CHAPTER ONE

1.1 Introduction

The exclusion of women in politics has been identified in recent times as one of the major
setbacks for economic development. The poor presentation of women in elective positions has
been a major social development issue since the beginning of the current democratization
process in Nigeria. Politics as a realworld phenomenon is gendered. The world over, core
conditions of people’s lives—including their health, education, security, as well as access to
markets, public space, freedom of expression, and their work—are fundamentally shaped by
their identification as being of a particular sex or gender group (Waylen et al.,2013). Women
have always been at the receiving end of the political equation in most countries. This is
especially true in most African States and Nigeria is not an exception. In fact, women are always
relegated to the background in Nigerian politics whenever it comes to both political
appointments and elective positions. This does not come as a surprise because the history of
politics in Nigeria has always been the history of political marginalisation of women (Edeh &
Iloh, 2011). Women form 49.4 percent of Nigeria's population (Eyongi, 2019). However, female
political representation in the 2019 elections was negligible relative to the approximately half of
the population they constitute, with 2,970 women on the electoral ballot, representing only 11.36
percent of nominated candidates. Despite governments efforts and civil society organisations to
ensure that Nigerian women representation increase in the political space, women political
representation has been recording low participation of women in both elective and appointive
positions. For instance, several efforts have been made to address the low representation of
women in elective and appointive positions in Nigeria; among such efforts are the establishment
of women political empowerment office and Nigeria

Women Trust Funds, Women Lobby Group. Other efforts include the institution of an INEC
gender policy, the national multi-stakeholder dialogue; the initiation of several interventions to
actualise affirmative action and the convening of the Nigeria Women Strategy Conference
(Oluyemi, 2013). This is against the backdrop of the declaration made at the fourth World
Conference on women in Beijing, which advocated 30% affirmative action. In Nigeria, the extant
National Gender Policy (NGP) recommended 35% affirmative action instead and sought for a
more inclusive representation of women with at least 35% of both elective political and

1
appointive public service positions respectively (Eyongi,2019). The under representation of
women in political participation gained root due to the patriarchal practice inherent in Nigerian
society, much of which were obvious from pre-colonial era till date. However, the re-
introduction of democratic governance during the Olusegun Obasango administration has
witnessed once again an increase in women participation in political activities both in elective
and appointive offices.

However, with the exit of Olusegun Obasango era the level of women political participation in
both elective and appointive positions has continued to decline steadily over the years. For
instance, during the 2019 General Elections, 235 women, forming 12.34 per cent of candidates,
contested for a seat in the Senate of which seven (6.42 per cent) were elected. This remained
constant in the 8th Senate, which also accounted for 6.42 per cent of the total number of elected
senators. The two dominant political parties, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and its
main opposition, the PDP, fielded seven and 10 candidates respectively. A female senator from
Northern Nigeria, Binta Garba, is among those who lost. The minority leader of the 8th Senate,
Abiodun Olujimi, also lost her re-election bid. In the House of Representatives, 533 women
contested, with the major parties fielding a total of 31 (15 APC and 16 PDP) candidates.
However, only 11 (3.05 percent) have been elected. The figures from the 8th House have thus
been halved, as it had 22 female lawmakers. At the state level, no woman was elected governor.
They formed 3.07 percent of the total candidates. Of the 275 women forming 11.40 percent of
candidates for the Deputy Governorship, four (in Enugu, Kaduna, Ogun and Rivers States) were
elected. Thus, the number of female deputy governors has declined from six in the 2015-19 to
four. While women have consistently held the position of deputy governor in Lagos State, the
emergence of Obafemi Hamzat as Deputy-Governor elect marked a departure from the past
(Eyongi, 2019). With these staggering statistics, Nigeria still has a long way to go in its quest to
integrate women into the political space in the country. It is an incontrovertible fact that the mass
media are indispensable in mobilising citizens for political participation in a democracy. They
are channels through which individuals and people are mobilise to actively engage in
government policies and programmes. As instruments charged with the responsibility of
educating and creating awareness in the society, they can serve as potent vehicles to mobilise
women for political participation. It is upon this premise that this study investigated the role of

2
Progress FM in mobilizing for Political participation, a study of 2022 Governorship election in
Ekiti State, Nigeria.

1.2 Background to the Study

Under international standards, both men and women should have equal rights and opportunities
to everything worldwide, most especially to participate fully in all aspects and at all levels of
political processes. Globally, women constitute over half of the world’s population and
contribute in vital ways to societal development generally. In most societies, women assume
some key roles, which are: mother, producer, home-manager, and community organizer,
sociocultural and political activists. Of these many roles mentioned, the last has been engendered
by women movement.

In line with global trend, Nigerian women constitute nearly half of the population of the country.

But despite the major roles they play with their population, women roles in the society are yet to
be given recognition. This is due to some cultural stereotypes, abuse of religion, traditional
practices and patriarchal societal structures. In Nigeria the awareness about the role of women in
development of a nation came up in 1980s. The International Conference on women in Beijing in
1995 enhanced the effective participation of women in politics in Nigeria. In Nigeria, about 51
percent of women are involved in voting during elections. Despite these, women are still under
represented in both elective and appointive positions. Available statistics revealed that overall
political representation in government of Nigeria is less than 7 percent (Agbalajobi, 2010). This
shows that Nigeria has not attained 30 percent affirmative as prescribed by the Beijing Platform
of Action. Nigeria has been recording low participation of women in both elective and
appointive positions this is a growing concern to many Nigerians. However, concerted efforts
have been made by government and non-governmental organizations to increase the level of
participation of women in politics, in line, with the declaration made at the fourth World
Conference on women in Beijing, which advocated 30% affirmative action. However, in Nigeria,
the extant NationalGender Policy (NGP) recommended 35% affirmative action instead and
sought for a more inclusive representation of women with at least 35% of both elective political
and appointive public service positions respectively. The under representation of women in

3
political participation gained root due to the patriarchal practice inherent in our society, much of
which were obvious from pre-colonial era till date. However, the re-introduction of democratic
governance has witnessed once again an increase in women political participation both in
elective and appointive offices in Nigeria. This paper seek a critical review of the importance of
data in monitoring women participation in politics in Nigeria vis-à-vis the affirmative
declaration. Also examine factors militating against women participation in politics vis-à-vis the
socio-religious and economic limitation place upon them, despite the raising advocacy platform
to ensure greater inclusion of women in politics.

1.3 Statement of the Problem

That Nigerian women ranking in politics have continued to slide down compared to some
countries like Sudan, Ethiopia and Pakistan is a development that calls for serious action. The
strategic role of women in political development cannot be overemphasised. In pre-colonial
times women like queen Amina of Zaria, Queen Bakwa Turuku, Moremi of lfe, Emotan of
Benin, Omu Okwei of Ossomari, Olufunmilayo Ransom Kuti of Abeokuta and Margaret Ekpo
played significant roles in the development of their societies. Their input to the development of
their domains cannot be forgotten in the annals of political history of Nigeria. Research has
shown that women are not given adequate mass media coverage like their male counterparts
during electioneering campaigns and this has affected women's visibility in the political spac
e(Oyesomi & Oyero, 2012; Ugbede, 2013; Ottah, 2018). Even when women are given space
during political campaigns by the mass media they are not adequately and sufficiently given
enough space or air time like their male political candidates. This development has discouraged
the women folks in venturing into politics in their numbers. This is coupled with religious and
traditional beliefs and practices that further hinder the participation of women in the body polity
of the country. For these encumbrances to be surmountable and thus liberate Nigerian women to
recalibrate their minds from these age-long traditional belief systems, the strategic role of the
mass media must come into play to educate and mobilise women to take their rightful place
within the Nigerian political system. Hence this study explores the place of Progress FM in
mobilising women for political participation during the 2022 Governorship elections in Ekiti
State, Nigeria.

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1.4 Research Objectives

1. Determine the level of EKiti women exposure to Progress FM programmes geared towards
women’s political mobilisation in the 2022 governorship elections in Ekiti

2. Ascertain the channels through which women were mobilised to participate in the in the 2022
governorship elections in Ekiti by Progress FM

3. Determine the extent to which Progress FM projected women who contested for elective
positions during the election in the State

4. Find out the extent of women's political participation in the 2022 gubernatorial elections as a
result of Progress FM mobilization campaign in the State.

1.5 Research Questions

1. To what extent were Ekiti women exposed to Progress FM programmes geared towards
women's political mobilisation in the 2022 governorship elections in Ekiti?

2. What are the channels through which women were mobilised to participate in the in the 2022
governorship elections in Ekiti by Progress FM?

3.To what extent to which Progress FM projected women who contested for elective positions
during the election in the State

4. To what extent did Progress FM campaigned for women's political participation in the 2022
gubernatorial elections?

1.6 Significance of the Study

This study is crucial due to the fact that the media content and it distort is essential matter. Since
women’s participation in politics is now a big issue.

The results of this study can help professionals, administrator, and media practitioners
recognized the extent to which women are being engaged or sidelined in politics.

5
The findings in this study could be further be use to regulate and correct some abnormalities as
far as equal representation is concerned. Finally, the findings can also be of help or serve as a
reference material or a good literature for other researchers, scholars and students of mass
communication who want to carry out a research work on television reality shows.

1.7 Scope of the Study

It is practically impossible to study all the Women in Ekiti, and due to time and proximity, the
researcher decided to choose some women in Ado Ekiti.

1.8 Limitation of the Study

In every research work, there is bound to be problem(s) or has its own limitations. Some of the
limitations encountered are:

1. Financial Constraint was one of the issues because Money is very essential for any
research work; due to the current economic situation of the country it was difficult to
fund this research.
2. Getting relevant books and material that tends to the role of broadcast media in
perception of the people towards the reality television show.
3. Some of the respondents did not return some of the questionnaire administered to
them.
4. Finding respondents that actually watch BBN television reality shows.
5. In addition, some of the respondents show less concern toward the research work, in
the sense that some of them refused to provide authentic information that would be
relevant for this study.

1.9 Operational Terms

Politics, Women, Mobilisation, Mass Media, Gubernatorial Election, Nigeria

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 CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Conceptual review

THE WOMEN’S MOVEMENT IN NIGERIA,

2.1.1 THE JOURNEY SO FAR

The women’s movement in Nigeria has come a long way, since the pre-colonial period to the
present, in which Nigerian women have been organizing themselves to redefine their position in
the society.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Pre-colonial era

Politically, in the pre-colonial era, Nigerian women were an integral part of the political set up of
their communities. For instance, in pre-colonial Bornu, women played active roles in the
administration of the state, complementing the roles played by male counterparts. Also, Women
also played a very significant role in the political history of ancient Zaria. The modern city of
Zaria was founded in the first half of the 16th century by a woman called Queen Bakwa Turuku.
She had a daughter called Amina who later succeeded her as Queen. Queen Amina was a great
and powerful warrior. She built a high wall around Zaria in order to protect the city from
invasion and extended the boundaries of her territory beyond Bauchi and she made Zaria
prominent Commercial Centre. The story was not different in ancient Yorubaland, where Oba
ruled with the assistance of a number of women referred to as female traditional chiefs. They
consisted of eight titled ladies of the highest rank. The significant role played by prominent
women such as Moremi of lfe, Emotan of Benin and Omu Okwei of Ossomari, cannot be
ignored. Moremi and Emotan were great amazons who displayed wonderful bravery and strength
in the politics of lfe and Benin respectively, while Omu Okwei dominated the commercial scene
of Ossomari in present day Delta State.

7
Colonial Period

Colonialism affected Nigerian women adversely as they were denied the franchise. It was also
only in the 1950s that women in Southern Nigeria were given the franchise. Three women were
appointed into the House of Chiefs, namely Chief (Mrs) Olufunmilayo RansomeKuti (appointed
into the Western Nigeria House of Chiefs); Chiefs (Mrs) Margaret Ekpo and Janet Mokelu (both
appointed into the Eastern Nigeria House of Chiefs). The women's wings of political parties
possessed very little functional relevance. (Kolawale et al, 2013).

The Post-Colonial Period

During this period, Nigerian women began to play very active roles. In 1960, Mrs. Wuraola Esan
from Western Nigeria became the first female member of the Federal Parliament. In 1961, Chief
(Mrs) Margaret Ekpo contested and won the election, becoming a member of the Eastern Nigeria
House of Assembly till 1966, Mrs. Janet N. Mokelu and Miss Ekpo A. Young also contested
elections and won, they became members of the Eastern House of Assembly. In northern
Nigeria, however, women were still denied the franchise even after independence until 1979 that
is, the return of civilian government. As a result of this denial, prominent female politicians like
Hajia Gambo Sawaba in the North could not vote and be voted for.

Second Republic (1979-1983), saw a little more participation of women in politics. A few
Nigerian women won elections into the House of Representatives at the national level and also
few women won elections into the State Houses of Assembly respectively. However, During the
same period, only two women were appointed Federal Ministers. They were Chief (Mrs) Janet
Akinrinade and Mrs Adenike Ebun Oyagbola, Minister for Internal Affairs and Minister for
National Planning respectively. Mrs. Francesca Yetunde Emmanuel was the only female
Permanent Secretary (first in the Federal Ministry of Establishment and later Federal Ministry of
Health). A number of women were appointed Commissioners in the states also. In 1983, Ms
Franca Afegbua became the only woman to be elected into the Senate. Also, very few women
contested and won elections into the Local Government Councils during this period.

8
Return of Military rule in December 1983

With the advent of Buhari led military rule, the first formal quota system was introduced by the
Federal Government as regards the appointment of women into governance. He directed that at
least one female must be appointed as a member of the Executive Council in every state. All the
states complied with this directive; some states even had two or three female members.

In the early 1990s, two women were appointed Deputy Governors. These were Alhaja Latifat
Okunu of Lagos State and Mrs Pamela Sadauki of Kaduna State. There was, however, no female
minister, as well as no female member of the defunct Supreme Military Council or the later
Armed Forces Ruling Council.

Third Republic

The 1990 transition elections into local governments heralding the Third Republic saw few
women emerge as councilors and only one woman emerged as Chairperson of a Local
Government Council in the Western part of the country. During the gubernatorial elections, no
female governor emerged in any of the states. Only two female Deputy Governors emerged,
namely: Alhaja Sinatu Ojikutu of Lagos State and Mrs. Cecilia Ekpenyong of Cross River State.
In the Senatorial election held in 1992, Mrs. Kofo Bucknor Akerele was the only woman who
won a seat in the Senate. Very few women won election into the House of Representatives. One
of these few was Chief (Mrs) Florence Ita Giwa who won in the Calabar Constituency. President
Babangida’s Transitional Council appointed two women in January 1993, namely Mrs. Emily
Aiklmhokuede and Mrs. Laraba Dagash. In the Interim National Government of Chief Ernest
Shonekan, two female ministers were appointed into the cabinet. General Abacha administration
also had a number of female ministers at various times in his cabinet, including Chief (Mrs)
Onikepo Akande and Ambassador Judith Attah. During the military regime of General
Abdulsalami Abubakar (June 9, 1998 - May 29, 1999), there were two women in the Federal
Executive Council: Chief (Mrs) Onikepo Akande (Minister for Commerce) and Dr. Laraba
Gambo Abdullahi (Minister of Women Affairs), (Kolawale et al, 2013).

9
2.1.2 RE-INTRODUCTION OF DEMOCRACY (The Fourth Republic)

The return of democracy in May 29, 1999 gave hope for a new dawn in the struggle for more
participation of women in Nigeria politics. Democracy is about fair representation of all interest
groups in the society and the low representation of women is a violation of the principle of
democracy. Despite all efforts put in place, we are yet to meet the 30% and 35% affirmation as
contained in Beijing platform for action and National Gender Policy respectively. There have
been five administrations between 1999 and 2015. President Obasanjo occupied the office of
president between 1999 and 2007, President Umaru Musa Yaradua (2007-2010), President
Goodluck Jonathan (2010-2011; 2011-2015) and President Muhammadu Buhari (at present). The
position of vice president in Nigeria followed the same trend as that of the president. Four males
have dominated the seat since the return of democracy in 1999.

2.1.3 CHALLENGES AFFECTING WOMEN PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS IN

NIGERIA

The challenges facing women are enormous, however, researchers have shown that the under
listed are likely responsible for the huge marginalization of Nigerian women in politics.

1. Patriarchy: It refers to a society ruled and dominated by men over women, which in turn has
given rise to women being looked upon as mere household wives and non-partisans in decision
making process in households not to talk of coming out to vie for political positions.

2. Stigmatization: following the way politics in Nigeria is played, it is being perceived that it is
for individuals that have no regards for human right and are quick at compromising their virtue
for indecent gains. Therefore, women aspirants who ventured into politics are looked upon as
shameless and promiscuous.

3. Low level of education: The low participation of women in education is also part of the
shortcomings. The National Adult Literacy Survey, 2010 published by National Bureau of
Statistics revealed that the adult literacy rate in English in Nigeria is 50.6 per cent while literacy
in any other language is 63.7 per cent. This explains why most women are least qualified for
political offices due to low educational attainment. This is also an effect of colonialism, where
men were more favoured than women.

10
4. Meeting Schedules: The time scheduled for caucus meetings to strategize and map out
political plans either for the pre or post- election periods are odd and is not conducive for
responsible and family women. The slated time are often time which women are expected to take
care of their children and family. This method of schedules is viewed as an attempt to side-lining
women from engaging in political process.

5. Financing: Competing for political positions in Nigerian requires huge financial backup. Most
Nigerian women who seek these positions could not afford meeting the financial obligations
therein, despite the wavers giving to women aspirants by some of the politicalparties. And so,
they could do little or nothing to outweigh their male counterparts.

6. Political Violence: Nigerian elections have always been characterized by one form of
violence or another since the return of democracy. Female aspirants of various political parties
cannot withstand political violence; therefore, women participation in politics is drastically
reduced.

7. Religious and Cultural barriers: Both Christianity and Islam do not accord women much
role in public life, and same is obtainable in most cultural values, where women are seen
culturally as quite submissive and image of virtue. However, they are not to be seen in public
domain. And so it is a challenge to women participation in politics, more so, women found in the
corridor of politics are not often religious in practice.

2.1.4 EFFORT MADE TOWARDS FEMALE PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS IN

NIGERIA.

Several efforts have been made to address the low representation of women in elective and
appointive positions in Nigeria; among such efforts are the establishment of Women Political
empowerment office and Nigeria Women Trust Funds, Women Lobby Group. Other efforts
include the institution of an INEC gender policy, the national multi stakeholder dialogue; the
initiation of several interventions to actualize affirmative action and the convening of the Nigeria
Women Strategy Conference. National Center for Women Development in collaboration with
National Bureau of Statistics are making efforts to have evidenced based data about this issue.

11
Hopes are high that the result will show the progress steadily made to achieving the affirmative
declaration and determine how the gap that erstwhile existed has been closed as well as measure
the variation between where we are and the affirmative action of 35 percent. Also, it will
improve evidence-based planning and programming involving women in decision making;
increase the support of key stakeholders on measures to increase representation of women in
decision-making and further improved awareness of new advocacy tools among stakeholders to
support the campaign for increased representation of women in decision making in Nigeria. It
will also erase the un-harmonized data at present. (Daniel and Faith, 2013).However, there has
been a rise in the number of women holding leadership positions within party structures in Ekiti
and Osun states thereby giving them a stronger voice in determining the choice of candidates.

In Ekiti state, the number of women grew 407 representing 4.9 percent to 949 or 11.2 percent out
of a total of 8,409 positions between 2013 and 2015. In Osun state, the number of women rose
533 or just 2 percent to 2,173 or 8.3 percent of 25,985 such positions from the wards to the Local
Governments and state executive councils. The survey covers three major political parties—All
Progressive Congress (APC), Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) and the Labour Party (LP).

In fact, there was a general increase in the number of women contestants for party positions in all
the parties showing greater awareness and more willingness by women to participate in party
politics.

Before the 2015 general elections, Ekiti had 28 women in political offices out of 168 elected and
appointed public officers. This number jumped to 49 women in 2015. Previously, Ekiti had no
women representatives at the Senate level but can now boast of 2 women senators out of 3
senators in the state. Osun also has a female deputy governor and several women holding
appointments but has none elected into House of Assembly, one elected in the House of
Representatives but none in the Senate. Before now, Osun had produced the Speaker of the
House of Representatives in the person of Mrs Patricia Etteh. During the 2015 Elections, 36
women from both states contested for National Legislative offices: 11 women out of 42
candidates ran for the Senate while 25 women out of 92 candidates ran for the Federal House of
Representatives. A total of 109 women also contested for the State Houses of Assembly
Elections in Ekiti and Osun States. Women politicians drawn from the three dominant parties in
Ekiti and Osun states have also called for greater intra party democracy to facilitate more

12
participation of women. Rising from a one-day gathering in Ado Ekiti under the aegis of
Community Life Project (CLP) and geared towards increasing women’s representation in
political offices, they demanded for more representation both at the level of government and the
party structure. The awareness as well as the intensified efforts of the state government as well as
various has yielded result as the Speaker of the state aseembly now is a female, Hon. Olubunmi
Adelugba.

Political Mobilization.

It is generally assumed that within the democratic political system citizens should have sufficient
opportunities to communicate their preferences towards political decision makers. Of equal
importance, however, is the mobilisation aspect. Citizens have to be mobilised and recruited in
order to be able to participate in the political process. Enjolras, Johnson & Wollebaek (2011),
cited in Arthur (2011) note that political mobilisation refers to the process by which candidates,
parties, activists and groups induce other people to participate” in politics to win elections, to
pass bills, to modify rulings and to influence policies. In most instances, mobilisation is a key
prerequisite before any participation can occur. Political mobilisation can be further seen as the
way in which citizens organise people to put pressure on the political representatives. Thus, it
could be any sort of movement who in the end results in a change in policy. Rosenstone &
Hansenn (1993) note that empirical research demonstrates that mobilisation and recruitment
processes are essential preconditions before citizens can be become engaged in any form of civic
or political action. Katerina (2011) distinguishes between the direct and indirect types of
mobilisation. According to her, the direct form of mobilisation includes canvassing on the
streets, television campaigning, direct mails and phone calls. Indirect mobilisation takes place
through social networks individuals are embedded. Citizens are indirectly mobilised by their
family members, schoolmates, football team mates or in religious places.

Political mobilisation increases the participation of people in any social change issue such as
election; it provides for the participation of everyone that is of age. It is a strategy used in
making people aware of political developments and are motivated to be involved and possess the
necessary knowledge and attitude required for participation. It is at this point that one can begin
to think of peaceful atmosphere for peaceful election (Ucheanya, 2003). In developing countries
like Nigeria for instance, the mass media are considered to be an integral part of the political

13
structure. This is because they provide information on what the people base their political
judgments and form their political activities. The level of awareness, responsibility and
participation in any democratic society such as ours depend largely on the activities of the mass
media. It is worthy to note here that politics in contemporary times has assumed a different
dimension and as such demands the participation of the citizens in a democracy. And this is why
the media of mass communication are more being used as means of sensitising the citizens
towards political activities (Ucheanya, 2003).

On the other hand, political participation is an essential component that is required for ensuring
the stability and legitimacy of every political system. Political participation is one of the
fundamental ideas of a democratic society. It is critical for democracy because it involves a
commitment to equal opportunity for men and women to develop their individual capacity
(Agbaje, 1999, cited in Oyesomi & Oyero, 2012). Political participation is the most common
way in which political activities are conceived and measured by academics and political
institutions. Traditionally, definitions of participation in politics have refereed narrowly to voter
turnout and party membership. More recently measures of political participation have been
widened to include more informal modes of participation such as signing a petition, and joining
demonstrations (Opcit Research, 2003).According to Nifowose (2004), political participation can
be defined as those voluntary activities such as holding public and party office, attending
election campaigns, voting and exposing oneself to political stimuli. Political participation
encompasses the involvement in decision making by which individuals acting singly or through
group organisation attempt to influence decision making or alter the manner in which power may
be distributed and the principles by which it may be exercised in a

particular society.

Participation i

2.2 Theoretical Framework

The Agenda Setting theory can be traced to Walter Lippmanns 1992 book titled “Public
Opinion.'' Lippmann argues that the mass media are the principal connection between events in
the world and the images in the minds of the public. Following Lippmann, in 1963, Bernard
Cohen observed that the press “may not be successful much of the time in telling people what to

14
think, but it is stunningly successful in telling its readers what to think about. The world will
look different to different people” (Asemah, Nwammuo & Uwaoma, 2017).

As early as the 1960s, Cohen had expressed the idea that later led to formalisation of Agenda-
Setting theory by McCombs and Shaw. Thus, in 1992, Walter Lippmann's book on Public
Opinion set the stage for the theory of agenda setting by arguing that “the news media construct
our view of the world (Wahl-Jorgensen & Hanitzsch, 2009, cited in Asemah et al., 2017). Lang
& Land (1996) reinforced this notion by observing that the mass media pay attention to certain
issues, they are constantly presenting objects, suggesting what individuals should think and have
feelings about. Agenda-Setting theory was formally developed by Max McCombs and Donald
Shaw in a study on the 1968 American presidential election. In the 1968 Chapel Hill study,
McCombs and Shaw demonstrated a strong correlation coefficient between what 100 residents of
Chapel Hill, North Carolina thought was the most important election issue and what the local and
national news media reported that were the most important issues. Agenda Setting theory as
noted by Ikpe (2012) cited in Asemah et al (2017) metamorphosed from hypothesis to a theory
and the rule has changed from agenda setting to agenda building. The major assumption of the
theory is that the media set agenda for the public to follow. The theory holds that most of the
pictures we store in our heads, most of the things we think or worry about, most of the issues we
discuss, are based on what we have read, listened to or watched in different mass media. The
media make us to think about certain issues, they make us to think or feel that certain issues are
more important than others in our society. Folarin (2005) notes that the agenda setting theory
implies that the mass media pre-determine what issues are regarded as important at any given
time in a given society; Agenda Setting theory does not ascribe to the media the power to
determine what we actually think, but does ascribe to them the power to determine what we are
thinking about. The elements of the Agenda Setting according to Folarin (2005) include the
quantity or frequency of reporting, prominence given to the reports through headlines display,
pictures and layout in newspapers, magazines, films, graphics or timing on radio and television
and the degree of conflict generated in the reports.

Going by the Agenda Setting theory, the mass media set agenda for the public to follow, and
they can equally change the views of social reality of its individual's audience-members by
indicating which issues are being discussed by voters or political candidates. The relevance of

15
this theory finds significance to this study becau se as part of political advertising in elections
periods the mass media can set agenda on women issues and women aspirants can equally use
the media to bring to the fore fundamentals issues in their campaigns which can be reported by
both the traditional and social media. Through the agenda setting role of the mass media, citizens
can make informed decisions on whom to vote or not to vote for during elections.

16
 CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOY

3.1 Introduction

This chapter tends to examine the specific procedures that were followed to in the conduct of the
research. The procedure includes the methods and design employed that is, the process and
instrument used in gathering data, analyzing and interpreting the data as well as the reason for
choosing the design, so as to find answers to the following questions:
1. To what extent were Ekiti women exposed to Progress FM programmes geared towards
women's political mobilisation in the 2022 governorship elections in Ekiti?

2. What are the channels through which women were mobilised to participate in the in the 2022
governorship elections in Ekiti by Progress FM?

3.To what extent to which Progress FM projected women who contested for elective positions
during the election in the State

4. To what extent did Progress FM campaigned for women's political participation in the 2022
gubernatorial elections?

3.1.1 Method
In gathering data for this study, the researcher employed survey method. The suitability of this
method was manifested in the submission of reputable researchers. Check & Schutt (2012)
perceive survey to be “the collection of information from a sample of individuals through their
responses to questions”. That is this type of research allows for variety of methods of recruiting
participants, collect data and analyze data. As it is often used to describe and explore human
behavior, survey is therefore frequently used in social and psychological research (Singleton
&Straits, 2009).
Wiseman Aaron in Tejumaye (2003) defines survey thus:
Survey research is a method of collecting and analyzing social data via
highly structured and often very detailed interview or questionnaire in
order to obtain information from large number of respondents presumed to
be representatives of a specific population.

17
 Daramola and Daramola (2011, p.24) view survey as a design that focuses on people and
suitable for studying large population and also use to find out people’s opinion, describe their
behavior and predicts their behavior. With the above definition and perception of survey, then
survey is suitable for the study.

3.1.2 Study Population

The population for this study comprised Ado Ekiti Women from age 20 till 70 which according
to the National Population Commission (2017) was 925,576.. A population is the world of event
from which the samples are drawn. Population is the number of person(s) or object(s) covered by
a study or with which a study is concerned (Osuala 2001). Bordens and Abbort (2008) affirm
that field research requires you to select your participant or respondent while they are in their
natural environment.

3.1.3 Sample Size

A sample size of 399 was obtained, using the Taro Yamani formula for determination of sample
size.

3.1.5 Instrument of Data Collection

The study employed survey research design, having the questionnaire as the instrument for the
collection of data. Out of the 399 copies of the questionnaire administered, 385 copies were
returned and found usable. The data analysis was done, using the 385 figure of the return rate of
the questionnaire.

3.1.4 Sampling Technique

The techniques adopted in this study were the purposive sampling and available non-probability
sampling. The sampling technique major on drawing a sample from a population that will
facilitate determination of your research objectives. The purposive sampling and available non-
probability sampling select from groups that known to have certain features under investigation
and that are readily available.

18
3.1.5 Instrument of Data Collection
The Instrument for data collection for this research work was questionnaire. A questionnaire is
an instrument designed such a way that respondent answers question about their opinion,
attitudes or give comments towards a particular issue or study, usually in a written form. The
questionnaire was adopted because it is less expensive, save time; ensure uniformity and easier
data collection.

The questionnaire instrument contains two sections; the demographical section and the
psychological section respectively. The demographical section was used to get information about
the respondent’s bio-data of the undergraduates studying in Adeyemi College of Education.
While the psychological section centered on the research objectives. The instrument was
specially designed in simple sentences to avoid uncertainty also designed for open and closed
ended items to give the respondents enough time and room to express themselves.

3.1.6 Method of Data Collection

The method of data collection for this research work was face to face or interpersonal
administration of questionnaire by the researcher and each respondent was given equal chances
of been selected. Researcher sought the consent of the selected respondents and distributed the
questionnaire for immediate or later collection depending on respondent disposition.

3.1.7 Method of Data Analysis

The technique for analyzing the data after collected was simple statistic, with the use of
frequency and percentage because it allows the simplicity and conformity with social science
research.

19
 CHAPTER FOUR

4.0 DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

4.1 Introduction

This chapter sought to present in detail the outcome of the assessment of the role of Progress FM
in mobilizing for Political participation, a study of 2022 Governorship election in Ekiti State,
Nigeria which was presented, analyzed and adequately interpreted with reference to each
research questions. Out of the 399 copies of the questionnaire administered, 385 copies were
returned and found usable. The data analysis was done, using the 385 figure of the return rate of
the questionnaire.

Data Presentation and Analysis

Table 1: Level of Exposure Progress FM Messages towards Women Mobilisation

RESPONSES FREQUENCY PERCENT

VERY HIGH 140 36.4%

HIGH 155 40.3%

LOW 65 16.9%

VERY LOW 25 6.4%

TOTAL 385 100.0%

Source: Field Survey, 2022

20
The data in Table 1 show the level of exposure to Progress FM messages towards women
mobilisation in the 2022 gubernatorial election. The implication of the data in the table is that a
high proportion of the women were exposed to media campaigns on women mobilisation. This is
based on the fact that a total of 76.7% ticked very high and high respectively.

Table 2: Mass Media Channels through which Women were politically mobilised for the
Election

CONTENTS FREQUENCY PERCENTAGE

Programmes 145 37.7%

Social Media 65 16.9%

Promo 30 7.8%

Radio Drama 55 14.3%

Advert 20 5.2%

News coverage 15 3.9%

Advert 20 5.2%

Music 35 9.0%

TOTAL 385 100%

Source: Field Survey, 2022

Table 2 shows information on the various channels through which women were mobilised for
the gubernatorial election. The data show that Programmes (37.7%) and Social Media (16.9%)
were the major channels that were used by Progress FM to mobilise women for the elections.

Table 3: Extent of Women Political Participation during the Election

21
 Responses Frequency Percentage

Very great extent 125 32.5%

Great extent 200 51.9%

Low extent 35 9.1%

Very low extent 25 6.5%

TOTAL 385 100%

Source: Field Survey, 2022

The table above indicates the extent of women political participation during the election. Going
by the data in the table, majority of women in the area of study took part in the election. This is
based on the fact a total of 84.4% ticked very great extent and great extent respectively.

Table 4: Extent of Mass Media Projection of Women Aspirants during the Election

22
 Responses Frequency Percentage

Very great 45 11.7%

extent

Great 35 9.1%
extent

Low 225 58.4%

extent

80 20.8%

Very low
extent

TOTAL 385 100%

Source: Field Survey, 2022

Table 4 shows the extent Progress FM projected women aspirants during the 2022 gubernatorial
election in Ekiti State. The data in Table 4 show that Progress FM did not give enough coverage
to women candidates during the election.

Discussion of Findings

The findings showed that majority of the respondents were exposed to Progress FM messages
geared towards mobilising women to participate in the 2022 gubernatorial elections in Ekiti
State. From the data obtained, 140 (36.4%) respondents said they were to a very high extent
exposed to mass media mobilisation campaigns, 155 (40.3%) of the respondents said to a high
extent, 65 (16.9%) respondents ticked low extent, while 25 (6.4%) of the respondents were of the
opinion that it was to a very low extent. Based on the foregoing, it can be said that Ekiti women
were well-exposed to Progress FM messages urging them to fully participate in the 2022
elections in the State. These results further validate the importance of mass media in facilitating

23
political mobilisation among citizens over the years. This perhaps explains why Idris (2015)
contends that the mass media are the most reliable means of disseminating political massages to
non-literate societies during electioneering campaigns. This result is consistent with other
findings, as well as, the history of women political mobilisation in Nigeria examined in the
literature of this study. For example, Okafor (2013) submits that the Nigerian women has
ceaselessly played a remarkable role in the struggle for independence. They formed women's
wing of the then three main political parties and acquired the right to vote and be voted for. This
off course was possible in collaboration with the mass media setting the agenda for women
inclusion in mainstream politics. Thus, the agenda setting function of the mass media is
supported by these findings that through the agenda function of the mass media, women issues
were brought to the front burner and thus gained national recognition. The second research
question was designed to ascertain the channels through which the women were mobilised to
participate in the 2022 gubernatorial elections in Ekiti State. The data in Table 2 provide the
answer to the question. The findings showed that 145 (37.7%) of the respondents affirmed that
they were mobilised via Programmes, 65 (16.9%) respondents said they were mobilised through
Social media messages, 30 (7.8%) of the respondents indicated that they were mobilised through
radio promo, 55 respondents accounting to (14.3%) were mobilised via radio drama, Advert
mobilised 20 (5.2%) of the respondents while 15 (3.9%), respondents said they were mobilised
through New coverage. From the data in the Table, Programme had the highest number of
engagement with the respondents; this amounted to 37.7%. This was closely followed by Social
media (16.9%). The findings of this study support earlier studies conducted by Asemah (2011)
and Udende (2013) that extolled the place of Radio Programme in mobilising citizens to take
active part in the political process. Corroborating further, Konkwo (2013) avers that the mass
media have been associated with tremendous capabilities or potentialities to mobilise whole
audience and even influence attitudes especially during elections periods. The third research
question was designed to find out the extent of women's political participation in the 2022
gubernatorial elections as a result of Progress FM mobilisation campaign in the State. Findings
from the data indicated that 125 (32.5%) of the respondents said that they participated to a very
great extent, 200 (51.9%) of the respondents said they participated to a great extent, 35 (9.1%) of
respondents affirmed that they participated to a low extent while 25 (6.5%) were of the opinion
that they participated to a very low extent. The analysis shows that to a great extent the

24
respondents participated in the election. This clearly shows that the mass media were able to
mobilised the women to participate during the election. The result indicated that women
participated to a great extent in the elections. This shows that the mass media were up to their
responsibility of educating the women to participate in the election. It is in this light that Ineji
(2012), cited in Ottah (2018) captures the role of the media in the following lines: “the mass
media in Nigeria have the tedious task of helping the government and the populace understand
the intricacies of the on-going political and socio-economic transformation agenda of the Federal
Government.” It is, therefore, expected that as part of the responsibility of the mass media, they
are required to mobilise the Nigerian women to take active part in politics. This will enable the
women to contribute their quota to national transformation.

The last research question was designed to find out the extent to which the mass media projected
women who contested for elective positions during the election in the State. Findings indicated
that 45 (11.7%) of the respondents said to a very great extent the mass media projected the
interest of women who contested for varied positions during the elections while 35 (9.1%) of
respondents said to a great extent the mass media projected women in the state, 80 (6.8%) of the
respondents indicated that to a very low extent women were projected by the mass media.
Meanwhile, 225 (58.4%) of the respondents affirmed that women who contested for elective
positions were to a low extent projected by the mass media during the 2019 elections in the state.

It is evidently clear that the mass media did not adequately project women candidates who
contested for elective positions in the State. The findings of this study, therefore, support
previous studies (Oyesomi & Oyero, 2012; Ugbede, 2013; Ottah, 2018) which upheld that
women who contested for elections in previous elections in the country were given minimal
coverage by the mass media. Supporting these findings Nsude & Onu (2016) equally confirmed
in their studies that women contesting for elective positions in Nigeria has not been given
adequate media coverage by the mass media compared to their male counterparts. Based on this
evidence, it is expected that the Nigerian government will draw the attention of the mass media
through their agenda function to bring the issue of according equal media space to women who
are seeking elective positions during elections.

25
 CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Summary
This study examined the role of Progress FM in mobilizing for Political participation, a study of
2022 Governorship election in Ekiti State, Nigeria.

Chapter one dealt with the background information on the study, an attempt was made to
examine the statement of the problem, highlight the research questions and set objectives of the
study, significance of the study and pointed out the scope of the study, limitations and
operational terms. In chapter two, the researcher reviewed some relevant literatures. This
provided insights into the topic under study. It also reviewed Agenda setting theory which
formed the theoretical framework of the study.
Chapter three focused on the approach the researcher adopted in collecting the appropriate data
for the study. The study adopted the survey approach using questionnaire as the research
instrument. The purposive sampling and available non-probability sampling was used to pick the
sample population.

Chapter four provided the analysis of the data collected from survey. Answers were sought for
the following questions guiding the study.

Chapter 5 of this work provided recommendation as well conclusion of this study.

5.2 Conclusion

The study was able to reveal that the Progress FM was able to mobilise women in Ekiti State to
participate in the 2022 elections in the state. Through the mobilisation role, women in the state
were able to be politically conscious of the need to vote and be voted for. Hence, their
participation level in the election was high. However, it was discovered that the medium did not
give sufficient and adequate coverage to women who contested for elective positions in the state.
And as a result of this poor visibility level, the electorate rejected most of the female candidates.
In view of these findings, the study provides the following

26
5..3 Recommedations

First, the mass media should continue to set women agenda during and after political campaigns.
They should continue to educate women on the need to be politically conscious in the society.

Second, women groups and associations should explore other means of communication like the
social media to engage women in political campaigns as well as educate them on political issues.
They should not only rely on the traditional media of communication alone.

Third, since women are politically conscious to participate in the political process they should be
encouraged by all stakeholders in the society to continue in this direction. With stakeholders
encouraging them, they will break the barriers of religion and traditional belief systems that have
kept women bound not to express themselves freely when it comes to politics.

Fifth, the government and civil society organisations should propose a law to ensure that women
who are contesting for elective positions should not be discriminated against by the mass media.
They should be given equal access to the media of communication just like their male
counterparts. By so doing, a level playing ground will be given to all contestants during elections
and no one will feel cheated in the process.

27
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