Primary Source Reader
Primary Source Reader
Edited by
Carey Roberts
H. Micheal Tarver
Arkansas Tech University
18.1 Aztecs Recount the Beginning of the War with the Conquistadors 30
18.2 Letter from Hernando de Soto 31
18.3 Coronado’s Report to Viceroy Mendoza 33
18.4 Increase Mather on King Philip’s Death 35
20. The Mughal Empire: Muslim Rulers and Hindu Subjects, 1400-1750 45
26.1 Dadabhai Naoroji on the Benefits Detriments of British Rule in India 100
26.2 The Diamond Fields of South Africa, 1872 102
26.3 Rudyard Kipling, “The White Man’s Burden” 103
26.4 Edward 0. Morel, The Black Man's Burden 104
30. The End of the Cold War, Western Social Transformation, and 145
the Developing World, 1963-1991
H umans are first and foremost social animals. We have an intense need not only to be
around our fellow humans, and to communicate our stories to others. In fact, it is our
ability to communicate in a variety of complex and simple ways that most distinguishes us from
other species. Although it is widely recognized by scientists and the general populace that many
animals communicate basic information, and that scientists continue to discover that animal
communication is more complex than we often assume. It is still true that no animal speaks
about Itself, and the world around It, more often and in more diverse ways than humans. Fur¬
have. From the first gestures and oral utterances, to the simple artistic efforts of the Paleolithic
era (such as carved figures, rock paintings, and the use of abstract symbols), to the more ad¬
vanced technology of writing, humans have always found ways to speak to one another. The age
of digital communication illustrates this point well: our very culture is defined by ever evolving
communication technology. Some may argue that in this current age we adaptto technology,
where once we adapted technology to fit our needs. Whichever the case, the fact remains that
Communication is thus the definitive pattern of human history, for people also communicate
across time. The past speaks to the present through these communication technologies. Being
able to listen to the past is the most important skill a historian must develop. Flistory is not “what”
happened in the past; rather, it is our interpretation of the “what” based on the sources of the
past, including textual sources. Interpreting the sources is in essence the present speaking to
tory.
There are no footnotes to distract the student from the text itself. Any names or terms not defined or ex¬
plained in the text are explicated in the introduction or questions for each source, it is hoped that this will allow
students to read the texts without feeling overly directed through them by cumbersome notes. Furthermore, lim¬
iting notes allows students to come to the sources as unfiltered as possible; the brief introductions that proceed
each source are there to provide only the most necessary information to understand the origin of the source,
and to suggest why that particular source is important for studying world history.
There are certain techniques that students should use when approaching primary sources that will help
them navigate the source, and discern for themselves why that source is important to the study of history. Es¬
sentially, these are questions that need to be asked of every source, as if one were interviewing the source.
However, it is important to note that reading the text in translation might mask information that could answer the
questions differently or more accurately, and students must be aware that there are complications in reading
sources in translation.
Question 1: What does the source say and what genre is the source?
The first task of the reader of any text, but particularly of sources written in the past, is to figure out what is
going on. Because the majority of sources in this collection are excerpts, that is, brief selections from longer
works, they are essentially taken out of context. Thus determining the actual story the document is trying to
tell. Even though these excerpts are short, completing this task might require re-reading the document several
times. Some of the documents are more philosophical in nature, and thus will not necessarily have a narrative
plot of driven by characters or actions. Using primary sources in the classroom should always being with first
ascertaining how the students understood the sources. Part of understanding the source is also figuring out
what genre the text is written in. If it is a speech, there may not be actions within the text, or even characters.
Unfortunately, many sources from the past are anonymous. Yet, although the specific name of the author may
not be known, a careful reader will often still be able to determine the kind of person who wrote it. Occupation,
class, gender are possible characteristics of authorship that can be determined from within the source. Read¬
ers can often go past that, however, and determine more specific details about the identity of the author, such
as religious or political beliefs, ethnic and linguistic background, and education. The most important aspect of
the question of authorship is that of authorial bias. Readers must ask what are the deliberate or unintentional
biases in the text?
Primary Sources 3
There are several different meanings to this question. “Where" can refer to the geographic origin of a source,
and it can also refer to the culture that produced the source. It could also mean from what class produced the
source.
Question 4: When was the document or source created, and when was it writ¬
ten down?
These are two related question; sometimes the answer is the same (the source is created and written at the
same time and by the same person, sometimes these two things happened at different times. Sometimes the
distance between when the source was created and when it was written down is a crucial part of the story of
how the document came to be. Because so many of the sources in this anthology come from the earliest days
of culture and civilization, when orality was more common than writing, most sources were created long before
they were written. This question is very important to answer, however, because to answer this question requires
the reader to determine the full context of the document.
Question 5: Why was the source created and why was it finally written down?
Of all the questions to ask of the source, this is often the most difficult to answer. To answer this requires that
the reader move beyond reading the source to empathizing with it, relating to it, and putting oneself into the
mind of the creator and author. Finally, one must be aware that there is often more than one answer to the why
of a source.
Let us walk through an example of how a historian approaches a source, ask the questions and determine
the answers. Consider the following excerpt from Ezana, “The Destruction of Kush," which recounts the attack
Ezana, the son of Ella Amtda, a native of Halen, king of Aksum and of
Hemer (Himyar), and of Raydan, and of Saba, and of Salhen, and of
Seyamo, and of Bega, and of Kasu (the Meroites), King of Kings, the son
of Ella Amida, who is invincible to the enemy. By the might of the Lord
of Heaven, Who hath made me Lord, Who to all eternity, the Perfect One,
reigns, Who is invincible to the enemy, no enemy shall stand before me,
and after me no enemy shall follow. By the might of the Lord of all, I made
war upon Noba, for the peoples had rebelled and had made a boast of it.
And “they (the Axumites) will not cross the river Takkaze (Atbara),” said
the peoples of Noba. And they were in the habit of attacking the peoples
of Mangurto, and Khasa, and Barya, and the blacks, and of making war
upon the Red peoples. And twice and thrice had they broken their solemn
oaths, and had killed their neighbours mercilessly, and they had stripped
bare and stolen the properties of our deputies and messengers which I had
sent to them to inquire into their thefts, and had stolen from them their
weapons of defence. And as I had sent warnings to them and they would
4 Primary Smuces
not harken to me, and they refused to cease from their evil deeds, and then
betook themselves to flight, I made \war upon them. And I rose in the might
of the Lord of the Land.
Question 6: What does the source say and what genre is the source?
The source is written as a kind of declaration by King Ezana of Aksum, justifying his attack on the city of Meroe.
There are no events in the document, as it is a kind of speech (which is one of the genres of the text), although
the text does list a series of events that has led to the current events, the war between Aksum and Meroe. But
this text is more than just a declaration and a speech; notice that it often invokes the name of a deity: “By the
might of the Lord of Heaven,” "the Perfect One,” and “By the might of the Lord of All.” Thus the document is
also a prayer who invoked the god of Ezana. Although the text does not specify what the religious system of
Aksum is, or the specific identity of the god Ezana worships, the phrasing suggests Christianity and the Christian
God. This interpretation is supported by knowledge external to the text itself; the fact that the kingdom of Aksum
converted to Christianity in the fourth century.
The beginning of the excerpt indentifies Ezana, King of Aksum, and throughout the document the pronoun
“me” is used. The implication is that Ezana is the author of the document. It is certainly possible that Ezana
literally wrote the text, and it is reasonable for a student without much knowledge about that time period to read
more from the document. However, if a reader is familiar with royal culture of fourth century East Africa, he
or she might also consider that a Ezana dictated the text as is, or the gist of the text, to a professional writer (a
scribe). The mere act of writing the text means that the scribe might have in some way “authored” the text. He
(and it was most likely a he), certainly influenced the final form of the text.
Because the text was either written for or literally by Ezana, the King of Aksum, one of the biases at work in
the source is that of Ezana. As the text concerns a war between Aksum and Meroe, the bias favors Aksum, and
Ezana in particular.
In regard to this particular text, this question is easy to answer, as it is identified in the very beginning of the text:
Aksum. It is also possible that it was written by a state or culture favorable to Aksum.
Question 9: When was the document or source created, and when was it writ¬
ten down?
There is no explicit statement of date in the source. To answer this question, a reader would have to turn to
external knowledge of Aksum. The most important clue in the story is the figure of Ezana. Knowing his dates,
and the dates of the conquest of Meroe by Aksum, helps to date the document to after 350 C.E. Reading the
text in the original could help to date the written version, as the original language provided invaluable evidence
of dating. Languages evolve, and change over time, and thus can be used to date texts.
Primary Sources 5
Question 10: Why was the source created and why was it finally written
down?
As suggested earlier, this is a more difficult question to answer. Ezana does not explicitly state why he has
written, or caused to be written, this document. Because it is a declaration, and a prayer, something of the
purpose might be discerned from the genre. Ezana lists many deeds, or rather, misdeeds, committed by the
people of Meroe: "the peoples had rebelled and had made a boast of it,” “they were in the habit of attacking
the peoples,” “twice and thrice had they broken their solemn oaths,” and “they refused to cease from their
evil deeds.” Inevitably, the reader is led to think that the people of Meroe deserved to be conquered; they had
earned their defeat. In addition, in the prayer aspects of the text, “By the might of the Lord of Heaven ... no
enemy shall stand before me,” Ezana is using this text as an opportunity to acknowledge the power of his god,
declare his own power as one chosen by his god.
Thus original texts have many layers of meaning. Beyond the questions, and method of reading, suggested
here, readers must also consider that every primary source can be mined for factual details. Some of the details
in this source are: Aksum had kings, those kings (or at least Ezana) controlled other lands than Aksum (Hemer,
Raydan, Saba, Salhen, Seyamo, Bega, and Kasu are mentioned), and the people of Aksum believed their king
to be an all-powerful creator. All primary sources should be read in various ways.
Chapter The Ottoman-Habsburg
i6 Struggle and European
Overseas Expansion
1450-1600
I n 1450, the Habsburgs were nearing the height of their power in Europe at the same time the Ottomans were
expanding eastward, capturing Constantinople in 1453. The Ottomans started as mounted nomads, moving out
of their steppe homeland in Central Asia around 1300 and within half a century had established themselves across
Anatolia into southeastern Europe, conquering much of modern-day Bulgaria and expanding into Greece and the
Balkans by 1400. In retrospect, it seems inevitable the Ottoman and Habsburgs would clash as their expansions
put each in the direct path of the other.
Spanish monarchs considered Muslims to be enemies of Christianity as well as imperial threats. The Muslim
invasions of the eighth century had pushed Iberian aristocrats to the Pyrenees Mountains; their reclamation of
the lost lands took the aspect of a crusade, or holy war. In 1492, the conquest of the last Iberian Muslim lands was
completed by the armies of Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella I of Castile, who took pride in their joint life, Los
Reyes Catdlicos, the Catholic Monarchs. Habsburg power increased dramatically when the Habsburg lands merged
with Spanish possessions through bedroom politics. Joanna (Joanna the Mad), the daughter of Isabella and Fer¬
dinand, married Phihp I of Castile (Philip the Handsome), the son of the Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I.
Joanna and Phillips son inherited both the Spanish and Habsburg realms, ruling as Charles I of Spain and Charles
V of the Holy Roman Empire. The Habsburgs were ambitious, tough, and related to almost every royal family in
Europe, despite wars with France, uprisings in Spain, and the pressures of Protestants in Northern Europe who
taxed Charles’s resources.
The notion of raising children to be warriors was not limited to the Ottomans, yet the idea of forming slave armies
is surprising to modern readers. As the source below details, these children comprised the elite corps, whether as
the backbone of the bureaucracy or officers and soldiers charged with defense and keeping order. The possible
hazards—such as divided loyalty, loneliness for family and homeland, etc.—spring immediately to mind. Never¬
theless, there are also distinct advantages. First, since these soldiers would not have ties to the “great families” of the
state, they would be less likely to have mentors or benefactors outside the existing ruling structure to whom they
might develop a stronger loyalty than to the existing sovereign. And, of course, one should never underestimate the
esprit de corps that develops in elite military structures. Elite status is often psychologically addictive.
Source: Anonymous, “The Tribute of Children," in The World's Story. A History of the World in Story Song and Art, edited by Eva
March Tappan. Volume VI: Russia, Austria-Hungary, The Balkan States and Turkey (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co, 1914),
491-495.
The Ottoman Habsburg Struggle and European Overseas Expansion, 1450-1600 13
The advice of the vizier was followed; the edict was proclaimed; many thousands of the European captives
were educated in the Mohammedan religion and arms, and the new militia was consecrated and named by a
celebrated dervish. Standing in the front of their ranks, he stretched the sleeve of his gown over the head of the
foremost soldier, and his blessing was delivered in the following words — “Let them be called Janissaries {yingi
cheri, or new soldiers); may their countenances be ever bright; their hand victorious; their swords keen; may
their spear always hang over the heads of their enemies; and, wheresoever they go, may they return with a white
face. White and black’Taceare common and proverbial expressions of praise and reproach in the Turkish
language. Such was the origin of these haughty troops, the terror of the nations, and sometimes of the sultans
themselves. They were kept up by continual additions from the sultan’s share of the captives, and by recruits,
raised every five years, from the children of the Christian subjects. Small parties of soldiers, each under a leader,
and each provided with a particular firearm, went from place to place. Wherever they came, the protogeros as¬
sembled the inhabitants with their sons. The leader of the soldiers had the right to take away all the youth who
were distinguished by beauty or strength, activity or talent, above the age of seven. He carried them to the court
of the grand seignior, a tithe, as it were, of the subjects. The captives taken in war by the pashas, and presented
by them to the sultan, included Poles, Bohemians, Russians, Italians, and Germans.
These recruits were divided into two classes. Those who composed the one, especially in the earlier periods,
were sent to Anatolia, where they were trained to agricultural labor, and instructed in the Mussulman faith; or
they were retained about the seraglio, where they carried wood and water, and were employed in the gardens,
in the boats, or upon the public buildings, always under the direction of an overseer, who with a stick compelled
them to work. The others, in whom traces of a higher character were discernible, were placed in one of the
four seraglios of Adrianople or Galata, or the old or new one at Constantinople [Istanbul]. Here they were lightly
clad in linen or in cloth of Saloniki, with caps of Prusa cloth. Teachers came every morning, who remained
with them until evening, and taught them to read and write. Those who had performed hard labor were made
Janissaries. Those who were educated in the seraglios became spahis or higher officers of state. Both classes
were kept under a strict discipline. The former especially were accustomed to privation of food, drink, and com¬
fortable clothing, and to hard labor. They were exercised in shooting with the bow and arquebus by day, and
spent the night in a long, lighted hall, with an overseer, who walked up and down, and permitted no one to stir.
When they were received into the corps of the Janissaries, they were placed in cloister-like barracks, in which
the different odas or ortas lived so entirely in common that the military dignitaries were called from their soups
and kitchens. Here not only the younger continued to obey the elders in silence and submission, but all were
governed with such strictness that no one was permitted to spend the night abroad, and whoever was punished
was compelled to kiss the hand of him who inflicted the punishment.
The younger portion, in the seraglios, were kept not less strictly, every ten being committed to the care of an
inexorable attendant. They were employed in similar exercises, but likewise in study. The grand seignior permit¬
ted them to leave the seraglio every three years. Those who chose to remain, ascended, according to their age in
the immediate service of their master, from chamber to chamber, and to constantly greater pay, till they attained,
perhaps, to one of the four great posts of the innermost chamber, from which the way to the dignity of a beglerbeg,
or a capitan deiri (that is, an admiral), or even of a vizier, was open. Those, on the contrary, who took advantage of
this permission, entered, each one according to his previous rank, into the four first corps of the paid spahis, who
were in the immediate service of the sultan, and in whom he confided more than in his other bodyguards.
Source: Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq, The Life and Letters of Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq, edited by Charles Thornton Forster and F.H.
Blackburne Daniell (London: C. Kegan Paul & Co., 1881), Volume I, 86-88.
At Buda I made my first acquaintance with the Janissaries; this is the name by which the Turks call the infantry
of the royal guard. The Turkish state has 12,000 of these troops when the corps is at its full strength. They
are scattered through every part of the empire, either to garrison the forts against the enemy, or to protect the
Christians and Jews from the violence of the mob. There is no district with any considerable amount of popula¬
tion, no borough or city, which has not a detachment of Janissaries to protect the Christians, Jews, and other
helpless people from outrage and wrong.
A garrison of Janissaries is always stationed in the citadel of Buda. The dress of these men consists of a
robe reaching down to the ankles, while, to cover their heads, they employ a cowl which, by their account, was
originally a cloak sleeve, part of which contains the head, while the remainder hangs down and flaps against
the neck. On their forehead is placed a silvergilt cone of considerable height, studded with stones of no great
value.
These Janissaries generally came to me in pairs. When they were admitted to my dining room they first made
a bow, and then came quickly up to me, all but running, and touched my dress or hand, as if they intended to
kiss it. After this they would thrust into my hand a nosegay of the hyacinth or narcissus; then they would run
back to the door almost as quickly as they came, taking care not to turn their backs, for this, according to their
code, would be a serious breach of etiquette. After reaching the door, they would stand respectfully with their
arms crossed, and their eyes bent on the ground, looking more like monks than warriors. On receiving a few
small coins (which was what they wanted) they bowed again, thanked me in loud tones, and went off blessing
me for my kindness. To tell you the truth, if I had not been told beforehand that they were Janissaries, I should,
without hesitation, have taken them for members of some order of Turkish monks, or brethren of some Moslem
college. Yet these are the famous Janissaries, whose approach inspires terror everywhere. During my stay at
Buda a good many Turks were drawn to my table by the attractions of my wine, a luxury in which they have not
many opportunities of indulging. The effect of this enforced abstinence is to make them so eager for drink, that
they swill themselves with it whenever they get the chance. I asked them to make a night of it, but at last I got
tired of the game, left the table, and retired to my bedroom. On this my Turkish guests made a move to go, and
The Ottoman Habsburg Struggle and European Overseas Expansion, 1450-1600 15
great was their grief as they reflected that they were not yet dead drunk, and could still use their legs. Presently
they sent a servant to request that I would allow them access to my stock of wine and lend them some silver
cups. With my permission,’ they said, 'they would like to continue their drinking bout through the night; they
were not particular where they sat; any odd corner would do for them.’ Well, I ordered them to be furnished with
as much wine as they could drink, and also with the cups they asked for. Being thus supplied, the fellows never
left off drinking until they were one and all stretched on the floor in the last stage of intoxication.
To drink wine is considered a great sin among the Turks, especially in the case of persons advanced in life.-
when younger people indulge in it the offence is considered more venial. Inasmuch, however, as they think that
they will have to pay the same penalty after death whether they drink much or little, if they taste one drop of
wine they must needs indulge in a regular debauch...
Travel journals have a long history, serving to record the wonders of strange lands as well as the travelers’ adven¬
tures. In this passage below, Admiral Sidi Alui Reis (1498-1563) writes of being sent to secure 15 ships from Basra
in Iraq, and return them to Egypt, which was then part of the Ottoman Empire. The admiral writes of visiting the
holy sites and provides a description of a battle with a Portuguese fleet.
Source: Sidi Alui Reis, “The Mirror of Countries’’ (1556), printed in Charles F. Horne, ed., The Sacred Books and Early Literature of
the East, (New York: Parke, Austin, & Lipscomb, 1917), Vol. VI: Medieval Arabia, 332-340.
When Sultan Suleyman had taken up his winter residence in Aleppo, I, the author of these pages, was ap¬
pointed to the Admiralship of the Egyptian fleet, and received Instructions to fetch back to Egypt the ships (15
galleys), which some time ago had been sent to Basra on the Persian Gulf. But, “Man proposes, God disposes.”
I was unable to carry out my mission, and as I realized the impossibility of returning by water, I resolved to
go back to Turkey by the overland route, accompanied by a few tried and faithful Egyptian soldiers. I traveled
through Gujarat, Hind, Sind, Baikh, Zabulistan, Bedakhshan, Khotlan, Turan, and Iran, I.e., through Transox-
anla, Khorassan, Kharezm, and Deshti-Kiptchak; and as I could not proceed any farther In that direction, I went
by Meshed and the two Iraqs, Kazwin and Hamadan, on to Bagdad.
Our travels ended, my companions and fellow-adventurers persuaded me to write down our experiences,
and the dangers through which we had passed, an accurate account of which it is almost Impossible to give;
also to tell of the cities and the many wonderful sights we had seen, and of the holy shrines we had visited.
And so this little book sees the light; in it I have tried to relate, In simple and plain language, the troubles and
difficulties, the suffering and the distress which beset our path, up to the time that we reached Constantinople.
i6 Chaptei i6
Considering the matter it contains this book ought to have been entitled, “A tale of woe,” but with a view to the
scene of action I have called it “Mirror of Countries,” and as such I commend it to the reader’s kind attention.
I, humble Sidi Ali bin Husein, also known as Kiatibi-Rumi (the writer of the West, i.e., of Turkey), most gladly
accepted the post. I had always been very fond of the sea, had taken part in the expedition against Rhodes
under the Sultan (Suleiman), and had since had a share in almost all engagements, both by land and by sea. I
had fought under Khaireddin Pasha, Sinan Pasha, and other captains, and had cruised about on the Western
(Mediterranean) sea, so that I knew every nook and corner of it. I had written several books on astronomy,
nautical science, and other matters bearing upon navigation. My father and grandfather, since the conquest of
Constantinople, had had charge of the arsenal a at Galata; they had both been eminent in their profession, and
their skill had come down to me as an heirloom.
I had plenty of leisure to visit the mosque of Ali and the graves of Hasan Basri, Taiha, Zobeir, Uns-bin-Malik,
Abdurrahman-bin-Anf, and several martyrs and companions of the Prophet. One night I dreamed that I lost my
sword, and as I remembered that a similar thing had happened to Sheik Muhieddin and had resulted in a de¬
feat, I became greatly alarmed, and, just as I was about to pray to the Almighty for the victory of the Islam arms,
I awoke. I kept this dream a secret, but it troubled me for a long time, and when later on Mustafa Pasha sent a
detachment of soldiers to take the island of Huweiza (in which expedition I took part with five of my galleys), and
the undertaking resulted in our losing about a hundred men all through the fickleness of the Egyptian troops, I
fully believed this to be the fulfilment of my dream. But alas! there was more to follow — for:
When at last the time of the monsoon came, the Pasha sent a trusty sailor with a frigate to Ormuz, to ex¬
plore the neighborhood. After cruising about for a month he returned with the news that, except for four boats,
there was no sign of any ships of the infidels in those waters. The troops therefore embarked and we started
for Egypt.
On the first of Shawal we left the harhor of Basra, accompanied, as far as Ormuz, by the frigate of Sherifi Pasha.
We visited on the way from Mehzari the grave of Khidr, and proceeding along the coast of Duspul (Dizful), and
Shushter in Charik, I made pilgrimages to the graves of Imam Mohammed, Hanifi, and other saints.
From the harbor in the province of Shiraz we visited Rishehr (Bushir) and after reconnoitering the coasts
and unable to get any clue as to the whereabouts of the enemy by means of the Tshekleva? I proceeded to Katif,
situated near Lahsa 2 and Hadjar on the Arabian coast. Unable to learn anything there, I went on to Bahrein,
where I interviewed the commander of the place, Reis Murad. But neither could he give me any information
about the fleet of the infidels. There is a curious cuetom at Bahrein. The sailors, provided with a leather sack,
dive down into the sea and bring the fresh water from the bottom for Reis Murad’s use. This water is particularly
pleasant and cold in the spring time, and Reis Murad gave me some. God’s power is boundless! This custom is
the origin of the proverb: “Maradj ul bahreia jaltakian,” and hence also the name.” Bahrein.”
The Ottoman Habsburg Struggle and European Overseas Expansion, 1450-1600 17
Next we came to Kis, i.e., old Ormuz, and Barhata, and several other small islands in the Green Sea, i.e., the
waters of Ormuz, but nowhere could we get any news of the fleet. So we dismissed the vessel, which Mustafa
Pasha had sent as an escort, with the message that Ormuz was safely passed. We proceeded by the coasts of
Djilgar and Djadi, past the towns of Keimzar or Leime, and forty days after our departure, i.e., on the tenth of
Ramazan, in the forenoon, we suddenly saw coming toward us the Christian fleet, consisting of four large ships,
three galleons, six Portuguese guard ships, and twelve galleys (Kalita), 25 vessels in all. I immediately ordered
the canopy to be taken down, the anchor weighed, the guns put in readiness, and then, trusting to the help of
the Almighty, we fastened the filandra to the mainmast, the flags were unfurled, and, full of courage and calling
upon Allah, we commenced to fight. The volley from the guns and cannon was tremendous, and with God’s help
we sank and utterly destroyed one of the enemy’s galleons.
Never before within the annals of history has such a battle been fought, and words fail me to describe it.
The battle continued till sunset, and only then the Admiral of the infidel fleet began to show some signs of
fear. He ordered the signal-gun to fire a retreat, and the fleet turned in the direction of Ormuz.
With the help of Allah, and under the lucky star of the Padishah, the enemies of Islam had been defeated.
Night came at last; we were becalmed for awhile, then the wind rose, the sails were set and as the shore was
near. . . until daybreak. The next day we continued our previous course. On the day after we passed Khorfa-
kan, where we took in water, and soon after reached Oman, or rather Sohar. Thus we cruised about for nearly
17 days. When on the sixth of ‘Riimazan, i.e., the day of Kadr-Ghedjesi, a night in the month of Ramazan, we
arrived in the vicinity of Maskat and Kalhat, we saw in the morning, issuing from the harbor of Maskat, 12 large
boats and 22 gurabs, 32 vessels in all, commanded by Captain Kuya, the son of the Governor. They carried a
large number of troops.
The boats and galleons obscured the horizon with their mizzen sails {Magistra) and Peneta (small sails) all
set; the guard-ships spread their round sails iChember-yelken), and, gay with bunting, they advanced toward
us. Full of confidence in God’s protection we awaited them. Their boats attacked our galleys; the battle raged,
cannon and guns, arrows and swords made terrible slaughter on both sides. The Badjoa lush lea penetrated the
boats and the Shaikas and tore large holes in their hulls, while our galleys were riddled through by the javelins
(Darda) thrown down upon us from the enemy’s turrets, which gave them the appearance of bristling porcu¬
pines; and they showered down upon us. . . .The stones which they threw at us created quite a whirlpool as
they fell into the sea.
One of our galleys was set on fire by a bomb, but strange to say the boat from which it issued shared the
like fate. God is merciful! Five of our galleys and as many of the enemy’s boats were sunk and utterly wrecked,
one of theirs went to the bottom with all sails set. In a word, there was great loss on both sides; our rowers were
now insufficient in number to manage the oars, while running against the current, and to fire the cannon. We
were compelled to drop anchor (at the stern) and to continue to fight as best we might. The boats had also to
be abandoned.
Alemshah Reis, Kara Mustafa, and Kalfat Memi, captains of some of the foundered ships, and Derzi Mustafa
Bey, the Serdar of the volunteers, with the remainder of the Egyptian soldiers and 200 carpenters, had landed
on the Arabian shore, and as the rowers were Arabs they had been hospitably treated by the Arabs of Nedjd.
The ships (gurabs) of the infidel fleet had likewise taken on board the crews of their sunken vessels, and as
there were Arabs amongst them, they also had found shelter on the Arabian coast. God is our witness. Even in
the war between Khaiveddin Pasha and Andreas Doria no such naval action as this has ever taken place.
When night came, and we were approaching the bay of Ormuz, the wind began to rise. The boats had
already cast two Lenguvurta, i.e., large anchors, the Lushtas were tightly secured, and, towing the conquered
i8 Chapter i6
gurabs along, we neared the shore while the galleys, dragging their anchors, followed. However, we were not
allowed to touch the shore, and had to set sail again. During that night we drifted away from the Arabian coast
into the open sea, and finally reached the coasts of Djash, in the province of Kerman. This is a long coast, but
we could find no harbor, and we roamed about for two days before we came to Kichi Mekran.
As the evening was far advanced we could not land immediately, but had to spend another night at sea. In
the morning a dry wind carried off many of the crew, and at last, after unheard-of troubles and difficulties, we
Few figures in world history illustrate the clash of civilizations more dramatically than Christopher Columbus
(1451-1506), the Itahan-born explorer, whose voyage to the Americas ushered in an age of exploration, conquest,
trade, and colonization. The story of Columbus’s voyages is often portrayed as a catalyst to the expansion of Euro¬
pean trade, political might, and the “Columbian Exchange” of biological material that ultimately claimed the life
of millions of Native Americans. However, Columbus’s first voyage was also characterized by hardened determi¬
nation, willingness to risk great loss, and an insatiable curiosity. The following except from Columbus’ journal is
taken from the day his crew first spotted the Caribbean islands. It was not until subsequent voyages that Columbus
realized he encountered vast continents and the indigenous populations were not natives of the Indian subconti¬
nent.
Source: E. G. Bourne, ed., The Northmen, Columbus and Cabot {New York, 1906).
Wednesday, 10 October. Steered west-southwest and sailed at times ten miles an hour, at others twelve, and
at others, seven; day and night made fifty-nine leagues’ progress; reckoned to the crew but forty-four. Here the
men lost all patience, and complained of the length of the voyage, but the Admiral encouraged them in the best
manner he could, representing the profits they were about to acquire, and adding that it was to no purpose to
The Ottoman Habsburg Struggle and European Overseas Expansion, 1450-1600 19
complain, having come so far, they had nothing to do but continue on to the Indies, till with the help of our Lord,
they should arrive there.
Thursday, 11 October. Steered west-southwest; and encountered a heavier sea than they had met with
before in the whole voyage. Saw pardelas and a green rush near the vessel. The crew of the Pinta saw a cane
and a log; they also picked up a stick which appeared to have been carved with an iron tool, a piece of cane, a
plant which grows on land, and a board. The crew of the Nina saw other signs of land, and a stalk loaded with
rose berries. These signs encouraged them, and they all grew cheerful. Sailed this day till sunset, twenty-seven
leagues.
After sunset steered their original course west and sailed twelve miles an hour till two hours after midnight,
going ninety miles, which are twenty-two leagues and a half; and as the Pinta was the swiftest sailer, and kept
ahead of the Admiral, she discovered land and made the signals which had been ordered. The land was first
seen by a sailor called Rodrigo de Triana, although the Admiral at ten o’clock that evening standing on the
quarter-deck saw a light, but so small a body that he could not affirm it to be land .... At two o’clock in the
morning the land was discovered, at two leagues’ distance; they took in sail and remained under the square-sail
lying to till day, which was Friday, when they found themselves near a small island, one of the Lucayos, called in
the Indian language Guanahani. Presently they described people, naked, and the Admiral landed in the boat,
which was armed, along with Martin Alonzo Pinzon, and Vincent Yanez his brother, captain of the Nina. The
Admiral bore the royal standard, and the two captains each a banner of the Green Cross, which all the ships
had carried; this contained the initials of the names of the King and Queen each side of the cross, and a crown
over each letter Arrived on shore, they saw trees very green many streams of water, and diverse sorts of fruits.
The Admiral called upon the two Captains, and the rest of the crew who landed, as also to Rodrigo de Escovedo
notary of the fleet, and Rodrigo Sanchez, of Segovia, to bear witness that he before all others took possession
(as in fact he did) of that island for the King and Queen his sovereigns, making the requisite declarations, which
are more at large set down here in writing. Numbers of the people of the island straightway collected together.
Here follow the precise words of the Admiral: “As I saw that they were very friendly to us, and perceived that
they could be much more easily converted to our holy faith by gentle means than by force, I presented them
with some red caps, and strings of beads to wear upon the neck, and many other trifles of small value, where¬
with they were much delighted, and became wonderfully attached to us. Afterwards they came swimming to
the boats, bringing parrots, balls of cotton thread, javelins, and many other things which they exchanged for
articles we gave them, such as glass beads, and hawk’s bells; which trade was carried on with the utmost good
will. But they seemed on the whole to me, to be a very poor people. They all go completely naked, even the
F rom 1450 to 1700 Europeans experienced significant changes, due in part to developments such as the Re¬
naissance, Reformation, and the progression of science. All aspects of European society changed from politics
and religion to the emergence of new forms of economic life. While many aspects of European cultured continued
unchanged, others were irrevocably altered due to the rise of capitalism, and the emergence of the modern fiscal-
military state.
The Renaissance spanned from the end of the fourteenth century to the end of the sixteenth century and em¬
phasized renewed interest in antiquity. The term “humanism” is often used to describe Renaissance education,
which focused on self-fulfillment, philosophy, and the study of previously lost works from antiquity. The Renais¬
sance was both a progenitor and a consequence of new developments in the sciences and the Protestant Reforma¬
tion.
For centuries, the Catholic Church remained unchallenged in Western Europe, which allowed it to gain a sig¬
nificant amount of power. By the late Middle Ages the use of empirical evidence and reason had replaced faith as
an avenue to learning. Men such as Martin Luther (1483-1546) and John Calvin (1509-1564), who disagreed with
the theological tenets and practices of the Catholic Church, pressed their challenges and gained a large public fol¬
lowing that lead to the Protestant Reformation. Consequently, the Catholic Church lost many of its followers and
much of its power and authority over Western Europe.
During the Scientific Revolution, the development of new theories and knowledge of subjects such as phys¬
ics, medicine, and biology transformed medieval thought and paved the way for future scientists. Knowledge and
reason replaced superstitions and speculative theories about the natural world. Early sciences based on description
were replaced with sciences based on mathematics. The works of scientists such as Galileo (1564-1642), Newton
(1642-1727), and Leeuwenhoek (1632-1723) spurred European intellectuals and political leaders to champion
the sciences as a means to further social, political, and economic progress. The Scientific Revolution focused intel¬
lectual and popular attention on empirical evidence rather than abstract theories. Techniques such as the scientific
method, a system of investigation used to empirically retrieve scientific evidence, promised to scientists a way to
question theories without prejudice and bias towards the experiment.
The sources that follow explore the evolving aspects of society during this period. With the Renaissance, Eu¬
ropeans focused on antiquity as well as the revival of subjects and works by previous philosophers and scientists.
They reconstructed the old in order to move on to the new. During the Protestant Reformation, western Christi¬
anity underwent a schism. Northern Europe mostly embraced Protestantism, while southern Europe mostly re¬
mained loyal to Rome. This religious change adjusted the balance of power throughout Europe and the cultural
unity formerly provided by Catholicism.
Renaissance, Reformation, and New Science in Europe, 1450-1700 21
Marsilio Ficino (1433-1499) received a Renaissance education steeped in classical languages and philosophy that
fostered a deep appreciation for humanism and antiquity. The first person to translate into Latin all of the works of
the ancient Greek philosopher, Plato (423-347 BCE), Ficino also witnessed and wrote about the changes that took
place in European art and culture. Ficino wrote a letter to Paul of Middelburg (1436-1534), a Dutch scientist and
bishop of Fossombrone, explaining how a golden age” was upon them. He wrote to Paul not only to demonstrate
his knowledge of writing Latin, but also to explain a “breakthrough” in the arts. “Humanism” is a modern term used
to describe Renaissance education, whereby the means of achieving self-fulfillment and virtue are stressed through
the study of the classical literature, history, and languages. In the source below, Ficino argues that the Renaissance
was a rediscovery of antiquity. In addition to mentioning Plato, he also discusses Federigo, Duke of Urbino (1422-
1482) also known as Federico da Montefeltro), a condottieri (Italian mercenary) who popularized the importance
of Renaissance education.
Source: The Renaissance, edited by Alison Brown. (London: Longman, 1999), 69.
Our Plato in The yPepuMc transferred the four ages of lead, iron, silver and gold described by poets long ago to
types of men, according to their intelligence ... So if we are to call any age golden, it must certainly be our age
which has produced such a wealth of golden intellects. Evidence of this is provided by the inventions of this age.
For this century, like a golden age, has restored to light the liberal arts that were almost extinct; grammar, poetry,
oratory, painting, sculpture, architecture, music, the ancient singing of songs to the Orphic lyre, and all this in
Florence. The two gifts venerated by the ancients but almost totally forgotten since have been reunited in our
age: wisdom with eloquence and prudence with the military art. The most striking example of this is Federigo,
Duke of Urbino ... and you too, my dear Paul, who seem to have perfected astronomy - and Florence, where
Platonic teaching has been recalled from darkness into light. In Germany in our times have been invented the
instruments for printing books: and, not to mention the Florentine machine which shows the daily motions of
the heavens, tables have been invented which, so to speak, reveal the entire face of the sky for a whole century
in one hour.
Laura Cereta (1469-1499) was born into a wealthy family and lived in Brescia, Italy, where she received a Re¬
naissance education and became a humanist. Modern scholars identify Cereta as a feminist because her writings
stressed the education and training of women beyond what was widely acceptable for her time. She wrote a letter
to Cardinal Ascanio Maria Sforza explaining her education, love for reading and writing, and the trials she faced
as an aspiring female author, which she published as part of a larger volume in 1488. Cereta sought advice from a
respected church official on what to do about the negative treatment she would receive if she were to continue writ-
22 Chapter 17
ing. However opinionated her letter may be, it reveals the different educational expectations for men and women
Source; Cereta, Laura. Collected Letters of a Renaissance Feminist, translated and edited by Diana Robin. (Chicago: University of
John Calvin (1509-1564) was the principle leader of the Protestant Reformation in the non-German speaking
areas of Western Europe, particularly France, Switzerland, and the Low Countries. While much of his influence
Renaissance, Reformation, and New Science in Europe, 1450-1700 23
depended upon his role as a pastor in Geneva (1541-1564), Calvin also authored several works, in which he trans¬
lated and provided commentary on several books of the Bible. Among his works is the Commentary on Hosea,
which is divided into chapters, lectures, and prayers. Below are three of his prayers from Commentary on Hosea,
each offering summations of his interpretations of key portions of the book. Calvin argues in his Commentary that
the people of Israel chose to worship other gods and idols, and God chose Hosea to lead the people toward the path
of redemption. There were several key doctrinal differences between Calvin and Roman Catholicism, particularly
election, faith as a gift from God rather than a human means of meriting grace and salvation, and the continued
perseverance of all believers through a process of sanctification. In chapter 1, prayer lecture 3, Calvin mentions
the Babylonian exile (586-538 BCE), which was the forced exile of Jews to Babylon (present day Iraq) by King
Nebuchadnezzar II (634-562 BCE), the king of Babylon.
Source: Calvin, John. Commentary on /-/osea.Translated by John Owen (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Christian Classics Ethereal Library,
1816).
Grant, Almighty God, that as we were from our beginning lost, when thou wert pleased to extend to us thy hand,
and to restore us to salvation for the sake of thy Son; and that as we continue even daily to run headlong to our
own ruin, — 0 grant that we may not, by sinning so often, so provoke at length thy displeasure as to cause thee
to take away from us the mercy which thou hast hitherto exercised towards us, and through which thou hast
adopted us: but by thy Spirit destroy the wickedness of our heart, and restore us to a sound mind, that we may
ever cleave to thee with a true and sincere heart, that being fortified by thy defence [defense], we may continue
safe even amidst all kinds of danger, until at length thou gatherest [gathers] us into that blessed rest, which has
been prepared for us in heaven by our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen.
Grant, Almighty God, that as we have not only been redeemed from Babylonian exile, but have also emerged
from hell itself; for when we were the children of wrath thou didst freely adopt us, and when we were aliens,
thou didst in thine [your] infinite goodness open to us the gate of thy kingdom, that we might be made thy heirs
through the Son, 0 grant that we may walk circumspectly before thee, and submit ourselves wholly to thee and
to thy Christ, and not feign to be his members, but really prove ourselves to be his body, and to be so governed
by his Spirit, that thou mayest [may] at last gather us together into thy celestial kingdom, to which thou daily
invitest [invite] us by the same Christ our Lord. Amen.
Grant, Almighty God, that as thou hast not only of late adopted us as thy children, but before we were born,
and as thou hast been pleased to sign us, as soon as we came forth from our mother’s womb, with the symbol of
that holy redemption, which has been obtained for us by the blood of thy only begotten Son, though we have by
our ingratitude renounced so great a benefit, — 0 grant, that being mindful of our defection and unfaithfulness,
of which eve are all guilty, and for which thou hast justly rejected us, we may now with true humility and obedi¬
ence of faith embrace the grace of thy gospel now again offered to us, by which thou reconciles thyself to us; and
grant that we may steadfastly persevere in pure faith, so as never to turn aside from the true obedience of faith,
but to advance more and more in the knowledge of thy mercy, that having strong and deep roots, and being firmly
grounded in the confidence of sure faith, we may never fall away from the true worship of thee, until thou at length
receives us in to that eternal kingdom, which has been procured for us by the blood of thy only Son. Amen.
174 Galileo Galilei. Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems
Galileo Galilei (1564-1642) is most well-known for his scientific arguments on the theory of motion, his discov¬
eries in astronomy, and his improvements of the telescope. Due to his influence upon early scientific thought,
historians and scientists often refer to him as “the Father of Modern Science.” To promote his concerns about the
development of the sciences, he wrote Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems in 1632. The book’s story
occurs over four days in which three philosophers named Salvati, Sagredo, and Simplicio argue about the accuracy
of the Ptolemaic theory, the belief that the universe revolves around the earth, and the Copernican theory, the
theory that the universe revolves around the sun. The Ptolemaic theory originated in the ancient world and con¬
tinued to hold sway until the Middle Ages, when new theories surfaced to explain its aberrations and inconsisten¬
cies. With advances in astronomy made possible by improvements made to the telescope, the Copernican theory
gained increased credibility as it more accurately predicted astronomical occurrences. Salvati, who is supposed to
represent Galileo, argues for the diurnal motion of the earth (the daily motion of objects across the sky due to the
earth’s rotation) and for the Copernican scientific theory. Gahleo wrote Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World
Systems because he believed that Copernicus’s theories had been wrongfully accused as heretical by the Catholic
Church, and he wished to contribute his own thoughts on the solar system.
Source: Galilei, Galileo. Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems, translated by Stillman Drake (Berkeley; University of
California Press, 1953) 71-2.
SALV. It is obvious, then, that motion which is common to many moving things is idle and inconsequential to
the relation of these movables among themselves, nothing being changed among them, and that it is operative
only in the relation that they have with other bodies lacking that motion, among which their location is changed.
Now, having divided the universe into two parts, one of which in necessarily movable and the other motionless,
it is the same thing to make the earth alone move, and to move all the rest of the universe, so far as concerns
any result which may depend upon such movement. For the action of such movement is only in the relation
between celestial bodies and the earth, which relation alone is changed. Now if precisely the same effect follows
whether the earth is made to move and the rest of the universe lay still, or the earth alone remains fixed while
the whole universe shares one motion, who is going to believe that nature (which by general agreement does not
act by means of many things when it can do so by means of few) has chosen to make an immense number of
extremely large bodies move with inconceivable velocities, to achieve what could have been done by a moderate
movement of one single body around its own center?
SALV. Every one of these variations which you recite to me is nothing except in relation to the earth. To see
that this is true, remove the earth; nothing remains in the universe of rising and setting of the sun and moon,
nor of horizons and meridians, nor day and night, and in a word from this movement there will never originate
any changes in the moon or sun or any stars you please, fixed or moving. All these changes are in relation to the
earth, all of them meaning nothing except that the sun shows itself now over China, then to Persia, afterward
to Egypt, to Greece, to Erance, to Spain, to America, etc. And the same holds for the moon and the rest of the
Renaissance, Reformation, and New Science in Europe, 1450-1700 25
heavenly bodies, this effect taking place in exactly the same way if, without embroiling the biggest part of the
universe, the terrestrial globe is made to revolve upon itself.
And let us redouble the difficulty with another very great one, which is this. If this great motion is attributed
to the heavens, it has to be made in the opposite direction from the specific motion of all the planetary orbs, of
which each one is incontrovertibly has its own motion from west to east, this being very gentile and moderate,
and must then be made to rush the other way; that is, from east to west, with this very rapid diurnal motion.
Whereas by making the earth itself move, the contrariety of motions is removed, and the single motion from west
east accommodates all the observations and satisfies them all completely.
Antony van Leeuwenhoek (1632-1723) was a Dutch scientist who made improvements to the microscope and
was the first person to see living bacteria. Leeuwenhoek made over five hundred microscopic lenses throughout
the course his lifetime. In 1683, he wrote a letter to the Royal Society of London for Improving Natural Knowledge
(the Royal Society) stating that he had discovered living animalcules (bacteria) in the plaque between his teeth.
Leeuwenhoek’s discovery led him to find many other types of bacteria and lead modern scientists to refer to him
as “The Father of Microbiology.”
Source: Leeuwenhoek, Antony van. “Letter 39: 17 September, 1683.” In Antony van Leeuwenhoek and His "Little Animals,"trans-
lated and edited by Clifford Dobell (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1960), 241-42.
While I was talking to an old man (who leads a sober life, and never drinks brandy or tobacco, and very seldom
any wine), my eye fell upon his teeth, which were all coated over; so I asked him when he had last cleaned
his mouth? And I got for answer that he’d never washed his mouth in all his life. So I took some spittle out of
his mouth and examined it; but I could find in it nought but what I had found in my own and other people’s.
I also took some of the matter that was lodged between and against his teeth, and mixing it with his own spit,
and also with fair water (in which there was no animalcules), I found an unbelievably great company of living
animalcules, a-swimming more nimbly than any I had ever seen up to this time.
Moreover, the other animalcules were in such enormous numbers, that all the water (notwithstanding only a
very little of the matter taken from between the teeth was mingled with it) seemed to be alive. The long particles
too, as before described, were also in great plenty.
I have also taken the spittle, and the white matter that was lodged upon and betwixt the teeth, from an old
man who makes a practice of drinking brandy every morning, and wine and tobacco in the afternoon; wonder¬
ing whether the animalcules, with such continual boozing, could even remain alive. I judged that this man, be¬
cause his teeth were so uncommon foul, never washed his mouth. So I asked him, and got for answer. Never
26 Chapter 17
in my life with water, but it gets a good swill with wine or brandy every day.” Yet I couldn’t find anything beyond
the ordinary in his spittle. 1 also mixed his spit with the stuff that coated his front teeth, but could make out
nothing in it save very few of the least sort of living animalcules hereinbefore described time and again. But in
the stuff 1 had hauled out from between his front teeth (for the old chap hadn’t a back tooth in his head), I made
out many more little animalcules, comprising two of the littlest sort.
The first telescopic drawings of the Moon were made by Galileo in 1610. using simple geometry he showed the
Moon to be a solid body pitted with craters and dissected by mountains, llus led him to later argue that the Earth
was not unique.
^ ft « II < T.' V n It ff « As
Source: Polnoe sobranie zakonov rossikoi imperii, Vol. VI, No. 11, 1715
yourself with want of natural parts and strength of body, as if God had not given you a sufficient share of either:
and though your constitution is none of the strongest, yet it cannot be said that it is altogether weak.
But you even will not so much as hear warlike exercises mentioned; though it is by them that we broke
through that obscurity in which we were involved, and that we made ourselves known to nations, whose esteem
we share at present, i do not exhort you to make war without lawful reasons: I only desire you to apply yourself
to learn the art of it: for it is impossible well to govern without knowing the rules and discipline of it, was it for no
other end than for the defense of the country.
I could place before your eyes many instances of what I am proposing to you. I will only mention to you the
Greeks, with whom we are united by the same profession of faith. What occasioned their decay but that they
neglected arms? Idleness and repose weakened them, made them submit to tyrants, and brought them to that
slavery to which they are now so long since reduced. You mistake, if you think it is enough for a prince to have
good generals to act under his order. Everyone looks upon the head; they study his inclinations and conform
themselves to them: all the world owns this. My brother during his reign loved magnificence in dress, and greaf
equipages of horses. The nation was not much inclined that way, but the prince’s delight soon became that of
his subjects. For they are inclined to imitate him in liking a thing as well as disliking it.
If the people so easily break themselves of things which only regard pleasure, will they not forget in time, or
will they not more easily give over the practice of arms, the exercise of which is the more painful to them, the
less they are kept to it?
You have no inclination to learn war. you do not apply yourself to it, and consequently you will never learn
it: And how then can you command others, and judge of the reward which those deserve who do their duty, or
punish others who fail of it? You will do nothing, nor judge of anything but by the eyes and help of ofhers. like a
young bird that holds up his bill to be fed.
You say that the weak state of your health will not permit you to undergo the fatigues of war: This is an ex¬
cuse which is no better than the rest. I desire no fatigues, but only inclination, which even sickness itself cannot
hinder. Ask those who remember the time of my brother. He was of a constitution weaker by far than yours. He
was not able to manage a horse of the least mettle, not could he hardly mount it: Yet he loved horses, hence it
came, that there never was, nor perhaps is there actually now in the nation a finer stable than his was.
By this you see that good success does not always depend on pain, but on the will.
If you think there are some, whose affairs do not fail of success, though they do not go to war themselves; it
is true: But if they do not go themselves, yet they have an inclination for it, and understand it.
For instance, the late King of France did not always take the field in person; buf it is known to what degree he
loved war, and what glorious exploits he performed in it, which made his campaigns to be called the theatre and
school of the world. His inclinations were not confined solely to military affairs, he also loved mechanics, manu¬
factures and other establishments, which rendered his kingdom more flourishing than any other whatsoever.
After having made to you all those remonstrances, I return to my former subject which regards you.
I am a man and consequently I must die. To whom shall I leave after me to finish what by the grace of God
I have begun, and to preserve what I have partly recovered? To a man, who like the slothful servant hides his
talent in the earth, that is to say, who neglects making the best of what God has entrusted to him?
Remember your obstinacy and ill-nature, how often I reproached you with it, and even chastised you for it,
and for how many years I almost have not spoke to you; but all this has availed nothing, has effected nothing. It
was but losing my time: it was striking the air. You do not make the least endeavors, and all your pleasure seems
to consist in staying idle and lazy at home: Things of which you ought to be ashamed (forasmuch as they make
you miserable) seem to make up your dearest delight, nor do you foresee the dangerous consequences of it for
Renaissance, Reformation, and New Science in Europe, 1450-1700 29
yourself and for the whole state. St. Paul has left us a great truth when he wrote; If a man know not how to rule
his own house, how shall he take of the church of God?
After having considered all those great inconveniences and reflected upon them, and seeing I cannot bring
you to good by any inducement, I have thought fit to give you in writing this act of my last will, with this resolu¬
tion however to wait still a little longer before I put it in execution to see if you will mend. If not, I will have you to
know that I will deprive you of the succession, as one may cut off a useless member.
Do not fancy, that, because I have no other child but you, I only write this to terrify you. 1 will certainly put it in
execution, if it please God; for whereas I do not spare my own life for my country and the welfare of my people,
why should 1 spare you who do not render yourself worthy of either? 1 would rather choose to transmit them to
a worthy stranger, than to my own unworthy son.
Peter
T he economic impetus to gain control of the lucrative trade with Asia spurred Europeans to venture out into
the Atlantic. The resulting explorations helped to create networks that spanned the globe. And what would
become known as the Colombian Exchange would alter the course of natural evolution.
The Spanish—with a combination of advanced technology, ruthless diplomacy, and luck—conquered the two
largest empires in the New World. Their conquest of the Aztecs and the Incas greatly enriched Spain and injected
large amounts of silver into the global economy. The Portuguese would also amass an equally large colonial empire
by conquering many disparate tribes and establishing sugar plantations and trading posts.
Less successfully, the English, Dutch, and French also sought to establish colonial empires in the sixteenth cen¬
tury. Colonies were often established to escape political persecution at home but also satisfy the demand for more
land. After a halting start, trade in furs, tobacco, and other commodities led to rapid expansion and the displace¬
ment of the land’s original occupants.
By the seventeenth century, most major European powers had colonial claims in the New World. The native
peoples who had developed complex agriculture, religion, and societies were decimated by cross currents of the
ensuing ecological exchange. The benefits of the ecological exchange that took place are debated to this day. The
cataclysms that began as a search for alternate trade routes would eventually lead European kingdoms to establish
a permanent presence across the globe.
18.1 Aztecs Recount the Beginning of the War with the Conquistadors
The Aztecs depended heavily upon religious devotion and ritual to maintain control over the diverse tribes of
their empire. Aspects of their religious devotion involved considerable violence, which generated fear as much
as piety. While Spanish conquistadors disliked much in Aztec culture, Aztec religion was the element they found
most repugnant. When the opportunity arose, the conquistadors took action against religious forms they deemed
demonic, and often murdered priests and those in authority. For their part, the Aztecs’ religious practices often
included violence levied against captured enemies and weaker tribes.
Source: From Miguel Leon Portilla, ed., The Broken Spears: The Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico {Boston-. Beacon Press,
1962).
New Patterns in New Worlds; Colonialism and Indigenous Responses in the Americas, 1500-1800 31
During this time, the people asked Motecuhzoma [Moctezuma or Montezuma] how they should celebrate
their god s fiesta. He said: “Dress him in all his finery, in all his sacred ornaments.”
During this same time. The Sun commanded that Motecuhzoma and Itzcohuatzin, the military chief of Tlate-
lolco, be made prisoners. The Spaniards hanged a chief from Acoihuacan named Nezahualquentzin. They also
murdered the king of Nauhtia, Cohualpopocatzin, by wounding him with arrows and then burning him alive.
For this reason, our warriors were on guard at the Eagle Gate. The sentries from Tenochtitlan stood at one
side of the gate, and the sentries from TIatelolco at the other. But messengers came to tell them to dress the
figure of Huitzilopochtli. They left their posts and went to dress him in his sacred finery: his ornaments and his
paper clothing.
When this had been done, the celebrants began to sing their songs. That is how they celebrated the first day
of the fiesta. On the second day they began to sing again, but without warning they were all put to death. The
dancers and singers were completely unarmed. They brought only their embroidered cloaks, their turquoises,
their lip plugs, their necklaces, their clusters of heron feathers, their trinkets made of deer hooves. Those who
played the drums, the old men, had brought their gourds of snuff and their timbrels.
The Spaniards attacked the musicians first, slashing at their hands and faces until they had killed all of
them. The singers-and even the spectators- were also killed. This slaughter in the Sacred Patio went on for three
hours. Then the Spaniards burst into the rooms of the temple to kill the others: those who were carrying water,
or bringing fodder for the horses, or grinding meal, or sweeping, or standing watch over this work.
The king Motecuhzoma, who was accompanied by Itzcohuatzin and by those who had brought food for the
Spaniards, protested: “Our lords, that is enough! What are you doing? These people are not carrying shields or
macanas. Our lords, they are completely unarmed!”
The Sun had treacherously murdered our people on the twentieth day after the captain left for the coast. We
allowed the Captain to return to the city in peace. But on the following day we attacked him with all our might,
and that was the beginning of the war.
Hernando de Soto (c. 1497-1542) was a Spanish conquistador from the Spanish region of Extremadura. In 1539
he set out with roughly 600 men, plus horses, chattel, and equipment. The trip would last beyond De Soto’s death
in 1542. In the course of the three years, the expedition would traverse much of what would become the southeast¬
ern United States. De Soto’s relationship with the natives was cordial at best and often times fell far short of that.
He was not above using torture and violence to achieve his ends.
Source: Narratives of the Career of Hernando de Soto in the Conquest of Floria, as told by a Knight of Elvas and in a Relation by Luys
Hernandez de Biedma, factor of the fxped/ton.Edited with an Introduction by Edward Gaylord Bourne (New York: Allerton
Being in a new country, not very distant indeed from that where you are, still with some sea between, a thousand
years appear to me to have gone by since anything has been heard from you; and although I left some letters
written at Havana, to go off in three ways, it is indeed long since I have received one. However, since opportunity
offers by which I may send an account of what it is always my duty to give, I will relate what passes, and I believe
will be welcome to persons I know favourably, and are earnest for my success.
I took my departure from Havana with all my armament on Sunday, the XVIIIth of May, although I wrote that
I should leave on the XXVth of the month. I anticipated the day, not to lose a favourable wind, which changed,
nevertheless, for calms, upon our getting into the Gulf; still these were not so continuous as to prevent our
casting anchor on this coast, as we did at the end of eight days, which was on Sunday, the festival of Espiritu
Santo.
Having fallen four or five leagues below the port, without any one of my pilots being able to tell where we
were, it became necessary that I should go in the brigantines and look for it. In doing so, and in entering the
mouth of the port, we were detained three days; and likewise because we had no knowledge of the passage a
bay that runs up a dozen leagues or more from the sea we were so long delayed that I was obliged to send my
Lieutenant-General, Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa, in the brigantines, to take possession of a town at the end of
the bay. I ordered all the men and horses to be landed on a beach, whence, with great difficulty, we went on
Trinity Sunday to join Vasco Porcallo. The Indians of the coast, because of some fears of us, have abandoned
all the country, so that for thirty leagues not a man of them has halted.
At my arrival here I received news of there being a Christian in the possession of a Cacique, and I sent Bal-
tazar de Gallegos, with XL men of the horse, and as many of the foot, to endeavour to get him. He found the
man a day’s journey from this place, with eight or ten Indians, whom he brought into my power. We rejoiced no
little over him, for he speaks the language; and although he had forgotten his own, it directly returned to him.
His name is Juan Ortiz, an hidalgo, native of Sevilla.
In consequence of this occurrence, I went myself for the Cacique, and came back with him in peace. 1 then
sent Baltazar de Gallegos, with eighty lancers, and a hundred foot-soldiers, to enter the country. He has found
fields of maize, beans, and pumpkins, with other fruits, and provision in such quantity as would suffice to sub¬
sist a very large army without its knowing a want. Having been allowed, without interruption, to reach the town of
a cacique named Urripacoxit, master of the one we are in, also of many other towns, some Indians were sent to
him to treat for peace. This, he writes, having been accomplished, the Cacique failed to keep certain promises,
whereupon he seized about 18 persons, among whom are some of the principal men; for in this way, it appears
to him, he can best secure a performance. Among those he detains are some old men of authority, as great as
can be among such people, who have information of the country farther on. They say that three days’ journey
from where they are, going by some towns and huts, all well inhabited, and having many maize-fields, is a large
town called Acuera, where with much convenience we might winter; and that afterwards, farther on, at the dis¬
tance of two days’ journey, there is another town, called Ocale. It is so large, and they so extol it, that I dare not
repeat all that is said. There is to be found in it a great plenty of all the things mentioned; and fowls, a multitude
of turkeys, kept in pens, and herds of tame deer that are tended. What this means I do not understand, unless
it be the cattle, of which we brought the knowledge with us. They say there are many trades among that people,
and much intercourse, an abundance of gold and silver, and many pearls. May it please God that this may be
SO; for of what these Indians say I believe nothing but what I see, and must well see; although they know, and
have it for a saying, that if they lie to me it will cost them their lives. This interpreter puts a new life into us, in
affording the means of our understanding these people, for without him
I know not what would become of us. Glory be to God, who by His goodness has directed all, so that it ap¬
pears as if He had taken this enterprise in His especial keeping, that it may be for His service, as I have sup¬
plicated, and do dedicate it to Him.
I sent eighty soldiers by sea in boats, and my General by land with 40 horsemen, to fall upon a throng of
some thousand Indians, or more, whom Juan de Anasco had discovered. The General got back last night, and
states that they fled from him; and although he pursued them, they could not be overtaken, for the many ob¬
structions in the way. On our coming together we will march to join Baltazar de Gallegos, that we may go thence
to pass the winter at the Ocale, where, if what is said to be true, we shall have nothing to desire. Heaven be
pleased that something may come of this that shall be for the service of our Divine Master, and whereby I may
be enabled to serve Your Worships, and each of you, as I desire, and is your due.
Notwithstanding my continual occupation here, I am not forgetful of the love I owe to objects at a distance;
and since I may not be there in person, I believe that where you. Gentlemen, are, there is little in which my pres¬
ence can be necessary. This duty weighs upon me more than every other, and for the attentions you will bestow,
as befits your goodness, I shall be under great obligations. I enjoin it upon you, to make the utmost exertions to
maintain the repose and well-being of the public, with the proper administration of justice, always reposing in
the Licentiate, that every thing may be so done in accordance with law, that God and the King may be served,
myself gratified, and every one be content and pleased with the performance of his trust, in such a manner as
you. Gentlemen, have ever considered for my honor, not less than your own, although I still feel that I have the
weight thereof, and bear the responsibility.
As respects the bastion which I left begun, if laboring on it have been neglected, or perhaps discontinued,
with the idea that the fabric is not now needed, you. Gentlemen, will favor me by having it finished, since every
day brings change ; and although no occasion should arise for its employment, the erection is provident for
the well-being and safety of the town: an act that will yield me increased satisfaction, through your very noble
personages.
That our Lord may guard and increase your prosperity is my wish and your deserving.
In this town and Port of Espiritu Santo, in the Province of Florida, July the IX., in the year 1539.
The servant of you, Gentlemen,
EL ADELANTADO DON HERNANDO DE SOTO.
accomplished all three goals, but not to the extent Spanish leaders and investors hoped. While episodes of intense
conflict and battles occurred during the exploration period, contact between Europeans and Native Americans
varied between violence and peaceful trade depending upon the tribe and the explorers. Francisco Vasquez de
Coronado (1510-1554), who traveled through southwestern North America between 1540 and 1542 searching
for the fabled “cities of gold,” effectively illustrates the conquistador outlook. His depiction of encounters with lo¬
cal tribes illustrates a common pattern of violence, but also shows how Europeans often remained dependent upon
natives for common necessities.
Coronado s description of Native American society and military tactics in southwestern North America shows
how Native Americans equaled the might of the Spanish, especially when the Spanish failed to gain the assistance
of native allies. Yet, their centralized states and economies could not repel Europeans and their Indian allies, who
were anxious to overthrow their imperial masters. Their inability to resist European encroachments caused some
Europeans to view Native Americans as backward, or at least primitive. Consequently, some Europeans believed
the New World was a wilderness, if not an Edenic paradise filled with vast resources and friendly natives.
Source: Winship, George Parker. The Journey of Coronado, 1540-1542, from the City of Mexico to the Grand Canyon of the Colo¬
rado and the Buffalo Plains of Texas, Kansas and Nebraska, as Told by Himself and His Followers (Allerton Book Company,
1922), 167-169.
their arrows. In obedience to the orders of Your Lordship and of the marquis, I did not wish my company, who
were begging me for permission, to attack them, telling them that they ought not to offend them, and that what
the enemy was doing was nothing, and that so few people ought not to be insulted. On the other hand, when
the Indians saw that we did not move, they took greater courage, and grew so bold that they came up almost
to the heels of our horses to shoot their arrows. On this account I saw that it was no longer time to hesitate, and
as the priests approved the action, I charged them. There was little to do, because they suddenly took to flight,
part running toward the city, which was near and well fortified, and others toward the plain, wherever chance led
them. Some Indians were killed, and others might have been slain if I could have allowed them to be pursued.
But I saw that there would be little advantage in this, because the Indians who were outside were few, and those
who had retired to the city were numerous, besides many who had remained there in the first place.
When Plymouth, Massachusetts was established in 1620, it became the third permanent colony to be established
in North America. As the settlements and populations along the coast grew, conflict between settlers and natives
increased in frequency and intensity. These conflicts finally expressed themselves in what became known as King
Philip s War. King Philip, sachem, or leader, of the Wampanoag tribe, led the fight against the Puritan settlers. The
war raged from the summer of 1675 until King Phillip s death in the summer of 1676. The description of King Phil¬
lip’s death is from Increase Mather (1639-1723), an influential Puritan preacher.
Source: From Increase Mather, A Brief History of the War with the Indian of New England (1676): An Online Electronic Text Edition.
Edited by Paul Royster, Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska-Lincoln Faculty Publications: accessed on Novembers,
2011 at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/libraryscience/31.
And in that very place where he first contrived and began his mischief, was he taken and destroyed, and there
was he (like as Agag was hewed in pieces before the Lord) cut into four quarters, and is now hanged up as a
monument of revenging Justice, his head being cut off and carried away to Plymouth, his Hands were brought
to Boston. So let all thine Enemies perish, 0 Lord.'When Philip thus slain, five of his men were killed with him,
one of which was his chief Captains son, being (as the Indians testify) that very Indian, who shot the first gun at
the English, when the War began. So that we may hope that the War in those parts will die with Philip.
Richard Hakluyt the Elder (c. 1553-1616) was one of the foremost geographers in early Elizabethan England. A
contemporary of Sir Humphrey Gilbert and Sir Walter Raleigh, Hakluyt encouraged Queen Elizabeth I and her
courtiers to support colonization efforts in the New World. England came late to the Western hemisphere, long
after the French and a full century after the Spanish. Considered the weakest economy in Western Europe, much
of England’s economy depended upon the continental wool trade. When that was closed to English merchants,
they sought support from the English crown for trade initiatives throughout the northern hemisphere, including
around the Baltic Sea and Russia. Hakluyt proposed to shift English attention to North America, where he insisted
the most lucrative trade would be found. His writings, which portrayed North America as a new Garden of Eden,
encouraged hundreds of people to migrate. They soon discovered the New World would not welcome them with
the warm chmate, friendly natives, and bountiful harvests that Hakluyt promised. Nonetheless, the Edenic and
agrarian imagery he used provided a rich tapestry for generations of British North Americans. Below are excerpts
from 31 reasons Hakluyt gave for colonizing North America.
Source: Richard Hakluyt, "Inducements to the Liking of the Voyage Intended towards Virginia” (1585).
11. In the voyage we are not to cross the burnt zone, nor to pass through frozen seas encumbered with ice
and fogs, but in temperate climate at all times of the year; and it requireth not, as the East Indies voyage doth,
the taking in of water in divers places, by reason that it is to be sailed in five or six weeks; and by the shortness
the merchant may yearly make two returns (a factory once being erected there), a matter in trade of great mo¬
ment. . . .
13. By this ordinary trade we may annoy the enemies to Ireland and succour the Queen’s Majesty’s friends
there, and in time we may from Virginia yield them whatsoever commodity, they now receive from the Spaniard;
and so the Spaniards shall want the ordinary victual that heretofore they received yearly from thence, and so
they shall not continue trade, nor fall so aptly in practice against this government as now by their trade thither
they may. . . .
15. The great plenty of’ buff hides and of many other sundry kinds of hides their now presently to be had,
the tirade of whale and seal fishing and of divers other fishing in the great rivers, great hays, and seas there,
shall presently defray the charge in good part or in all of the first enterprise, and so we shall be in better case
than our men were in Russia, where many years were spent and great sums of it sums of money consumed
before gain was found.
16. The great broad rivers of that main that we are to enter into, so many leagues navigable or portable Into
the mainland, lying so long a tract with so excellent and so fertile a soil on both sides, do seem to promise all
things that the life of man doth require and whatsoever men may wish may wish that are to plant upon the same
or to traffic in the same. . . .
20. Where there be many petty kings or lords planted on the rivers’ sides, and by all likelihood maintain the
frontiers of’ their several territories by wars, we may by the aid of this river join with this king here, or with that
king there, at our pleasure, and may so with a few men be revenged of any wrong offered by any of them; or
may, if we will proceed with extremity, conquer, fortify, and plant in soils most sweet, most fertile, in and in the
end bring them all in subjection and to civility.
21. The known abundance of fresh fish in the rivers, and the known plenty of fish on the sea-coast there,
may assure us of sufficient victual in spite of the people, if we will use salt and industry_
New Patterns in New Worlds: Colonialism and Indigenous Responses in the Americas, 1500-1800 37
27. Since great waste woods be there of oak, cedar, pine, walnuts, and sundry other sorts, many of our
waste people may be employed in making of ships, hoys, busses [types of ships], and boats, and in making of
rosin, pitch, and tar, the trees natural for the same being certainly known to be near Cape Breton and the Bay
of Menan, and in many other palaces thereabout. . . .
29. Sugar-canes may be planted as well as they are now in the South of Spain, and besides the employment
of our idle people, we may receive the commodity cheaper and not enrich the infidels or our doubtful friends,
of whom now we receive that commodity. . . .
31. This land that we propose to direct our course to, lying in part in the 4oth degree of latitude, being in
like heat as Lisbon in Portugal doth, and in the more southerly part, as the most southerly coast of Spain doth,
may by our diligence yield unto us, besides wines and oils and sugars, oranges, lemons, figs, raisins, almonds,
pomegranates, rice, raw silks such as come from Granada, and divers commodities for dyers, as anil and co¬
chineal, and sundry other colors and materials. Moreover, we shall not only receive many precious commodities
besides from thence, but also shall in time find ample vent of the labor of our poor people at home, by sale
of hats, bonnets, knives, fish-hooks, copper kettles, beads, looking-glasses, bugles, and a thousand kinds of
other wrought wares that in short time may be brought in use among the people of that country, to the great
relief of the multitude of our poor people and to the wonderful enriching of this realm. And in time, such league
and intercourse may arise between our stapling seats there, and other ports of our North America, and of the
islands of the same, that incredible things, and by few as yet undreamed of, may speedily follow, tending to the
impeachment of our mighty enemies and to the common good of this noble government.
T he great African kingdoms of Mali and Songhay illustrate important themes of global history on the eve of
the modern era. Few places in the world possessed such an abundance of natural resources, most notably
gold, and which beckoned European and Arab explorers and traders with the lure of material wealth. But just as
important, the metropolitan cities of sub-Saharan Africa, such as Timbuktu, Goa, and Jenno-Jeno served as cen¬
ters of learning that rivaled most universities in Europe, the Middle East and even Asia. In another sense, African
kingdoms exhibited significant changes in this period that showed global connections among world civilizations.
For example, the African slave trade transported Africans to Europe, the Middle East, India, and the Americas. As
a result, aspects of African culture were also transplanted to those areas.
The expansion of African kingdoms also explains why non-Africans were so interested in expanding their trad¬
ing relations with the continent. In particular, religion and natural resources account for most of the urge for ex¬
pansion and trade. Muslims moved into West Africa seeking new converts. Contact with Africans revealed the rich
natural resources of the continent. The African slave trade which had existed among African tribes for centuries,
rapidly expanded as Arabs moved deeper into the continent. European explorers, hoping to find vast treasure
troves of gold described by travelers, former slaves, and merchants, commenced setting up fortifications and trad¬
ing posts along the Atlantic coast. Unable to successfully gain a foothold to mine gold, Europeans, led first by the
Portuguese then the Dutch, established a lucrative slave trade. As depicted in source 19.4, European slave galleys
then transported Africans across the Atlantic in the dreaded Middle Passage to the Americas in one of the most
tragic events in human history.
The following sources provide first-hand accounts of African kingdoms, which sparked the imagination of both
European and Arab travelers. Several of the accounts come from Europeans caught up in the African slave trade.
Whether as slaves or masters, the accounts offer a glimpse of early modern African culture, its wealth, and social
organization. The sources also demonstrate the importance of religion, most notably Islam, to the development of
Africa’s most impressive empires.
Born El Hasan ben Muhammed el-Wazzan-ez-Zayyatil in Granada, Leo Africanus (ca. 1485-1554) and his Moor¬
ish family were expelled from the Iberian Peninsula by King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella. They settled in Mo¬
rocco, where he finished his studies before accompanying his uncle on diplomatic missions in north Africa, the
Ottoman Empire, Egypt, and Arabia. He was captured by Spanish pirates in 1518 and presented to Pope Leo X,
who recognized the young man’s incredible intellectual abilities and learned experiences. Baptized with the name
African Kingdoms, the Atlantic Slave Trade, and the Origins of Black America, 1450-1800 39
Johanniss Leo de Medici/’ he wrote a history and survey of Africa based on his travels. His description of Afri¬
can cities such as Timbuktu influenced countless generations of Europeans, whose knowledge of Africa remained
largely limited to Leo s writings. At the time he wrote his description, Timbuktu’s status as a center for learning and
trade was already in decline.
Source: Leo Africanus, History and Description of Africa, translated by John Pory (London: Hakluyt Society, 1896)
The houses of Timbuktu are huts made of clay-covered wattles with thatched roofs. In the center of the city is
a temple built of stone and mortar, built by an architect named Granata, and in addition there is a large palace,
constructed by the same architect, where the king lives. The shops of the artisans, the merchants, and espe¬
cially weavers of cotton cloth are very numerous. Fabrics are also imported from Europe to Timbuktu, borne by
Berber merchants.
The women of the city maintain the custom of veiling their faces, except for the slaves who sell all the food¬
stuffs. The inhabitants are very rich, especially the strangers who have settled in the country; so much so that
the current king has given two of his daughters in marriage to two brothers, both businessmen, on account of
their wealth. There are many wells containing sweet water in Timbuktu; and in addition, when the Niger is in
flood canals deliver the water to the city. Grain and animals are abundant, so that the consumption of milk and
butter is considerable. But salt is in very short supply because it is carried here from Tegaza, some 500 miles
from Timbuktu. I happened to be in this city at a time when a load of salt sold for eighty ducats. The king has a
rich treasure of coins and gold ingots. One of these ingots weighs 970 pounds.
The royal court is magnificent and very well organized. When the king goes from one city to another with the
people of his court, he rides a camel and the horses are led by hand by servants. If fighting becomes necessary,
the servants mount the camels and all the soldiers mount on horseback. . . . This king makes war only upon
neighboring enemies and upon those who do not want to pay him tribute. When he has gained a victory, he has
all of them—even the children—sold in the market at Timbuktu. .. .
The king is a declared enemy of the Jews. He will not allow any to live in the city. If he hears it said that a
Berber merchant frequents them or does business with them, he confiscates his goods. There are in Timbuktu
numerous judges, teachers and priests, ail properly appointed by the king. He greatly honors learning. Many
hand-written books imported from Barbary are also sold. There is more profit made from this commerce than
from all other merchandise.
Instead of coined money, pure gold nuggets are used; and for small purchases, cowrie shells which have
been carried from Persia, and of which 400 equal a ducat. Six and two-thirds of their ducats equal one Roman
gold ounce.
The people of Timbuktu are of a peaceful nature. They have a custom of almost continuously walking about
the city in the evening (except for those that sell gold), between 10 PM and 1 AM, playing musical instruments
and dancing. The citizens have at their service many slaves, both men and women.
Source: Riebeeck, Jan van. Journal of Jan van Riebeeck. Volume II, III, 1656-1662. Edited by H. B. Thom and translated by J.
Smuts. Cape Town: A.A. Balkema, 1954.
31 October 1657:
“The Commander [Jan van Riebeeck] spent the day entertaining the Saldanhars [a Khoikhoi tribe from the
interior] and questioning them about various things through the medium of a certain girl, aged 15 or 16, and by
us called Eva, who has been in the service of the Commander’s wife from the beginning and is now living here
permanently and is beginning to speak Dutch well.”
21 June 1658:
“Fine weather with N.W. breeze. The freeman Jan Reijnierssen came to complain early in the morning that
during the night all his male and female slaves had run away, taking with them 3 or 4 blankets, clothing, rice,
tobacco, etc. We thereupon called the new interpreter Doman, now called Anthony, who had returned from
Batavia with the Hon. Cuneus, and asked him why the Hottentots would not search for the runaway slaves, to
which he coolly replied that he did not know. The Commander, not trusting him, then called the interpreter Eva
alone into his office and privately asked her whether our blacks were not being harboured by the Hottentots. Cn
this she asked whether such was the Commander’s opinion, and being answered in the affirmative, she (speak¬
ing good Dutch) said these words, namely: "I tell you straight out, Mijnheer Van Riebeeck, Doman is no good.
He told the Hottentots everything that was said in Mijnheer’s room the day before yesterday. When I told him
that it was wrong to do so, he replied: ‘I am a Hottentot and not a Dutchman, but you, Eva, try to curry favour
with the Commander, etc.’” She added: “Mijnheer, I also believe that the Fat Captain of the Kaapmans harbours
the sieves.” Cn being asked what the chief would do with the slaves, Eva replied: “He will present them to the
Cochoquas to retain their friendship, and they in turn will deliver the slaves to the Hancumquas living far from
here and cultivating the soil in which they grow daccha [also dagga, of the cannabis family], a dry herb which
the Hottentots chew, which makes them drunk and which they highly esteem.”
26 January 1661:
"The interpreter Eva has remained behind to live in the Commander’s house again, laying aside her skins
and adopting once more the Indian way of dressing. She will resume her services as an interpreter. She seems
to have grown tired of her own people again; in these vacillations we let her follow her own will so that we may
get the better service from her. But she appears to have become already so accustomed to the Dutch diet and
way of life that she will never be able to give it up completely.
2. How did Krotoa use her privileged status as an interpreter to shape Dutch attitudes toward Africans?
3. How dependent did Krotoa become upon Dutch culture and the perceived advantages it help over her
African tribal ways of life?
The Arab, or Oriental slave trade, lasted until the twentieth century even though it followed a different pattern than
European slavery. Europeans mainly captured Africans to work as slaves on their plantations in the Americas. They
thus sought primarily young males. The Arab slave trade typically involved large numbers of women, who were
used either as wet nurses or sex slaves in the Middle East. Occasionally, large numbers of men were enslaved and
trained to be warriors. The sultan of Morocco, Moulay Ismail Ibn Sharif (ca. 1645-1727), was exceptional not only
in how he used African slaves but also in his excessive cruelty towards them. Unlike most enslaved warriors who
were used outside their native lands, Moulay s Abid al-Bukhari were used almost exclusively in their indigenous
territories. Thomas Fellow (b. 1704), an English sailor and occasional mercenary, was captured by Barbary pirates
in 1715 while still a cabin boy on an English ship and spent twenty years in Moulay s service. Like hundreds of
Europeans taken as part of the “Christian slave trade,” Fellow labored to build Moulay s palace. After he escaped
slavery, he published a sensational account of his ordeal.
Source: Thomas Pellow. The Adventures of Thomas Fellow, ofPenryn, Mariner. MacMillan and Co., 1890.
The manner of his [Moulay’s] eating did not differ from the ordinary Moors. His other travelling utensils were two
or three guns, a sword or two, and two lances, because one broke once as he was murdering. Both the swords
and lances were carried with their points upwards. These were all carried by lusty fellows; his boys carried short
Brazil sticks, knotted cords for whipping, a change of clothes to shift when bloody, and a hatchet, two of which
he took in a Portuguese ship, and the first time they were brought to him, killed a negro without any provoca¬
tion, to try if they were good.
Although the natives of his dominions are whites, yet they are not so much esteemed by him as the blacks
and the copper-colored, to whom he commits the guard of his person, and was so fond of their breed, that he
took care to mix them himself, by matching them to the best-complexioned of his female subjects."
Thus he took care to lay the foundation of his tawny nurseries, to supply his palace as he wanted, into
which they were admitted very young, are taught to worship and obey that successor of their Prophet, and be¬
ing nursed in blood from their infancy, become the executioners and ministers of their wrath, whose terrible
commands they put in execution with as much zeal and fury as if they had received them immediately from
Heaven. ... They were so ready to murder and destroy—even while young—that the Alcaydes trembled at the
very sight of them, and the Emperor seemed to take a great deal of pleasure, and placed much of his safety in
them, for they surrounded him almost wherever he was. They are of all ranks and degrees; some were the sons
of his chief Alcaydes, others picked up by chance, or taken from a large negro town joining to Mequinez, which
the Emperor had filled with families of blacks and tawnies for his use. If they were well looked and strong, they
needed no other quality; some who had relations that were able were fed, clothed, and lodged by them; others
who had not were lodged in the outskirts of the palace, in great rooms, where they pigged an hundred or two
together. They wore only a short and small coat without sleeves, which did not reach to their knees; their heads
were shaved and always exposed to the sun, for he affected to breed them hard. ...
42 Chapter 19
He beat them in the cruelest manner imaginable, to try if they were hard; sometimes you should see forty or
fifty of them all sprawling in their blood, none of them daring to rise till he left the place where they were lying,
and if they were discountenanced and out of heart at this usage, they were of a bastard breed, and must turn
out of his service. I never heard that he killed but three of them, one for a heinous crime, and two for hiding a
piece of bread
Source: Alexander Falconbridge, An Account of the Slave Trade on the Coast of Africa (London: 1788).
After permission has been obtained for breaking trade, as it is termed, the captains go ashore, from time to
time, to examine the negroes that are exposed to sale, and to make their purchases. The unhappy wretches
thus disposed of, are bought by the black traders at fairs, which are held for that purpose, at the distance of
upwards of two hundred miles from the sea coast; and these fairs are said to be supplied from an interior part
of the country. Many negroes, upon being questioned relative to the places of their nativity have asserted, that
they have travelled during the revolution of several moons, (their usual method of calculating time) before they
have reached the places where they were purchased by the black traders. At these fairs, which are held at
uncertain periods, but generally every six weeks, several thousands are frequently exposed to sale, who had
been collected from all parts of the country for a very considerable distance round. While I was upon the coast,
during one of the voyages I made, the black traders brought down, in different canoes, from twelve to fifteen
hundred negroes, which had been purchased at one fair. They consisted chiefly of men and boys, the women
seldom exceeding a third of the whole number. From forty to two hundred negroes are generally purchased
at a time by the black traders, according to the opulence of the buyer, and consist of those of all ages, from a
month, to sixty years and upwards. ] Scare any age or situation is deemed an exception, the price being pro¬
portionable. Women sometimes form a part of them, who happen to be so far advanced in their pregnancy,
as to be delivered during their journey from the fairs to the coast; and I have frequently seen instances of the
deliveries on board ship. The slaves purchased at these fairs are only for the supply of the markets at Bonny,
and Old and New Calabar.
There is great reason to believe, that most of the negroes shipped off from the coast of Africa, are kidnapped^
But the extreme care taken by the black traders to prevent the Europeans from gaining any intelligence of their
modes of proceeding; the great distance inland from whence the negroes are brought; and our ignorance of
their language, (with which, very frequently, the black traders themselves are equally unacquainted) prevent
our obtaining such information on this head as we could wish.,..
African Kingdoms, the Atlantic Slave Trade, and the Origins of Black America, 1450-1800 43
It frequently happens, that those who kidnap others, are themselves, in their turns, seized and sold. A
negroe in the West indies informed me, that after having been employed in kidnapping others, he had experi¬
enced this reverse. And he assured me, that it was a common incident among his countrymen.
Continual enmity is thus fostered among the negroes of Africa, and all social intercourse between them is
destroyed; which most assuredly would not be the case, had they not these opportunities of finding a ready sale
for each other....
19.5 Phillis Wheatly, “To the Right Honourable William, Earl of Dart¬
mouth...”
Phillis Wheatley was born in Senegal on the west coast of Africa in 1753. At the age of seven, she was captured,
enslaved, and shipped to America. Once there, she was purchased by the Wheatleys of Boston, Massachusetts, who
gave her an education that helped her develop her considerable intellectual gifts. At age thirteen, she published her
first book of poems. So many white people found it difficult to believe that a black woman could write sophisti¬
cated poetry, that Wheatley was forced to prove her abilities in court in 1772. After an exhaustive examination by
some of Bostons most famous men, the court concluded that she was, indeed, the author of the poems published
under her name. The Earl of Dartmouth, to whom Wheatley addressed the poem included below, helped with the
publication of her work in England.
Source: Phillis Wheatley, Poems on Various Subjects, Religious and Moral (London, 1773), 73-75.
Hail, happy day, when, smiling like the morn. Fair Freedom rose New-England to adorn; The northern clime
beneath her genial ray, Dartmouth, congratulates thy blissful sway: Elate with hope her race no longer Each
soul expands, each grateful bosom burns. While in thine hand with pleasure we behold The silken reins, and
Freedom’s charms unfold. Long lost to realms beneath the northern skies She shines supreme, while hated
faction dies; Soon as appear’d the Goddess long desir’d. Sick at the view, she languish’d and expir’d; Thus from
the splendors of the morning light The owl in sadness seeks the caves of night. No more, America, in mournful
strain Of wrongs, and grievance unredress’d complain. No longer shall thou dread the iron chain. Which wanton
Tyranny with lawless hand Had made, and with it meant t’ enslave the land. Should you, my lord, while you
peruse my song. Wonder from whence my love of Freedom sprung, Whence flow these wishes for the common
good. By feeling hearts alone best understood, I, young in life, by seeming cruel fate Was snatch’d from Afric’s
fancy’d happy seat; What pangs excruciating must molest. What sorrows labour in my parent’s breast? Steel’d
was that soul and by no misery mov’d That from a father seiz’d his babe belov’d; Such, such my case. And can
I then but pray Others may never feel tyrannic sway? For favours past, great Sir, our thanks are due. And thee
we ask thy favours to renew. Since in thy pow’r, as in thy will before. To sooth the griefs, which thou did’st once
deplore. May heav’niy grace the sacred sanction give To all thy works, and thou forever live Not only on the
44 Chapter 19
wings of fleeting Fame, Though praise immortal crowns the patriot’s name, But to conduct to heav’ns refulgent
fane, May fiery coursers sweep th’ ethereal plain. And bear thee upwards to that blest abode. Where, like the
prophet, thou shalt find thy God.
This engraving, part of a travelogue kept by the British writer Maria Graham (1785-1824) and published in 1824
as Journal of a Voyage to Brazil, shows the slave market at Pernambuco, on the northeast coast.
D uring the Mughal Empire in India (1526- 1739), the orientation ofMuslim rulers to Islam and their attitude
towards other religions fluctuated depending on the ruler. Although the Mughals were Sunni Muslims with
an attraction to the Islamic mysticism of the Sufis, in 1540 the Persian Safavid ruler forced the Mughal Emperor
Humayun to convert to Shi’a Islam to obtain Persian military support. Humayun’s son Akbar (1542-1605) built
impressive Islamic mosques yet sought truth in all religions. During the reigns of his son Jahangir (1569-1627)
and grandson Shah Jahan (1592-1666), the Mughals shifted towards a more conservative, exclusive form of Islam,
culminating in the strict orthodoxy and intolerance of Aurangzeb (1618-1707).
Judaism and Christianity enjoyed a special status in Islam, named in the Quran as dhimmi or “People of the
Book,” having a legitimate revelation from God. Islam allowed them a kind of second-class citizenship, but they
had to pay the jiziya, a tax or tribute provided for in the Quran assessed on the dhimmi living under Islamic rule.
After Islam conquered Iran and portions of India, some found a basis to argue that Zoroastrians and even Hindus
and Buddhists could be included in this category. This was always subject to debate, since Muhammad did not
explicitly identify these other rehgions.
It was under Akbar that religious openness reached its zenith. Akbar married a Hindu Rajput princess, and
inl564 he exempted Hindus from paying the hated jiziya. His historian and chief minister, AbuT Fazl, provided a
summary and defense of the behefs and customs of Hindu believers that likely reflected Akbar s own views. Akbar
sought to reconcile the varying religious traditions of his empire, and even reached out to Catholic authorities in
Goa, asking them to send learned priests to inform him of the doctrines of Christianity. Akbar regarded the ulama
(Islamic doctors of jurisprudence) as arrogant, intolerant, and petty minded, and he took steps to limit their influ¬
ence in his court. He exiled troublesome clerics, giving them a one-way ticket to pilgrimage. He obtained a ruling
that the Emperor had a right to ijtihdd (the making of a decision in Islamic law by personal effort independent
of any school or jurisprudence) when there was a difference of opinion amongst the ulama. During the reigns of
Jahangir and Shah Jahan, the power of the ulama remained diminished compared to the influence it had enjoyed
under previous Islamic regimes in India.
Within a year of becoming Emperor in 1658, Aurangzeb had banned music, public consumption of alcohol, and
gambhng, in accordance with Sharia law. He then outlawed Hindu religious fairs, and forbid the construction of
new Hindu temples. In 1679, Aurangzeb reinstituted the jiziya on non-Muslims. Akbar and Aurangzeb represent
the two extremes of the continuum of the Mughal’s orientation to Islam and towards Hinduism. Hindus tend to
regard Akbar as the greatest Mughal ruler and Aurangzeb as the worst, while for most Muslims it is the opposite.
First-hand accounts which illustrate the Mughal’s policies have been selected from their court historians, critics
from within their courts, and foreign observers who were allowed near access.
46 Chapter 20
Abu’l Fazl Allami (1551-1602) was the leading vizier, historian and biographer in the court of the Indian Mughal
Emperor Akbar (1542-1605). His Akbarnama is the primary authority for the dates and events associated with
the reign of Akbar. The third volume of this work is the Ain-i-Akbari (Institutes of Akbar), and details the admin¬
istration of the Mughal Empire. He was the second son of Shaikh Mubarak Nagawri, a distinguished Sufi scholar.
Eaizi, his older brother and poet laurate of the empire, presented Abu’l Fazl to the royal court in 1574. Abu 1 Fazls
criticism of the narrow-mindedness of the 'ulama (doctors of Islamic religion and law) gained the favor of the
Emperor. In the passage below, Abu’l Fadl describes Hindu behefs and customs.
Source: Abul Fazl Allami, The Ain-i-Akbari Vol. 3, trans. Col. .S. Jarrett, (Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1891), 8-9
Shall I tell of heroic valour or weave romances of their vivacity of intellect and their lore? The inhabitants of this
land are religious, affectionate, hospitable, genial and frank. They are fond of scientific pursuits, inclined to aus¬
terity of life, seekers after justice, contented, industrious, capable in affairs, loyal, truthful and constant. The true
worth of this people shines most in the day of adversity and its soldiers know not retreat from the field. When the
day is doubtful, they dismount from their steeds and resolutely put their lives to hazard, accounting the dishonor
of flight more terrible than death, while some even disable their horses before entering the fight.
They are capable of mastering the difficulties of any subject in a short space of time and surpass their in¬
structors, and to win the Divine favor they will spend body and soul and joyfully devote their lives thereunto.
They one and all believe in the unity of God, and as to the reverence they pay to images of stone and wood
and the like, which simpletons regard as idolatry, it is not so. The writer of these pages has exhaustively dis¬
cussed the subject with many enlightened and upright men, and it became evident that these images of some
chosen souls nearest in approach to the throne of God, are fashioned as aids to fix the mind and keep the
thoughts from wandering, while the worship of God alone is required as indispensable. In all their ceremonial
observances and usage they ever implore the favour of the world-illumining sun and regard the pure essence
of the Supreme Being as transcending the idea of power in operation.
Brahma...they hold to be the Creator; Vishnu, the Nourisher and Preserver; and Rudra, called also Ma-
hadeva, the Destroyer. Some maintain that God who is without equal, manifested himself under these three
divine forms, without thereby sullying the garment of His inviolate sanctity, as the Nazarenes hold of the Mes¬
siah. Others assert that these were human creatures exalted to these dignities through perfectness of worship,
probity of thought and righteousness of deed. The godliness and self-discipline of this people is such as is rarely
to be found in other lands.
They hold that the world had a beginning, and some are of opinion that it will have an end, as will be men¬
tioned hereafter.
In 1579, the Indian Mughal Emperor Akbar requested that Church authorities in Goa send two learned priests
to instruct him in the doctrines of Christianity. Realizing an opportunity to convert the emperor to Christianity,
Church officials sent two Jesuit missionaries, among whom was Father Antonio Monserrate (1536-1600), a Span¬
ish priest. Monserrate spent approximately three years in India from 1580-1582.
Akbar appointed Monserrate as a tutor in Portuguese and Christian ethics to his second son. Prince Murad.
Monserrate spent time in the emperor s court at the capital city Fatehpur Sikri participating in theological discus¬
sions with Muslim Divines. Monserrate later accompanied Akbar s expedition against his rebellious half-brother
Muhammad Hakim of Kabul.
Monserrate returned to Goa in 1582 without converting Akbar to Christianity. Dispatched to Abyssinia in
1588, he took the records of his observations during the Indian mission with him, intending to finaUze them for
Church officials. However, Arabs seized the ship and imprisoned him in Sanaa, where they allowed him to com¬
plete the manuscript in 1590. Ransomed in 1596, he returned to Goa with the manuscript, but it was lost to history
until a British scholar discovered it in Calcutta in 1906.
In the excerpt below, Monserrate describes the Emperor Akbar. He refers to Akbar as Zelaldinus Equebar (a
form of Jalal-ud-din Akbar), shortened to Zelaldinus. He uses the Turkish term Musalman for Muslim. Monserrate
refers to several different peoples in the first paragraph by archaic names: Sauromates are a Scythian tribe; Sinae
refers to the Chinese, and Niphones to the Japanese.
Source: Monserrate, The Commentary of Father Monserrate, S.J., on his Journey to the Court of Akbar, trans. J.S. Hoyiand, (Oxford:
This Prince is of a stature and of a type of countenance weli-fitted to his royai dignity, so that one couid easiiy
recognize, even at the first giance, that he is the King. He has broad shouiders, somewhat bandy iegs weii-
suited for horsemanship, and a iight-brown compiexion. He carries his head bent towards the right shouider.
His forehead is broad and open, his eyes so bright and hashing that they seem iike a sea shimmering in the
suniight.
His eyeiashes are very iong, as aiso are those of the Sauromates, Sinae, Niphones, and most other north-
Asiatic races. His eyebrows are not strongiy marked. His nose is straight and smaii, though not insignificant. His
nostriis are wideiy opened, as though in derision. Between the ieft nostrii and the upper iip there is a moie. He
shaves his beard, but wears a moustache iike that of a Turkish youth who has not yet attained to manhood (for
on reaching manhood they begin to affect a beard). Contrary to the custom of his race he does not cut his hair;
nor does he wear a hat, but a turban, into which he gathers up his hair. He does this, they say, as a concession
to indian usages, and to piease his indian subjects.
it is hard to exaggerate how accessibie he makes himseif to aii who wish audience of him. For he creates
an opportunity aimost every day for any of the common people or of the nobles to see him and converse with
him; and he endeavors to show himself pleasant-spoken and affable, rather than severe, toward all who come
to speak with him. It is very remarkable how great an effect this courtesy and affability has in attaching to him
the minds of his subjects. For in spite of his very heterodox attitude towards the religion of Muhammad, and
in spite also of the fact that Musalmans regard such an attitude as an unforgivable offence, Zelaldinus has not
yet been assassinated. He has an acute insight, and shows much wise foresight both in avoiding dangers and
48 Chapter 20
in seizing favorable opportunities for carrying out his designs. Yet ail these fine qualities both of body and mind
lose the greater part of their splendor because the luster of the True Faith is lacking.
According to the instructions of the worthless Muhammad and the custom of the Musalmans, the orthodox
must wear a long robe coming down to the calf, together with shoes very low at the ankle. Their dress must
be made of wool, linen or cotton: and must be white. The shoes must be of a certain fixed pattern. However,
Zelaldinus is so contemptuous of the instructions given by the false law-giver, that he wears garments of silk,
beautifully embroidered in gold. His military cloak comes down only as far as the knee, according to the Chris¬
tian fashion; and his boots cover his ankles completely.
The Indian Mughal Emperor Akbar despaired of producing a male heir after several children born to him died in in¬
fancy. Akbar sought the prayers and blessings of Shaikh Salim Chrishti, a Sufi saint and scholar renowned in India.
The sage assured the monarch he would have three sons, and soon Akbar s wife, a Rajput Princess, was pregnant.
When a son was born in 1569, they named him Salim after the Shaikh, and Akbar built the city of Fatehpur Sikri
to commemorate his gratitude for this event. Akbar later fathered two additional sons. Prince Murad and Prince
Daniyal.
Prince Salim alienated his father by arranging the assassination of Akbar s beloved vizier AbuT Fazl in 1602 be¬
cause he opposed the accession of Salim to the throne. It took the intervention of Akbar s mother to reconcile them
after this murder. Salim forcibly took the throne shortly after Akbar s death in 1605, and took the name Jahangir,
“seizer of the world.” Jahangir (1569-1627) left a diary in which he describes himself as a devout Muslim, but many
contemporaries had difficulty classifying his beliefs. The passage below gives Jahangir’s account of his discussions
with the Hindu Brahmins.
Source: Jahangir, Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, tr. Alexander Rogers, ed. Henry Beveridge (Oriental Translation Fund, 1909-14).
One day I observed to the Pandits, that is, the wise men of the Hindus, “If the doctrines of your religion are
based on the incarnation of the Holy Person of God Almighty in ten different forms by the process of metempsy¬
chosis, they are virtually rejected by the intelligent. This pernicious idea requires that the Sublime Cause, who is
void of all limitations, should be possessed of length, breadth, and thickness. If the purpose is the manifestation
of the Light of God in these bodies, that of itself is existent equally in all created things, and is not peculiar to
these ten forms, if the idea is to establish some one of God’s attributes, even then there is no right notion, for
in every faith and code there are masters of wonders and miracles distinguished beyond the other men of their
age for wisdom and eloquence.” After much argument and endless controversy, they acknowledged a God of
Gods, devoid of a body or accidents, and said, "As our imagination fails to conceive a formless personality {zat-
i-mujarrad), we do not find any way to know Him without the aid of a form. We have therefore made these ten
The Mughal Empire: Muslim Rules and Hindu Subjects, 1400-1750 49
forms the means of conceiving of and knowing Him.” Then said I, "How can these forms be a means of your
approaching the Deity?"
My father always associated with the learned of every creed and religion, especially with Pandits and the
learned of India, and although he was illiterate, so much became clear to him through constant intercourse
with the learned and wise, in his conversations with them, that no one knew him to be illiterate, and he was so
acquainted with the niceties of verse and prose compositions that his deficiency was not thought of.
Mulla ‘Abd-al-Qadir Bada’uni (1540-1615) was a Sunni Muslim who entered the Mughal Emperor Akbar’s court
in 1574, the same year as AbuT Fazl. Both had studied under Abu’l Fazl’s father, Shaikh Mubarak. The range of
Bada’uni’s theological learning caught Akbar’s eye, and Akbar at first thought Bada’uni was a Sufi. Eventually
Bada’uni revealed himself to be “a sun dried Mullah” [a mullah is a Muslim cleric] compared to the liberal Abu’l
Fazl. Akbar valued Bada’uni’s literary abilities despite his rigid orthodoxy, and he commissioned Bada’uni to trans¬
late the Hindu epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. He composed the Muntakhab-ut-Tawrick ("Selection of
Chronicles” or “Abstract of Histories), a frank and critical history of Akbar’s reign not made public until after Ak¬
bar’s death. The orthodox Bada’uni resented the reforms of Akbar, and his elevation of Hindus to high offices in the
administration. He was also jealous of his rivals in Abu’l Fazl and his brother Faizi. In the source below, Bada’uni
gives a summary of the reasons Akbar came to renounce Islam.
Source: "Bada’ onf’s Summary of the Reasons Which Led Akbar To Renounce the Islam” quoted by S. Jarrett in The Ain-i-Akbari
The principal reason is the large number of learned men of all denominations and sects that came from various
countries to court, and received personal interviews. Night and day people did nothing but enquire and inves¬
tigate; profound points of science, the subtleties of revelation, the curiosities of history, the wonders of nature,
of which large volumes could only give a summary abstract, were ever spoken of. His Majesty collected the
opinions of everyone, especially of such as were not Muhammadans, retaining whatever he approved of, and re¬
jecting everything which was against his disposition, and ran counter to his wishes. From his earliest childhood
to his manhood, and from his manhood to old age. His Majesty has passed through the most various phases,
and through all sorts of religious practices and sectarian beliefs, and has collected everything which people
can find in books, with a talent of selection peculiar to him, and a spirit of enquiry opposed to every [Islamic]
principle. Thus a faith based on some elementary principles traced itself on the mirror of his heart, and as the
result of all the influences which were brought to bear on His Majesty, there grew, gradually as the outline on
a stone, the conviction in his heart that there were sensible men in all religions, and abstemious thinkers, and
men endowed with miraculous powers, among all nations. If some true knowledge was thus everywhere to be
found, why should truth be confined to one religion, or to a creed like the Islam, which was comparatively new,
50 Chapter 20
and scarcely a thousand years old; why should one sect assert what another denies, and why should one claim
a preference without having superiority conferred on itself.
Moreover brahmins managed to get frequent private interviews with His Majesty. As they surpass other
learned men in their treatises on morals, and on physical and religious sciences, and reach a high degree in
their knowledge of the future, in spiritual power and human perfection, they brought proofs, based on reason
and testimony, for the truth of their own, and the fallacies of other religions, and inculcated their doctrines so
firmly, and so skillfully represented things as quite self-evident which require consideration, that no man, by
expressing his doubts, could now raise a doubt in His Majesty, even if mountains were to crumble to dust, or
the heavens were to tear asunder.
Hence His Majesty cast aside the Islamitic revelations regarding resurrection, the day of judgment, and the
details connected with it, as also all ordinances based on the tradition of our prophet. He listened to every abuse
which the courtiers heaped on our glorious and pure faith, which can be so easily followed; and eagerly seizing
such opportunities, he showed in words and gestures, his satisfaction at the treatment which his original religion
received at their hands.
Source: Abul Fazl, Akbar-Nama, tr. H. Beveridge (Asiatic Society, 1907-39), Vol. 3, 912
The first step is to enquire into what is God’s Will, in order that right actions may be performed. After that,
outward purification is to be pursued. Food and clothing are not to be made ends. Profundity of view is to be
exercised. Tyrannous actions are to be abstained from. The rules of moderation and of fitting season are not to
be departed from. Every member (of the body) is to be kept to its proper office. Much speaking and laughing
are to be avoided. Sleep is not to exceed one-third part of the day and night. There must be an endeavour to
improve the army, and the country, to provide for the safety of the roads, and the obedience of the refractory;
and thieves and robbers must be put down. Then attention is to be paid to internal improvement. Lust and wrath
must be subjected to the commands of Wisdom, for the Creator has placed two sentinels in the palace of the
body. The one sees that proper things are done; the other that evil things are abstained from. The children of
men out of somnolent intellect have given these two a loose rein, and have made what should be the adornment
of life the supplier of death. Do not neglect the knowledge of what Is right, and support the power of the ruler
(Reason). Preserve the equability of the four humours, and keep far from excess and defect which constitute
evil. Use justice and discretion in this daily market of hypocrisy and double-facedness. The worship of the
choosers of bypaths who have severed the links of association is one thing, and that of those who are bound in
the improvement of the world is another. Though the idea of both is development, yet the former never departs
from awakedness, while Insouciance is suitable to the latter. Study the actions of every one, and be not dis¬
turbed by seeing improprieties. Let not love or hate, or threats or encouragements, transgress bounds. A frown
will effect with many, what in other men requires a sword and dagger. Let not difference of religion interfere with
policy, and be not violent in inflicting retribution. Adorn the confidential council with men who know their work.
If apologies be made, accept them. Be not stiff in your own opinions. Do not consider any one suitable for this
employment (the giving of advice) except a far-seeing, right-thinking and disinterested person. Do not make
ease your rule, and do not reject help in the day of (your) distress. Do not be dismayed by much ill-success.
Choose the observance of your promises above all advantage to yourself, and live so that the crowds of foreign¬
ers be not distressed. Especially see to It that merchants have a good opinion of you for their report carries far.
Expect from every one service in proportion to his ability. Be not deceived in your inquiries by glozing words.
Shahjahan’s (1592-1666) heir apparent was his favorite and eldest son, Dara Shikoh (1616-1659). Dara Shikoh
was a mystic who took after Akhar s universalism. In 1655 he wrote a hook on of the parallels between Islam and
Hinduism entitled Majma-'urBahrain (The Meeting Point of the Two Oceans). Two years later, he commissioned
a translation into Persian of the Upanishads (Hindu sacred texts, composed between 400-200 BCE) which he en¬
titled Sirr-i-Akhar (The Great Secret). Dara found the only difference between the Sufis and the “Indian monothe¬
ists” was in their terminology. His religious eclecticism horrified and antagonized the orthodox, and his brother
Aurangzeb labeled him as “chief of the atheists” and said he had “not even the semblance” of a Muslim. In 1658,
Aurangzeb defeated Dara’s forces in battle, and deposed and imprisoned Shah Jahan in the Agra fort. In 1659, a lo¬
cal chieftain betrayed Dara, and Aurangzeb arranged to have his brother paraded through Delhi clothed in rags on
a filthy elephant. Aurangzeb convened a council of priestsand nobles who sentenced Dara to death as an apostate
from Islam. Guards entered his prison cell and killed him, and then paraded his corpse through the streets.
The Mirat-i-alam is a work in Persian attributed to Bakhtawar Khan (died 1684), the superintendent of eunuchs
under Aurangzeb. A favorite eunuch of Aurangzeb, he held the rank of a thousand (indicating he was among the
highest-ranking court officials) .The translator of the Mirat-i-alam makes a convincing case that the author of this
book was in fact Muhammad Baqa (d. 1683), a poet and scholar. Baqa was a lifelong friend of Bakhtawar Khan,
to whom he owed his position in court, and likely wrote the book in his friend s name as a form of flattery. The
52 Chapter 20
Mimt-i-alam, a combination of history and biography written in 1668,contains an account of the first ten years of
Aurangzeb’s reign, and the selection below is a description of the “habits and manners of the Emperor Aurangzeb
(explanatory notes added in brackets [ ]):
Source: Bakhtawar Khan, “Mirat-i-Alam,” The History of India as told by its own Historians, Henry Miers Elliot, ed. John Dowson.
The Emperor, a great worshipper of God by natural propensity, is remarkable for his rigid attachment to reli¬
gion. He is a follower of the doctrines of the Imam Abu Hanffa [founder of a school of Islamic Jurisprudence]
(may God be pleased with him!), and establishes the five fundamental doctrines of the Kanz [a famous work
containing containing questions and decisions according to the doctrines of Abu Hanifa], Having made his
ablutions, he always occupies a great part of his time in adoration of the Deity, and says the usual prayers, first
in the masjid [mosque or place of public prayer] and then at home, both in congregation and in private, with
the most heartfelt devotion. He keeps the appointed fasts on Fridays and other sacred days, and he reads the
Friday prayers in the Jami’ masjid [chief mosque]with the common people of the Muhammadan faith. He keeps
vigils during the whole of the sacred nights, and with the light of the favor of God illumines the lamps of religion
and prosperity. From his great piety, he passes whole nights in the Mosque which is in his palace, and keeps
company with men of devotion. In privacy he never sits on a throne. ... During the whole month of Ramazan
[ninth month of Islamic calendar] he keeps fast, says the prayers appointed for that month, and reads the holy
Koran in the assembly of religious and learned men, with whom he sits for that purpose during six, and some¬
times nine hours of the night. During the last ten days of the month, he performs worship in the mosque, and
although, on account of several obstacles, he Is unable to proceed on a pilgrimage to Mecca, yet the care which
he takes to promote facilities for pilgrims to that holy place may be considered equivalent to the pilgrimage.
The duties of preserving order and regularity among the people are very efficiently attended to, and through¬
out the empire, notwithstanding its great extent, nothing can be done without meeting with the due punishment
enjoined by the Muhammadan law. Under the dictates of anger and passion he never issues orders of death.
In consideration of their rank and merit, he shows much honor and respect to the Sayyids, saints and learned
men, and through his cordial and liberal exertions, the sublime doctrines of Hanifa and of our pure religion
have obtained such prevalence throughout the wide territories of Hindustan as they never had in the reign of
any former king.
Hindu writers have been entirely excluded from holding public offices, and all the worshipping places of the
infidels and the great temples of these infamous people have been thrown down and destroyed in a manner
which excites astonishment at the successful completion of so difficult a task. His Majesty personally teaches
the sacred kalima [Islamic declaration of faith] to many infidels with success, and invests them with khil'ats [a
special, honorific robe] and other favors.
I mproved navigation methods as well as enhanced production techniques by 1500 introduced a new set of prob¬
lems to lands like China and Japan that previously had been able to control contact with the outside world.
Although these societies reacted differently, both took strong measures to regulate contact and trade, while also
reinforcing the “inner and outer” domains of their own societies.
As the Chinese struggled to rebuild their social and economic structures after the loss of population result¬
ing from the bubonic plague and expulsion of the Mongol Yuan dynasty, they focused on improving agricultural
production and maintaining social order. Nevertheless, the luxury goods from China were highly coveted across
Europe and Asia. As pressures disrupted the inner equilibrium, both Japan and China acted to stabilize existing
social arrangements and control contact with the new strangers and their doors. Chinese merchants enjoyed the
benefits of new markets for porcelain, tea, and silk, but the authorities were concerned about the social disruption.
They reacted by controlling access and limiting the new foreigners to specific ports.
The Portuguese reached Japan in 1543, followed soon by Francis Xavier, a Jesuit missionary. Initially, Chris¬
tianity seemed simply another type of Buddhism. Nobunaga (1534-1582) was well disposed toward the mis¬
sionaries, as was his successor, Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1536-1598), who once remarked that only the insistence on
monogamy prevented him from converting to Christianity. However, Hideyoshi became concerned that Japanese
conversions might result in divided loyalty and issued an order in 1587 expelling monks. Both Christian mis¬
sionaries and traders (Dutch, Portuguese, English, and Spanish) seemed to divide the loyalty of the Japanese. In
1587, Hideyoshi crucified six Franciscan missionaries and 18 converts and began restricting access. By 1630, the
Japanese were prohibited from traveling overseas. The Japanese acted to eliminate foreign incursions, limiting even
contacts with the Dutch whose presence was generally considered non-threatening.
By 1630, Japanese were prohibited from going overseas. The Shimabara Rebellion (1637-1638), during which
peasants, many of whom were Christian, rebelled against a brutal daimyo, intensified the perception that Christi¬
anity would ultimately destroy the existing order if allowed to expand unchecked. The Edict of 1635 was designed
to eliminate dangerous foreign influences from Japan.
Compiled during Japan’s age of national isolation (1636-1854), this world map is representative of Buddhist cos¬
mology. Drawn in 1710 by the Japanese monk Hotan (1654-1738), the map is centered on India and shows the
mythical Anukodatchipond, which represents the center of the universe and from which four rivers flow in the four
cardinal directions.
The slow dissolution of the Ming dynasty (1368-1529) called forth dynamic new interpretations of Confucianism
and of the duties of a Confucian scholar. Wang Yang-Ming (1472-1529) believed that knowledge without action
could not be true knowledge^ and might well be more damaging than action devoid of knowledge. His dynamic
approach was in direct opposition to the tradition of meditative sages, but was a vital reaction to the increasing
chaos of the late Ming period.
Source: The Philosophy of Wang Yang-Ming, translated from the Chinese by Frederick Goodrich Flenke (London: The Open Court
The Teacher replied: This separation is due to selfishness and does not represent the original character of
knowledge and practice. No one who really has knowledge fails to practice it. Knowledge without practice
should be interpreted as lack of knowledge. Sages and virtuous men teach men to know how to act, because
they wish them to return to nature. They do not tell them merely to reflect and let this suffice. The Great Learning
exhibits true knowledge and practice, that men may understand this. For instance, take the case of loving what
is beautiful and despising a bad odor. Seeing beauty is a result of knowledge; loving the beautiful is a result of
practice. Nevertheless, it is true that when one sees beauty one already loves it. It is not a case of determining
to love it after one sees it. Smelling a bad odor involves knowledge; hating the odor involves action. Neverthe¬
less, when one perceives the bad odor one already hates it. One does not determine to hate it after one has
smelt it. A man with his nostrils stuffed may see the malodorous object before him, but does not smell it. Under
such circumstances it is a case of not perceiving it, rather than of disliking it. No one should be described as
understanding filial piety and respectfulness, unless he has actually practiced filial piety toward his parents and
respect toward his elder brother. Knowing how to converse about filial piety and respectfulness is not sufficient
to warrant anybody s being described as understanding them. Or it may be compared to one’s understanding
of pain. A person certainly must have experienced pain before he can know what it is. Likewise to understand
cold one must first have endured cold; and to understand hunger one must have been hungry. How, then, can
knowledge and practice be separated? This is their original nature before selfish aims have separated them.
The sage instructs the individual that he must practice before he may be said to have understanding. If he fails
to practice, he does not understand. How thoroughly important a task this is!
The Teacher said; “But thereby you have lost the meaning of the ancients. I have said that knowledge is the
purpose to act, and that practice implies carrying out knowledge. Knowledge is the beginning of practice; doing
is the completion of knowing. If when one knows how to attain the desired end, one speaks only of knowing,
the doing is already naturally included; or if he speaks of acting, the knowing is already included. That the an¬
cients after having spoken of knowledge also speak of doing, is due to the fact that there is a class of people on
earth who foolishly do as they wish and fail to understand how to deliberate and investigate. They act ignorantly
and recklessly. It is necessary to discuss knowledge so that they can act correctly. There is another class of
people who vaguely and vainly philosophize but are unwilling to carry it out in practice. This also is merely an
instance of estimating shadows and echoes. The ancients of necessity discussed doing, for only then can such
people truly understand. The language of the ancients is of necessity directed toward rectifying prejudices and
reforming abuses. When one comprehends this idea, a word is sufficient. Men of the present, however, make
knowledge and action two different things and go forth to practice, because they hold that one must first have
Regulating the “Inner" and the “Outer” Domains of China and Japan, 1500-1800 57
knowledge before one is able to practice. Each one says, I proceed to investigate and discuss knowledge; I wait
until knowledge is perfect and then go forth to practice it, Those who to the very end of life fail to practice also
fail to understand. This is not a small error, nor one that came in a day. By saying that knowledge and practice
are a unit, I am herewith offering a remedy for the disease. I am not dealing in abstractions, nor imposing my
own ideas, for the nature of knowledge and practice is originally as I describe it. In case you comprehend the
purport, no harm is done if you say they are two, for they are in reality a unit. In case you do not comprehend
the purport thereof and say they are one, what does it profit? It is only idle talk.”
The Teacher said: “Nature is the original character of the mind (one’s mental constitution). Heaven is the
source of nature. To exhaust one’s mind means to exhaust one’s nature. Only he who is possessed of the most
complete sincerity is able to exhaust his nature and understand the nourishing power of heaven and earth. He
who preserves his mental constitution has not exhausted it. Knowledge of heaven is as the knowledge of the
Chihchou and Chihhsien, whose knowledge of the territory they govern is a thing in line with their duty. It implies
considering one’s seif as one with Heaven. Serving Heaven is like the son serving his parents, and the minister
serving the prince. It must be done reverently if it is to be perfect.
The Teacher said: “Yes. The controlling power of the body is the mind. The mind originates the idea, and
the nature of the idea is knowledge. Wherever the idea is, we have a thing. For instance, when the idea rests on
serving one’s parents, then serving one’s parents is a thing; when it is on serving one’s prince, then serving one’s
prince is a thing; when it is occupied with being benevolent to the people and kind to creatures, then benevo¬
lence to the people and kindness to creatures are things; when it is occupied with seeing, hearing, speaking,
moving, then each of these becomes a thing. I say there are no principles but those of the mind, and nothing
exists apart from the mind. The Doctrine of the Mean says : Without sincerity there would be nothing. The Great
Learning makes clear that the illustrating of illustrious virtue consists merely in making one’s purpose sincere,
and that this latter has reference to investigating things."
The Teacher spoke again saying: “The examine of examining into the nature of things, just as the rectify of
the great man can rectify the mind of the prince , of Mencius, has reference to the fact that the mind is not
right. Its object is to reinstate the original Tightness. But the idea conveyed is that one must cast out the wrong
in order to complete the right, and that there should be no time or place in which one does not harbor heaven-
given principles. This includes a most thorough investigation of heaven-given.
Qianlong (r. 1735-1796) was the fourth emperor of China’s Qing Dynasty. Born in 1711 with the name Hung-li,
Qianlong was the longest reigning emperor in Chinese history. He expanded Chinese territorial control to its
greatest extent, defeating Mongols and Turks in the north and conquering the northwestern province of Xinjiang.
Qianlong also pushed Chinese power into southeast Asia, conquering Burma and Annam. His reign marked the
58 Chapter 21
height of Chinese power and prestige, but also the rise of corruption that would eventually help bring the dynasty
to its downfall.. He died in 1799.
In 1793, he rejected a British proposal to develop trade and diplomatic relations. King George Ill’s ambassa¬
dor, Lord Macartney (1737-1806) had been instructed to deliver a personal letter from the king to the emperor
requesting permission to post a representative to the imperial court and allow the expansion of trade with China
which, for all foreign countries, could only be conducted under strict regulation at the southern port of Canton.
The request was unprecedented and, as far as the emperor was concerned, impossible to grant. The indifference
to diplomatic niceties of the Son of Heaven conveyed in the emperor’s refusal played its part in the hardening the
British attitude toward China, though it was to take another 50 years before China’s weakness in the face of real
military power was revealed in the Opium War.
Source: Qianlong, Letter to George III, 1793 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1913)
...I have perused your memorial: the earnest terms in which it is couched reveal a respectful humility on your
part, which is highly praiseworthy. In consideration of the fact that your Ambassador and his deputy have come
a long way with your memorial and tribute, I have shown them high favor and have allowed them to be intro¬
duced into my presence. To manifest my indulgence, I have entertained them at a banquet and made them
numerous gifts. I have also caused presents to be forwarded to the Naval Commander and six hundred of his
officers and men, although they did not come to Peking, so that they too may share in my all-embracing kind¬
ness.
As to your entreaty to send one of your nationals [namely, Lord Macartney] to be accredited to my Celestial
Court and to be in control of your country’s trade with China, this request is contrary to all usage of my dynasty
and cannot possibly be entertained. It is true that Europeans, in the service of the dynasty, have been permitted
to live at Peking, but they are compelled to adopt Chinese dress, they are strictly confined to their own precincts
and are never permitted to return home. You are presumably familiar with our dynastic regulations. Your pro¬
posed Envoy to my Court could not be placed in a position similar to that of European officials in Peking who are
forbidden to leave China, nor could he, on the other hand, be allowed liberty of movement and the privilege of
corresponding with his own country; so that you would gain nothing by his residence in our midst.
...Supposing that your Envoy should come to our Court, his language and national dress differ from that of
our people, and there would be no place in which to bestow him. It may be suggested that he might imitate the
Europeans permanently resident in Peking and adopt the dress and customs of China, but it has never been our
dynasty’s wish to force people to do things unseemly and inconvenient. Besides, supposing I sent an Ambas¬
sador to reside in your country, how could you possibly make for him the requisite arrangements?
Europe consists of many other nations besides your own: if each and all demanded to be represented at
our Court, how could we possibly consent? The thing is utterly impracticable. How can our dynasty alter its
whole procedure and system of etiquette, established for more than a century, in order to meet your individual
views?
If it be said that your object is to exercise control over your country’s trade, your nationals have had full liberty
to trade at Canton for many a year, and have received the greatest consideration at our hands. Missions have
been sent by Portugal and Italy, preferring similar requests. The Throne appreciated their sincerity and loaded
them with favors, besides authorizing measures to facilitate their trade with China. You are no doubt aware that,
when my Canton merchant, Wu Chao-ping, was in debt to the foreign ships, I made the Viceroy advance the
monies due, out of the provincial treasury, and ordered him to punish the culprit severely. Why then should
foreign nations advance this utterly unreasonable request to be represented at my Court? Peking Is nearly two
thousand miles from Canton, and at such a distance what possible control could any British representative
exercise?
If you assert that your reverence for Our Celestial dynasty fills you with a desire to acquire our civilization, our
ceremonies and code of laws differ so completely from your own that, even if your Envoy were able to acquire
the rudiments of our civilization, you could not possibly transplant our manners and customs to your alien soil.
Therefore, however adept the Envoy might become, nothing would be gained thereby.
...I have but one aim in view, namely, to maintain a perfect governance and to fulfill the duties of the state:
strange and costly objects do not Interest me. If I have commanded that the tribute offerings sent by you, 0
King, are to be accepted, this was solely in consideration for the spirit which prompted you to dispatch them
from afar. Our dynasty’s majestic virtue has penetrated unto every country under heaven, and kings of all na¬
tions have offered their costly tribute by land and sea. As your Ambassador can see for himself, we possess all
things. I set no value on objects strange or Ingenious, and have no use for your country’s manufactures. This
then is my answer to your request to appoint a representative at my Court, a request contrary to our dynastic
usage, which would only result in inconvenience to yourself. I have expounded my wishes in detail and have
commanded your tribute Envoys to leave in peace on their homeward journey. It behoves you, 0 King, to respect
my sentiments and to display even greater devotion and loyalty In future, so that, by perpetual submission to our
Throne, you may secure peace and prosperity for your country hereafter...
[The emperor’s follow-up communication on the subject follows]:
You, 0 King, from afar have yearned after the blessings of our civilization, and in your eagerness to come into
touch with our converting influence have sent an Embassy across the sea bearing a memorial. I have already
taken note of your respectful spirit of submission, have treated your mission with extreme favor and loaded it
with gifts, besides issuing a mandate to you, 0 King, and honoring you with the bestowal of valuable presents.
Thus has my indulgence been manifested.
Yesterday your Ambassador petitioned my Ministers to memorialize me regarding your trade with China, but
his proposal is not consistent with our dynastic usage and cannot be entertained. Hitherto, all European nations,
including your own country’s barbarian merchants, have carried on their trade with Our Celestial Empire at Can¬
ton. Such has been the procedure for many years, although Our Celestial Empire possesses all things in prolific
abundance and lacks no product within its own borders. There was therefore no need to import the manufac¬
tures of outside barbarians in exchange for our own produce. But as the tea, silk, and porcelain which the Ce¬
lestial Empire produces are absolute necessities to European nations and to yourselves, we have permitted, as
a signal mark of favor, that foreign hongs (Chinese business associations) should be established at Canton, so
that your wants might be supplied and your country thus participate in our beneficence. But your Ambassador
has now put forward new requests which completely fall to recognize the Throne’s principle to ‘treat strangers
from afar with indulgence’, and to exercise a pacifying control over barbarian tribes, the world over. Moreover,
our dynasty, swaying the myriad races of the globe, extends the same benevolence toward all.
Your England Is not the only nation trading at Canton. If other nations, following your bad example, wrong¬
fully importune my ear with further impossible requests, how will it be possible for me to treat them with easy
Indulgence? Nevertheless, I do not forget the lonely remoteness of your island, cut off from the world by inter¬
vening wastes of sea, nor do I overlook your excusable ignorance of the usages of Our Celestial Empire. I have
6o Chapter 21
consequently commanded my Ministers to enlighten your Ambassador on the subject, and have ordered the
departure of the mission. But I have doubts that, after your Envoy’s return he may fail to acquaint you with my
view in detail or that he may be lacking in lucidity, so that I shall now proceed to take your requests seriatim
[one by one] and to issue my mandate on each question separately. In this way you will, I trust, comprehend
my meaning.
T he period between 1776 and 1914 is sometimes referred to by historians as “the long nineteenth century.”
The many revolutions that occurred in the period provided the basic contours of the modern world. The
almost unfathomable amount of change in Western society during this period remains a fiercely contested arena
of historical debate.
The ideas which undergirded the period had their roots in the Enlightenment, which drove both revolution and
reaction. Men like John Locke, Adam Smith, and Jean Jacques Rousseau bequeathed to subsequent generations a
revolutionary set of ideals. The first political expression of these ideas manifested itself in the American Revolu¬
tion. The American experiment in governance by the people was soon replicated by the French, though with a
greatly different outcome. The former led to half a century of economic expansion (though at the expense of North
American natives and African slaves) while the latter led to violence, centralization, and the return of tyranny.
When the dust settled from these very modern revolutions, Europe and North America were forever changed.
Europe after the Napoleonic era Europe continued to reverberate with change. New ideologies and artistic
movements sought to grapple with the problems of industrialization, individualism, and ideals of human perfect¬
ibility. Meanwhile, a conservative backlash in pohtics sought to reestablish some semblance of tradition. This push,
exemphfied by Prince Clemens von Metternich, culminated in yet more revolutions; those of 1848. While these
failed, the dialectical forces culminated in new philosophies of realism and cultural nationalism. These forces were
strong enough to create new nation-states. Conflicts over nationalist ambitions, the second phase of industrializa¬
tion, and the struggle over colonial empires led to the breakdown of the “Concert of Europe.”
The alliances that emerged would carry the continent, and eventually the world, to war. In the roughly 150
years covered in this chapter, absolute monarchy would fall to middle-class liberahsm, which in turn would be
challenged by the forces ethnic nationalism.
The political philosophy ofJean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) exerted enormous influence on both the Enlight¬
enment and the revolutions that swept the western world in late eighteenth and first of the nineteenth centuries.
In The Social Contract (l7 61), Rousseau articulated his concepts of will and power. He also provided commentary
on various styles of governments. His work greatly influenced not only republican forms of government in general,
but the French Revolution in particular.
Source: Jean Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract, Or Principles of Political Right Book III, Part 4, 1762.
62 Chapter 22
He who makes the law knows better than anyone else how it should be executed and interpreted. It seems then
impossible to have a better constitution than that in which the executive and legislative powers are united; but
this very fact renders the government in certain respects inadequate, because things which should be distin¬
guished are confounded, and the prince and the Sovereign, being the same person, form, so to speak, no more
than a government without government.
It is not good for him who makes the laws to execute them, or for the body of the people to turn its attention
away from a general standpoint and devote it to particular objects. Nothing is more dangerous than the influ¬
ence of private interests in public affairs, and the abuse of the laws by the government is a less evil than the
corruption of the legislator, which is the inevitable sequel to a particular standpoint. In such a case, the State
being altered in substance, all reformation becomes impossible, A people that would never misuse governmen¬
tal powers would never misuse independence; a people that would always govern well would not need to be
governed.
If we take the term in the strict sense, there never has been a real democracy, and there never will be. It is
against the natural order for the many to govern and the few to be governed. It is unimaginable that the people
should remain continually assembled to devote their time to public affairs, and it is clear that they cannot set
up commissions for that purpose without the form of administration being changed.
In fact, I can confidently lay down as a principle that, when the functions of government are shared by
several tribunals, the less numerous sooner or later acquire the greatest authority, if only because they are in a
position to expedite affairs, and power thus naturally comes into their hands.
Besides, how many conditions that are difficult to unite does such a government presuppose! First, a very
small State, where the people can readily be got together and where each citizen can with ease know all the
rest; secondly, great simplicity of manners, to prevent business from multiplying and raising thorny problems;
next, a large measure of equality in rank and fortune, without which equality of rights and authority cannot long
subsist; lastly, little or no luxury — for luxury either comes of riches or makes them necessary; it corrupts at
once rich and poor, the rich by possession and the poor by covetousness; it sells the country to softness and
vanity, and takes away from the State all its citizens, to make them slaves one to another, and one and all to
public opinion.
This is why a famous writer has made virtue the fundamental principle of Republics; for all these conditions
could not exist without virtue. But, for want of the necessary distinctions, that great thinker was often inexact,
and sometimes obscure, and did not see that, the sovereign authority being everywhere the same, the same
principle should be found in every well-constituted State, in a greater or less degree, it is true, according to the
form of the government.
It may be added that there is no government so subject to civil wars and intestine agitations as democratic or
popular government, because there is none which has so strong and continual a tendency to change to another
form, or which demands more vigilance and courage for its maintenance as it is. Under such a constitution
above all, the citizen should arm himself with strength and constancy, and say, every day of his life, what a virtu¬
ous Count Palatinesaid in the Diet of Poland: Malo periculosam libertatem quam quietum servitium.
Were there a people of gods, their government would be democratic. So perfect a government is not for
men.
3. List three reasons Rousseau says democracy is not meant for men (by which he means humans, not
males).
22.2 Olympe de Gouges, Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Fe¬
male Citizen
Olympe de Gouges (1748-1793 CE) was a French feminist, writer, and playwright. De Gouges wrote plays that
dealt with a variety of sensitive subjects, such as divorce and sexual relations. Taking the Revolutions Declaration
of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen as a guide, de Gouges wrote a similar document on the rights of women,
advocating equal rights for men and women. Her opposition to the execution of the king and his family in 1793
exposed her to radical revolutionaries during the Great Terror. As a result, she was guillotined for her opposition
to the revolutionary National Convention.
Source: Olympe de Gouges, Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen (1791).
Madame, support such a beautiful cause; defend this unfortunate sex, and soon you will have half the realm
on your side, and at least one-third of the other half.
Those, Madame, are the feats by which you should show and use your credit. Believe me, Madame, our
life is a pretty small thing, especially for a Queen, when it is not embellished by people’s affection and by the
eternal delights of good deeds.
If it is true that the French arm all the powers against their own Fatherland, why?For frivolous prerogatives,
for chimeras. Believe, Madame, if I judge by what I feel - the monarchical party will be destroyed by itself, it will
abandon tyrants, and all hearts will rally around the fatherland to defend it.
There are my principles, Madame. In speaking to you of my fatherland, I lose sight of the purpose of this
dedication. Thus, any good citizen sacrifices his glory and his interests when he has none other than those of
his country.
I am with the most profound respect, Madame,
Your most humble and most obedient servant,
de Gouges.
Man, are you capable of being just? It is a woman who poses the question, you will not deprive her of that right
at least. Tell me, what gives you sovereign empire to oppress my sex? Your strength?Your talents? Observe the
Creator in his wisdom; survey in all her grandeur that nature with whom you seem to want to be in harmony,
and give me, if you dare, an example of this tyrannical empire. Go back to animals, consult the elements, study
plants, finally glance at all the modifications of organic matter, and surrender to the evidence when I offer you
the means; search, probe, and distinguish, if you can, the sexes in the administration of nature. Everywhere you
will find them mingled; everywhere they cooperate in harmonious togetherness in this immortal masterpiece.
Man alone has raised his exceptional circumstances to a principle. Bizarre, blind, bloated with science and
degenerated - in a century of enlightenment and wisdom - into the crassest ignorance, he wants to command
as a despot a sex which is in full possession of its intellectual faculties, he pretends to enjoy the Revolution and
to claim his rights to equality in order to say nothing more about
Preamble
The mothers, daughters, sisters, representatives of the nation, ask to constitute a National Assembly. Con¬
sidering that ignorance, forgetfulness or contempt of the rights of women are the sole causes of public miseries,
and of corruption of governments, they have resolved to set forth in a solemn declaration, the natural, unalter¬
able and sacred rights of woman, so that this declaration being ever present to all members of the social body,
may unceasingly remind them of their rights and their duties; in order that the acts of women’s power, as well
as those of men, may be judged constantly against the aim of all political institutions, and thereby be more
respected for it, in order that the complaints of women citizens, based henceforth on simple and indisputable
principles, may always take the direction of maintaining the Constitution, good morals and the welfare of all.
In consequence, the sex superior in beauty and in courage in maternal suffering recognizes and declares, in
the presence of and under the auspices of the supreme Being, the following rights of woman and of the woman
citizen:
Nation-States and Patterns of Culture in Europe and North America, 1750-1871 65
1. Woman is born free and remains equal to man in rights. Social distinctions can be based only on com¬
mon utility.
2. The aim of every political association is the preservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of
man and woman. These rights are liberty, prosperity, security and above all, resistance to oppression.
3. The source of all sovereignty resides essentially in the Nation, which is nothing but the joining together
of Man and Woman; no body, no individual, can exercise authority that does not emanate expressly from it.
4. Liberty and justice consist in giving back to others all that belongs to them; thus the only limits on the
exercise of woman’s natural rights are the perpetual tyranny by which man opposes her; these limits must be
reformed by the laws of nature and of reason.
5. The laws of nature and reason forbid all actions that are harmful to society; all that is not forbidden
by these wise and divine laws cannot be prevented, and no one can be constrained to do what they do not
prescribe.
6. Law must be the expression of the general will: all citizens, men and women alike, must personally or
through their representatives concur in its formation; it must be the same for all; all citizens, men and women
alike, being equal before it, must be equally eligible for all high offices, positions and public employments, ac¬
cording to their abilities, and without distinctions other than their virtues and talents.
7. No woman can be an exception: she will be accused, apprehended and detained in cases determined
by law; women, like men, will obey the rigorous rule.
8. The law must establish only those penalties which are strictly and clearly necessary, and no woman
can be punished by virtue of a law established and promulgated prior to the offense, and legally applied to
women.
9. When a woman is declared guilty, full severity is exercised by the law.
10. No one ought to be disturbed for one’s opinions, however fundamental they are; since a woman has
the right to mount the scaffold, she must also have the right to address the House, providing her interventions
do not disturb the public order as it has been established by law.
11. The free communication of ideas and opinions is one of the most precious rights of woman, since this
freedom ensures the legitimacy of fathers towards their children. Every woman citizen can therefore say freely:
I am a mother of a child that belongs to you, without being forced to conceal the truth because of barbaric
prejudice; except to be answerable for abuses of this liberty as determined by law.
12. The guarantee of the rights of woman and of the rights of the woman citizen is a necessary benefit;
this guarantee must be instituted for the advantage of all, and not for the personal benefit of those to whom it is
entrusted.
13. For the upkeep of public forces and for administrative expenses, the contribution of woman and man
are equal; a woman shares in all the labors required by law, in the painful tasks; she must therefore have an
equal share in the distribution of offices, employments, trusts, dignities and work.
14. Women and men citizens have the right to ascertain by themselves or through their representatives the
necessity of public taxes. Women citizens will not only assume an equal part in pro-viding the wealth but also in
the public administration and in determining the quota, the assessment, the collection and the duration of the
impost.
15. The mass of women, joined together to contribute their taxes with those of men, have the right to de¬
mand from every public official an accounting of his administration.
16. Any society in which the guarantee of rights is not assured, nor the separation of powers determined,
has no Constitution: the Constitution is null if the majority of the individuals of whom the nation is comprised
66 Chapter 22
AFTERWORD
Women, wake up! The alarm bell of reason is making itself heard throughout the universe; recognize your rights.
The powerful empire of nature is no longer beset by prejudices, fanaticism, superstition and lies. The torch of
truth has dispelled all clouds of stupidity and usurpation. The enslaved man multiplied his forces but has had
to resort to yours to break his chains. Once free he became unjust to his female companion. 0 women! women,
when will you stop being blind? What advantages have you received from the revolution? A more pronounced
scorn, a more marked contempt? During the centuries of corruption, your only power was over the weaknesses
of men. Your empire is destroyed, what then is left to you? The conviction that men are unjust. The claiming of
your patrimony based on the wise laws of nature. The good word of [Jesus Christ] the Lawgiver of the Marriage
at Cana? Are you afraid that our French lawmakers, correctors of this morality, so long tied up with the politics
which is no longer in style will say to you: “Women, what is there in common between you and us?” Everything,
you would have to reply. If they persisted in their weakness, in putting forth this inconsistency which is a contra¬
diction of their principles, you should courageously oppose these male pretensions of superiority with the forces
of reason; unite under the banner of philosophy, unfold all the energy of your character and you will soon see
these proud men, your servile adorers, crawling at your feet, but proud to share with you the treasures of the
Supreme being. Whatever the obstacles that oppose us may be, it is in your power to free us, you have only to
will it...Since it is now a question of national education, let us see if our wise lawmakers will think wisely about
the education of women.
Women have done more harm than good. Constraint and dissimulation have been their lot. What force had
robbed them of, ruse returned to them. Poison and the sword were both subject to them; they commanded in
crime as in fortune. The French government, especially, depended throughout the centuries on the nocturnal
administration of women; the cabinet kept no secret from their indiscretion; ambassadorial post, command,
ministry, presidency, pontificate, college of cardinals; finally, anything which characterises the folly of men,
profane and sacred, ail have been subject to the cupidity and ambition of this sex, formerly contemptible and
respected, and since the revolution, respectable and scorned.
In this sort of contradictory situation, what remarks could I not make! I have but a moment to make them,
but this moment will fix the attention of the remotest posterity. Under the Old Regime, all was vicious, all was
guilty; but could not the amelioration of conditions be perceived even in the substance of vices? A woman
only had to be beautiful or amiable; when she possessed these two advantages, she saw a hundred fortunes
at her feet. If she did not profit from them, she had a bizarre character or a rare philosophy which made her
scorn wealth; then she was deemed to be like a crazy woman; the most indecent made herself respected with
gold; commerce in women was a kind of industry in the first class [of society], which, henceforth, will have no
more credit. If it still had it, the revolution would be lost, and under the new relationships we would always be
corrupted; however, reason can always be deceived [into believing] that any other road to fortune is closed to
the woman whom a man buys, like the slave on the African coasts. The difference is great; that is known. The
slave is commanded by the master; but if the slave has lost all her charms, what will become of this unfortunate
woman? The victim of scorn, even the doors of charity are closed to her; she is poor and old, they say; why did
Nation-States and Patterns of Culture in Europe and North America, 1750-1871 67
she not know how to make her fortune? Reason finds other examples that are even more touching. A young,
inexperienced woman, seduced by a man whom she loves, will abandon her parents to follow him; the ingrate
will leave her after a few-years, and the older she has become with him, the more inhuman is his inconstancy; if
she has children, he will likewise abandon them. If he is rich, he will consider himself excused from sharing his
fortune with his noble victims. If some involvement binds him to his duties, he will deny them, trusting that the
laws will support him. If he is married, any other obligation loses its rights. What laws remain to extirpate vice all
the way to its root? The law of dividing wealth and public administration between men and women. It can easily
be seen that one who is born into a rich family gains very much from such equal sharing. But the one born into
a poor family with merit and virtue - what is her lot? Poverty and opprobrium. If she does not precisely excel in
music or painting, she cannot be admitted to any public function when she has all the capacity for it. I do not
to give only a sketch of things; I will go more deeply into this in the new edition of all my political writings, with
notes, which I propose to give to the public in a few days.
I take up my text again on the subject of morals. Marriage is the tomb of trust and love. The married woman
can with impunity give bastards to her husband, and also give them the wealth that does not belong to them.
The woman who is unmarried has only one feeble right; ancient and inhuman laws refuse to her for her children
the right to the name and the wealth of their father; no new laws have been made in this matter. If it is consid¬
ered a paradox and an impossibility on my part to try to give my sex an honorable and just consistency, I leave it
to men to attain glory for dealing with this matter; but while we wait, the way can be prepared through national
education, the restoration of morals, and conjugal conventions.
We, __and_, moved by our own will, unite ourselves for the duration of our lives, and for
the duration of our mutual inclinations, under the following conditions: We intend and wish to make our wealth
communal, meanwhile reserving to ourselves the right to divide it in favor of our children and of those to whom
we might have a particular inclination, mutually recognizing that our property belongs directly to our children,
from whatever bed they come, and that all of them without distinction have the right to bear the name of the
fathers and mothers who have acknowledged them, and we are charged to subscribe to the law which punishes
the renunciation of one’s own blood. We likewise obligate ourselves. In case of separation, to divide our wealth
and to set aside in advance the portion the law indicates for our children, and in the event of a perfect union,
the one who dies will divest himself of half his property in his child’s favour, and if one dies childless, the survivor
will Inherit by right, unless the dying person has disposed of half the common property in favour of one whom
he judged deserving.
That is approximately the formula for the marriage act I propose for execution. Upon reading this strange
document, I see rising up against me the hypocrites, the prudes, the clergy, and the whole infernal sequence.
But how it [my proposal] offers to the wise the moral means of achieving the perfection of a happy government!
I am going to give in a few words the physical proof of it. The rich, childless Epicurean finds it very good to go to
his poor neighbour to augment his family. When there is a law authorising a poor man’s wife to have a rich one
adopt their children, the bonds of society will be strengthened and morals will be purer. This law will perhaps
save the community’s wealth and hold back the disorder which drives so many victims to the almshouses of
shame, to a low station, and into degenerate human principles where nature has groaned for so long. May the
detractors of wise philosophy then cease to cry out against primitive morals, or may they lose their point in the
source of their citations.
68 Chapter 22
Moreover, I would like a law which would assist widows and young girls deceived by the false promises of a
man to whom they were attached: I would like, I say, this law to force an inconsfant man to hold to his obliga¬
tions or at least [to pay] an indemnity equal to his wealth. Again, I would like this law to be rigorous against
women, at least those who have the effrontery to have recourse to a law which they themselves had violated by
their misconduct, if proof of that were given. At the same time, as I showed in Le Bonheur primitif de I’Homme,
in 1788, that prostitutes should be placed in designated quarters. It is not prostitutes who contribute the most
to the depravity of morals, it is the women of society. In regenerating the latter, the former are changed. This link
of fraternal union will first bring disorder, but in consequence it will produce at the end a perfect harmony.
I offer a foolproof way to elevate the soul of women; it is to join them to all the activities of man; if man persists
in finding this way impractical, let him share his fortune with woman, not at his caprice, but by the wisdom of
laws. Prejudice falls, morals are purified, and nature regains all her rights. Add to this the marriage of priests
and the strengthening of the king on his throne, and the French government cannot fail.
It would be very necessary to say a few words on the troubles which are said to be caused by the decree in
favor of colored men in our islands. There is where nature shudders with horror; there is where reason and hu¬
manity have still not touched callous souls; there, especially, is where division and discord stir up their inhabit¬
ants. It is not difficult to divine the instigators of these incendiary fermentations; they are even in the midst of the
National Assembly; they ignite the flame in Europe which must inflame America. Colonists make a claim to reign
as despots over the men whose fathers and brothers they are; and, disowning the rights of nature, they trace the
source of [their rule] to the scantiest tint of their blood. These inhuman colonists say: our blood flows in fheir
veins, but we will shed it all if necessary to glut our greed or our blind ambition. It is in these places nearest to
nature where the father scorns the son; deaf to the cries of blood, they stifle all its attraction; what can be hoped
from the resistance opposed to them? To constrain [blood] violently is to render it terrible; to leave [blood] still
enchained is to direct all calamities towards America. A divine hand seems to spread liberty abroad throughout
the realms of man; only the law has the right to curb this liberty if it degenerates into license, but it must be
equal for all; liberty must hold the National Assembly to its decree dictated by prudence and justice. May it act
the same way for the state of France and render her as attentive to new abuses as she was to the ancient ones
which each day become more dreadful. My opinion would be to reconcile the executive and legislative power,
for it seems to me that the one is everything and the other is nothing - whence comes, unfortunately perhaps,
the loss of the French Empire. I think that these two powers, like man and woman, should be united but equal
in force and virtue to make a good household.
served as the French ambassador to the Congress of Vienna. In this letter to Louis XVIII, he reports on his secret
treaty with England and Austria that ended the anti-French coalition.
Source: Talleyrand to Louis XVIII, January 4, 1815, in James Harvey Robinson, ed.. Readings in European History, 2 Vols., (Boston:
Ginn and Co., 1904-1905), II: 534-536.
ence between their plenipotentiaries and those of Austria. The arrogant tone of that insolent and nonsensical
document so deeply offended Lord Castlereagh that, departing from his habitual calmness, he declared that the
Russians were claiming to lay down the law and that England was not disposed to accept that from anybody.
When Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865) delivered his Inaugural Address, the United States was on the verge of dis¬
union. Seven southern states had summoned conventions and voted to secede from the union. The secessionist
states wasted no time in forming a general government and had inaugurated a president of their own—all before
Lincolns inauguration. Lincoln thus assumed the presidency faced with the gravest crisis that the U.S. had ever
faced. The following selections from Lincoln’s address reveal his understanding of the nature of the union of Amer¬
Source: http://www/.bartleby.com/124/pres31.html
It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that
period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch
of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with
all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under
great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably
attempted.
I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual.
Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert
that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute
all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to
destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.
Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract
merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a
contract may violate it-break it, so to speak-but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?
Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is
perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was
formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of In¬
dependence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and
engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the
declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect Union.”
But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less
perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.
Nation-States and Patterns of Culture in Europe and North America, 1750-1871 71
It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that
resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against
the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.
I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of
my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be
faithfully executed in all the States, Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform
it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or
in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the
declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.
In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon
the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and
places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary
for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where
hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resi¬
dent citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the
people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these
offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to
forego for the time the uses of such offices.
The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in ail parts of the Union. So far as possible the
people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflec¬
tion. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modifica¬
tion or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to
circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and
the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.
That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of
any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those,
however, who really love the Union may I not speak?
Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its
memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desper¬
ate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you,
while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so
fearful a mistake?
All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any
right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily, the human mind is so constituted
that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly
written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a majority should
deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution;
certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of
individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the
Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a
provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can
anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall
fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say.
72 chapter 22
May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect
slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.
From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majori¬
ties and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. There
is no other alternative, for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in
such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them, for
a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. For
instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely
as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now be¬
ing educated to the exact temper of doing this.
.... Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by consti¬
tutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and
sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to
despotism. Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible;
so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.
Source; “Official Account of Proclamation of the German Empire, January 24, 1871." In James Harvey Robinson, ed.. Readings in
European History, 2 Vols., (Boston: Ginn and Co., 1904-1905), II: 595-597.
In the palace of Louis XIV, in that ancient center of a hostile power which for centuries has striven to divide
and humiliate Germany, the solemn proclamation of the German empire was made on January 18, exactly one
hundred and seventy years after the assumption of the royal dignity by the Prussian sovereigns at Konigsberg.
Though the German people, owing to the necessities of the times, were represented at the ceremony only by the
German army, the eyes of the entire nation were gratefully turned to the place where, surrounded by sovereigns,
generals, and soldiers. King William announced to the world the assumption by himself and his heirs of a title for
the reestablishment of which we have been yearning during the sixty long years it has been in abeyance.
As yet the infatuation of the enemy does not permit us to throw aside the weapons we have taken up in self-
defense; and as our unity arose out of the first part of the campaign, so will our empire be strengthened by the
remaining feats of arms. By the self-sacrificing devotion of all classes of society, the nation has proved that it still
possesses that warlike prowess which distinguished our ancestors. It has recovered its ancient position in Eu¬
rope; and, neither fearing an adversary nor envying any neighbor, discreet and temperate in its acts and aims, it
Nation-States and Patterns of Culture in Europe and North America, 1750-1871 73
accepts the destiny prophesied for it in the proclamation of its new emperor. This destiny is to add to its power
not by conquest but by promoting culture, liberty, and civilization. As far as the German people are concerned,
there will be no more wars in Europe after the determination of the present campaign. . . .
Owing to the unfavorable weather the festive procession which was to conduct his Majesty from the prefec¬
ture to the palace did not take place. The crown prince, with Lieutenant-General Blumenthal, his chief of staff,
and an escort of Prussians, Wurtembergers, Badeners, and Bavarians, drove to the palace to receive his royal
father at the eastern portal In front of the Princes’ Stairway. In the courtyard of the palace a company of the
king's own troops was drawn up as a guard of honor.. . .
At a quarter past twelve his Majesty entered the hall, when a choir consisting of men of the Seventh, Forty
Seventh, and Fifty-Eighth regiments intoned the choral, "Let all the world rejoice in the Lord.” . . . When the
choir ceased, the congregation sang one verse of the choral, “Praise and honor unto the Lord.” The ordinary
military liturgy was then read by the clergymen and a sermon preached by the Reverend A. Rogge. Alluding to
the well-known inscription on the celling of the hall, "Le roi governe par lui-meme"the preacher observed that
the kings of Prussia had risen to greatness by adopting a different and more religious motto, namely, “The kings
of the earth reign under me, saith the Lord.” The Te Deum laudamus closed the service.
The king then walked up to where the colors were displayed, and, standing before them, read the document
proclaiming the reestablishment of the German empire. Count Bismarck having read the king’s proclamation to
the German nation, the grand duke of Baden stepped forth and exclaimed, "Long live his Majesty the emperor!”
The cheers of the assembly were taken up by the bands playing the national anthem.
Victor Emmanuel (1820-1878) ivas the first king of a united Italy. The path to this position was not an easy one.
Interstate allegiances, foreign wars, and shaky coalitions all ahgned to upgrade Italy from Metternich’s assertion
that it was simply a “geographic expression.” In this address to the Sardinian assembly, Emmanuel noted what
seemed to him to be the largest check against Italian unification: the Church.
Source: Victor Emmanuel address to the Sardinian parliament, April 2, 1860. James Harvey Robinson, ed.. Readings in European
The last time that I opened this parliament, in the midst of the travails of Italy and dangers to the state, faith in
divine justice encouraged me to prophesy a happy issue for us. In a very short space of time an invasion has
been repelled; Lombardy has been freed, thanks to the glorious exploits of our heroes, and central Italy has
been delivered, thanks to the remarkable courage of its inhabitants; and to-day the representatives of right and
of the hopes of the nation are assembled about me.
We owe many benefits to a magnanimous ally, to the bravery of his soldiers as well as ours, to the self-abne¬
gation of the volunteers, and to the harmony of the various peoples; and we render thanks to God, for without
superhuman aid these enterprises, memorable not only for our own generation but for ages to come, could not
have been achieved.
Out of gratitude to France for the services she has rendered to Italy, and in order to consolidate the union of
the two nations, which have a community of origin, of principles, and of destiny, some sacrifice was necessary;
I have made that one which costs most to my own heart. Subject to the vote of the people and the approba¬
tion of fhe parliament, I have agreed to a treaty providing for the reunion of Savoy and of the district of Nice to
France.
We still have many difficulties to overcome, but, sustained by public opinion and by the love of the people, I
will not permit any right or liberty to be infringed or diminished.
Although I am as consistent in my respect toward the supreme head of our religion as the Catholic rulers, my
ancestors, have always shown themselves, nevertheless, should the ecclesiastical authority resort to spiritual
arms in support of its temporal interests, I will, relying upon a pure conscience and the traditions of my forefa¬
thers, find strength to maintain civil liberty and my authority, for the exercise of which I owe an account only to
God and to my people.. . .
I ndustrialization in Western Europe transformed culture and society. Despite the many problems associated
with industrialization, Europeans gained a standard of living never before experienced by such large numbers of
people. Europe became the hub of the world.
New technologies such as the steam engine led to wave after wave of innovations. Soon there was a need for
steel for railroads and a growing demand for coal to power machinery. The workplace was transformed in response
to growing consumer demands. The large population boom also acted as a catalyst for change, placing stress upon
pre-industrial social institutions. Modes of transportation and communication were transformed quickening the
pace and intensity of European imperialism.
The rapid pace of change led to social strife. New pohtical philosophies based on furthering individual or class
liberties prompted people to seek new rights and freedoms. The idea of liberty made an impact on all social classes,
generating tension and at times, rebelhon, which forced dramatic changes upon European populations.
Living conditions became a prime subject of discussion. Debilitating sickness and premature death were a part
of hfe for those who worked in factories, as they had been when they lived in the countryside. But critics of indus¬
trialization popularized their views through pamphlets and books that discussed worker issues and proposed new
social and political arrangements to end worker suff^ering.
Adam Smith (1723-1790) was a political philosopher who wrote The Wealth of Nations (1776) to explain why
some countries like Great Britain experienced higher levels of widespread wealth than poor countries. Smith ex¬
plained that limited government regulation of economic activity and support for creative entrepreneurship al¬
lowed populations to flourish amid rising standards of living. He countered an assumption popular for centuries
throughout Europe that people willingly sacrificing their self-interests for the common good could only achieve
the common good in a society. Influenced by other writers in the Scottish Enlightenment, Smith insisted the pur¬
suit of self-interests contributed to the good of a society. Smiths book, while part of a long line of economic trea¬
tise among European intellectuals, is credited for establishing the systematic study of economic activity and thus
earned Smith the title of “father of economics.” The Wealth of Nations widely influenced the rise of hberal regimes
in North American and Europe from the late eighteenth century until the present.
Source: Adam Smith, An Inquiry Into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. Ed. R. H. Campbell and A. S. Skinner, vol. Hof
the Glasgow Edition of the Works and Correspondence of Adam Smith (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1981), 456.
...every individual necessarily labors to render the annual revenue of society as great he can. He generally,
indeed, neither intends to promote the public interest, nor knows how much he is promoting it. By preferring the
76 Chapter 23
support of domestic of that of foreign industry, he intends only his own security; and by directing that industry
in such a manner as its produce may be of the greatest value, he intends only his own gain, and he is in this, as
in many other cases, led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.
century.
Source: John Stuart Mill, The Collected Works of John Stuart Mill, Volume XVIII - Essays on Politics and Society Part I, ed. John M.
Robson, Introduction by Alexander Brady (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1977),
223-224.
That principle is, that the sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or collectively, in interfering
with the liberty of action of any of the'v number, is self-protection. That the only purpose for which power can
be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others.
His own good, either physical or moral, is not a sufficient warrant. He cannot rightfully be compelled to do or
forbear because it will be better for him to do so, because it will make him happier, because, in the opinions
of others, to do so would be wise, or even right. These are good reasons for remonstrating with him, or reason¬
ing with him, or persuading him, or entreating him, but not for compelling him, or visiting him with any evil in
case he do otherwise. To justify that, the conduct from which it is desired to deter him, must be calculated to
produce evil to someone else. The only part of the conduct of anyone, for which he is amenable to society, is
that which concerns others. In the part which merely concerns himself, his independence is, of right, absolute.
Over himself, over h/s own body and mind, f/?e individual is sovereign.
The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844 reflects Friederick Engels (1820-1895) observations on the
state of workers in Manchester, England. Engels was a political philosopher interested in the dynamic of social
Industrialization and its Discontents, 1750-1914
77
classes. Engels co-wrote The Communist Manifesto (1848) with Karl Marx (1818-1883). Both men focused on the
gap between the upper and lower classes. The book focuses on health issues that the working class faced and class
division between the wealthy owners and poor workers. This was the precursor to the writing of The Communist
Manifesto, a book that served as an inspiration for socialist movements across Europe. Which includes issues about
the problem with capitalism and class struggle between the rich and the poor. The book gives on a unique direct
insight about the workers life and problems during the industrial revolution.
Source: Engels, Frederich, The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844with a Preface Written in 1892. Translated by
Florence Kelley WIschnewetzky (London: Swan Sonnenschein & Co., 1892), 105.
The result of all these Influences is a general enfeeblement of the frame in the working-class. There are few
vigorous, well-built, healthy persons among the workers, i.e., among the factory operatives, who are employed
in confined rooms, and we are here discussing these only. They are almost all weakly, of angular but not power¬
ful build, lean, pale, and of relaxed fiber, with the exception of the muscles especially exercised in their work.
Nearly all suffer from indigestion, and consequently from a more or less hypochondria, melancholy, irritable,
nervous condition. Their enfeebled constitutions are unable to rest disease, and are therefore seized by it on
every occasion. Hence they are prematurely, and die early. On this point the mortality statistics supply unques¬
tionably testimony.
Charles Dickens (1812-1870) was one of the most prolific writers in the English language, authorizing many great
works including A Tale of Two Cities and A Christmas Carol. He wrote his book David Copperfield in 1849, during
the height of the industrial revolution in England. The book was partially a self-reflection piece for Dickens, who
as a young man worked in a factory. For David Copperfield, the story’s protagonist, factory life was difficult. His
unkind stepfather had placed him there; he cleaned wine bottles and lived mostly on bread. Through his writing
Dickens was able to express his own discontent with the conditions of factory life in Britain.
Source: Dickens, Charles. David Coppe/f/e/h (Philadelphia: T.B. Peterson & Brothers, 1850), 195-96.
Murdstone and Grinby’s trade was among a good many kinds of people, but an important branch of it was the
supply of wines and spirits to certain packet ships. I forget now where they chiefly went, but I think there were
some among them that made voyages both to the East and West Indies. I know that a great many empty bottles
were one of the consequences of this traffic, and that certain men and boys were employed to examine them
against the light, and reject those that were flawed, and to rinse and wash them. When the empty bottles ran
short, there were labels to be pasted on full ones, or corks to be fitted to them, or seals to be put upon the casks.
All this work was my work, and of the boys employed upon it I was one. There were three or four of us, counting
78 Chapter 23
me. My working place was established in a corner of the warehouse, where Mr. Quinion could see me, when he
chose to stand up on the bottom rail of his stool in the counting-house, and look at me through a window above
the desk. Hither, on the first morning of my so auspiciously beginning life on my own account, the oldest of the
regular boys was summoned to show me my business. His name was Mick Walker, and he wore a ragged apron
and a paper cap. He informed me that his father was a bargeman... No words can express the secret agony of
my soul as I sunk into this companionship; compared these henceforth everyday associates with those of my
happier childhood—-not to say with Steerforth, Traddles, and the rest of those boys; an felt my hops of growing
up to be a learned and distinguished man, crushed in my bosom. The deep remembrance of the sense I had,
of being utterly without hope now; of the shame I felt in my position; of the misery it was to my young heart to
believe that day by day what 1 had learned and thought, and delighted in , and raised my fancy and my emula¬
tion up by, would pass away from me, little by little, never to be brought back any more; cannot be written.
Great Britain was the first country to undergo an industrial revolution, fueled in large part by the abundant coal
deposits of Wales, Yorkshire, and Lancashire. Mining, like textile manufacture, was an occupation that exploited
women and children. Not only did women and children work for less, their small bodies and nimble limbs per¬
mitted them to crawl the narrow tunnels to mine and haul the coal much more easily than men. Despite the clear
economic advantages of using women and children in the English mines, by the 1840s there was a growing con¬
cern that the social and moral consequences of this exploitation were ruining the miners’ family hfe. Agitation for
reform in the mines compelled Parliament to investigate working conditions there and enact reform legislation to
correct abuses. The following parliamentary reports printed in 1842 describe the working conditions for English
women miners.
Source: Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers (1842), Vol. XVI, pp. 24, 196.
In England, exclusive of Wales, it is only in some of the colliery districts of Yorkshire and Lancashire that female
Children of tender age and young and adult women are allowed to descend into the coal mines and regularly
to perform the same kinds of underground work, and to work for the same number of hours, as boys and men;
but in the East of Scotland their employment in the pits is general; and in South Wales it is not uncommon. West
Riding of Yorkshire: Southern Part - In many of the collieries in this district, as far as relates to the underground
employment, there is no distinction of sex, but the labour is distributed indifferently among both sexes, except
that it is comparatively rare for the women to hew or get the coals, although there are numerous instances in
which they regularly perform even this work. In great numbers of the coalpits in this district the men work in a
state of perfect nakedness, and are in this state assisted in their labour by females of all ages, from girls of six
years old to women of twenty-one, these females being themselves quite naked down to the waist.
“Girls,” says the Sub-Commissioner [J. C. Symons], “regularly perform all the various offices of trapping.
Industrialization and its Discontents, 1750-1914 79
hurrying [Yorkshire terms for drawing the loaded coal wagons], filling, riddling, tipping, and occasionally get¬
ting, just as they are performed by boys. One of the most disgusting sights I have ever seen was that of young
females, dressed like boys in trousers, crawling on all fours, with belts round their waists and chains passing
between their legs, at day pits at Hunshelf Bank, and in many small pits near Hoimfirth and New Mills; it exists
also in several other places. I visited the Hunshelf Colliery on the 18th of January: it is a day pit; that is, there is
no shaft or descent; the gate or entrance is at the side of a bank, and nearly horizontal. The gate was not more
than a yard high, and in some places not above 2 feet.
“When I arrived at the board or workings of the pit I found at one of the sideboards down a narrow passage
a girl of fourteen years of age in boy’s clothes, picking down the coal with the regular pick used by the men. She
was half sitting half lying at her work, and said she found it tired her very much, and of course she didn’t like
it.’ The place where she was at work was not 2 feet high. Further on were men lying on their sides and getting.
No less than six girls out of eighteen men and children are employed in this pit.
“Whilst I was in the pit the Rev. Mr Bruce, of Wadsley, and the Rev. Mr Nelson, of Rotherham, who accom¬
panied me, and remained outside, saw another girl often years of age, also dressed in boy’s clothes, who was
employed in hurrying, and these gentlemen saw her at work. She was a nice-looking little child, but of course
as black as a tinker, and with a little necklace round her throat.
“In two other pits in the Huddersfield Union I have seen the same sight. In one near New Mills, the chain,
passing high up between the legs of two of these girls, had worn large holes in their trousers; and any sight more
disgustingly indecent or revolting can scarcely be imagined than these girls at work - no brothel can beat it.
“On descending Messrs Hopwood’s pit at Barnsley, I found assembled round a fire a group of men, boys,
and girls, some of whom were of the age of puberty; the girls as well as the boys stark naked down to the waist,
their hair bound up with a tight cap, and trousers supported by their hips. (At Silkstone and at Flockton they
work in their shifts and trousers.) Their sex was recognizable only by their breasts, and some little difficulty oc¬
casionally arose in pointing out to me which were girls and which were boys, and which caused a good deal of
laughing and joking. In the Flockton and Thornhill pits the system is even more indecent; for though the girls
are clothed, at least three-fourths of the men for whom they “hurry” work stark naked, or with a flannel waist¬
coat only, and in this state they assist one another to fill the corves 18 or 20 times a day: I have seen this done
myself frequently.
“When it is remembered that these girls hurry chiefly for men who are not their parents; that they go from
15 to 20 times a day into a dark chamber (the bank face), which is often 50 yards apart from any one, to a
man working naked, or next to naked, it is not to be supposed but that where opportunity thus prevails sexual
vices are of common occurrence. Add to this the free intercourse, and the rendezvous at the shaft or bullstake,
where the corves are brought, and consider the language to which the young ear is habituated, the absence
of religious instruction, and the early age at which contamination begins, and you will have before you, in the
coal-pits where females are employed, the picture of a nursery for juvenile vice which you will go far and wide
above ground to equal.”
Betty Harris, age 37: I was married at 23, and went into a colliery when I was married. I used to weave when
about 12 years old; can neither read nor write. I work for Andrew Knowles, of Little Bolton, and make sometimes
7s a week, sometimes not so much. I am a drawer, and work from 6 in the morning to 6 at night. Stop about an
hour at noon to eat my dinner; have bread and butter for dinner; I get no drink. I have two children, but they are
8o Chapter 23
too young to work. 1 worked at drawing when I was in the family way. I know a woman who has gone home and
washed herself, taken to her bed, been delivered of a child, and gone to work again under the week.
I have a belt round my waist, and a chain passing between my legs, and I go on my hands and feet. The
road is very steep, and we have to hold by a rope; and when there is no rope, by anything we can catch hold
of. There are six women and about six boys and girls in the pit I work in; it is very hard work for a woman. The
pit is very wet where I work, and the water comes over our clog-tops always, and I have seen it up to my thighs;
it rains in at the roof terribly. My clothes are wet through almost all day long. I never was ill in my life, but when
I was lying in.
My cousin looks after my children in the day time. I am very tired when I get home at night; I fall asleep
sometimes before I get washed. I am not so strong as I was, and cannot stand my work so well as I used to.
I have drawn till I have had the skin off me; the belt and chain is worse when we are in the family way. My
feller (husband) has beaten me many a time for not being ready. I were not used to it at first, and he had little
patience.
I have known many a man beat his drawer. I have known men take liberties with the drawers, and some of
the women have bastards.
Patience Kershaw, age 17, Halifax: I go to pit at 5 o’clock in the morning and come out at 5 in the evening;
I get my breakfast, porridge and milk, first; I take my dinner with me, a cake, and eat it as I go; I do not stop
or rest at any time for the purpose, I get nothing else until I get home, and then have potatoes and meat, not
every day meat.
I hurry In the clothes I have now got on - trousers and a ragged jacket; the bald place upon my head is made
by thrusting the corves; I hurry the corves a mile and more under ground and back; they weigh 3 cwt. I hurry
eleven a day. 1 wear a belt and chain at the workings to get the corves out. The getters that I work for are naked
except their caps; they pull off all their clothes; I see them at work when I go up.
Sometimes they beat me if I am not quick enough, with their hands; they strike me upon my back. The boys
take liberties with me sometimes; they pull me about. I am the only girl in the pit; there are about 20 boys and
15 men; all the men are naked. I would rather work in mill than in coal-pit.
Note by Sub-Commissioner Scriven: This girl is an ignorant, filthy, ragged, and deplorable looking object,
and such a one as the uncivilized natives of the prairies would be shocked to look upon.
Collectively, Friedrich Nietzsche’s (1844-1900) writings are a fierce rejection ofWestern Civilization. His ideas
influenced scientists, intellectuals, authors, and philosophers well into the twentieth century. Raised the son of
a Lutheran minister in the Prussian region, as an adult he rejected middle-class Christian morality. He became a
professor of classics in his early twenties at the university in Basel, Switzerland in 1869. He also served for a short
time as a medical orderly during the Franco-Prussian War (1870-1871). Throughout his life, he suffered from
mental and physical frailty, and his illnesses forced him to resign his post at the university in 1879. After this early
Industrialization and its Discontents, 1750-1914 81
retirement from his professional duties, he became interested in philosophy and natural sciences. For the next
two years, he wrote scathing critiques of traditional approaches to philosophy and the study of the human psyche.
He published this work,-Beyond Good and Evil, in German, in 1886. Nietzsche had a breakdown in 1889, and
retreated for a year to a mental institution. He never fully recovered and spent the rest of his life being taken care
of by his mother and sister.
Source: Beyond Good and Evil, trans. Helen Zimmern (Edinburgh: Darien Press, 1907), 5-12.
1. The Will to Truth, which Is to tempt us to many a hazardous enterprise, the famous Truthfulness of
which all philosophers have hitherto spoken with respect, what questions has this Will to Truth not laid before
us! What strange, perplexing, questionable questions! It is already a long story; yet it seems as if it were hardly
commenced. Is it any wonder if we at last grow distrustful, lose patience, and turn impatiently away? That this
Sphinx teaches us at last to ask questions ourselves? Who is it really that puts questions to us here? What really
is this “Will to Truth” in us? In fact we made a long halt at the question as to the origin of this Will - until at last we
came to an absolute standstill before a yet more fundamental question. We inquired about the value of this Will.
Granted that we want the truth: why not rather untruth? And uncertainty?Even ignorance? The problem of the
value of truth presented itself before us - or was it we who presented our-selves before the problem? Which of us
is the Oedipus here? Which the Sphinx? It would seem to be a rendezvous of questions and notes of interroga¬
tion. And could it be believed that it at last seems to us as if the problem had never been propounded before,
as if we were the first to discern it, get a sight of it, and risk raising it. For there is risk in raising it, perhaps there
is no greater risk.
2. “How could anything originate out of its opposite? For example, truth out of error?or the Will to Truth
out of the will to deception? or the generous deed out of selfishness? or the pure sun-bright vision of the wise
man out of covetousness? Such genesis is impossible; whoever dreams of it is a fool, nay, worse than a fool;
things of the highest value must have a different origin, an origin of their own - in this transitory, seductive,
illusory, paltry world, in this turmoil of delusion and cupidity, they cannot have their source. But rather in the
lap of Being, in the intransitory, in the concealed God, in the Thing-in-itself - there must be their source, and
nowhere else!” - This mode of reasoning discloses the typical prejudice by which metaphysicians of all times
can be recognized, this mode of valuation is at the back of all their logical procedure; through this “belief” of
theirs, they exert themselves for their “knowledge,” for something that is in the end solemnly christened “the
Truth.” The fundamental belief of metaphysicians is the belief in antitheses of values. It never occurred even to
the wariest of them to doubt here on the very threshold (where doubt, however, was most necessary); though
they had made a solemn vow, “de omnibus dubitandum.” For it may be doubted, firstly, whether antitheses
exist at all; and secondly, whether the popular valuations and antitheses of value upon which metaphysicians
have set their seal, are not perhaps merely superficial estimates, merely provisional perspectives, besides being
probably made from some corner, perhaps from below - “frog perspectives,” as it were, to borrow an expression
current among painters. In spite of all the value which may belong to the true, the positive, and the unselfish, it
might be possible that a higher and more fundamental value for life generally should be assigned to pretence,
to the will to delusion, to selfishness, and cupidity. It might even be possible that what constitutes the value of
those good and respected things, consists precisely in their being insidiously related, knotted, and crocheted
to these evil and apparently opposed things - perhaps even in being essentially identical with them. Perhaps!
But who wishes to concern himself with such dangerous “Perhapses”! For that investigation one must await
the advent of a new order of philosophers, such as will have other tastes and inclinations, the reverse of those
82 Chapter 23
hitherto prevalent - philosophers of the dangerous “Perhaps” in every sense of the term. And to speak in all
seriousness, I see such new philosophers beginning to appear.
3. Having kept a sharp eye on philosophers, and having read between their lines long enough, I now say
to myself that the greater part of conscious thinking must be counted amongst the instinctive functions, and it
is so even in the case of philosophical thinking; one has here to learn anew, as one learned anew about heredity
and “ineptness.” As little as the act of birth comes into consideration in the whole process and continuation of
heredity, just as little is “being-conscious” opposed to the instinctive in any decisive sense; the greater part of
the conscious thinking of a philosopher is secretly influenced by his instincts, and forced into definite channels.
And behind all logic and its seeming sovereignty of movement, there are valuations, or to speak more plainly,
physiological demands, for the maintenance of a definite mode of life....
4. The falseness of an opinion is not for us any objection to it: it is here, perhaps, that our new language
sounds most strangely. The question is, how far an opinion is life-furthering, life-preserving, species-preserving,
perhaps species-rearing; and we are fundamentally inclined to maintain that the falsest opinions (to which the
synthetic judgments a priori belong), are the most indispensable to us; that without a recognition of logical fic¬
tions, without a comparison of reality with the purely imagined world of the absolute and immutable, without a
constant counterfeiting of the world by means of numbers, man could not live - that the renunciation of false
opinions would be a renunciation of life, a negation of life. To recognize untruth as a condition of life: that is
certainly to impugn the traditional ideas of value in a dangerous manner, and a philosophy which ventures to
do so, has thereby alone placed itself beyond good and evil.
5. That which causes philosophers to be regarded half-distrustfully and half-mockingly, is not the oft-
repeated discover how innocent they are - how often and easily they make mistakes and lose their way, in short,
how childish and childlike they are, - but that there is not enough honest dealing with them, whereas they all
raise a loud and virtuous outcry when the problem of truthfulness is even hinted at in the remotest manner.
They all pose as though their real opinions had been discovered and attained through the self-evolving of a cold,
pure, divinely indifferent dialectic (in contrast to all sorts of mystics, who, fairer and foolisher, talk of “inspira¬
tion”); whereas, in fact, a prejudiced proposition, idea, or “suggestion,” which is generally their heart’s desire
abstracted and refined, is defended by them with arguments sought out after the event. They are all advocates
who do not wish to be regarded as such, generaily astute defenders, also, of their prejudices, which they dub
“truths,” - and very far from having the conscience' which bravely admits this to itself; very far from having the
good taste or the courage which goes so far as to let this be understood, perhaps to warn friend or foe, or in
cheerful confidence and self-ridicule. The spectacle of the Tartuffery of old Kant, equally stiff and decent, with
which he entices us into the dialectic by-ways that lead (more correctly mislead) to his “categorical impera¬
tive” - makes us fastidious ones smile, we who find no small amusement in spying out the subtle tricks of old
moralists and ethical preachers. Or, stiff more so, the hocus-pocus of mathematical form, by means of which
Spinoza has as it were clad his philosophy in mail and mask - in fact, the “love of his wisdom,” to translate the
term fairly and squarely - in order thereby to strike terror at once into the heart of the assailant who should dare
to cast a glance on that invincible maiden, that Pallas Athene: - how much of personal timidity and vulnerability
does this masquerade of a sickly recluse betray!
6. It has gradually become clear to me what every great philosophy up till now has consisted of - namely,
the confession of its originator, and a species of involuntary and unconscious autobiography: and moreover that
the moral (or immoral) purpose in every philosophy has constituted the true vital germ out of which the entire
plant has always grown. Indeed, to understand how the abstrusest metaphysical assertions of a philosopher
have been arrived at, it is always well (and wise) to first ask oneself: “What morality do they (or does he) aim
Industrialization and its Discontents, 1750-1914 83
at?” Accordingly, I do not believe that an "impulse to knowledge” is the father of philosophy; but that another
impulse, here as elsewhere, has only made use of knowledge (and mistaken knowledge!) as an instrument. But
whoever considers the fundamental impulses of man with a view to determining how far they may have here
acted as inspiring genii (or as demons and cobolds), will find that they have all practiced philosophy at one
time or another, and that each one of them would have been only too glad to look upon itself as the ultimate
end of existence and the legitimate lord over all the other impulses. For every impulse is imperious, and as
such, attempts to philosophize. To be sure, in the case of scholars, in the case of really scientific men, it may
be othenwise - better," if you will; there may really be such a thing as an “impulse to knowledge,” some kind of
small, independent clockwork, which, when well wound up, works away industriously to that end, without the
rest of the scholarly impulses taking any material part therein. The actual "interests” of the scholar, therefore,
are generally in quite another direction - in the family, perhaps, or in money-making, or in politics; it is, in fact,
almost indifferent at what point of research his little machine is placed, and whether the hopeful young worker
becomes a good philologist, a mushroom specialist, or a chemist; he is not characterized by becoming this
or that. In the philosopher, on the contrary, there is absolutely nothing impersonal; and above all, his morality
furnishes a decided and decisive testimony as to who he is, - that is to say, in what order the deepest impulses
of his nature stand to each other....
1896.
Under the implications of “Civilizing mission” Europeans implied that the native indigenous population were un¬
civilized and became the justification for colonization. Natives were referred to as uncivilized, primitive, and sav¬
ages and Europeans saw it as their duty to rescue the people of India. Europeans defined themselves as civilized,
advanced, and scientifically superior to the native populations. Dadabhai Naoroji, was an earlier Indian political
leader who brought into light the benefits and disadvantages brought under British rule. In the end, Dadabhai
Naoroji (l825-I9I7)concludes that benefits outweigh the disadvantages.
Source: Dadabhai Naoroji, Essays, Speeches, Addresses and Writings {Bombay-. Caxton Printing Works, 1887), 131-136.
Generally: A slowly growing desire of late to treat India equitably, and as a country held in trust. Good inten¬
tions. No nation on the face of the earth has ever had the opportunity of achieving such a glorious work as this.
I hope in the credit side_ot the account I have done no injustice, and if I have omitted any item which anyone
may think of importance, I shall have the greatest pleasure in inserting it. I appreciate, and so do my country¬
men, what England has done for India, and I know that it is only in British hands that her regeneration can be
accomplished. Now for the debit side.
The Detriments of Brifish Rule;
In the Cause of Humanity: Nothing. Everything, therefore, is in your favor under this heading.
In the Cause of Civilization: As I have said already, there has been a failure to do as much as might have
been done, but I put nothing to the debit. Much has been done, though.
Politically; Repeated breach of pledges to give the natives a fair and reasonable share in the higher admin¬
istration of their own country, which has much shaken confidence in the good faith of the British word. Politi¬
cal aspirations and the legitimate claim to have a reasonable voice in the legislation and the imposition and
disbursement of taxes, met to a very slight degree, thus treating the natives of India not as British subjects, in
whom representation is a birthright. Consequent on the above, an utter disregard of the feelings and views of
the natives.The great moral evil of the drain of wisdom and practical administration, leaving none to guide the
rising generation.
Financially: All attention is engrossed in devising new modes of taxation, without any adequate effort to
increase the means of the people to pay; and the consequent vexation and oppressiveness of the taxes im¬
posed, imperial and local. Inequitable financial relations between England and India, i.e., the political debt of
,100,000,000 clapped on India’s shoulders, and all home charges also, though the British Exchequer contrib¬
utes nearly ,3,000,000 to the expense of the colonies.
Materially; The political drain, up to this time, from India to England, of above ,500,000,000, af the lowest
computation, in principal alone, which with interest would be some thousands of millions. The further con¬
tinuation of this drain at the rate, at present, of above ,12,000,000 per annum, with a tendency to increase.
The consequent continuous impoverishment and exhaustion of the country, except so far as it has been very
partially relieved and replenished by the railway and irrigation loans, and the windfall of the consequences of
the American war, since 1850. Even with this relief, the material condition of India is such that the great mass
of the poor have hardly tuppence a day and a few rags, or a scanty subsistence. The famines that were in their
power to prevent, if they had done their duty, as a good and intelligent government. The policy adopted during
the last fifteen years of building railways, irrigation works, etc., is hopeful, has already resulted in much good to
your credit, and if persevered in, gratitude and contentment will follow. An increase of exports without adequate
compensation; loss of manufacturing industry and skill. Here I end the debit side.
Summary: To sum up the whole, the British rule has been: morally, a great blessing; politically, peace and
order on one hand, blunders on the other; materially, impoverishment, relieved as far as the railway and other
loans go. The natives call the British system “Sakar ki Churl," the knife of sugar. That is to say, there is no op¬
pression, it is all smooth and sweet, but it is the knife, notwithsfanding. I mention this that you should know
these feelings. Our great misfortune is that you do not know our wants. When you will know our real wishes, I
have not the least doubt that you would do justice. The genius and spirit of the British people is fair play and
justice.
102 Chaptei 25
Source: Eva March Tappan, ed., The World’s Story: A History of the World in Story, Song and Art {Boston-. Houghton Mifflin, 1914),
The worker was washing the dirt in a rough cradle, separating the stones from the dust, and the owner, as each
sieveful was brought to him, threw out the stones on his table and sorted them through with the eternal bit of
slate or iron formed into the shape of a trowel. For the chance of a sieveful one of our party offered him half a
crown,—which he took. I was glad to see it all inspected without a diamond, as had there been anything good
the poor fellow’s disappointment must have been great. That halfcrown was probably all that he would earn dur¬
ing the week,—all that he would earn perhaps for a month. Then there might come three or four stones in one
day. I should think that the tedious despair of the vacant days could hardly be compensated by the triumph of
the lucky minute. These "river” diggers have this in their favor,—that the stones found near the river are more
likely to be white and pure than those which are extracted from the mines. The Vaal itself in the neighborhood
of Barkly is pretty, —with rocks in its bed and islands and trees on its banks. But the country around, and from
thence to Kimberley, which is twenty-four miles distant, is as ugly as flatness, barrenness, and sand together
can make the face of the earth.
The commencement of diamond-digging as a settled industry was in 1872. It was then that dry-digging was
commenced, which consists of the regulated removal of ground found to be diamondiferous and of the washing
and examination of every fraction of the soil. The district which we as yet know to be so specially gifted extends
up and down the Vaal River from the confluence of the Modder to Hebron, about seventy-five miles, and in¬
cludes a small district on the cast side of the river. Here, within twelve miles of the river, and within a circle, of
which the diameter is about two and a half miles, are contained all the mines,—or dry diggings,—from which
have come the real wealth of the country. I should have said that the most precious diamond yet produced, one
of 288 carats, was found close to the river about twelve miles from Barkly. This prize was made in 1872.
It is of the dry diggings that the future student of the Diamond Fields of South Africa will have to take chief
account. The river diggings were only the prospecting work which led up to the real mining operations,—as the
washing of the gullies in Australia led to the crushing of quartz and to the sinking of deep mines in search of
alluvial gold. Of these dry diggings there are now four, Du Toit’s Pan, Bultfontein, Old De Beers,—and Colesberg
Adaptation and Resistance: the Ottoman and Russian Empires, 1683-1908 103
Kopje, or the great Kimberley mine, which though last in the Field has thrown all the other diamond mines into
the shade. The first working at the three first of these was so nearly simultaneous, that they may almost be said
to have been commenced at once. I believe, however, that they were in fact opened in the order I have given.
This poem, by Rudyard Kipling (1865-1936), is one of the most famous apologies for the New Imperialism in Afri¬
ca and Asia. Kipling assumes that the colonizing powers did the natives a favor by bringing “civilization” to them.
Source: Rudyard Kipling, Rudyard Kipling's Verse (1885-1918), Garden City, NY: Doubleday, Page & Co. (1919).
Source: Edward D. Morel, The Black Man's Burden (London: The National Labor Press, 1920), 7-11.
The New Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century 105
It is with the peoples of Africa, then, that our inquiry is concerned. It is they who carry the “Black man’s" bur¬
den. They have not withered away before the white man’s occupation. Indeed, if the scope of this volume per¬
mitted, there would be no difficulty in showing that Africa has ultimately absorbed within itself every Caucasian
and, for that matter, every Semitic invader too. In hewing out for himself a fixed abode in Africa, the white man
has massacred the African in heaps. The African has survived, and it is well for the white settlers that he has.
In the process of imposing his political dominion over the African, the white man has carved broad and
bloody avenues from one end of Africa to the other. The African has resisted, and persisted.
For three centuries the white man seized end enslaved millions of Africans and transported them, with every
circumstance of ferocious cruelty, across the seas. Still the African survived and, in his land of exile, multiplied
exceedingly.
But what the partial occupation of his soil by the white man has failed to do; what the mapping out of Euro¬
pean political “spheres of influence" has failed to do; what the maxim and the rifle; the slave gang, labor in the
bowels of the earth and the lash, have failed to do; what imported measles, smallpox and syphilis have failed
to do; what even the oversea slave trade failed to do, the flower of modern capitalistic exploitation, assisted by
modern engines of destruction, may yet succeed in accomplishing.
For from the evils of the latter, scientifically applied and enforced, there is no escape for the African. Its
destructive effects are not spasmodic: they are permanent. In its permanence resides its fatal consequences. It
kills not the body merely, but the soul. It breaks the spirit. It attacks the African at every turn, from every point
of vantage. It wrecks his polity, uproots him from the land, invades his family life, destroys his natural pursuits
and occupations, claims his whole time, enslaves him in his own home.
Economic bondage and wage slavery, the grinding pressure of a life of toil, the incessant demands of indus¬
trial capitalism - these things a landless European proletariat physically endures, though hardly. [...] The recu¬
perative forces of a temperate climate are there to arrest the ravages, which alleviating influences in the shape
of prophylactic and curative remedies will still further circumscribe. But in Africa, especially in tropical Africa,
which a capitalistic imperialism threatens and has, in part, already devastated, man is incapable of reacting
against unnatural conditions. In those regions man is engaged in a perpetual struggle against disease and an
exhausting climate, which tells heavily on child-bearing; and there is no scientific machinery for salving the
weaker members of the community. The African of the tropics is system of monotonous, uninterrupted labour,
with its long and regular hours, involving, moreover, as it frequently does, severance from natural surroundings
and nostalgia, the condition of melancholy resulting from separation from home, a malady to which the African
is prone. Climatic conditions forbid it. When the system is forced upon him, the tropical African droops and
dies.
Nor is violent physical opposition to abuse and injustice henceforth possible for the African in any part of
Africa. His chances of effective resistance have been steadily dwindling with the increasing perfectibility in the
killing power of modern armament. Gunpowder broke the effectiveness of his resistance to the slave trade,
although he continued to struggle. He has forced and, on rare occasions and in exceptional circumstances
beaten, in turn the old-fashioned musket, the elephant gun, the seven-pounder, and even the repeating rifle
and the gatling gun. He has been known to charge right down repeatedly, foot and horse, upon the square,
swept on all sides with the pitiless and continuous hail of maxims. But against the latest inventions, physical
bravery, though associated with a perfect knowledge of the country, can do nothing. The African cannot face
the high-explosive shell and the bomb-dropping aeroplane. He has inflicted sanguinary reverses upon picked
European troops, hampered by the climate and by commissariat difficulties. He cannot successfully oppose
members of his own race free from these impediments, employed by his white adversaries, and trained in all
io6 Chapter 26
the diabolical devices of scientific massacre. And although the conscripting of African armies for use in Europe
or in Africa as agencies for the liquidation of white man’s quarrels must bring in its train evils from which the
white man will be the first to suffer, both in Africa and in Europe; the African himself must eventually disappear
in the process. Winter in Europe, or even in Northern Africa, is fatal to the tropical or subtropical African, while
i.n the very nature of the case anything approaching real European control of Africa, of hordes of African soldiery
armed with weapons of precisions is not a feasible proposition. The Black man converted by the European into a
scientifically-equipped machine for the slaughter of his kind, is certainly not more merciful than the white man
similarly equipped for like purposes in dealing with unarmed communities. And the experiences of the civilian
population of Belgium, East Prussia, Galicia and Poland [First World War] is indicative of the sort of visitation
involved for peaceable and powerless African communities if the white man determines to add to his appalling
catalogue of past misdeeds toward the African, the crowning wickedness of once again, as in the day of the
slave trade, supplying him with the means of encompassing his own destruction.
Thus the African is really helpless against the material gods of the white man, as embodied in the trinity of
imperialism, capitalistic-exploitation, and militarism. If the white man retains these goes [sic] and if he insists
upon making the African worship them as assiduously as he has done himself, the African will go the way of the
Red Indian, the Amerindian, the Carib, the Guanche, the aboriginal Australian, and many more. And this would
be at once a crime of enormous magnitude, and a world disaster
An endeavor will now be made to describe the nature, and the changing form, which the burden inflicted
by the white man in modern times upon the black has assumed. It can only be sketched here in the broadest
outline, but in such a way as will, it is hoped, explain the differing causes and motives which have inspired white
activities in Africa and illustrate, by specific and notable examples, their resultant effects upon African peoples.
It is important that these differing causes and motives should be understood, and that we should distinguish
between them in order that we may hew our way later on through the jungle of error which impedes the pathway
to reform. Diffused generalities and sweeping judgments generate confusion of thought and hamper the evolu¬
tion of a constructive policy based upon clear apprehension of the problem to be solved.
The history of contact between the white and black peoples in modern times is divisible into two distinct and
separate periods: the period of the slave trade and the period of invasion, political control, capitalistic exploita¬
tion, and, the latest development, militarism. Following the slave trade period and preceding the period of inva¬
sion, occurs the trade interlude which, indeed, has priority of both periods, as when the Carthagenians bartered
salt and iron implements for gold dust on the West Coast. But this interlude concerns our investigations only
when we pass from destructive exposure to constructive demonstration.
The first period needs recalling, in order to impress once more upon our memories the full extent of the
African’s claim upon us, the white imperial peoples, for tardy justice, for considerate and honest conduct.
Our examination of the second period will call for sectional treatment. The history of contact and is conse¬
quences during this period may be roughly sub-divided thus:
• The struggle for supremacy between the European invading Settlers and the resident African peoples in
those portions of Africa where the climate and other circumstances permit of European rearing families of
white children.
• Political action by European Governments aimed at the assertion of sovereign rights over particular areas
of African territory.
• Administrative policy, sanctioned by European Governments, and applied by their local representatives in
particular areas, subsequent to the successful assertion of sovereign rights.
The New Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century 107
These sub-divisions are, perhaps, somewhat arbitrary. The distinctiveness here given to them cannot be
absolutely preserved. There is, for instance, a natural tendency for both a and b to merge into c as, though
efflux of time, the origina.ting cause and motive of contact is obscured by developments to which contact has
given rise.
Thus racial contention for actual possession of the soil, and political action often resulting in so-called trea¬
ties of Protectorate thoroughly unintelligible to the African signees, are both landmarks upon the road leading to
eventual administrative policy: i.e., to direct government of the black man by the white.
Source: Raden Ajeng Kartini, Letters of a Javanese Princess, trans. Agnes Louise Symmers (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1920), 39-
44
I shall relate to you the history of a gifted and educated Javanese. The boy had passed his examinations, and
was number one in one of three principal high schools of Java. Both at Semarang, where he went to school, and
at Batavia, where he stood his examinations, time doors of the best houses were open to the amiable school¬
boy, with his agreeable and cultivated manners and great modesty.
Every one spoke Dutch to him, and he could express himself in that language with distinction. Fresh from
this environment, he went back to the house of his parents. He thought it would be proper to pay his respects
to the authorities of the place and he found himself in the presence of the Resident who had heard of him, and
io8 Chapter 26
here it was that my friend made a mistake. He dared to address the great man in Dutch.
The following morning notice of an appointment as clerk to a comptroller in the mountains was sent to
him.
There the young man must remain to think over his “misdeeds” and forget all that he had learned at the
schools. After some years a new comptroller or possibly assistant comptroller came; then the measure of his
misfortunes was made to overflow. The new chief was a former school-fellow, one who had never shone through
his abilities. The young man who had led his classes in everything must now creep upon the ground before the
onetime dunce, and speak always high Javanese to him, while he himself was answered in bad Malay. Can you
understand the misery of a proud and independent spirit so humbled? And how much strength of character it
must have taken to endure that petty and annoying oppression?
But at last he could stand it no longer, he betook himself to Batavia and asked his excellency the Governor
General for an audience; it was granted him. The result was that he was sent to Preanger, with a commission to
make a study of the rice culture there. He made himself of service through the translation of a pamphlet on the
cultivation of water crops from Dutch into Javanese and Sudanese. The government presented him in acknowl¬
edgement with several hundred guilders. In the comptroller’s school at Batavia, a teacher’s place was vacant—a
teacher of the Javanese language be it understood—and his friends (among the Javanese) did all in their power
to secure this position for him, but without result. It was an absurd idea for a Native to have European pupils
who later might become ruling government officials. Perish the thought! I should like to ask who could teach
Javanese better than a born Javanese?
The young man went back to his dwelling place; in the meantime another Resident had come, and the tal¬
ented son of the brown race might at last become an assistant wedono.* Not for nothing had he been banished
for years to that distant place. He had learned wisdom there; namely, that one cannot serve a European official
better than by creeping in the dust before him, and by never speaking a single word of Dutch in his presence.
Others have now come into power, and lately when the position of translator of the Javanese language be¬
came vacant it was offered to our friend (truly opportunely) now that he does not stand in any one’s way!
Stella, I know an Assistant Resident, who speaks Malay with a Regent, although he knows that the latter
speaks good Dutch. Every one else converses confidentially with this native ruler but the Assistant Resident—
never.
My brothers speak in high Javanese to their superiors, who answer them in Dutch or in Malay. Those who
speak Dutch to them are our personal friends; several of whom have asked my brothers to speak to them in the
Dutch language, but they prefer not to do it, and Father also never does. The boys and Father know all too well
why they must hold to the general usage.
There is too much idle talk about the word “prestige,” through the imaginary dignity of the under officials.
I do not bother about prestige. I am only amused at the manner in which they preserve their prestige over us
Javanese.
Sometimes I cannot suppress a smile. It is distinctly diverting to see the great men try to inspire us with awe.
I had to bite my lips to keep from laughing outright when I was on a journey not long ago, and saw an Assis¬
tant Resident go from his office to his house under the shade of a gold umbrella, which a servant held spread
above his noble head. It was such a ridiculous spectacle! Heavens! If he only knew how the humble crowds
who respectfully retreated to one side before the glittering sunshade, immediately his back was turned, burst
out laughing.
There are many, yes very many Government officials, who allow the native rulers to kiss their feet, and their
The New Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century 109
knees. Kissing the foot is the highest token of respect that we Javanese can show to our parents, or elderly blood
relatives, and to our own rulers. We do not find it pleasant to do this for strangers; no, the European makes
himself ridiculous in our eyes whenever he demands from us those tokens of respect to which our own rulers
alone have the right.
It is a matter of indifference when Residents and Assistant Residents allow themselves to be called "Kand-
jeng,” but when overseers, railroad engineers (and perhaps tomorrow, station-masters too) allow themselves to
be thus addressed by their servants, it is absurdly funny. Do these people really know what Kandjeng means?
It is a title that the natives give to their hereditary rulers. I used to think that it was only natural for the stupid
Javanese to love all this flim-flam, but now I see that the civilized, enlightened Westerner is not averse to it, that
he is daft about it.
I never allow women older than I to show all the prescribed ceremonies to me, even though I know they
would gladly, for though I am so young, I am a scion of what they consider an ancient, noble and honoured
house; for which in the past, they have poured out both blood and gold in large measure. It is strange how at¬
tached inferiors are to those above them. But to me, it goes against the grain when people older than I creep
in the dust before me. With heavy hearts, many Europeans here see how the Javanese, whom, they regard as
their inferiors, are slowly awakening, but at every turn a brown man comes up, who shows that he has just as
good brains in his head, and a just as good heart in his body, as the white man.
But we are going forward, and they cannot hold back the current of time. I love the Hollanders very, very
much, and I am grateful for everything that we have gained through them. Many of them are among our best
friends, but there are also others who dislike us, for no other reason than we are bold enough to emulate them
in education and culture.
In many subtle ways they make us feel their dislike. “I am a European, you are a Javanese,” they seem to
say, or “I am the master, you the governed.” Not once, but many times, they speak to us in broken Malay; al¬
though they know very well that we understand the Dutch language. It would be a matter of indifference to me
in what language they addressed us. If the tone were only polite. Not long ago, a Raden Ajoe was talking to a
gentleman, and impulsively she said, “Sir, excuse me, but may I make a friendly request, please, speak to me in
your own language. I understand and speak Malay very well, but alas, only high Malay. I do not understand this
passer-Malay.” How our gentleman hung his head! Why do many Hollanders find it unpleasant to converse with
us in their own language? Oh yes, now I understand; Dutch is too beautiful to be spoken by a brown mouth.
A few days ago we paid a visit to Totokkers (Europeans who are new-comers in Java). Their domestics were
old servants of ours, and we knew that they could speak and understand Dutch very well. I told the host this,
and what answer did I receive from my gentleman? “No, they must not speak Dutch.” “No, why?” I asked.
"Because natives ought not to know Dutch." I looked at him in amazement, and a satirical smile quivered
at the corners of my mouth. The gentleman grew fiery red, mumbled something into his beard, and discovered
something interesting in his boots, at least he devoted all of his attention to them.
This photograph, from the early 20th century, shows laborers picking tea on a steep hillside in the foothills of the
Himalayas in northern India. Tea was an important export crop in British India. In much of the industrializing
world it became a widely consumed beverage among all classes.