafur. There were 512 elephants, 5000 horses and 500 mans of precious stones. Alauddin’s Deccan and southward campaigns were aimed at achieving two basic objectives: (i) a formal recognition of the authority of Delhi Sultan over these regions, and (ii) the amassing of maximum wealth at the minimal loss of life. His policy of not annexing the conquered territories but accepting the acknowledgement of the Sultan’s suzerainty speaks of Alauddin’s political sagacity. Within a year, however, of Malik Kafur’s return from Ma’bar, developments in the Deccan called for a review of the policy of non-annexation. Ram Dey, the ruler of Devagiri, died sometime in the latter half of 1312 and was succeeded by his son Bhillama, Bhillama refused to accept the suzerain status of the Sultan of Delhi and declared his independence. Alauddin sent Malik Kafuur to suppress the rebellion and instructed him to take temporary charge of the province. But Malik Kafur was soon called back and asked to handover charge of the province to Ainul Mulk. In January 1316, afier Alauddin’s death, even Ainul Mulk was called back to Delhi, leaving the affairs of Devagiri unsettled. Thus, Mubarak Khalji, the successor of Alauddin, wanted to match to Devagiti soon after his accession, but was advised by his nobles to take some more time so as to consolidate his position in Delhi. In the second year of his reign in April 1317, Mubarak started for the campaign. The march was uneventful. Devagiri offered no resistance, and the Maratha chiefs submitted before the Sultan. The province was annexed to the Sultanate.Check Your Progress-2 1) From the places given below, identify the first one conquered by Alauddin Khalji as Sultan of Delhi: a) Devagiri b) Malwa ©) Gujarat d) Ma’bar 2) Which of the following places were annexed to the Delhi Sultanate by Alaud Khalji: a) Warangal b) Siwana ©) Devagiri 4) Jalor 3) Explain Alauddin’s policy with regards to the kingdoms in the Deccan and far south, 4) Who among the names listed below was appointed the first governor of Devagiri after its annexation by the Sultanate: a) Rai Ram Chandra Dev b) Malik Kafur ©) Mubarak Khalji 4) Khusrau Khan 2.6 EXPANSION UNDER THE TUGHLAQS The Tughlags came to power in Delhi when Ghiyasuddin Tughlag ascended the throne in 1320, The Sultanate was suffering from unsettled political conditions and demanded immediate attention of the new ruler. The outlying provinces had proclaimed independence as the effective control of the Sultanate had shrunk only to the heartland, The administrative machinery was completely out of gear and the treasury had been completely depleted. Ghiyasuddin naturally addressed himself first to the task of restoring the exchequer and the administration, But soon after that came the question of restoring prestige and authority in the outlying parts of the empire. 2.6.1 The South The political condition in the Deccan was not assuring in any way. The acceptance of Alauddin’s suzerainty and the promise of loyalty by the rulers of the South were only nominal. Fresh military expeditions were certainly needed for the Expansion 65Political Formations reinforcement of imperial authority in Devagiri and Telingana. Devagiri, as you have already read, had been annexed to the Sultanate by Mubarak Khalji, But the southern states beyond Devagiri had completely overthrown whatever little semblance of imperial authority remained there. The Telingana, therefore, claimed Ghiyasuddin’s immediate attention. In 1321, Ulugh Khan (later Muhammad Tughlaq) started for the south with a large army. Without much resistance in the way he reached Warangal. After two sieges, each lasting four or five months, the ruler Rai Rudra Dev finally decided to surrender, But this time there was no forgiving the recalcitrant: the fort was occupied, plundered and some demolitions effected. The Rai was made a prisoner and escorted to Delhi, Warangal was annexed to the Sultanate under direct imperial administration, In continuation of the same policy Ulugh Khan also brought Ma’bar to submission and set up direct imperial administration there. The region of Telingana was thus made a part of the Delhi Sultanate and divided into several administrative units. The local talent was abundantly employed in the administration and acts of vandalism against the vanquished were forbidden. DELHI SULTANATE 1335, oe 3 7GUIARAT BAY OF BENGAL Map 2.4: Expansion under the Tughlags. EHI-03: India: From 8° 10 15% Century, Block 4, Units 15, p. 41 Source:2.6.2 East India The expedition in the eastern parts of India came as a consequence of the wars in the South. Bhanudeva Il, the ruler of Jajnagar in Odisha, had given support to Rai Rudra Dev of Warangal at the time of imperial offensive against the latter. Ulugh Khan, therefore, after leaving Warangal sometime in the middle of 1324, marched against Jajnagar. A fierce battle took place in which victory sided with Ulugh Khan, He plundered the enemy camp and collected large booty. Jajnagar was annexed and made a part of the Sultanate. Bengal was another kingdom in the east which bad always been a hotbed of sedition. Its governors would not miss any opportunity of asserting independence. In 1323-24 a fratricidal quarrel broke out in Lakhnauti afier the death of Feroz Shah, the ruler of this independent principality. Some nobles from Lakhnauti came to Ghiyasuddin for help who responded and decided to march to Bengal in person. Afier reaching Tithut the Sultan himself made a halt and deputed Babram Khan with a host of other officers to march to Lakhnauti. The rival forces confronted each other near Lakhnauti, In the battle that ensued the forces of Delhi easily pushed back Bengal army and pursued them for some distance. One of the warring groups led by Nasiruddin was conferred a tributary status at Lakhnauti 2.6.3, Northwest and North Since Alauddin’s expedition to Multan, the northwestern frontier of the Sultanate had remained fixed. Subsequent Sultans were mostly occupied with the affairs of the South and Gujarat, It was after Muhammad Tughlag acceded to the throne that attention was paid to the northwest frontier. Soon after his accession, Muhammad ‘Tughlag led campaigns to Kalanaur and Peshawar. Probably it was.a sequel to the invasion of the Mongols under Tarmashirin Khan in 1326-27 and was aimed at securing northwestern frontier of the Sultanate against future Mongol attacks. On his way to Kalanaur, the Sultan stayed at Lahore but ordered his army to mareh and conquer Kalanaur and Peshawar. The task seems to have been accomplished without much difficulty, The Sultanate settled the administrative arrangement of the newly conquered regions and marched back to Delhi. Sometime in 1332, Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq planned the conquest of the Qarachil region identified as the modern Kulu in Kangra district of Himachal Pradesh, It formed part of the plan to fortify north and northwest frontier. For this, purpose, he enlisted a large army under the command of Khusrau Malik. The army succeeded in occupying Jidya, an important place in Qarachil region, and was then instructed to retum, But in his enthusiasm, Khusrau Malik exceeded the instruction and marched ahead towards Tibet. Soon the rains set in and the army was overtaken by disease and panic. The disaster was such that only three soldiers returned to tell the tale of the catastrophe. Qarachil expedition led to tremendous waste of resources and erosion in the authority of Muhammad Tughlag, Allittle before Qarachil expedition, Muhammad Tughlaq had launched an ambitious project of bringing Khurasan under submission. A large army of soldiers numbering about 370,000 was recruited for this purpose and the soldiers were paid a year’s salary in advance. Large sum was also invested in the purchase of costly equipments for the army. Ultimately when the project was abandoned as an unrealistic scheme and the army disbanded, it led to a tremendous financial loss. The authority of the Delhi Sultanate: Consolidation and Expansion orPolitical Formations Sultan also suffered a serious setback and a series of rebellions followed that hollowed the most extensive of the empire of Delhi Sultanate. Check Your Progress-3 1) When were southern kingdoms annexed to the Delhi Sultanate: a) Under Alauddin Khalji b) Under Mubarak Khalji ©) Under Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq d) Under Muhammad Tughlag 2) Which of the following military expeditions was abandoned by Muhammad Tughlag: a) Warangal b) Qarachil ©) Jajnagar @) Khurasan 3) Why was Qarachil expedition a disaster? 4) Which of the following formed the eastern limit of the Sultanate in 1335? a) Jajnagar b) Peshawar ©) Kalanaur d) Malwa 2.7 SUMMARY On the eve of Turkish invasion, India was not a unified political unit but divided into number of small states ruled by kings and autonomous chiefs. Muhammad Ghori tried to subjugate them, the culmination of which may be seen in the defeat of Prithviraj Chauhan at the battle of Tarain, This laid the foundation of the Turkish rule in India, Afier Muhammad Ghori’s departure one of his commanders, Quibuddin Aibak got busy in establishing the Turkish power in India. In the proce: he suppressed Yalduz, the Muizi slave who had rival claims to the Muizi throne in India, But, he failed to suppress Qubacba. The task was left to Htutmish, Itutmish not only expanded the Muizi empire but also organized and strengthened the administrative machinery with the help of the group of nobles called ~ the group of ‘Forty’, He also introduced certain Sassanid institutions like igéa that helped greatly in centralizing the administration, Turks succeeded primarily because of their superior military technology and on account of the fact that Indian armies mainly consisted of ‘feudal levies’. Turkish conquest was not, simply the changeof one dynasty by another. It had a far reaching effect on Indian society, economy and polity. You will study about these aspects later during this course. Following the death of Itutmish in 1236 CE, for nearly a half century all efforts of the Sultans of Delhi were geared towards consolidating early territorial gains by strengthening the fiscal and administrative base of the Sultanate. The next phase of territorial expansion, therefore, began with the opening of the fourteenth century under the Khaljis. Alauddin’s administrative and economic measures had helped consolidation as well as widen the base of the Sultanate. The acquisition of new territories had thus become a feasible proposition. Even then we find Alauddin moving in this direction with a reasonable distance from the central seat of the Sultanate for implementing an effective control of the Sultan over directly annexed territories and made them the provinees of the Sultanate, But more distant regions were conquered for two main reasons ~ the acquisition of wealth and according the status of a protectorate rather than making them a part of the Sultanate. This was particularly true of kingdoms conquered in the Deccan and in far south. This policy was changed, in the case of Devagiri, by Mubarak Khalji. It was followed by Ghiyasuddin Tughlag in the distant kingdoms in far south like Warangal and Ma’bar. The question of effective administrative control was addressed by Muhammad Tughlaq by making Devagiri the second administrative seat of the Sultanate. But that experiment was shortlived and failed partially due to the unwillingness of the ruling and other classes of the Sultanate. Nonetheless, under Muhammad Tughlaq’s reign the boundaries of the Sultanate were at their apex touching Peshawar in the northwest and Ma’bar in the South, and Gujarat in the West and Jajnagar in Odisha in the East. It was, however, an irony of fate that in the closing years of the reign of the same Sultan, the boundaries of the Sultanate shrank nearly the CE 1296 status. 2.8 KEYWORDS Bandgan Shamsi Iitutmish’s Turkish slave officers* group (Turkan-i Chihilgani) Persian wheel A waterlifting device used to lift the water from some depth Spinning wheel Device for spinning the cotton. This was moved with the help of crank-handle and had six spindles Jauhar The practice of committing mass self-immolation by women in case of imminent defeat at the hands of enemy followed in some Indian kingdoms 2.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXERCISES Check Your Progress-1 1) See Section 2.2 2) See Section 2.2 Delhi Sultanate: Consolidation and Expansion Cc)Political Formations 3)_See Section 2.3 4) See Section 2.4 Check Your Progress-2 1) (©) Gujarat 2) (b) Siwana 3) See Sub-section 2.5.3 4). (b) Malik Kafur Cheek Your Progress-3 1) (b) Under Mubarak Khalji 2) (@) Khurasan 3) See Sub-section 2.6.3 4) (@) Jajinagar 2.10 CHRONOLOGY OF THE DELHI SULTANS: 1206-1526 ILBARITES Quitbuddin Aibak 1206-1210 ‘Aram Shah (for few months) 1210 Ttutmish 1210-1236 Raziya 1236-1240 Bahram Shah 1240-1242 Masud Shah 1242-1246 Nasiruddin. 1246-1266 Ghiyasuddin Balban 1266-1287 Kaiqubad 1287-1290 KHALJIS Jalaluddin Khalji 1290-1296 Alauddin Khalji 1296-1316 Qutbuddin Mubarak 1316-1320 TUGHLAQS Ghiyasuddin Tughlag 1320-1325 Muhammad Tughlag 1325-1351 Firuz Tughlag 1351-1388 Tughlag Shah I 1388-1390 0Nasiruddin Mahmud Shah 1390-1394 Delhi Sultanate: Consolidation and Mahmud Shah Tughlag 1394-1412* Expansion *Period between 1412-1414 was a period of internal conflict SATYYIDS Khizr Khan 1414-1421 Mubarak Shah 1421-1434 Muhammad Shah 1434-1443, Alauddin Alam Shah 1443-1451 LODIS Bahlol Lodi 1451-1489 Sikandar Lodi 1489-1517 Ibrahim Lodi 1517-1526 2.11 SUGGESTED READINGS Habib, Mohammad and Nizami, K.A., (ed.) (1970) Comprehensive History of India, Vol. V: Delhi Sultanate CE 1206-1526 (Delhi: People’s Publishing House). Habibullah, A.B.M., (1967) The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India (New Delhi: Central Book Depot). Husain, Agha Mahdi, (1935) Tughlug Dynasty (New Delhi: S. Chand & Company Pvt. Ltd.) Lal, K.S., (1980) History of the Khaljis CE 1290-1320 (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publisher Pvt. Ltd.) Pandey, Awadh Behari, (1970) Early Medieval India, (Allahabad: Central Book Depot), 2.12 INSTRUCTIONAL VIDEO RECCOMENDATIONS, Establishment and Consolidation of the Delhi Sultanate | IGNOUSOSS https://www. youtube. com/watch?y-WCmtBgSlesM Talking History [2| Delhi: The Foundation of Dilli Sultanate | Rajya Sabha TV https://www.youtube.com/watch? ‘Talking History |4| Delhi: The Era of Alauddin Khilji | Rajya Sabha TV https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PrTs0B1qQ9s TJOsomraCaM ‘Talking History [5| Delhi: The rise of Tughlaq Dynasty | Rajya Sabha TV https://www.youtube.com/wateh?v=SINeCOD2m-Q Talking History |6| Delhi: The decline of Tughlaq Dynasty | Rajya Sabha TV https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Vx6TInd8XA8UNIT3 EVOLUTION OF INSTITUTIONS SULTAN, NOBILITY AND ULAMA* Structure 3.0 Objectives 3.1 Introduction 3.2. The Caliphate and the Delhi Sultanate 3.3. The Sultan 3.4 Turkan-i Chihilgani 3.5. Composition of the Sultanate Ruling Class/Nobility 3.5.1 The Iibarites 352 The Khaljis 3.5.3 The Tughlags 3.6 Conflict Between the Nobility and the Sultans 3.7. The Ulama 3.8 Summary 3.9 Keywords 3.10 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises 3.11 Suggested Readings 3.12 Instructional Video Recommendations 3.0 OBJECTIVES In this Unit, we will analyse the evolution of various institutions, particularly the Sultan, the nobility and the class of the wlama during the Sultanate period taking into consideration the following: ‘+ relatationship of the Delhi Sultans with the Caliphate, ‘the institution of the Sultan, + nature of kingship, © role of the turkan-i chihilgani in the consolidation of the Sultanate, «the composition of the ruling class, + conflict between the nobility and the Sultan, and * the role played by the slamta in the Sultanate polity. iran Dattar, Janki Devi Mahavidyal University of Delhi, Delhis Prof. A, Jan Centre of Advanced Study in History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh; ar Mohammed, Jammu University, Jammu; and Prof. Abha Singh, School of Social Sciences, Indira Gandhi National Open University, New Delhi. The present Unit is taken in parts from IGNOU Course EHI-03: India: From 8° to 15% Century, Block 5, Units 16, 17 and 18.3.1 INTRODUCTION In 1206 Qutbuddin Aibak laid the foundation of an independent Sultanate at Delhi and a beginning was made in severing links with Central Asia. The most important problem of the Sultanate in its early stages, and even later, was to consolidate the conquered territories. In this Unit, our focus would be on the consolidation of the Sultanate. To this end, the ruling class served as an important pivot who shared the resources of the country. The Turks brought with them the institution of the igtas (see Unit 4), which helped in the centralization of authority to a great extent. As greater centralization was sought to be effected, changes could be seen in the institution of the *igéa’ as well as in the composition of the ruling class. The rulers had to cope with internal strife and external dangers, especially the running struggle between the nobility and the Sultans which contributed towards the gradual decline of the Dethi Sultanate 3.2. THE CALIPHATE AND THE DELHI SULTANATE The institution of the Caliphate came into existence after the death of Prophet Muhammad when Abu Bakr became the new head (Khalifa) of the Muslim community (Umma or Ummat). Originally, there existed some elements of elective principle in the matter of succession, a practice not much different from the previous tribal traditions, In the Islamic world, the Caliph was regarded as the guardian of religion and the upholder of political order. He was the leader of the entire community. After the period of the first four ‘pious Caliphs’ (Abu Bakr, Umar, Usman and Ali) dynasti rule became the norm when the Umayyads took over the Caliphate in 661 CE from their base at Damascus in Syria, After the fall of the Umayyad Caliphate the Abbasids came to power in the mid-8® century as Caliphs at Baghdad. However, with the decline of central authority, the centralized institution of Caliphate (Khilafat) broke into three centres of power based in Spain (under the rule of a branch of the Umayyad Caliphs), Egypt (under the Fatimids) and the older one at Baghdad — each claiming the exclusive loyalty of the Muslims. Nearer home, towards the northwest, many minor dynasties carved out small states, one of which, was based at Ghazna, The significant point to remember is that, theoretically; no Muslim could have set up an ‘independent’ state, big or small, without procuring the permission from the Caliph, else its legitimacy could become suspect amongst the Muslims. And, yet, all this was nothing more than a formality which could be dispensed with impunity. The recognition of a Caliph by the Delhi Sultans seen in the granting of robes of honour, letter of investiture, bestowing of titles, having the name of the Caliph inscribed on coins and reading of kiutha in his name in the Friday prayer symbolized an acceptance and a link with the Islamic world, though in reality it only meant an acceptance of a situation whereby a ruler, had already placed himself in power. The Sultans of Delhi maintained the fiction of the acceptance of the position of the Caliph. Under the Saiyyids (1414-14511) and the Lodis (1451-1526), the legends on the coins continued in the sense of a tradition being maintained but it was purely a nominal allegian Caliph at Baghadad at the time of the Sultanate was in a ‘decadent’ state, Khalifa’ authority just reduced to a nominal allegiance. However, still the orthodox opinion Evolution of Institutions: Sultan, Nobili and Utama BPolitical Formations 4 prevailed that Khalifa wielded the final authority. Khalil bin Shahin al-Zahiri conveys that ‘no king of the east or the west could hold the title of Sultan unless there was a covenant between him and the Khalifah’ (Nizami 2002:130). It was precisely for this reason that the Delhi Sultans looked towards manshurs (approval! mandate) of the khalifa with such a reverence. When in 1229, Baghadad Caliph Al-Mustansir’s manshur, with a deed of investiture, reached IItutmish he received it with great honour and pomp. It enhanced the prestige of Iltutmish’s sovereignty and a legal approval to it. IItutmish added Caliph’s name on his coins. After Al- Mustansir’s death Masud Shah in 1243 replaced his name with the new Caliph Al- Mustasim. In 1258 Mongol Khan Hulagu brutally murdered the Caliph. This created a vacuum and extraordinary situation. Its fallback was that even after the death of Caliph Al-Mustasim his name continued to have been inscribed on the coins as late as 1296. Alauddin merely styled himself as nasir-i amir-ul muminin yamin-ul Khilafat (the right hand of the caliphate, the helper of the Commander of the Faithful), though Amir Khusrau and Ziauddin Barani called him naib or Khalifa of God. However, Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq reverted to the old title nasi? amir-ul muminin. Muhammad Tughlag who was of an independent mind, initially in his coins discarded the name of the Caliph, But, around 1344 Muhammad bin Tughlaq received Caliph’s emissary Haji Said Sarsari with letter of investiture, a standard and robe of honour. Sultan in recognition issued coins with Caliph Al-Mustakti- Billah’s name inscribed on it. Caliph’s name was also recited in the Khutba during Friday and ‘Id prayers. Muhammad bin Tughlaq after Al-Mustakfi-Billah’s death received another letter of investiture and robe of honour from Caliph Al-Hakim IT which was also received by the Sultan with all humility. Firuz Shah also received the letter of investiture of the Caliph Al-Mutasid-Billah in 754AH/1353 CE. The same tradition continued by the Saiyyids and the Lodis, Khizr Khan, the founder of the Saiyyid dynasty received the letter from Shah Rukh and read his name in the Ahutha. However, in 1517 Usmani Turks ended the Abbasid Caliphate and thus again the vacuum was created. In the Dethi Sultanate, thus, in actual effect, the Caliphate, weakened and far removed as it was, had little direct role to play. 3.3. THE SULTAN In the early Islamic world, there was no sanction for the position of the Sultan, With the disintegration of the Caliphate, the Sultan began to appear in the sense of a powerful ruler “an independent sovereign of a certain territory” The Delhi Sultans could make civil and political regulations for public welfare. Khutba and sikka were recognised as important attributes of sovereignty. The khutba was the formal sermon following the congregational prayer on Fridays wherein the name of the Sultan was mentioned as the head of the community. Coinage wa the ruler’s prerogative: his name was inscribed on the coins (sikka). Though in the Muslim world legally khalifa was the sovereign, in practice Sultan wielded the supreme power, and ruled almost independent of the Caliph’s authority. Nonetheless there were number of restrictions on Sultan’s unrestricted power in the form of group pressures: ulama wanted him to uphold the course of religion; nobility expected him to be the protector of political interests; raivat/commoners expected peace, security and justice. Though he was the supreme interpreter ofLaw (shariat) he could not ignore ijma (opinion of the Muslim community/jurists). Evolution of Institutions: Alauddin Khalji is often accused of transgressing shara’. In the context of the use of booty acquired by the Sultan during his Deccan campaigns as a Prince the famous conversation between Qazi Mughisuddin and Alauddin recorded by Barani alleges Alauddin not following the shariat. Alauddin was the Sultan of strong will he distinctly asserted his authority over the differences with the tama. For him “government and administration were affairs quite independent of the rules and orders of the shariat’ (Nizami 1982: 362). Ultimately, it was the ‘political expediency alone which determined the attitude of the ruler’ (Nizami 1982: 118). Similarly, ruling over a vast majority of non-Muslims it was extremely difficult for any Sultan to ignore the sentiments and interests of non-Muslims, Alauddin gave rebuttal to Mughisuddin’s objections in no uncertain terms You may say my acts are against the shariat. Now this is how I at... demand back public money from corrupt revenue officers by kicks and blows, and till the last jal has been realized, I keep them in bonds and chains. Political offenders I imprison for life. Will you say all this against the shariar?...] issue command which I consider to be beneficial to the state and appear prudent under the circumstances. I do not know whether they are permitted by the shariat ‘or not’ (Nizami 1982: 363-364), Similarly, Muhammad Tughlaq possessed extremely original mind and was above influences and pressures and never put religion above politics. In spite of all opposition of the wama and the elite Turkish nobility Muhammad bin Tughlaq, opened the highest offices to talent, irrespective of the birth: he appointed Aziz Khummar (the distiller), Firuz Hajjam (the barber), Laddha Baghaban (the gardener) to the highest offices. Aziz Khummar held the office of the governor of Malwa; while Pira Mali was appointed in the diwan-i wizarat, While discussing the powers of the Delhi Sultans Qureshi (1971) rightly puts that, “the sovereignty ofa single man isa legal myth’. Noruler could ignore public opinion, popular protests. Raziya could secure her position as Sultan in Delhi on account of the popular support she received in Delhi. Hasan Nizami and Fakhr-i Mudabbir have also emphasized upon the importance of shura (consultation) in the Muslim polity. Even for the efficient working Sultan required the constant support of the nobles. Often influential ulama and nobles collectively chose the candidate and proclaimed him the Sultan: Iltutmish was invited by the Turkish nobles headed by Amir Ali Ismail, the sipah salar to occupy the throne, similarly, Alauddin Masud Shah, Nasiruddin Mahmud, Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah, Ghiyasuddin Tughlag (1320- 1325) all were the choice of the nobles. “The wise Buhlul could at need humble before the nobles by putting his turban at their feet, the inexperienced Ibrahim lost his throne by alienating them’ (Qureshi 1971: 52-53). Thus, though Sultan was autocrat and all powerful, in practice, he could not ignore the wlama, nobility and the public opinion for his position and the efficient working of his administration Nature of Kingship The early Mulism Turkish State established itself in north India by virtue of conquests. Since the Turks were far fewer in number than the indigenous population over whom they sought to govern and since they also lacked resources, they, of necessity, had to control the resources of the country. This had an important bearing on the nature of the Turkish State. Sultan, Nobility and Ulama 75Political Formations 16 Ina theoretical and formal sense, the Delhi Sultans recognized the supremacy of the Islamic law (shariah) and tried to prevent its open violation. But they had to supplement it by framing secular regulations (zawabit), too. A point of view is that the Turkish State was a theocracy; in practice, however, it was the product of expediency and necessity wherein the needs of the young state assumed paramount, importance. The contemporary historian Ziauddin Barani distinguished between jahandari (“secular”) and dindari (“religious”) and accepted the inevitability of some secular features, because of the contingent situations coming up. Thus, the needs of the emergent State shaped many policies and practices not always consistent with Islamic fundamentalism. For example, during the reign of Sultan Itutmish (1211-1236), a sectarian group (shafai) of Muslim divines approached the Sultan and asked him to enforce the Islamic law strictly, that is, giving the Hindus the option of Islam or Death, On behalf of the Sultan, the wazir; Junaidi, replied that this could not be done for the moment as the Muslims were like salt in a dish of food. Barani records a conversation that Sultan Alauddin Khalji had with one of his leading theologians, Qazi Mughisuddin, over the question of appropriation of booty. While the Qazi pointed out the legalistic position which prevented the Sultan from taking the major share of the booty, the Sultan is said to have emphasized that he acted according to the needs of the State which were paramount. These instances show that, in practice, the Turkish State was not theocratic but evolved according to its special needs and circumstances despite the fact that the main ruling class professed Islam. Thus, ‘Law, tradition and expediency...shaped the political outlook of the Sultans, and conditioned their theories of kingship. Insofar as they considered themselves the “lieutenants of the Caliph” and looked for investiture from Baghadad, their attitude was determined by the legal requirements of the age’ (Nizami 2002: 101). Sultan’s ideas are best reflected in their wasavas (precepts) and among the wasayas of Delhi Sultans only Balban’s wasayas survive; those contain his instructions to his sons Mahmud and Muhammad and later to Bughra Khan. “Balban was in fact an ideal ruler. firm, fair and awe-inspiring. Endowed with rare political vision and energy, he set the confused and disorganized state of affairs of government in order and enhanced the dignity and the prestige of the crown’ (Nizami 2002:104). Lanepool has rightly put it that, “No one understood better than Balban the condi in India’. Balban’s wasayas ‘not only epitomize the political idealogy of the Middle ‘Ages but also bring out the inner conflicts of his own pol 2002: 104). Balban advises (Nizami 2002: 105-109): Wasayas to Mahmud and Muhammad: 8) The heart ofthe king reflets the glory of God. b) If the king allows the low-born, base, irreligious, and faithless people to interfere in government affairs, he is not only guilty of being ungrateful to God but also occupies the territory of God against the orders of the Day of Creation, ©) He must behave in such a way that his words, deeds, orders, and personal qualities and virlues may enable people to live according to the laws of Shariat. 4) Pious, religious minded, just and God-fearing men alone should be appointed as gazis, officials, amirdads, and muhtasibs so that the laws of Shariat might be enforced through them, ) Royal dignity should be maintained both in public and private,p 2) ») b » m) ‘You should understand that kingship is the vieegerent of God. Only noble, virtuous, wise, and skilled people be allowed to come near you, Under no circumstances you should allow the mean, the vulgar, and the faithless people, and infidels to gather around you. faking lives in the same way as other people live and grants to people what others also ean bestow, the glory of sovereign vanishes. A king should live and behave in a way different from other people, Kingship is not possible without these things “j confidence of the people, and a number of selected and distinguished men to assist and serve the Sultan. If there is no justice, there ean be no stability in government. justice, beneficence, pomp, army, treasury, Be on good terms with your people, governors, army, and the pious men. Use moderation in handling the affairs of your people Protect your person from wicked people. Wasaya to Bughra Khan: a » It is not advisable for any ruler of Lakhnauti to rebel against the Sultan of Delhi Wilayat dari (governorship) and Iglim dari (kingship) are two different things. Ifa mugtat ‘commits mistakes and does not perform his duty properly, he is dismissed by the king and ‘the matter ends there; if, on the other hand, a suzerain commits mistakes, it Ieads to chaos and disscnsions in every direction. The people become unruly, the government loses its stability, and the army gets restive. Delhi Sultan’s, particularly that of Balban’s ideas of kingship were a direct importation from Sassanid Persia, The chief features of Balban’s theory of kingship wer a) ») ° @ 2 His ideal of kingship was divine, He declared king as the vieegerent of God (niyabat-i kudai), He claimed king as the shadow of God on earth (zl al-Allah fil arz). Implied thereby that he did not derive his power and strength from the nobility or people but from the God, thus he placed himself, his acts above ‘scrutiny’ He believed in extemal pomp of the sovereignty. Since he was above common men and nobles, he kept himself distant from the masses, he even refused to directly talk to commoner. Htutmish’s nobles Malik Izzuddin Salari and Malik Qutbuddin Hasan also advised Itutmish “to maintain royal dignity’. Barani records, they tried to convince Iltutmish that, “it was necessary for the Sultan to strike awe and terror into the hearts ofthe people”, and because “one could not discharge the obligations of kingship unless he behaved with dignity” (Nizami 2002: 103). In the court he maintained strict decorum. He used to appear in the court with full ‘regalia’ and royal paraphernalia, A distinet distinction was made between high-born and low-born. It was considered below dignity to interact with a low-born. Barani mentions, Balban used to tell, ‘When happen to look at a low-born person, every artery and vein in my body begins to agitate with fury”. Balban traced his genealogy from mythical Persian hero Afrasiab mentioned by Firdausi in his Shalnama, Balban is even reported to have got enquired the genealogies of his amirs and nobles through expert genealogists. Evolution of Institutions: Sultan, Nobility and Ulama 1Political Formations 8 1) Toemphasise upon high ideals of kingship he emulated Persian customs and life-style. His first avo sons born before his becoming the Sultan were named Mahmud and Muhammad; but his sons bor after becoming Sultan he named them after Persian kings: Kaiqubad, Kaikhusrau, Kaikaus. 8) Persian court etiquettes and ceremonies were introduced. He insisted on sijde (prostate) and paibos (feet-kissing), No one dare to have loose talks or cut jokes in the court, During royal ‘ceremonies court was lavishly devorated to the extent that Barani records that it was a matter ‘of talk ofthe common people. While the Sultan was in procession Sistani soldiers accompany him with naked swords. 1) The only edemecing feature of Balban’s kingship was his emphasis on justice. He appointed ‘aris (intelligence officers) to keep him informed the activities of his officers. He severely punished Malik Baq Bag, father of Qara Beg, igiadar of Badaun and Haibat Khan, father of Malik Qira,igiadar of Awadh for killing menial servants Commenting on Balban’s attempt to lay emphasis on high ideals of kingship K.A. Nizami argues that it was more of an expression of his ‘inferiority complex and guilty conscience behind these frequent exhortations’. “By dinning into the ears of his maliks and amirs, most of whom were his quondam colleages, again and again that kingship was something divinely ordained, he wanted to wash off the stigma of being a regicide and impress their minds that it was Divine Will that had brought him to the throne and not the poisoned cup and the assasin’s dagger’ (Habib & Nizami 1982: 281). He was also perhaps never manumitted. ‘This basic legal disqualification to rule over the people, he tried to cover under a shrewdly designed mask of “divine commitment” of regal authority* (Habib & Nizami 1982: 281). Nonetheless, ‘this display of power, authority and dignity, which was inseparably associated in his mind with his theory of kingship, made the most recaleitrant elements in the country submissive and struck awe and terror into the hearts of the people’ (Habib & Nizami 1982: 285). Succession Issue ‘No clearand well-defined law of succession developed in the Sultanate. Hereditary principle was accepted but not adhered to invariably. There was no rule that only the eldest son would succeed (law of primogeniture). In one case, even a daughter was nominated (for example, Raziya Sultan). At any rate, a slave, unless he was manumitted, that is, freed, could not claim sovereignty. In fact, as it operated in the Sultanate, ‘the longest the sword, the greater the claim’ Thus, in the absence of any succession rule in the very beginning intrigues surfaced to usurp power. After Aibak’s death, it was not his son Aram Shah but his slave and son-in-law Itutmish who captured the throne, Itutmish’s death (1236) was followed by a long period of struggle and strife when finally Balban, ttutmish’s slave of the ‘Forty’ fame, assumed power in 1266. You have already seen how Balban attempted to give a new shape to the concept of kingship to salvage the prestige of the office of the Sultan, but the struggle for power that started soon after Balban’s death confirms again that the ‘sword’ remained the main deciding factor. Kaiqubad was installed at the throne against the claims of Balban’s nominee, hhusrau, Later, even he was slain by the Khal (1290) who laid the foundation of the Khalji rule. In 1296 Alauddin Khalji killed his uncle, Jalaluddin Khalji and occupied the throne. Alauddin Khalji’s death signalled civil war and scramble for power. Muhammad Tughlaq’s reign weakened due to the rebellionsof amirs, Rivalries that followed after Firuz Tughlag ultimately led to the rise of Evolution of Institutions: the Saiyyids (1414-51), With the accession of the Lodis (1451-1526) a new element — the Afghans was added. The Afghans had a certain peculiar concept of sovereignty. They were prepared to accept the position of a Sultan over them, but they sought to partition, the empire among their clans (Farmulis, Sarwanis, Niyazis, etc.). After the death of Sultan Sikandar Lodi (1517), the empire was divided between Ibrahim and Jalal, Even the royal privileges and prerogatives were equally shared by the clan members. For example, keeping of elephants was the royal privilege but Azam Humayun Sanwani is reported to have possessed seven hundred elephants. Besides, the Afghans entertained the concept of maintaining tribal which in the long run greatly hampered the military efficiency of the Central Government. It is true that Sikandar Lodi tried to keep the ambitious Afghan nobles in check, but it seems that the concept of Afghan polity was more tilted towards decentralization that created fissures in the end. Check Your Progress-1 1) What were the symbols of allegiance maintained by the Dethi Sultans with respect to the Caliphate? 2) Discuss the power and position of the Delhi Sultans. 3) What were the chief features of Balban’s theory of sovereignty? 4) How far did the absence of law of primogeniture contribute to the decline of the Sultanate? 3.4. TURKAN-I CHIHILGANI Turkan-i Chihilgani (Barani calls them bandagan Turk Chihilgan; group of “forty” Turkish slave officers) was the creation of IItutmish who used their expertise, unflinching courage, commitment, unconditional fidelity and adroitness for the consolidation of his nascent Sultanate. These Turkish slaves were nurtured with extreme care. They were purchased by IItutmish at an high cost (each for an average Sultan, Nobility and Ulama ~Political Formations 80 of 50000 jitals or more). They excelled in valour and courage and possessed excellent qualities to administer the territories. Minhaj lists twenty-five from the “group of forty’, Some of them are referred to by Minhaj as Muizzi suggests probably Iltutmish inherited them from his master Muizuddin bin Sam. These slave officers were well trained in the art of warfare, provided educational training of Persian, Arabic and Shariat. The most prominent among them were: Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan Ayaz. Itutmish purchased him from the heirs of Malik Nasiruddin Husain. Ruknuddin Firuz made him igtadar of Sunam. Raziya appointed him at Lahore and also gave iqta of Multan; Malik Izzuddin Salari was appointed by Raziya igtadar of Badaun; Malik Saifuddin Kuchi was appointed igtadar of Hansi; Malik Alauddin Jani held the igtadari of Lahore; Ikhtiyaruddin Qaraqash Khan Aitigin was a Qara-Khita Turk, Ttutmish assigned him igia of Multan, He purchased him from Amir Aibek Sunami, Raziya appointed igtadar of Badaun, and later made him amir-i hajib; Ikhtiyaruddin Altunia was sar chatrdar at the time of Iltutmish’s death. Raziya appointed him igtadar of Baran and later of Tabarhinda (Bhatinda). However, IItutmish would have never thought of that those Turkish slaves whom, he nurtured with so much affection and trust and raised them to the highest offices would, one day be responsible for series of murders of his descendents and one day would completly exterminate his male line. After Itutmish’s death they practically emerged as king-makers and finally with Balban’s accession (who was. one of the member of the “group of forty’) they assumed the royal power. They all wielded almost equal power and claimed equality among all being slaves of one of one master (Shamsi) and formed one group (Turkish-slaves). Barani: mentions that they claimed: ‘I and none other’,..What are you that I am notand what have you been that I have not been.’ Barani laments: ‘Owing to the incompetence of the successors of Shamsuddin and the predominance of the Shamsi slaves, no dignity was left with the suprme command...; and the court of Shamsuddin, which had grown in stability and power tll it exceeded the courts of all kings of the inhabited world, was now a thing of no value’ (Habib & Nizami 1982: 233), Very early, Raziya realized the increasing power of the Turkish slaves, attempted to offset them by creating a parallel counter-nobility. It was this that brought her in direct conflict with the Tajik (non-Turkish free-born foreigners of high lineage; largely Persians) Turks and Turkish slave officers. Nizamul Mulk Junaid, a Tajik, wazir of Iltutmish opposed Raziya’s accession supported by the ‘group of forty” (Malik Alauddin Jani, Malik Saifuddin Kuchi, Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan Aya: and Malik Izzuddin Muhammad Salari). Raziya’s appointment of an Abyssinian Malik Jamaluddin Yaqut to the post of amir-i akhur was equally resented by the Turkish slave officers; the office was never before given to a non-Turk. Aitigin and Altunia raised the banner of revolt, rejecting Raziya they placed Muizuddin Bahram Shah to the throne. Raziya in her attempt to gain power married Altunia. However, Raziya and Altunia got defeated and were later killed (1240). Under Bahram this ‘group of forty” succeeded in creating an office of naib-i ‘mamalakat which was directly aimed at creating a parallel power centre and undermining the power of the monarchy. Malik Ikhtiyaruddin Aitigin was appointed tothe post; while Muhazzabuddin Muhammad Iwaz held the office of wazir. Aitigin not only married the divorced sister of the Sultan but also started keeping elephantsand naubat (kettle-drum) at the gate of his house which were exclusive privileges Evolution of Inst of the Sultan in direct violation, Bahram tried to get rid of Aitigin and I was and got Aitigin killed but Iwaz escaped. Again Sadrul Mulk Saiyyid Tajuddin Ali Musawi hatched the conspiracy against Bahram. Though Bahram also got him killed but could not sustain long the conspiracies of the Turkish slaves and was assassinated by them in 1242. Thus Turkish slaves emerged king-makers; already killed two of Tltutmish’s successors. However, they were content with acquiring administrative power and never aspired to replace the Shamsi dynasty. Besides, they enjoyed trust within the ‘group of forty’ and never attempted to kill each other, a policy which later Balban resorted to. Turkish slaves now put Alauddin Masud Shah, son of Ruknuddin Firuz to the throne. Tajiks and Turkish slaves distributed the choicest offices among themselves: Malik Qutbuddin Hasan Ghuri was appointed naib-i mamatakat, Ikhtiyaruddin Qaraqash was made amir-i hajib; and Malik Izuddin Balban Kishlu Khan was granted igta of Mandor and Ajmer; while Malik Tajuddin Sanjar Qutlag received Badaun, Balban Kishlu Khan was the most ambitious of the group of forty’. Balban was brought from Turkistan to Baghadad and purchased by Khwaja Jamaluddin Basir who brought him to India and was sold to IItutmish along with his half brother Saifuddin Aibek (Kishli Khan) and father’s brother's son Nusratuddin Sher Khan. Under Iltutmish Balban served as khasadar. Bahram Shah made him amir-i akhur and received igta of Rewari and later received governorship of Hansi. After Muhazzabuddin’s murder he got the office of amir-i hajib. Balban gradually attempted to remove all powerful Maliks of the group of forty. In 1246, Masud Shah was also imprisoned by the Turkish slaves where he died. Turkish slaves then put Nasiruddin Mahmud, grandson of Iltutmish, to the throne. Nasiruddin Mahmud who owed his power to Shamsi maliks had no choice butto obey them. Commenting on Nasiruddin Mahmud’s meek surrender Isami mentions that he ‘was from his heart the well-wisher of every one of them...He expressed no opinion without their prior permission; he did not move his hands or feet except their order. He would neither drink water nor go to sleep except with their knowledge” (Habib & Nizami 1982: 257). But so long as the ‘group of forty” remained united Nasiruddin Mahmud had no problem adjusting to their whims. Balban was the most ambitious and powerful of them who was stationed at Dell Nasiruddin Mahmud did what Balban asked him to do. Nasiruddin Mahmud married Balban’s daughter in 1249 which was followed by the appointment of Balban as naib-i mamalakat and received the title Ulugh Khan (the premier Khan). Balban’s younger brother Saifuddin Aibek was made amir-i hajib and also received the title Kishli Khan. By 1250 a substantial part of the empire came into the hands of one family, that of Balban: at the centre were Ulugh Khan and Kishli Khan; whole Sind was under the control of his cousin Sher Khan; at Lakhnauti (Bengal) Yazbek Tughril Khan was incharge who was lltutmish’s slave and was an appointee of Balban. Ulugh Khan also held the territories of Hansi and Siwalik; while Nagaur was with Saifuddin Kishli Khan, This raised alarm and suspicion among other Turkish slave officers. Circumstances changed fast with the rise of Imaduddin Raihan, an Indian Muslim to power in 1252-53 who was appointed wakildar (deputy to the king in judicial matters). This raised alarm not only among the Turkish slaves but also among the Tajiks (free born non-Turks) also opposed his appointment and rise to power. Balban Sultan, Nok Ulama 81Political Formations 2 succeeded in defeating and later killing him in 1255. Immediately after that shockingly Ulugh Khan ordered the public assassination of Malik Qutbuddin Hasan Ghuri, Never before the dissentions within the Tajiks and the ‘group of forty’ cropped up to such an extent, By 1257 another senior member of the group Ikhtiyaruddin Yuzbek Tughril Khan died in Lakhnauti; while in 1258 Balban poisoned Qutlagh Khan and Arsalan Khan. Thus began Balban’s policy of wiping out major contenders from within the “group of forty’. Ulugh Khan’s half brother Kishli Khan also died in 1259 to Balban’s advantage and he also got his uncle's, son Sher Khan poisoned. Finally, Ulugh Khan poisoned Nasiruddin Mahmud in 1266 and usurped the crown with the title Ghiyasuddin Balban, Firishta informs that ‘he killed many of the descendants of Shamsuddin Iltutmish whom he considered to be rivals for the throne’. On Balban’s accession Isami also remarks, “When Ulugh Khan ascended the throne the teeth of the officers were broken; they all came under his control without any argument or reasoning? (Habib & Nizami 1982: 276). Thus with a number of the ‘group of forty’ gone or eliminated Balban was left with hardly any resistance from the “group of forty’ to reckon with. The only strong Shamsi Malik left was Tughril Beg at Lakhnauti whom Balban finally got brutally murdered through his officers, not even sparing those who supported him. Thus the ‘group of forty’ whom IItutmish created and utilized effectively for the consolidation of his nascent empire not only completely extinguished the Shamsi line of descendents by brutally murdering all of them but also broke the back of the entire Turkish nobility. His policy of ‘poison and dagger” proved fatal and wiped away ‘talented and gifted Turkish nobles’. Anxious to secure his personal and family interests, he [Balban] completely ignored the interests of the Turkish governing class. He destroyed the talent amongst the Turkish nobles so ruthlessly that when the Khaljis entered the field as competitors for the throne against them, they were completely outmaneuvered and defeated. Balban’s responsibility for the fall of the Turkish power in India cannot be denied. His consolidation programme, no doubt, ensured the continuance of the Delhi sultanate and paved the way for the further expansion of the sultanat under the Khaljis, but his attitude towards the Turkish nobility crippled it and reduced its life-span’ (Habib & Nizami 1982: 286). Check Your Progress-2 1) Discuss the role played by Turkan-i Chihilgani as kingmakers after the death of Iitutmish, 2) What was the impact of the policy of Balban to eradicate the ‘group of forty"?3.5 COMPOSITION OF THE SULTANATE RULING CLASS/NOBILITY At the time of the Ghorian invasions, North India was divided into a number of principalities ruled by rais and ranas (local chiefs). At the village level, khots and mugaddams (village headman) stood on the borderline of the rural aristocracy. In between, the chaudhuri ean be spotted as the head of hundred villages. At any rate, we can accept a broad definition of the position of the pre-Ghorian ruling class as one which appropriated the surplus produce of the peasants, by exercising superior rights over land, In analyzing the formation of the ruling class, in the Sultanate, some pertinent questions arise: How did the new ruling class supplant this older ruling class? What measures did it adopt for appropriating the surplus revenue? How was it different from the class that it supplanted? Throughout the thirteenth century, the Turkish armies furthered the political and military control over North India, By the mid-fourteenth century, it spread to the Deccan. A large alien territory had to be pacified and governed and the ruling class had to be maintained and sustained. The early Turkish ruling class was very much in the nature of a co-sharer of political and financial powers with the Sultans, In the beginning, the nobles (amiran) were practically independent in distant areas of the conquered territories where they were sent by the Centre as governors, The latter were designated mugii or wali and their territories were known as igtas. Gradually, the practice began of transferring mugtis from one igta to another (a detailed discussion on igra system is given in Unit 4). The pre-Ghorian political structure seems to have continued, with tribute being realised from the rais and ranas, who were expected to collect taxes as they had done before: From our contemporary historians, like Minhaj Siraj and Barani, we learn that the most important nobles, and even the Sultans, in the early stages of the foundation ofthe Sultanate, were from the families of the Turkish slave-officers. Many of the early Turkish nobles and Sultans had started their early career as slaves but they received letters of manumission (khat-i azadi) before becoming Sultans. One sueh was Qutbuddin Aibak, On his death in 1210, Iltutmish, one of his favoured slaves, seized Delhi and set himself up as Sultan, He created his own corps of Turkish slaves — the Shamsi maliks, called by Barani turkan-i chihilgani (“The Forty’). Iitutmish’s nobility also included a number of Tajik or free-born officers. That this element of free-born immigrants continued to form a part of the ruling class is noted by Minhaj at the time of Nasiruddin Mahmud’s accession (1246). The problem of succession after the death of Iltutmish brought into light the division within the nobles. In spite of the internal quarrels within the ruling class, there was a basic solidarity which manifested itself in its hostility to outsiders. For example, Raziya’s (1236- 1240) elevation of an Abyssinian, Jamaluddin Yaqut, to the post of amir-i akhur (‘master of the royal horses’) caused great resentment. Similar was the case of Raihan, a Hindu covert to Islam. Thus, the nobility was seen as the preserver of the certain groups, sometimes under the principle of “high birth’, as reflected in the policies ascribed to Balban by Barani. Now you can understand how an identity of interests bound the dominant groups. Race and perhaps religion, too, played important role in the formation of ruling Evolution of Institutions: 3Political Formations 84 groups. Actually, the ruling class was not a monolithic organization. There were numerous factions and cliques, each trying to guard their exclusive positions jealously. The Turkish military leaders who accompanied and participated in the Ghorian invasion formed the core of the early Turkish ruling class: they acquired most of the key-posts at the centre and provinces. 3.5.1 The Ilbarites Qutbuddin Aibak who sueceeded to the Indian territories of Muhammad Ghori, had no greater right than the other nobles like Yalduz and Qubacha who asserted their independence and autonomy at Ghazna and Sind respectively. This was to be a feature of the early history of the Sultanate, The Sultans needed the support of the nobility to establish and maintain themselves in power. For instance, litutmish came to the throne with the support of the nobles of Delhi. The Turkish nobles played an important part in elevating Sultans to the throne and supporting contenders to the throne. According to Barani, the older Turkish nobility used to tell each other: ‘What are thou that I am not and what will thou be, that I shall not.” The early Turkish nobility sought to emphasize their exclusiveness and their monopoly to rule. Efforts by other social groups to challenge their monopoly were resented and resisted. Itutmish’s governing class largely constituted the Turkish slaves. The Turkish slaves nobles of IItutmish called turkan-i chihilgani (‘The Forty’) wielded considerable power after his death. They were an important group, and efforts by the Sultans to incorporate other groups were met with much resistance. As already mentioned, Raziya Sultan had to face stiff opposition from the Turkish amirs, when she elevated an Abyssinian, Jamaluddin Yaqut, to the office of amir-iakhur: Efforts of Nasiruddin Mahmud (1246-1266) to break the vested power of this group by dismissing Balban (who was one of the ‘Forty’) from the court and replacing him by an Indian convert, Imaduddin Raihan, did not meet with much success. Minhaj voiced the anger of the “Turks of pure lineage’ who ‘could not tolerate Imaduddin Raihan of the tribes of Hind to rule over them’, The opposition ofthe Turkish ruling class forced the Sultan to remove Raihan and reinstate Balban, Besides the Turkish slaves, there was another prominent and powerful section of free-born non-Turkish group of that of the Tajiks (free Turks) in the nobility. Among them the most prominent was Nizamul Mulk Junaidi who served as wazir of Iitutmish. Other important and powerful Tajik nobles of Iltutmish were Malik Qutbuddin Hasan Ghuri and Fakhrul Mulk Isami (grandfather of Isami). Turks and Tajiks together constituted the backbone and helped in the consolidation of Itutmish’s empire. On his accession to the throne, Balban (1266-1286) took measures to break the power of the turkan-i chihilgani by various measures, He himself was the creation ofa group of nobles loyal to him, Barani states that Balban had several of the older Turkish nobles killed. This was an effort to intimidate the nobility, who could and did pose a challenge to the Crown, Balban himself, according to Barani, kept Sultan Nasiruddin as a ‘puppet’ (namuna); therefore, he was vary of the leading old nobles (for details on turkan-i chihilgani see Section 3.4). 3.5.2. The Khaljis In 1290, the TIbari dynasty was overthrown by the Khaljis. The coming to power ofthe Khaljis is seen as something new by contemporary historians. Barani mentions Evolution of Institutions: that the Khaljis were a different ‘race’ from the Turks. Modern scholars like C.E. Bosworth speak of them as Turks, but in the thirteenth century no one considered them as Turks, and thus it seems that the accession to power was regarded as something novel because earlier they did not form a significant part of the ruling class. Alauddin Khalji further eroded the power of the older Turkish nobility by bringing in new groups such as the Mongols (the ‘New Muslims’), Indians and Abyssinians (for the latter, the example of Malik Kafur is well-known). This trend towards a broadening of the composition of the ruling class continued during the rule of the Tughlags. It may be incidentally mentioned here that there was a very small group called kotwalian (plural of kotwal) at Delhi during the reign of Balban and Alauddin Khali. In fact, this was a family group, headed by Fakhruddin who was the kotwal of Delhi. This group appears to have played some political role during and after Balban’s death, 3.5.3 The Tughlugs Under Muhammad Tughlag, apart from the Indians and the Afghans, the ruling class, became unprecedentally more heterogenous with the entry of larger numbers, of foreign elements, especially the K/urasani, whom the Sultan called aizea (dear ones), Many of them were appointed as amir sadah (‘commander of hundred’). Concerning the non-Muslim as well as the converted Indians, Barani laments that the Sultan raised the ‘low-born’ (jawahir-i lutrah) to high status. He mentions musicians, barbers, cooks, etc. who got high positions. He gives the example of Peera Mali (gardener) who was given the diwan-i wizarat. Converts like Aziz-ud Din khammar (distiller) and Qawamul Mulk Magbul, Afghans like Malik Makh and Malik Shahu Lodi Afghan, Hindus like Sai Raj Dhara and Bhiran Rai were given igfas and positions. The reign of Firuz Tughlag does not give us any clear pattern about the social origins of the nobles. The situation was fluid with a false veneer of peace between the Sultan and the amirs. Certain designations were used with reference to the nobles ~ khan, malik and amir: Khan was often used with reference to Afghan nobles, amir came to mean a commander, malik ~ a chief, ruler, or king. Along with their titles of honour, the nobles were given some symbols of dignity designated as maratib which signified privileges ~ khilat (robe of honour), sword and dagger presented by the Sultan, horses and elephants that they were entitled to use in their processions, canopy of State and the grant of parasol (chhatri) and insignia and kettle-drums. Itis significant to note that every Sultan sought to form and organize a group of nobles which would be personally loyal to him, This obviated the necessity of depending upon previous groups whose loyalty was suspect. That is why we find the contemporary historians employing terms like Qutbi (ref. Qutbuddin Aibak), Shamsi (ref. Shamsuddin IItutmish), Balbani (ref. Balban) and Alai (ref. Alauddin Khalji) amirs. But one thing was quite certain: every group tried to capture the attention of the Sultan— whether weak or strong — because all privileges and power issued forth from the sovereign. This, in tum, went to a great extent in strengthening gradually the position of the Sultan himself if he was a man of strong will. The Afghans were frequently recruited into the feudal bureaucracy of the Delhi Sultan, Nobili and Utama 85Political Formations 86 Sultanate, With the coming of the Lodis (1451-1526), the Afghan predominance got enlarged, Check Your Progress-3 1) Examine the composition of the ruling class under the Ibarites. 2) What changes were brought about in the composition of the nobility under the Khaljis and the Tughlugs? 3) Mark right (7) or wrong (x) against the following statements: a) In the thirteenth century the Turkish nobles were paid in cash. b) Muhammad Tughlag incorporated different social groups into his nobility. 0) ©) Barani regards the Khaljis as Turks. Oe 3.6 CONFLICT BETWEEN THE NOBILITY AND THE SULTANS The political history of the Sultanate period testifies that consolidation and decline of the Sultanate were largely the result of constructive and destructive activities of the nobles (umara). The nobles always tried to maximise their demands in terms of the economic and political gains Under the Ilbarite rule (1206-90), the conflicts usually revolved around three issues: succession, organization of the nobility and division of economic and political power between them and the Sultans. When Qutbuddin Aibak bacame the Sultan, is authority was not accepted by the influential nobles such as Qubacha (governor of Multan and Uchh), Yilduz (governor of Ghazni), and Ali Mardan (governor of Bengal). This particular problem was inherited by Iitutmish who finally overcame itthrough diplomacy as well as by force. Later, Iitutmish organised the nobles in a corporate body, known as furkan-i chihilgant (“The Forty’) which was personally Joyal to him, Naturally, other groups of nobles (see Section 3.5) envied the status and privileges of the members of the ‘Forty’, but this does not mean that the latter were free from their internal bickerings. At the most they united in one principle: to plug the entry of non-Turkish persons in the charmed circle as far as possible. On the other hand, the ‘Forty’ tried to retain its political influence over the Sultan who would not like to alienate this group, but at the same time would not surrender is royal privilege of appointing persons of other groups as officers, Thus, a delicate balance was achieved by Iltutmish which broke down after his death. For example, Titutmish had declared his daughter, Raziya, as his successor during his life, but some nobles did not approve her succession after his death, because she tried toorganize non-Turkish groups (Abyssinians and Indians) as counterweight to the Evolution of Institutions: ‘Forty’. That was one main reason why a number of nobles of this group supported her brother, Ruknuddin whom they thought to be incompetent and weak, thereby giving them an opportunity to maintain their position, This spectacle continued during the reign of Nasiruddin Mahmud (1246-66) also, as exemplified by the rise and fall of Imaduddin Raihan, an Indian convert. This episode coincided with the banishment of Balban who was the naib (deputy) of Sultan Mahmud (and also belonged to the *Forty’) and his subsequent recall. During Balban’s reign (1266-87), the influence of the turkan-i chihilgani was minimised. Since he himself was a member of the ‘Forty’ before his accession, he was fully aware of the nobles’ rebellious activities. Therefore, he eased out the “tallest poppies’ amongst them through assassin’s dagger or poisoning, even including his cousin. On the other hand, he formed a group of loyal and trusted nobles called ‘Balbani’. The removal of many members of the ‘Forty’ deprived the state of the services of veterans and the void could not be fulfilled by the new and not so experienced ‘Balbani” nobles. This situation inevitably led to the fall of the IIbarite rule, paving the way for the Khaljis. The reign of Alauddin Khalji (1296-1316) saw a broadening in the composition of nobles. He did not admit of monopolisation of the state by any one single group of nobles. State offices were open to talent and loyalty, to the exclusion of race and creed, Besides, he controlled them through various measures (see Section 3.5) Moreover, the enhancement of land revenue up to 50 per cent of the surplus produce (see Unit 9) must have pacified the nobles because an increase in the revenue of their respective igfa would have raised their salary, too. Territorial expansion also provided enough resources towards recruiting persons with talent. The case of Malik Kafur, an Abyssinian slave, is well-known. But this situation was shortlived: the death of Alauddin Khalji brought out once again the dissensions and conspiracies of the nobles, leading to the elimination of the Khaljis as rulers. As for the Tughlags, you know (see Section 3.5) how Muhammad Tughlag made attempts to organize nobles again and again, with tums and twists. But all his efforts failed to put them under check. Even the Khurasanis, whom he used to call “Aizzah’ (the dear ones), betrayed him. The problems created by the nobles can be gauged from the fact that twenty-two rebellions took place during his reign with the loss of at least one territory, later known as Bahmani kingdom. The crisis set in motion after Muhammad Tughlaq’s death seems to have gone out of hands. Under these circumstances, Firuz Tughlaq could not be expected to be stern with the nobles. They were given many concessions. They succeeded in making their igras hereditary. The appeasement policy of Sultan pleased the nobles, but in the long run, it proved disastrous. The army became inefficient because the practice of branding (dagh) of the horses introduced by Alauddin Khalji was almost given up. It was not possible, henceforth, for his descendants or later rulers to roll back the tide of decline of the Dethi Sultanate. Under the Sayyids (1414-51) and the Lodis (1451-1526), the situation did not appear to be comfortable: the former were not at all fit for the role of saviours. Sikandar Lodi made the last attempt to prevent the looming catastrophe. But dissensions among the Afghans and their unlimited individual ambitions hastened the final demise, actually its murder, with Babur as the executioner, Sultan, Nobility and Ulama 8788 ical Formations 3.7 THE ULAMA The wlama, the theological class, had an important position in the Sultanate. It was from them that important legal and judicial appointments were made ~ the sadr-us sudur, shaikh-ul Islam, qazi, mufii muhtasib, imam and Khatib, The wlama can be seen as an adjunct of the ruling class, maintained by revenue grants from the Sultan, and often by members of the ruling class. The ideological significance of the wlama ‘was great as they provided legitimacy to the ruling class. They exercised an influence which was not only religious but sometimes political, too, Ulama were the most scholarly and esteemed section of the Muslim society. They largely devoted themselves in teaching and scholarly pursuits. They were men of piety and high morals. It was considered that they were ‘heirs of the Prophets’ ilmn- Faraz (Muslim law). However, they were not ordained priests. Any person of piety, scholarship and of high morals could have been accepted by the society and could become an alim (plural wlama). On the basis of their attitude towards worldly affairs wlama were divided into two categories: ulama-i akharat those who led life of piety and learning and kept themselves aloof from the materialistic and political pursuits. Among them Alauddin Usuli of Badaun, teacher of Nizamuddin Auliya held high esteem during the Sultanate period. Maulana Shihabuddin of Meerut, Maulana Ahmad and Maulana Kathali are praised by Nizamuddin Auliya as the three danishmands (scholars) of his time, Baba Farid Ganj-i Shakar was also full of praise of Maulana Nur Turk. The second category was of ulama-i duniva who mixed freely with kings and nobles and possessed mundane outlook, Ulama-i duniya aspired materialistic gains and often appointed at number of state offices of religious nature. The highest religious office of the state was gazi-i mamalil/sadr-ijahan/sadr-us sudur. Shaikh ul Islam was the highest acclesiastical office which was responsible for the religious grants and the maintenance of the pious and the destitutes. Iltutmish appointed Saiyyid Nuruddin Mubarak Ghaznavi to the office of Shaikl-uf Islam. Shaikh Jalaluddin Bistami also served as Shaikh-ul Islam under Htutmish. Qazis were appointed in almost every town who were responsible to look after exclusively the civil disputes as per Shariat. Balban aptly remarked about the qazis of his reign: ‘I have three gazis, one of them does not fear me but fears God; the other one does not fear God but fears me; the third one neither fears me nor God...Fakhr Naqila fears me but does not fear God; the Qazi-i Lashkar fears God but does not fear me; Minhaj neither fears me nor God.’ Khatibs and imams were often appointed in the mosques and lead prosperous lifestyle who used to organize tazkir (sermon) meetings. Minhaj-us Siraj held the offices of gaza, khitaat, imamat, and ihtisab, He was so good that Nizamuddin Auliya in his younger days used to go every Monday to listen to his sermons, They, at times, were also asked to recite sermons in the moment of crisis, to inspire and encourage forces and masses. When Mongols attacked, Bahram Shah asked to deliver sermons (tazkir) at his Qasr-i Sufaid. Though none of these offices were hereditary, often certain families emerged as family of the qazis A number of wlama were appointed at madrasas as teachers; esteemed ones often held the prineipalship of madrasas. Minhaj held the position of the prineipalship of Muizi and Nasiriyah madrasas in Delhi, Maulana Zainuddin was appointed as teacher in Muizi madrasa.Ulama enjoyed great respect in the court of Delhi Sultans. Hasan Nizami mentions Evolution of Institutions: great respect shown by Aibak towards wlama. During Iltutmish’s reign Titutmish faced first attack of wlama at the time of his accession when ulama led by Qazi Wajhuddin Kashani asked whether he was properly manumitted? However, Titutmish handled the situation so tactfully that they became his supporters all through to the extent that when Raziya was appointed heir there was no protest from the wlama to her accession. During Bahram Shah’s reign ulama became quite powerful; even some of the qazis entered into matrimonial alliances with the royal household. Qazi Nasiruddin married a sister of Muizuddin Bahram. They frequently involved into dirty politics and lost their moral and religious dignity. Check Your Progress-4 1) What measures were undertaken by Alauddin Khalji to control his nobility? 2) Critically analyse the conflict between the nobility and the Delhi Sultans. Do you agree that over ambitions of the nobility contributed to the decline of the Sultanate? Comment. 3) What role did the ulama play in the Sultanate polity? 3.8 SUMMARY The Delhi Sultanate formed very much part of the Eastern Caliphate. Legally, the political head of the Sultanate was the Caliph. However, for all practical purposes Sultan was independent and all powerful. Delhi Sultans acknowledged Caliphal authority and welcomed Caliph’s envoy, his manshur and robes of honour with pomp and dignity. With the establishment of the Sultanate a new ruling class emerged which was entirely different in its nature and composition to its predecessors, In the beginning, primarily, it maintained its alien (Turkish) character, but, later, as the process of amalgamation deepened, the Sultans started recruiting nobles from other social groups as well. Thus, the nature and the character of the nobility widened greatly and not only the Turks, but Indian Muslims, non-Muslims and even foreigners (Abyssinians, etc.) were incorporated into its fold. One political reason for the decline of the Sultanate was the absence of any well- established and universally accepted law of succession. This was in line with the entire history of the Islamic polity. As long as a Sultan was strong and was able to Sultan, Nobility and Ulama 89Political Formations gain the support of some groups of nobles, he could continue with some superficial semblance of dynastic stability. Dissensions and conflicts amongst the ruling groups might remain apparently dormant in such circumstances; but at the slightest opportunity their internal struggle would come to the force often in a violent fashion, The wlama can also be seen as an adjunct of the ruling class who were primarily maintained by revenue-free land grants or wazifa (cash), Sultan though recognized ulama's power and attempted to abide by sharia, the Sultanate state was not a theocracy, instead Delhi Sultans, particularly Alauddin Khalji and Muhammad bin Tughlag, acted as per political expediency and often transgressed shariat. 3.9 KEYWORDS Aizzah “Dear Ones” (Khurasani nobles under Muhammad Tughluq) Amir-i akhur Master of royal stable/ horses Amir-i sadah “Centurians”, “Commander of hundred” Khat-i azadi Letter of manumission Tajik arace/"free-born nobles” Tarkan-i chihilgani “The Forty” (corporate body of Turkish nobles of Titutmish) Ulama Theologians Umara Nobles (plural of amir) Wajhdar Salaried persons /igta-holders 3.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXERCISES Check Your Progress-1 1) See Section 3.2 2) See Section 3.3, 3) See Section 3.3 4) See Section 3.3 Check Your Progress-2 1) See Section 3.4 2) See Section 3.4 Check Your Progress-3 1) See Sub-section 3.5.1 2) See Sub-sections 3.5.2 and 3.5.3 3) a)x b)v c)xCheck Your Progress-4 Evolution of Instit Sultan, Not 1) See Section 3.6 2) See Section 3.7 3) See Section 3.8 3.11 SUGGESTED READINGS Habib, Mohammad & Nizami, K.A., (ed.) (1982) Comprehensive History of India Vol. V: Delhi Sultanate CE 1206-1526 (Delhi: People’s Publishing House). Habibullah, A.B.M., (1967) The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India (New Delhi Central Book Depot). Jackson, Peter, (1999) The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Lal, K.S., (1980) History of the Khaljis (New Delhi: Munishram Manoharlal Publishers). Nigam, S.B.P,, (1968) Nobility under the Sultans of Dethi, A.D. 1206-1398 (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal) Pandey, Awadh Behari, (1970) Early Medieval India (Allahabad: Central Book Depot). Qureshi, ILH., The Administration of the Sultanate of Dehli (New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corporation). Tripathi, R.P., (1959) Some Aspects of Muslim Administration (Allahabad: Central Book Depot). 3.12 INSTRUCTIONAL VIDEO RECCOMENDATIONS, Political Structure of the Delhi Sultanate: 13" and 14% Centuries hitps://www:youtube.com/watch?v=2hscPJx6_KQ Pol https://www.youtube,com/watch?v=-pe-: ‘ical Structure of the Delhi Sultanate: 13" and 14 Centuries OH TPFA 91Unit 4 DMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE* Structure 4.0 Objectives 4.1 Introduction 4.2 Central Administration under the Delhi Sultanate 421 The Royal Household 42.2 Diwan-i Wizarat 4.2.3 Diwan-i Arz 4.24 Diwan Risalat 42.5 Diwan Insha 4.2.6 Barids (News Reporters) 4.3 Provincial Administration under the Delhi Sultanate 43.1 Igta System 43.2 Mugui/Wati 43.3. Sahib-i Diwan 434 — Shigg 43.5 Pargana and Village Officials 44 Town, Forts and Thanas 4.5 Postal System 4.6 Nature of Administration under the Dethi Sultanate 4.7 Summary 48 Keywords 4.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises 4.10 Suggested Readings 4.11 Instructional Video Recommendations 4.0 OBJECTIVES After going through this Unit, you should be able to: analyze the nature of administration under the Delhi Sultanate, * list the different departments at the central and provincial level under the Delhi Sultanate and understand their workings, ‘© identify basic features of igta system under the Delhi Sultans, * Dr. Kiran Dattar, Janki Devi Mahavidyalaya, University of Delhi, Delhi Moosvi, Centre of Advanced Study in History, Aligarh, New Delhi. The present Unit is partly adapted from IGNOU Course EHI-3: India: 8° 10 15* Century, Block 5, Unit 16 and Block 6, Unit 19. lustim University, Aligarh; and Prof. Abha Singh, School of Social Sciences, Indira Gandhi National Open University* know changes introduced in igta system during the 14" century, ‘+ control of the ruling class over the revenue resources of the empire, © understand the administrat the central authority, and e set-up at the local level and its linkage evaluate the manner in which control was exercised by various officials under the Delhi Sultans. 4.1 INTRODUCTION You have already read in Unit 2 how in 1206 Qutbuddin Aibak laid the foundation of an independent Sultanate at Delhi and a beginning was made in severing links with Central Asia. We have also dealt with the territorial expansion under the Sultans. The initial Turkish conquests in the early 13" century displaced many local chiefs. In order to consolidate power, the Turkish rulers made revenue assignments (igfa), in lieu of cash to their nobles (wmara). The present Unit introduces you to the central and provincial administrative system, igta system in operation and the nature of administration under the Delhi Sultanate. 4.2 CENTRAL ADMINISTRATION UNDER THE DELHI SULTANATE ‘The central administrative machinery of the Sultanate consisted of the nobles controlling various offices with the Sultan at the helm of affairs. 4.2.1 The Royal Household It was the Royal Household where the business of the state was conducted by the Sultan, All discussions and deliberations and decisions were taken place by the Sultan here. For the efficient working there were plethora of officials performing the duties with extreme precision. Wakil-i Dar ‘The wakil-i dar looked after the entire household. All allowances and salaries to the Sultan’s personal staff were disbursed by him, All the departments of the Royal Household — royal kitchen, stables, even affairs of the royal children, queens were under him, All matters to be reported to the king must reach to him first and all orders passed first entered and got registered here before being disbursed. He acts in real sense as a deputy of the Sultan, It was his duty to keep informed the Sultan about all the affairs of the realm, Since he had to deal directly with the Sultan, queens, princes, and other officials directly, he needed to be extremely efficient and tactful, Naib-i wakil-i dar worked as his assistant, Amir-i Hajib Amir-i Hajib (the chief chamberlain), also known as barbek, was the master of the ceremonies at the royal court. All petitions to the Sultan were submitted through the latter. There were other minor officials also. He looked after the placement of nobles in the court as per their ranks. He was assisted by a number of ajibs. No one could meet the emperor without being introduced by him. All petitions to the Sultan were to pass through amir-i hajib. In the absence of the Sultan he used to work as his deputy in the capital. A few hajibs were always in Sultan’s attendance, Administrative Structure 9%Political Formations were known as Khas hajibs. Hajibs incharge of the inventories of the Sultan’s presents received were known as hajib-i fast. The office of amir-i hajib was of exteme impotance and was generally being given to princes of royal blood or to a highly acclaimed and trusted noble. Nagaib-ul Nugaba Nagaib-ul Nugaba was incharge of proclaiming all orders of the Sultan among the nobles, soldiers and the common masses. His place was in front of the door leading to the Audience Hall. It was his duty to scrutinize all who were entering the court. Sar-Jandar and Sar-Silahdar Sultan’s bodyguards were known as jandar and its head was known as sar-jandar. He needed to be a young man with charming personality, an expert soldier, and above all the most loyal and trusted noble. Jandars were largely recruited from among the trusted and loyal slaves. Balban recruited Sistani nobles as jandar and paid them hefty salaries ranging from sixty to seventy thousand jitals annually. Silahdars were other fully armed soldiers and their incharge was known as sar- silahdar, They stood besides the Sultan with naked swords during his public audience or when he was in procession. There were generally two sar-silahdars one for each wing. Besides, it was the duty of the whadadar-i darha to ensure the safety and security of the gates at night. He was supposed to physically inspect that all the gates were properly bolted and guards were in proper place. Amir-i majlis was to marshall all private parties of the Sultan. 4.2.2. Diwan-i Wizarat The wazir (chief minister), as the head of the diwan-i wizarat, was the most important figure in the central administration. Though he was one of the four important departmental heads, he exercised a general supervisory authority over others. The entire finance was under his jurisdiction, The wizarat organized the collection of revenue, exercised control over expenditure, kept accounts, disbursed salaries and allotted revenue assignments (igta) at Sultan’s order. In fact no area of public administration was beyond his jurisdiction, The wazir was generally styled as sadr-i ali later he was known as Kinwajah-i jahan. There were two types of wazirs: wazir-i tafiviz and wazir-ut tanfiz; while the former exercised unlimited power and authority, the latter worked just as a meek subordinate to the sovereign. In fact power of the wazir depended upon the personality of the Sultan, If the Sultan was weak often wazirs enjoyed unlimited powers as we have seen what happened after the death of Iltutmish, Itutmish’s wazir Nizamul Mulk Junaidi after his death rebelled and rejected to accept Raziya as Sultan, Since then till Balban usurped the throne all Shamsi Sultans were mere puppets in the hands of the wazirs. However, under Sultans like Balban and Alauddin wazirs were mere implementor of the Sultan’s will/orders. Again we see during the later years of Firuz Shah Tughlag Khan-i Jahan emerged all powerful. Aperson of high character, trust and great knowledge were appointed to the office. In the atmosphere of great intrigues wazir needed to be well informed and had to be alert of the court happenings and actions of the nobles.There were several officials who helped the wizarat. To assist him there was a naib- wazir. Mushrif-i mumalik was the accountant-general; while mustayfi-i mumalik was the auditor-general. However, under Firuz duties of mushrif and mustaufi were bifurcated; while the former was made incharge of the income; the latter looked after the expenditure, These officials had direct access to the Sultan, Al-Qalgashandi mentions that under each of these officers three hundred clerks were employed to them, Mushrif was assisted by a nazir. Jalaluddin Khalji created a new office of wagufto supervise expenditure of the local authorities. During the reign of Alauddin Khalji, the diwan-i mustakhraj was made responsible for the collection of arrears of revenue, Muhammad Tughlag created a separate diwan for agriculture called diwan- i amir-i kohi. However, after the Sultan’s death it went into oblivion, Naib-ul mutk/mamalikat Naib-ul mulk was another officer who served as lieutenant of the realm, Habibullah (1927: 228) calls him the ‘extraordinary officer’. His powers were greater than the regent and the wazir. The wazir was simply a bureauerat but ‘naib’ could take important decisions in the absence of the king and issue directions, But his authority and power depended on the personality of the Sultan, Under the weak Shamsi Sultans he emerged all powerful. But under the strong rulers it was a mere empty title. Behram was forced to agree to appoint Aitigin his naib, Even Aitigin appropriated Sultan’s prerogatives of naubat and kept elephants. Balban as naib practically exercised all monarchical powers and Nasiruddin Mahmud was reduced to justa powerless monarch, However, Balban who himself enjoyed the unlimited power of naib was well aware of the dangers of the position of naib, abolished the office of the naib, His naib Kotwal Fakhruddin worked merely as his representative and left with no discretionary powers. Similarly, when Sultan was not in the capital town often his deputy, styled naib-i ghaibat was appointed to look after the affairs in the absence of the Sultan, as hi representative. 4.2.3. Diwan-i Arz he diwan-i arz or military department was headed by the ariz-i mumalik. He was responsible for the administration of military affairs. He inspected the troops ‘maintained by the igta-holders. He also supervised the commissariat duties (supply and transport) of the Sultan’s army. During the reign of Alauddin Khalji, some measures were introduced to maintain a check on recruitment and quality. He ordered a descriptive roll (huliya) of every soldier to be kept and also ordered the branding (dagh) of horses to be done so that horses of poor quality were not brought by the amirs or igta-holders to the muster. It seems that the branding of horses was strictly maintained by diwan-i arz till the reign of Muhammad Tughlag. Army Organisation During the campaigns ariz was incharge of all arrangements and he used to scrutinize individual soldier. In the marches each individual soldier had a specified place; nagibs had arrangement charts to arrange the soldiers accordingly. There ‘was a separate judicial set-up for the army known as gazi-i lashkar which was the military court and which administered martial laws. It was Firuz Shah’s leniency that caused the indiscipline in the army; often they did not tum for the muster. Administrative Structure 95