Course II: English Essay

Selected Readings on GENDER

1. Gender identity—Britannica Encyclopedia
Gender identity, an individual‘s self-conception as being male or female, as distinguished from actual
biological sex. For most persons, gender identity and biological characteristics are the same. There are, however,
circumstances in which an individual experiences little or no connection between sex and gender; in
transsexualism, for example, biological sexual characteristics are distinct and unambiguous, but the affected
`person believes that he or she is—or ought to be—of the opposite sex. Gender identity is not fixed at birth; both
physiologic and social factors contribute to the early establishment of a core identity, which is modified and
expanded by social factors as the child matures.
2. Gender Equality—United Nations Report
UN support for the rights of women began with the Organization's founding Charter. Among the
purposes of the UN declared in Article 1 of its Charter is ―To achieve international co-operation … in promoting
and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race,
sex, language, or religion.‖
The landmark Declaration, adopted by the General Assembly on 10 December 1948, reaffirms that ―All
human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights‖ and that ―everyone is entitled to all the rights and
freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language,
religion … birth or other status.‖
The United Nations is now focusing its global development work on the recently-developed 17
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Women have a critical role to play in all of the SDGs, with many
targets specifically recognizing women‘s equality and empowerment as both the objective, and as part of the
solution. Goal 5, to "Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls" is known as the stand-alone
gender goal, because it is dedicated to achieving these ends. Deep legal and legislative changes are needed to
ensure women‘s rights around the world. While a record 143 countries guaranteed equality between men and
women in their Constitutions by 2014, another 52 had not taken this step.
Stark gender disparities remain in economic and political realms. While there has been some progress
over the decades, on average women in the labour market still earn 24 per cent less than men globally. As of
August 2015, only 22 per cent of all national parliamentarians were female, a slow rise from 11.3 per cent in
1995. The UN system continues to give particular attention to the issue of violence against women. The 1993
General Assembly Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women contained ―a clear and
comprehensive definition of violence against women [and] a clear statement of the rights to be applied to ensure
the elimination of violence against women in all its forms‖. It represented ―a commitment by States in respect
of their responsibilities, and a commitment by the international community at large to the elimination of
violence against women‖.
Violence against women is a pandemic affecting all countries, even those that have made laudable
progress in other areas. Worldwide, 35 per cent of women have experienced either physical and/or sexual
intimate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence. In September 2017, the European Union and the
United Nations joined forces to launch the Spotlight Initiative, a global, multi-year initiative that focuses on
eliminating all forms of violence against women and girls. The International Day for the Elimination of
Violence against Women is observed on 25 November.
(This excerpt is taken from the article Universal Declaration of Human Rights from UN Website.)
3. Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls
While the world has achieved progress towards gender equality and women‘s empowerment under the
Millennium Development Goals (including equal access to primary education between girls and boys), women
and girls continue to suffer discrimination and violence in every part of the world. Gender equality is not only a
fundamental human right, but a necessary foundation for a peaceful, prosperous and sustainable world.
Unfortunately, at the current time, 1 in 5 women and girls between the ages of 15-49 have reported experiencing
physical or sexual violence by an intimate partner within a 12-month period and 49 countries currently have no
laws protecting women from domestic violence. Progress is occurring regarding harmful practices such as child
marriage and FGM (Female Genital Mutilation), which has declined by 30% in the past decade, but there is still
much work to be done to complete eliminate such practices.
Providing women and girls with equal access to education, health care, decent work, and representation
in political and economic decision-making processes will fuel sustainable economies and benefit societies and

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humanity at large. Implementing new legal frameworks regarding female equality in the workplace and the
eradication of harmful practices targeted at women is crucial to ending the gender-based discrimination
prevalent in many countries around the world.
Facts and Figures
 Globally, 750 million women and girls were married before the age of 18 and at least 200 million
women and girls in 30 countries have undergone FGM.
 The rates of girls between 15-19 who are subjected to FGM (female genital mutilation) in the 30
countries where the practice is concentrated have dropped from 1 in 2 girls in 2000 to 1 in 3 girls by
2017.
 In 18 countries, husbands can legally prevent their wives from working; in 39 countries, daughters and
sons do not have equal inheritance rights; and 49 countries lack laws protecting women from domestic
violence.
 One in five women and girls, including 19 per cent of women and girls aged 15 to 49, have experienced
physical and/or sexual violence by an intimate partner with the last 12 months. Yet, 49 countries have
no laws that specifically protect women from such violence.
 While women have made important inroads into political office across the world, their representation in
national parliaments at 23.7 per cent is still far from parity.
 In 46 countries, women now hold more than 30 per cent of seats in national parliament in at least one
chamber.
 Only 52 per cent of women married or in a union freely make their own decisions about sexual
relations, contraceptive use and health care.
 Globally, women are just 13 per cent of agricultural land holders.
 Women in Northern Africa hold less than one in five paid jobs in the non-agricultural sector. The
proportion of women in paid employment outside the agriculture sector has increased from 35 per cent
in 1990 to 41 per cent in 2015.
 More than 100 countries have taken action to track budget allocations for gender equality.
 In Southern Asia, a girl‘s risk of marrying in childhood has dropped by over 40% since 2000.
(This excerpt is taken from the article Achieve gender equality and empowers all women and girls from UN
website)
I. Gender Bias in the Distribution of Education and Health:
Health and education—the two major forms of human capital—are related to economic development.
Human capital gets accumulated as a society advances in education. The contribution of human capital towards
Japan‘s remarkable economic progress attracts our attention. Improvement in health capital also improves the
return to investments in education, and vice versa. However, one finds a huge education and health gaps
between developed and developing countries. In recent times, despite a large increase in economic advancement
in Asia and Africa, these countries lag far behind the developed countries in terms of educational attainment—
particularly in respect of women‘s education. Gender disparity not only hinders economic progress but also
exacerbates social inequality.
There is enough statistical evidence that the rate of return on women‘s education is higher than that on
men‘s. It is the mother‘s education that improves child health and nutrition. It has the potentiality of breaking
the vicious circle of poverty and inequality. Education of women is directly related to poverty reduction.
In spite of this, male-child bias in third world countries of Asia is palpable. Such bias can be attributed
to the following facts. First, being the breadwinner, male child is considered as an ‗insurance bond‘ of the
family. Secondly, male child provides security during old age. Thirdly, a male child is deemed to be an asset as
it enables parents to gamer huge dowry/gift at the marriage time. All these speak about anti-female bias. During
marriage of a girl, there occurs a leakage of money from the parents to give dowry to the bride.
Above all, investment in women‘s education is not worthwhile as ultimately a girl child after marriage
considers welfare of her husband‘s family. Unless this mind-set changes gender disparity will continue. To
remove such gender gap in education, the role of women‘s education is undesirable. Anti-female bias in
education gets reflected in male-female literacy rate, gross enrolment rate in elementary education (Class I-
VIII), dropout rates among girl students.
II. Gender Inequality in Freedom Expression:
Let us talk about gender inequality beyond economic issues or factors. Women are not only subject to
income or asset inequality but also in terms of freedom and power deprivation of women goes beyond one‘s

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imagination. They lack not only economic freedom at home because of absence of autonomy in household
decisions, limited or complete absence of property ownership rights and the poor wages earned but also lack any
freedom in airing opinions over education of children. In some backward poor societies the right of women
giving opinion is completely denied. Such un-freedoms, however, are not uncommon even among the educated
elites who enjoy enormous power and authority in the male- dominated society. Historically, this sort of low
socio-economic status of women has been continuing nowadays.
In addition, one finds tremendous apathy in awarding political power and authority—that is
participation in administrative decision-making and political decision making—to women. In fact, women are
underprivileged and are politically marginalised in many countries. Democracy then falters. In many countries,
voting rights to women has been granted, gender inequality, nevertheless, is rather widespread. Although many
heads of states of many South Asian countries are women, women‘s representation in political institutions is
indeed minimal.
In government offices, administrative decision-making power rests solely on male members. India,
however, is fortunate in having 50 p.c. seat reservations for women in gram panchayats in the year 2009. If these
are implemented seriously, democracy and participation of women will foster. Public discussion and
participation, interaction of all citizens then can act as catalysts of social change.
III. Gender Inequality in Respect of Violence and Victimisation:
Finally, anti-female bias starts before the girl child is born (consequent upon sex- specific abortions)
and this attitude of the society a female member carries throughout her life.
It is because of the unequal sharing of income, property, household benefits (health and nutritional
deprivation), women are subject to both physical and sexual violence—the opposite of freedom, and an extreme
form of coercion. This is common for both poor and not too much uncommon in rich countries as well as among
rich people. One in three women in the word is beaten or raped during her lifetimes.
Dowry harassment is considered as an ‗instrumental use‘ of violence. Dowry death is the most serious
form of domestic violence. Wife beating is not uncommon. Sexual violence is an obnoxious form of human
rights violation. In addition, with the increase in poverty level, trafficking of women and children for sexual
exploitation has become a high-profit-low-risk trade for those who organise it.
There are many causes of such violence‘s but physical prowess of men, dynamics of power and
injustice, low or absence of education of women seem to be the most cogent reasons for gender inequality and
subordinate status of women globally.
Economic independence and social emancipation through creating ability to earn income and gainful
employment outside the home, guaranteeing ownership rights, literacy in education is of great importance.
Empowerment value of all these is difficult to ignore.
All these empower women. Through women‘s empowerment, patriarchal dominance and male
monopoly of violence and the exploitation of women can be broken. And, above all, women‘s education can
only destroy the institution of ‗house-wifisation‘ of women‘s labour through marriage and through work
legislation.
(This excerpt is taken from the article 7 Forms of Gender Equality from the website Economic Discussion)
5. History and Theory of Feminism
According to Maggie Humm and Rebecca Walker, the history of feminism can be divided into three
waves. The first feminist wave was in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the second was in the 1960s
and 1970s, and the third extends from the 1990s to the present. Feminist theory emerged from these feminist
movements. It is manifest in a variety of disciplines such as feminist geography, feminist history and feminist
literary criticism.
Feminism has altered predominant perspectives in a wide range of areas within Western society,
ranging from culture to law. Feminist activists have campaigned for women's legal rights (rights of contract,
property rights, voting rights); for women's right to bodily integrity and autonomy, for abortion rights, and for
reproductive rights (including access to contraception and quality prenatal care); for protection of women and
girls from domestic violence, sexual harassment and rape;for workplace rights, including maternity leave and
equal pay; against misogyny; and against other forms of gender-specific discrimination against women.
First-wave feminism refers to an extended period of feminist activity during the nineteenth century
and early twentieth century in the United Kingdom and the United States. Originally it focused on the promotion
of equal contract and property rights for women and the opposition to chattel marriage and ownership of married

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women (and their children) by their husbands. However, by the end of the nineteenth century, activism focused
primarily on gaining political power, particularly the right of women's suffrage. Yet, feminists such as Voltairine
de Cleyre and Margaret Sanger were still active in campaigning for women's sexual, reproductive, and economic
rights at this time. In 1854, Florence Nightingale established female nurses as adjuncts to the military.
In Britain the Suffragettes and, possibly more effectively, the Suffragists campaigned for the women's
vote. In 1918 the Representation of the People Act 1918 was passed granting the vote to women over the age of
30 who owned houses. In 1928 this was extended to all women over twenty-one. In the United States, leaders of
this movement included Lucretia Mott, Lucy Stone, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and Susan B. Anthony, who each
campaigned for the abolition of slavery prior to championing women's right to vote; all were strongly influenced
by Quaker thought. American first-wave feminism involved a wide range of women. Some, such as Frances
Willard, belonged to conservative Christian groups such as the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. Others,
such as Matilda Joslyn Gage, were more radical, and expressed themselves within the National Woman Suffrage
Association or individually. American first-wave feminism is considered to have ended with the passage of the
Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution (1919), granting women the right to vote in all states.
The term first wave was coined retrospectively after the term second-wave feminism began to be used to
describe a newer feminist movement that focused as much on fighting social and cultural inequalities as political
inequalities.
Second-wave feminism refers to the period of activity in the early 1960s and lasting through the late
1980s. The scholar Imelda Whelehan suggests that the second wave was a continuation of the earlier phase of
feminism involving the suffragettes in the UK and USA. Second-wave feminism has continued to exist since
that time and coexists with what is termed third-wave feminism. The scholar Estelle Freedman compares first
and second-wave feminism saying that the first wave focused on rights such as suffrage, whereas the second
wave was largely concerned with other issues of equality, such as ending discrimination.
The feminist activist and author Carol Hanisch coined the slogan "The Personal is Political" which
became synonymous with the second wave. Second-wave feminists saw women's cultural and political
inequalities as inextricably linked and encouraged women to understand aspects of their personal lives as deeply
politicized and as reflecting sexist power structures.
The French author and philosopher Simone de Beauvoir wrote novels; monographs on philosophy,
politics, and social issues; essays; biographies; and an autobiography. She is now best known for her
metaphysical novels, including She Came to Stay and The Mandarins, and for her treatise The Second Sex, a
detailed analysis of women's oppression and a foundational tract of contemporary feminism. Written in 1949, its
English translation was published in 1953. It sets out a feminist existentialism which prescribes a moral
revolution. As an existentialist, she accepted Jean-Paul Sartre's precept existence precedes essence; hence "one
is not born a woman, but becomes one." Her analysis focuses on the social construction of Woman as the other.
This de Beauvoir identifies as fundamental to women's oppression. She argues women have historically been
considered deviant and abnormal and contends that even Mary Wollstonecraft considered men to be the ideal
toward which women should aspire. De Beauvoir argues that for feminism to move forward, this attitude must
be set aside.
Third-wave feminism began in the early 1990s, arising as a response to perceived failures of the
second wave and also as a response to the backlash against initiatives and movements created by the second
wave. Third-wave feminism seeks to challenge or avoid what it deems the second wave's essentialist definitions
of femininity, which (according to them) over-emphasize the experiences of upper middle-class white women.
A post-structuralist interpretation of gender and sexuality is central to much of the third wave's
ideology. Third-wave feminists often focus on "micro-politics" and challenge the second wave's paradigm as to
what is, or is not, good for females. The third wave has its origins in the mid-1980s. Feminist leaders rooted in
the second wave like Gloria Anzaldua, bell hooks, Chela Sandoval, Cherrie Moraga, Audre Lorde, Maxine Hong
Kingston, and many other black feminists, sought to negotiate a space within feminist thought for consideration
of race-related subjectivities. Third-wave feminism also contains internal debates between difference feminists
such as the psychologist Carol Gilligan (who believes that there are important differences between the sexes)
and those who believe that there are no inherent differences between the sexes and contend that gender roles are
due to social conditioning.
Post-feminism describes a range of viewpoints reacting to feminism. While not being "anti-feminist,"
post-feminists believe that women have achieved second wave goals while being critical of third wave feminist
goals. The term was first used in the 1980s to describe a backlash against second-wave feminism. It is now a
label for a wide range of theories that take critical approaches to previous feminist discourses and includes
challenges to the second wave's ideas. Other post-feminists say that feminism is no longer relevant to today's

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society. Amelia Jones wrote that the post-feminist texts which emerged in the 1980s and 1990s portrayed
second-wave feminism as a monolithic entity and criticized it using generalizations.
Postcolonial feminists argue that oppression relating to the colonial experience, particularly racial,
class, and ethnic oppression, has marginalized women in postcolonial societies. They challenge the assumption
that gender oppression is the primary force of patriarchy. Postcolonial feminists object to portrayals of women
of non-Western societies as passive and voiceless victims and the portrayal of Western women as modern,
educated and empowered.
Postcolonial feminism emerged from the gendered history of colonialism: colonial powers often
imposed Western norms on colonized regions. In the 1940s and 1950s, after the formation of the United
Nations, former colonies were monitored by the West for what was considered "social progress". The status of
women in the developing world has been monitored by organizations such as the United Nations and as a result
traditional practices and roles taken up by women—sometimes seen as distasteful by Western standards—could
be considered a form of rebellion against colonial oppression. Postcolonial feminists today struggle to fight
gender oppression within their own cultural models of society rather than through those imposed by the Western
colonizers.
Postcolonial feminism is critical of Western forms of feminism, notably radical feminism and liberal
feminism and their universalization of female experience. Postcolonial feminists argue that cultures impacted by
colonialism are often vastly different and should be treated as such. Colonial oppression may result in the
glorification of pre-colonial culture, which, in cultures with traditions of power stratification along gender lines,
could mean the acceptance of, or refusal to deal with, inherent issues of gender inequality. Postcolonial feminists
can be described as feminists who have reacted against both universalizing tendencies in Western feminist
thought and a lack of attention to gender issues in mainstream postcolonial thought.
Third-world feminism has been described as a group of feminist theories developed by feminists who
acquired their views and took part in feminist politics in so-called third-world countries. Although women from
the third world have been engaged in the feminist movement, Chandra Talpade Mohanty and Sarojini Sahoo
criticize Western feminism on the grounds that it is ethnocentric and does not take into account the unique
experiences of women from third-world countries or the existence of feminisms indigenous to third-world
countries. According to Chandra Talpade Mohanty, women in the third world feel that Western feminism bases
its understanding of women on "internal racism, classism and homophobia". This discourse is strongly related to
African feminism and postcolonial feminism. Its development is also associated with concepts such as black
feminism, womanism, "Africana womanism", "motherism", "Stiwanism", "negofeminism", chicana feminism,
and "femalism".
(This excerpt is taken from the article History and theory of feminism published on gender.cawater-info.net)
6. The Philosophical Origins of Patriarchy—Cristia Mercer‘s Article
Ancient intellectual greats like Plato, Hippocrates, and Aristotle laid the foundations on which centuries
of sexism were built. Although these Greek authors did not invent sexism, their writings contained ideas and
arguments that were used to rationalize a particularly virulent form of misogyny. Once these ancient trend-
setters devised arguments for female subjugation in the name of a divine good, it became self-confirming in the
sense that women were taken to be naturally inferior to men, treated differently from birth, and trained to
subjugate themselves, which itself further supported views about female imperfection and the disempowerment
that entailed.
To be sure, at every stage of Western thought, there were women who were resourceful and rebellious
within the restrictions forced upon them. In almost every era, there were moments when the tide might have
turned away from ardent sexism. But it never did. The proponents of female inferiority were always victorious.
The ancient Greek arguments for sexism both reflected and supported patriarchy, and gave powerful men what
they considered to be excellent reasons to control women‘s bodies in the name of the good. However resilient
women were, misogynistic enforcement of divine order always won out.
(This excerpt is taken from The News article The Philosophical Origins of Patriarchy written by Cristia
Mercer.)

7. Gender Equality and Female Empowerment—USAID

The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) believes that gender equality and women‘s
empowerment are fundamental for the realization of unalienable human rights and key to effective and
sustainable development outcomes. For societies to thrive, women, and girls must have equitable and safe access

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to resources, such as education, health care, capital, technology, land, markets, and justice. They also must have
equal rights and opportunities as business owners, peacebuilders, and leaders. Equality between women, girls,
men, and boys improves the overall quality of life for all people, across their lifespan
Investing in gender equality and women‘s empowerment can unlock human potential on
a transformational scale.
Research demonstrates that societies with greater equality between women and men experience faster
economic growth, increased agricultural productivity, and improved food security. Empowering women to
participate in and lead public and private institutions makes these institutions more representative and effective.
Increasing women‘s and girls‘ education and access to resources improves the health and education of the next
generation. And, women play critical roles as effective advocates for peace, community leaders, and champions
of civil and human rights. We know that nations, communities, and families are more secure and prosperous
when women can participate equally in all aspects of life. Similarly, USAID has also shown the importance of
engaging men and boys for their own well-being, to become better family and community members, and to
improve development outcomes.
Gender equality and women‘s empowerment are foundational drivers of development
and self-reliance.
USAID is committed to supporting our partner countries along their Journey to Self-Reliance, with the
engagement of governments, civil society, faith-based organizations, and the private sector. Self-reliance is a
country‘s capacity to plan, finance, and implement solutions to its own development challenges, and includes a
commitment to see these solutions through effectively, inclusively, and with accountability. To be effective,
individuals within societies must have equal access to opportunities, resources, benefits, and legal protections.
This, in turn, empowers and enables them to help shape their lives and contribute positively to their families,
communities, and countries. Simply put, countries that demonstrate a commitment to enabling, empowering, and
taking advantage of the full participation and skills of women are more likely to achieve self-reliance by
strengthening local institutions; improving human and institutional capacity; fostering sustainable economic
growth; and moving toward inclusive, citizen-responsive, democratic governance.
For example, when women meaningfully participate at the negotiating table, peace agreements are
more inclusive and durable. Further, women-led businesses may significantly outperform their peers, with
female entrepreneurs in some studies growing revenues 1.5 times faster and creating jobs twice as fast
Women‘s empowerment supports American values and foreign-policy priorities.
The President‘s 2017 National Security Strategy (NSS) states, ―The United States will support efforts
to advance women‘s equality, protect the rights of women and girls, and promote women and youth
empowerment programs.‖ The NSS clearly identifies women‘s equality and empowerment worldwide as both
American values and foreign-policy priorities, by noting that ―governments that fail to treat women equally do
not allow their societies to reach their potential.‖ Further, the Joint Strategic Plan (JSP) of the U.S. Department
of State (DOS) and the U.S. Agency for International Development for Fiscal Years (FY) 2018-2022 recognizes,
―societies that empower women to participate fully in civic and economic 4 life are more prosperous and
peaceful.‖ The JSP also endorses the transformative effects of women‘s economic empowerment for families
and communities and commits to supporting women‘s economic empowerment as a driver of development,
including by championing girls‘ education and striving to eliminate gender-based violence, which affects
women‘s ability to thrive and succeed. Through this Policy, USAID supports the JSP, which directs USAID and
the DOS to strengthen democratic, transparent, representative, and citizen-responsive governance, and to include
women in political and economic processes.
USAID is building on its considerable experience advancing gender equality and
women‘s empowerment.
This Policy underscores USAID‘s continued commitment to supporting women and girls. It builds on
decades of foundational work, field experience, and global research, and recognizes key legislative and policy
advancements. Thus, this Policy reflects best-in-class approaches and the most recent and relevant evidence and
will direct USAID‘s priorities and work in advancing gender equality and women‘s empowerment across our
Missions and Operating Units. USAID works to improve the lives of citizens around the world by addressing the
distinct needs of women, girls, men, and boys in our development and humanitarian work. We also recognize
the large body of evidence that reveals persistent disparities between men and women across sectors and the
resulting high costs of inequality between women and men for families, communities, and societies. USAID-
funded programs aim to ensure that individuals, communities, institutions, and governments recognize and

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support the unique expertise, initiatives, leadership, and contributions of women and girls, and contribute to their
economic, social, and political empowerment. This Policy requires that USAID programming take into account
the unique needs and priorities of women and girls, and establishes metrics that measure effective programmatic
impact. This Policy supersedes and replaces the 2012 Gender Equality and Female Empowerment Policy in its
entirety.
(This excerpt is taken from the USAID website.)

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