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Political discourses: By David Hume Esq.

Hume, David, 1711-1776.
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DISCOURSE I. Of Commerce.

THE greatest part of mankind may be di|vided into two classes; that of shallow
thinkers, who fall short of the truth, and that of abstruse thinkers, who go beyond it.
The latter class are by far the most uncommon, and I may add, by far the most
useful and valuable. They suggest hints, at least, and start difficulties, which they
want, perhaps, skill to pursue, but which may produce very fine discoveries, when
handled by men who have a more just way of thinking. At worst, what they say is
uncom|mon; and if it should cost some pains to compre|hend it, one has, however,
the pleasure of hear|ing something that is new. An author is little to be valu'd, who
tells us nothing but what we can learn from every coffee-house conversation.

ALL people of shallow thought are apt to decry even those of solid understanding as
abstruse think|science

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ers and metaphysicians and refiners; and never will allow any thing to be just, which
is beyond their own weak conceptions. There are some cas|es, I own, where an
extraordinary refinement affords a strong presumption of falshood, and where no
reasoning is to be trusted but what is na|tural and easy. When a man deliberates
concern|ing his conduct in any particular affair, and forms schemes in politics,
trade, oeconomy, or any busi|ness in life, he never ought to draw his arguments too
fine, or connect too long a chain of consequen|ces together. Something is sure to
happen, that will disconcert his reasoning, and produce an e|vent different from what
he expected. But when we reason upon general subjects, one may justly affirm, that
our speculations can scarce ever be too fine, provided they be just; and that the
diffe|rence betwixt a common man and a man of ge|nius, is chiefly seen in the
shallowness or depth of the principles, upon which they proceed. Gene|ral
reasonings seem intricate, merely because they are general; nor is it easy for the
bulk of mankind to distinguish, in a great number of particulars, that common
circumstance, in which they all a|gree, or to extract it, pure and unmixt, from the
other superfluous circumstances. Every judgment or conclusion, with them, is
particular. They cannot enlarge their view to those universal pro|positions, which
comprehend under them an infi|nite number of individuals, and include a whole

Page 3
in a single theorem. Their eye is con|founded with such an extensive prospect, and
the conclusions deriv'd from it, even tho' clearly ex|prest, seem intricate and
obscure. But however intricate they may seem, 'tis certain, that general principles, if
just and sound, must always prevail in the general course of things, tho' they may
fail in particular cases; and 'tis the chief business of philosophers to regard the
general course of things. I may add, that 'tis also the chief business of poli|ticians;
especially in the domestic government of the state, where the public good, which is,
or ought to be their object, depends on the concur|rence of a multitude of cases; not,
as in foreign po|litics, upon accidents, and chances, and the ca|prices of a few
persons. This therefore makes the difference betwixt particular deliberations and
ge|neral reasonings, and renders subtilty and refine|ment much more suitable to the
latter than to the former.

I THOUGHT this introduction necessary before the following discourses on

commerce, luxury, money, interest, &c. where, perhaps, there will occur some
principles, which are uncommon, and which may seem too refin'd and subtile for
such vulgar subjects. If false, let them be rejected: but no one ought to entertain a
prejudice against them, merely because they are out of the common road.

Page 4

THE greatness of a state and the happiness of its subjects, however independent
they may be sup|pos'd in some respects, are commonly allow'd to be inseparable
with regard to commerce; and as pri|vate men receive greater security, in the
possession of their trade and riches, from the power of the public, so the public
becomes powerful in propor|tion to the riches and extensive commerce of pri|vate
men. This maxim is true in general; tho' I cannot forbear thinking, that it may
possibly admit of some exceptions, and that we often esta|blish it with too little
reserve and limitation. There may be some circumstances, where the commerce and
riches and luxury of individuals, instead of adding strength to the public, may serve
only to thin its armies, and diminish its authority among the neighbouring nations.
Man is a very variable being and susceptible of many different opinions, principles,
and rules of conduct. What may be true while he adheres to one way of thinking,
will be found false, when he has embrac'd an opposite set of manners and opinions.

THE bulk of every state may be divided into husbandmen and manufacturers. The
former are employ'd in the culture of the land. The latter work up the materials
furnish'd by the former, in|to all the commodities, which are necessary or
or|namental to human life. As soon as men quit their savage state, where they live
chiefly by hunt|the

Page 5

ing and fishing, they must fall into these two class|es; tho' the arts of agriculture
employ at first the most numerous part of the society *. Time and experience
improve so much these arts, that the land may easily maintain a much greater
number of men, than those who are immediately em|ploy'd in its cultivation, or who
furnish the more necessary manufactures to such as are so employ'd.
IF these superfluous hands be turn'd towards the finer arts, which are commonly
denominated the arts of luxury, they add to the happiness of the state; since they
afford to many the opportunity of receiving enjoyments, with which they would
otherways have been unacquainted. But may not another scheme be propos'd for the
employment of these superfluous hands? May not the sovereign lay claim to them,
and employ them in fleets and armies, to increase the dominions of the state a|broad,
and spread its fame over distant nations? 'Tis certain, that the fewer desires and
wants are found in the proprietors and labourers of land, the fewer hands do they
employ; and consequently

Page 6

superfluities of the land, instead of maintain|ing tradesmen and manufacturers, may

support fleets and armies to a much greater extent, than where a great many arts are
requir'd to minister to the luxury of particular persons. Here there|fore seems to be a
kind of opposition betwixt the greatness of the state and the happiness of the
sub|jects. A state is never greater than when all its superfluous hands are employ'd in
the service of the public. The ease and convenience of private persons require, that
these hands should be em|ploy'd in their service. The one can never be satis|fied, but
at the expence of the other. As the am|bition of the sovereign must entrench on the
luxury of individuals; so the luxury of individuals must di|minish the force, and
check the ambition of the so|vereign.

NOR is this reasoning merely chimerical; but is founded on history and experience.
The repub|lic of Sparta was certainly more powerful than any state now in the
world, consisting of an equal number of people; and this was owing entirely to the
want of commerce and luxury. The Helotes were the labourers: The Spartans were
the soldi|ers or gentlemen. 'Tis evident, that the labour of the Helotes could not have
maintain'd so great a number of Spartans, had these latter liv'd in ease and delicacy,
and given employment to a great va|riety of trades and manufactures. The like
poli|cy may be remark'd in Rome; and indeed, thro'

Page 7

all antient history, 'tis observable, that the small|est republics rais'd and maintain'd
greater armies than states, consisting of triple the number of in|habitants, are able to
support at present. 'Tis computed that, in all European nations, the propor|tion
betwixt soldiers and people does not exceed one to a hundred. But we read, that the
city of Rome alone, with its small territory, rais'd and maintain'd, in early times, ten
legions against the Latins. Athens, whose whole dominions were not larger than
Yorkshire, sent to the expedition against Sicily near forty thousand men*. Dionysius
the elder, 'tis said, maintain'd a standing army of a hundred thousand foot and ten
thousand horse, be|side a large fleet of four hundred sail;† tho' his territories
extended no farther than the city of Sy|racuse, about a third part of the island of
Sicily, and some sea-port towns or garrisons on the coast of I|taly and Illyricum. 'Tis
true, the antient armies, in time of war, subsisted much upon plunder: But did not
the enemy plunder in their turn? which was a more ruinous way of levying a tax,
than a|ny other that could be devis'd. In short, no prob|able reason can be given for
the great power of the more antient states above the modern, but their
 Page 8

want of commerce and luxury. Few artizans were maintain'd by the labour of the
farmers, and there|fore more soldiers might live upon it. Titus Li|vius says, that
Rome, in his time, would find it dif|ficult to raise as large an army as that which, in
her early days, she sent out against the Gauls and Latins*. Instead of those soldiers
who fought for liberty and empire in Camillus's time, there were, in Augustus's days,
musicians, painters, cooks, play|ers and taylors. And if the land was equally
cul|tivated at both periods, 'tis evident it could main|tain equal numbers in the one
profession as in the other. They added nothing to the mere necessa|ries of life, in the
latter period more than in the former.

'TIS natural on this occasion to ask, whether sovereigns may not return to the
maxims of anti|ent policy, and consult their own interest, in this respect, more than
the happiness of their subjects? I answer, that it appears to me almost impossible;
and that because antient policy was violent, and contrary to the more natural and
usual course of things. 'Tis well known with what peculiar laws Sparta was
govern'd, and what a prodigy that re|public is justly esteem'd by every one, who has
consider'd human nature, as it has display'd itself in other nations and other ages.
Were the testi|mony

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of history less positive and circumstantial, such a government wou'd appear a mere
philoso|phical whim or fiction, and impossible ever to be reduc'd to practice. And
tho' the Roman and o|ther antient republics were supported on princi|ples somewhat
more natural, yet was there a very extraordinary concurrence of circumstances to
make them submit to such grievous burthens. They were free states; they were small
ones; and the age be|ing martial, all the neighbouring states were con|tinually in
arms. Freedom naturally begets pu|blic spirit, especially in small states; and this
pu|blic spirit, this amor patriae, must increase, when the public is almost in
continual alarm, and men are oblig'd, every moment, to expose themselves to the
greatest dangers for its defence. A continu|al succession of wars makes every citizen
a soldi|er: They take the field in their turn; and during their service are chiefly
maintain'd by themselves. And, notwithstanding that this service is equivalent to a
very severe tax, 'tis less felt by a people addict|ed to arms, who fight for honour and
revenge more than pay, and are unacquainted with gain and in|dustry as well as
pleasure.* Not to mention the

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great equality of fortunes amongst the inhabitants of the antient republics, where
every field, belong|ing to a different proprietor, was able to maintain a family, and
render'd the numbers of citizens very considerable, even without trade and
manufactures.
BUT tho' the want of trade and manufactures, amongst a free and very martial
people, may some|times have no other effect than to render the public more
powerful; 'tis certain, that, in the common course of human affairs, it will have a
quite con|trary tendency. Sovereigns must take mankind as they find them, and
cannot pretend to introduce a|ny violent change in their principles and ways of
thinking. A long course of time, with a variety of accidents and circumstances, are
requisite to pro|duce those great revolutions, which so much diver|sify the face of
human affairs. And the less natu|ral any set of principles are, which support a
par|ticular society, the more difficulty will a legislator

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meet with in raising and cultivating them. 'Tis his best policy to comply with the
common bent of man|kind, and give it all the improvements, of which it is
susceptible. Now, according to the most natural course of things, industry and arts
and trade in|crease the power of the sovereign as well as the happiness of the
subjects; and that policy is vio|lent, which aggrandizes the public by the poverty of
individuals. This will easily appear from a few considerations, which will present to
us the conse|quences of sloth and barbarity.

WHERE manufactures and mechanic arts are not cultivated, the bulk of the people
must apply themselves to agriculture; and if their skill and in|dustry increase, there
must arise a great superfluity from their labour beyond what suffices to maintain
them. They have no temptation, therefore, to in|crease their skill and industry; since
they cannot ex|change that superfluity for any commodities, which may serve either
to their pleasure or vanity. A ha|bit of indolence naturally prevails. The greater part
of the land lyes uncultivated. What is culti|vated, yields not its utmost, for want of
skill or as|siduity in the farmers. If at any time, the public exigencies require, that
great numbers shou'd be employed in the public service, the labour of the people
furnishes now no superfluities, by which these numbers can be maintain'd. The
labourers can|not increase their skill and industry on a sudden.

Page 12

Lands uncultivated cannot be brought into tillage for some years. The armies, mean
while, must either make sudden and violent conquests, or dis|band for want of
subsistence. A regular attack or defence, therefore, is not to be expected from such a
people, and their soldiers must be as ignorant and unskilful as their farmers and
manufacturers.

EVERY thing in the world is purchas'd by la|bour; and our passions are the only
causes of la|bour. When a nation abounds in manufactures and mechanic arts, the
proprietors of land, as well as the farmers, study agriculture as a science, and
redouble their industry and attention. The super|fluity, which arises from their
labour, is not lost; but is exchang'd with the manufacturers for those commodities,
which mens luxury now makes them covet. By this means, land furnishes a great
deal more of the necessaries of life, than what suffices for those who cultivate it. In
times of peace and tranquillity, this superfluity goes to the maintenance of
manufacturers and the improvers of liberal arts. But 'tis easy for the public to
convert many of these manufacturers into soldiers, and maintain them by that
superfluity, which arises from the labour of the farmers. Accordingly we find, that
this is the case in all civiliz'd governments. When the sove|reign raises an army,
what is the consequence? He imposes a tax. This tax obliges all the people to
retrench what is least necessary to their subsistence.

Page 13

Those, who labour in such commodities, must ei|ther enlist in the troops, or turn
themselves to a|griculture, and thereby oblige some labourers to enlist for want of
business. And to consider the matter abstractly, manufactures increase the power of
the state only as they store up so much labour, and that of a kind, which the public
may lay claim to, without depriving any one of the necessaries of life. The more
labour, therefore, is employ'd beyond mere necessaries, the more powerful is any
state; since the persons engag'd in that labour may easily be converted to the public
service. In a state without manufactures, there may be the same number of hands;
but there is not the same quantity of labour, nor of the same kind. All the labour is
there bestow'd upon necessaries, which can admit of little or no abatement.

THUS the greatness of the sovereign and the happiness of the state are, in a great
measure, u|nited with regard to trade and manufactures. 'Tis a violent method, and in
most cases impracticable, to oblige the labourer to toil, in order to raise from the
land more than what subsists himself and fami|ly. Furnish him with manufactures
and commo|dities, and he will do it of himself. Afterwards, you will find it easy to
seize some part of his su|perfluous labour, and employ it in the public ser|vice,
without giving him his wonted return. Be|ing accustom'd to labour, he will think this
less

Page 14

grievous, than if, at once, you oblig'd him to an augmentation of labour without any
reward. The case is the same with regard to the other members of the state. The
greater is the stock of labour of all kinds, the greater quantity may be taken from the
heap, without making any sensible alteration upon it.

A PUBLIC granary of corn, a store-house of cloth, a magazine of arms; all these

must be al|low'd to be real riches and strength in any state. Trade and industry are
really nothing; but a stock of labour, which, in time of peace and tranquillity, is
employ'd for the ease and satisfaction of indivi|duals, but in the exigencies of state,
may, in part, be turn'd to public advantage. Could we con|vert a city into a kind of
fortified camp; and in|fuse into each breast so martial a genius, and such a passion
for public good as to make every one willing to undergo the greatest hardships for
the sake of the public; these affections might now, as in antient times, prove alone a
sufficient spur to industry, and support the community. It would then be
advan|tageous, as in camps, to banish all arts and luxury; and, by restrictions on
equipage and tables, make the provisions and forage last longer than if the ar|my
were loaded with a number of superfluous re|tainers. But as these principles are too
disinterest|ed and too difficult to support, 'tis requisite to go|vern men by other
passions, and animate them with
 Page 15

a spirit of avarice and industry, art and luxury. The camp is, in this case, loaded with
a super|fluous retinue; but the provisions flow in pro|portionably larger. The
harmony of the whole is still supported; and the natural bent of mens minds being
more complied with, individuals, as well as the public, find their account in the
obser|vance of those maxims.

THE same method of reasoning will let us see the advantage of foreign commerce,
in augmenting the power of the state, as well as the riches and happiness of the
subjects. It increases the stock of labour in the nation; and the sovereign may
convert what share of it he finds necessary to the service of the public. Foreign
trade, by its im|ports, furnishes materials for new manufactures. And by its exports,
it produces labour in particu|lar commodities, which could not be consum'd at home.
In short, a kingdom, that has a large im|port and export, must abound more with
labour, and that upon delicacies and luxuries, than a king|dom, which rests contented
with its native com|modities. It is, therefore, more powerful, as well as richer and
happier. The individuals reap the benefit of these commodities, so far as they gra|tify
the senses and appetites. And the public is also a gainer, while a greater stock of
labour is, by this means, stor'd up against any public exigen|cy; that is, a greater
number of laborious men are

Page 16

maintain'd, who may be diverted to the public ser|vice, without robbing any one of
the necessaries, or even the chief conveniencies of life.

IF we consult history, we shall find, that in most nations foreign trade has preceded
any refinement in home manufactures, and given birth to domes|tic luxury. The
temptation is stronger to make use of foreign commodities, which are ready for use,
and which are entirely new to us, than to make improvements on any domestic
commodity, which always advance by slow degrees, and never affect us by their
novelty. The profit is also very great, in exporting what is superfluous at home, and
what bears no price, to foreign nations, whose soil or climate is not favourable to
that commodity. Thus men become acquainted with the pleasures of lux|ury and the
profits of commerce; and their delicacy and industry, being once awaken'd, carry
them to farther improvements, in every branch of domes|tic as well as foreign trade.
And this perhaps is the chief advantage, which arises from a com|merce with
strangers. It rouses men from their lethargic indolence; and presenting the gayer and
more opulent part of the nation with objects of luxury, which they never before
dream'd of, raises in them a desire of a more splendid way of life than what their
ancestors enjoy'd. And, at the same time, the few merchants, who possess the secret
of this importation and exportation, make exorbitant

Page 17

profits; and becoming rivals in wealth to the antient nobility, tempt other
adventurers to become their rivals in commerce. Imitation soon diffuses all those
arts; while domestic manufacturers emulate the foreign in their improvements, and
work up e|very home-commodity to the utmost perfection, of which it is susceptible.
Their own steel and iron, in such laborious hands, become equal to the gold and
rubies of the Indies.

WHEN the affairs of the society are once brought to this situation, a nation may lose
most of its fo|reign trade, and yet continue a great and powerful people. If strangers
will not take any particular commodity of ours, we must cease to labour in it. The
same hands will turn themselves towards some refinement in other commodities,
which may be wanted at home. And there must always be ma|terials for them to
work upon; till every person in the state, who possesses riches, possesses as great
plen|ty of home-commodities, and those in as great per|fection, as he desires; which
can never possibly hap|pen. China is represented as one of the most flou|rishing
empires in the world; tho' it has very little commerce beyond its own territories.

IT will not, I hope, be considered as a superflu|ous digression, if I here observe, that,

as the multi|tude of mechanical arts is advantageous, so is the great number of
persons, to whose share the pro|ductions

Page 18

of these arts fall. A too great dispropor|tion among the citizens weakens any state.
Every person, if possible, ought to enjoy the fruits of his la|bour, in a full possession
of all the necessaries, and many of the conveniencies of life. No-one can doubt, but
such an equality is most suitable to hu|man nature, and diminishes much less from
the happiness of the rich than it adds to that of the poor. It also augments the power
of the state, and makes any extraordinary taxes or impositions be paid with much
more chearfulness. Where the riches are engross'd by a few, these must contribute
very large|ly to the supplying the public necessities. But when the riches are disperst
among multitudes, the bur|then feels light on every shoulder, and the taxes make not
a very sensible difference on any one's way of living.

ADD to this, that where the riches are in few hands, these must enjoy all the power,
and will readily conspire to lay the whole burthen on the poor, and oppress them still
farther, to the discou|ragement of all industry.

IN this circumstance consists the great advantage of England above any nation at
present in the world, or that appears in the records of any story. 'Tis true, the English
feel some disadvantages in foreign trade by the high price of labour, which is in part
the effect of the riches of their artizans, as well as of

Page 19

the plenty of money: But as foreign trade is not the most material circumstance, 'tis
not to be put in competition with the happiness of so many milli|ons. And if there
were no more to endear to them that free government, under which they live, this
alone were sufficient. The poverty of the com|mon people is a natural, if not an
infallible conse|quence of absolute monarchy; tho' I doubt, whe|ther it be always
true, on the other hand, that their riches are an infallible consequence of liberty. That
seems to depend on particular accidents and a certain turn of thinking, in
conjunction with li|berty. My lord Bacon, accounting for the great advantages
obtain'd by the English in their wars with France, ascribes them chiefly to the
superior ease and plenty of the common people, amongst the former; yet the
governments of the two king|doms were, at that time, pretty much alike. Where the
labourers and artizans are accustom'd to work for low wages, and to retain but a
small part of the fruits of their labour, 'tis difficult for them, even in a free
government, to better their condition, or conspire among themselves to heighten
their wages. But even where they are accustom'd to a more plentiful way of life, 'tis
easy for the rich, in a des|potic government, to conspire against them, and throw the
whole burthen of the taxes on their shoulders.

Page 20

IT may seem an odd position, that the poverty of the common people in France,
Italy, and Spain is, in some measure, owing to the superior riches of the soil and
happiness of the climate; and yet there want not many reasons to justify this
pa|radox. In such a fine mold or soil as that of those more southern regions,
agriculture is an easy art; and one man, with a couple of sorry horses, will be able,
in a season, to cultivate as much land as will pay a pretty considerable rent to the
proprietor. All the art, which the farmer knows, is to leave his ground fallow for a
year, as soon as it is ex|hausted; and the warmth of the sun alone and temperature of
the climate enrich it, and restore its fertility. Such poor peasants, therefore, require
only a simple maintenance for their labour. They have no stock nor riches, which
claim more; and at the same time, they are for ever dependent on their landlord, who
gives no leases, nor fears that his land will be spoil'd by the ill methods of
culti|vation. In England, the land is rich, but coarse; must be cultivated at a great
expence; and pro|duces slender crops, when not carefully manag'd, and by a method,
which gives not the full profit but in a course of several years. A farmer, there|fore,
in England must have a considerable stock and a long lease; which beget
proportional profits. The fine vineyards of Champagne and Burgundy, that oft yield
to the landlord above five pounds per

Page 21

acre, are cultivated by peasants, who have scarce bread: And the reason is, that such
peasants need no stock but their own limbs, along with instru|ments of husbandry,
which they can buy for 20 shillings. The farmers are commonly in some better
circumstances in those countries. But the graziers are most at their ease of all those,
who cultivate the land. The reason is still the same. Men must have profits
proportionable to their ex|pence and hazard. Where so considerable a num|ber of the
labouring poor as the peasants and farm|ers, are in very low circumstances, all the
rest must partake of their poverty, whether the government of that nation be
monarchical or republican.

WE may form a similar remark with regard to the general history of mankind. What
is the rea|son, why no people living betwixt the tropics cou'd ever yet attain to any
art or civility, or reach e|ven any police in their government and any mili|tary
discipline; while few nations in the temperate climates have been altogether depriv'd
of these ad|vantages? 'Tis probable, that one cause of this phaenomenon is the
 warmth and equality of wea|ther in the torrid zone, that render cloaths and houses
less requisite for the inhabitants, and there|by remove, in part, that necessity, which
is the great spur to industry and invention. Curis acuens mortalia corda. Not to
mention, that the fewer goods or possessions of this kind any people enjoy,

Page 22

the fewer quarrels are likely to arise amongst them; and the less necessity will there
be for a settled po|lice or regular authority to protect and defend them from foreign
enemies or from each other.

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