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COURT OF LIONS, ALHAMBRA, GRANADA.
 SHORT HISTORY
OF

SARACENS
BEING A CONCISE ACCOUNT OF THE RISE AND DECLINE
OF THE SARACENIC POWER

ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT

OF THE ARAB NATION

From the carliest times to the burnt of Rouglas, and the

expulsion of the Mours fusca Spain

WITH MAPS, LLUSTRATIONS AND

GENEALOGICAL TABLES

AMEER ALL
, SVED. MA , CLE
.

*ondon
MACER ZAR AND CO, LIMITED
 A

SHORT HISTORY
OF THE

SARACENS
BEING A CONCISE ACCOUNT OF THE RISE AND DECLINE
OF THE SARACENIC POWER

AND OF THE

ECONOMIC , SOCIAL AND INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT

OF THE ARAB NATION

From the earliest times to the destruction of Bagdad, and the

expulsion of the Moors from Spain

WITH MAPS, ILLUSTRATIONS AND

GENEALOGICAL TABLES

BY

AMEER ALI , SYED , M.A. , C.I.Ε.

JUDGE OF HER MAJESTY'S HIGH COURT OF JUDICATURE AT FORT WILLIAM IN BENGAL
AUTHOR OF ' THE SPIRIT OF ISLAM,' ' MAHOMMEDAN LAW,'
' ETHICS OF ISLAM, ETC.

London
MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED
NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

1899 こ

All rights reserved

 १०३
Uris

RICHARD CLAY & SONS, LIMITED,

LONDON & BUNGAY.

18916G
1/11/62
D 189166

PREFACE

OF all the older nations that have carried their

arms across vast continents, that have left ineffaceable
marks of their achievements on the pages of history, and
enriched the world of thought by their discoveries and
speculations, the Saracens stand to us the closest in time.
Modern Europe is still working with the legacy they left
behind, with the intellectual wealth they stored for their
successors . It is, therefore, a matter of regret that in
the West a knowledge of their history should be more or
less confined to specialists; whilst in India, a country
which was at one time peculiarly subject to the influence
of their civilisation, it should be almost unknown. Much
of this no doubt is due to the absence of a proper work
on the subject. To arrest attention, to enlist sympathy,
to evoke interest, something more is needed than a bare
narration of wars and conquests, more especially in the
case of a people whose name, unlike the Romans and
Greeks, has not been made familiar from childhood. In
order to prove attractive and interesting, a history of the
Saracens should contain not merely a description of
their military successes, but also tell us something of
their inner life and their social and economic develop-
ment. Such a work, by tracing the affinity of modern
civilisation to theirs, might serve to remove many pre-
judices and some of the bitterness engendered by the
conflict and quarrels of centuries.
vi PREFACE

The volume I now offer to the public was undertaken

with the object of supplying the want of a history
modelled on the above lines. I have endeavoured to
describe in these pages the ethical and moral move-
ment that led to the sudden uprise and overflow of the
Saracenic race and their extraordinary growth and ex-
pansion, to depict the remarkable process of evolution
by which a patriarchal rule developed into one of the
most civilised systems of government, the machinery of
their administration, the state of their culture in all its
phases, the condition of the people, the position of their
women, their mode of life, and finally the causes which
brought about the collapse of their wonderful civilisa-
tion. The work was originally designed to be of a more
compendious character, but the courtesy of my pub-
lishers has enabled me to give effect to the suggestion
of competent scholars, some especially interested in
University education in India, and thus to enlarge its
scope without impairing its general conciseness. Con-
sidering that it has been carried through the press in the
midst of heavy judicial duties, I can hardly expect it to
be free from flaws. Besides, the absence of libraries
such as exist in London, Paris, and other great cities
in Europe render literary undertakings of every kind
in the East peculiarly difficult. I trust, therefore, that
allowance will be made for any shortcomings that may
be found in the book. I venture, however, to hope that
it may be the means of extending among the two great
communities of India a knowledge of the civilisation
and culture of Western Asia in the Middle Ages. To
my mind, such a knowledge is of extreme importance,
for whilst it may teach the Moslem the value of the
opportunity for social and intellectual regeneration
afforded by a liberal and beneficent government, it can
 PREFACE vii

not fail to be of profit also to others, in widening their

sympathies. The story of the Saracens, like those of
many other people, tells us that although each community
must work out its regeneration according to its individual
genius, yet none can afford to wrap itself in the mantle
of a dead Past without the fatal certainty of extinction.
It teaches us that moral worth, scholarship, and intellectual
attainments, however lightly, owing to factitious causes,
they may be thought of for a while, must in time exercise
their legitimate influence on society ; that self-restraint
and steadiness of purpose are qualities which cannot be
over-rated.
The racial pride which caused the Saracen to look
down on conquered nations, his failure to recognise that
mere justice never won the affection of subject peoples,
that to achieve this something more was needed-the
sympathy of a Mâmûn, the large-heartedness of a Nasir
-that neither nations nor individuals lose by generous,
courteous, and liberal dealing-the encouragement in
later times of intrigue, sycophancy, and unworthiness
with such disastrous results to the Arab's power and
greatness-may all be ascribed to one cause. History,
which comes down to us " rich with the spoils of
time," had no lesson for him. The Saracen's genius
for government was intuitive, inborn, self-taught-not
acquired. With an overweening sense of pride in his
race and creed, for which allowance can easily be made,
he stalked through the world feeling, although not pro-
claiming, that he was an Arab citizen, a member of a
great and powerful commonwealth. There was no critical
Schopenhauer to laugh him to scorn. Even the tactless
treatment of the barbarian tribesmen of Northern Spain
must be ascribed to the same cause. The great Hâjib
could weep that the lesson of conciliation came too late.
viii PREFACE

Gibbon's sketch of the rise and progress of the Arab

power, in spite of the paucity of the materials at his
command, will always remain a grand masterpiece of
historical effort. The other works in the English language
require no specific notice ; each, in its own way, is ad-
mirable, and fulfils a purpose in the economy of literature.
But there are some in the continental languages which
cannot be passed over without a distinct recognition
from the students of history. To Caussin de Perceval,
Dozy, Des Vergers, de Slane, Fresnel, Sédillot, Berchem,
von Hammer, von Kremer, Wustenfeld, Amari, among
many others almost equally distinguished, the world of
letters owes a special debt of gratitude.
I have dealt very briefly with the pre-Islamite history
of the Arabs, and the work and ministry of the Arabian
Prophet. More space has been devoted to the Republic.
The Ommeyade and Abbasside periods have, I hope, been
treated with sufficient fulness to make the account in-
teresting without being wearisome. It was somewhat
difficult to compress the story of the eight centuries during
which the Saracens held Spain, within about a hundred
pages; and yet the reader will, I trust, find that nothing
of importance has been omitted. The account of the
Saracens in Northern Africa occupies a very small com-
pass, and naturally so, for the glory of the Fatimides ex-
pired with them, and their culture sunk into the sands
under the misrule of the later Mamelukes. To each
period is attached in the shape of a Retrospect a de-
scription of the intellectual, social, and economic con-
dition of the people, of their manners and customs,
and their system of administration.
AMEER ALI .

Daylesford, Sunningdale,
October 1898.
 PREFACE ix

N.B.-The letter (pronounced by the Arab with a lisp like th

in thin), to a non-Arab conveys a sound almost identical with s in
sin, and he accordingly pronounces it as such. Nor, unless an
Arabic scholar, does he perceive any difference between
(sin) or (sad). He pronounces them all alike . Similarly (zal),
zay), (zad-pronounced by the Arab something like dhad),
and (zôi) convey to the non-Arab almost identical sounds ; cer-
tainly he cannot help pronouncing them identically. He also per-
ceives no difference between (soft ) and b ( tôi), or between the
hard aspirate (in Ahmed, Mohammed, Mahmûd, etc.) and the
‫ج‬
softer used in Hârûn.
I have therefore not attempted to differentiate these letters by
dots or commas, which, however useful for purposes of translation
into Arabic, Persian, Turkish or Urdu, is only bewildering to a
reader unacquainted with the Arabic alphabet and pronunciation. I
have given the words generally as pronounced by non-Arabs. In
some instances I have indicated both forms, as in the case of Harsama
(with a ), Hazramaut (with a zad), etc. With regard to Ibn ul-
Athîr, which is spelt with a ‫ث‬, I have adhered to the shape it has
assumed in works in the European languages .
The ordinary fatha I have represented by a ( pronounced as u in
" cut " or " but "), excepting in such words as are now commonly
written in English with an e, as Seljûk (pronounced Saljûk),
Merwân (pronounced Marwân), etc.; the ordinary zamma by u,
pronounced like u in “pull," as Buldân ; the ordinary kasra with
the letter i, as in Misr. Aliph with the fatha is represented by a, as
in " had" ; Aliph with the zamma, by u as in Abd ul- Mutalib ; with
a kasra by i as in Ibn Abi'l Jawari. Waw (with a zamma) by o and
sometimes by 8. Although, like Kûfa and several other words, the
last syllables in Mahmûd, Hârûn and Mamûn are spelt with a waw,
to have represented them by an o or ô would have conveyed a wholly
wrong notion of the pronunciation, which is like oo ; I have, there-
fore, used û to represent waw in such words. Waw with a fatha I
have represented by ou, as in Moudûd. Ya with a kasra, when used
in the middle of a word, I have represented by î, as in Aarîsh. But
Ya
in Ameer I have kept the classical and time-honoured ee.
with a fatha, similarly situated, by ai as in Zaid. Va with afatha
at the beginning of a word is represented by ye, as in Yezîd ; with a
zamma by yu, as in Yusuf. Excepting such words as are commonly
known to be spelt with an ain ( ), as Abd in Abdul Malik, Abdur
X PREFACE

Rahmân, Arab, Abbas, Azîz, etc. , I have tried to convey the slightly
prolonged guttural sound of that peculiar letter (when with fatha)
by aa as in aaskar. In Mustaîn, however, the ain (with the fatha)
is represented with one a in order to avoid the ugliness of aai.
I have not attempted, however, to distinguish in any particular way
the ain with a zamma, or kasra, but the Arabic scholar knows
that Mutasim, Mutazid, Mutamid, Muiz, Muâz, Muawiyeh, etc. , are
spelt with an ain where the sound is represented by u. Similarly
Imâd, Iln , etc. , begin with ain (with kasra) ; whilst Itibâr,
Itimâd, etc. , begin with aliph and ain. With regard to names which
have become familiar in certain garbs I have made no alteration,
such as Omar, Abdullah, Bussorah ( Basra, spelt with a sad), etc.
Chain ) ‫ (غ‬is represented by gh, but I have not attempted to
differentiate fromk. The common g ( the Persian gaf) and p have
no place in the Arabic alphabet, and therefore the Persian g and p
are transformed in Arabic into kand bor ph (f), as in Atabek and
Isaphan. is represented by kh.
The Aliph in certain words, like Târick (spelt with a band
Wâdi, Waris (spelt with a at the end), etc. , is always pronounced
by the Hijazian Arabs, Persians, and other Westerns like au in
Maurice. The I of al when occurring before certain letters (technic-
ally called shamsièh) is assimilated with them in sound, as ash- Shams,
ad-dîn, ar-Razâ, as - Salât, etc.
In the accentuation of geographical names I have followed the
Mujam ul-Buldân. Generally, however, I have adhered to the
sound rather than the letter, and therefore I hardly think there is
absolute uniformity throughout. Titles and surnames are given in
italics.
*

**
I ought to mention that I have had no opportunity yet of
seeing the English translation of Ibn Shaddad's Life of Saladin, of
which I heard only after my work was in type.
 CONTENTS

PREFACE V

CHAPTER I

Arabia-Its Geographical and Physical Condition-The Ancient

Arabs I

CHAPTER II

Early History-- Kossay-Abdul Muttalib-The Abyssinian Attack

-The Birth of Mohammed-His Ministry-The Hegira 5

CHAPTER III

Mohammed at Medîna-Factions in Medîna-The Charter-The

death of Mohammed II

CHAPTER IV

THE REPUBLIC

Abu Bakr- Insurrections-War with Persia and the Romans-Abû

Bakr's Death-Omar-Conquest of Chaldæa and Mesopotamia-
Persia-Defeat of the Romans-Conquest of Syria, Palestine,
20
and Egypt-Death of Omar

CHAPTER V

Osmân-His favouritism-Osmân's death-Ali-Rebellion of Muâ-

wiyah-Battle of Siffîn-The Khârijis-Assassination of Ali-
End of the Republic 45
xii CONTENTS

CHAPTER VI

Retrospect-Government-Policy-Administration-The Army-
Social Life 55

CHAPTER VII

THE OMMEYADES ( THE HARBITE BRANCH)

Hassan-His Abdication-Muawiyah-The Usurpation-Tribal
Dissensions-The Modharites-The Himyarites or Yemenites-
Effect of Tribal Discord on Islâm- The Extension of the
Empire-The Death of Muawiyah-Yezid I.-Hussain-The
Massacre of Kerbela-The Rising in Hijaz-Syrian Victory at
Harra-The Sack of Medina-Death of Yezîd I.-Muawiyah
II. -Abdullah the son of Zubair-Oath of Fealty to him in
Hijaz 70

CHAPTER VIII

Merwân, son of Hakam-Accepted as the Chief of the Ommeyades-

Battle of Marj Rahat-Destruction of the Syrian Modhar-Mer-
wân's Treachery-The Penitents-The Death of Merwân-
Abdul Malik, the Ruler of Syria-The Rise of Mukhtar-The
Destruction of the Murderers of Hussain-The Death of Mukh-
târ-Musaab-Invasion of Irak by Abdul Malik-Death of
Musaab-Invasion of Hijaz by Abdul Malik's Army-Siege of
Mecca-Death of Abdullah, the son of Zubair ( the Meccan
Caliph)-Abdul Malik, Chief of Islâm-The Tyrant Hajjaj-
Progress in Africa-War with the Romans-The Kharijis-
Abdul Malik's Death 90

CHAPTER IX

Walid I.-Conquests in the East-Progress in Africa-Mûsa bin

Nusair, Viceroy of the West-Condition of Spain- The Oppres-
sion of Roderick-Târick bin Ziad lands at Gibraltar-The
battle of Medina Sidonia-Death of Roderick-Conquest of
Spain-Advance into France-Recall of Mûsa and Târick-
Character of the Saracenic Administration in Spain-The Pro-
vinces-The effect of the tribal jealousies-Death of Walid I.-
His character . 103
 CONTENTS xiii

CHAPTER X

Accession of Sulaimân-Fall of Mûsa and Târick- Death of Abdul

Azîz, son of Mûsa-Tribal dissensions-The Yemenites-The
rise of Yezîd, son of Muhallib-Siege of Constantinople-Moslem
Reverses-Death of Sulaimân--Accession of Omar II .-His
wise and virtuous Reign- Retreat from Constantinople-Omar's
Death-Accession of Yezîd II.---Insurrection of Yezîd, son of
Muhallib-Destruction of the Yemenites-Tribal dissensions-
Moslem Reverses-Death of Yezîd II.-The Abbassides 121

CHAPTER XI

Accession of Hisham-Troubled state of the Empire-Hisham's

Character-Affairs in the East-In Armenia-In Africa-The
Revolt of the Khârijis and Berbers-" The Battle of the Nobles "
-Hanzala-Defeat of the Berbers-Spain-Intestine Dissen-
sions-Frequent change of Governors-Appointment of Abdur
Rahman al - Ghâfeki-Invasion of Northern France-Battle of
Tours-Monkish exaggeration-Fresh Invasion of France-
Capture of Avignon-Okbah's Victories-His Death-Interne-
cine Quarrels-Ruin of the Arab Cause in France-Fall of
Khalid al-Kasri-Rising of Zaid in Irak-His Death-The
Abbasside Propaganda-Appearance of Abu Muslim-Death of
Hishâm 136

CHAPTER XII

The extent of the Empire at Hishâm's Death-Character of his

Successor-His cruelty towards his Relations-Khalid al-Kasri
put to death-Yahya bin Zaid's rising and death-Its effect on
the people of Khorâsân-Affairs in Spain-Husâm (Abu'l
Khattâr), Governor of Spain-Submission of all parties-His
mild and just government at the outset-His partiality for the
Yemenites-Insurrection of the Modhar-Battle of Shekundah-
Election of Thaalabah-His death-Election of Yusuf-The
Knight of Andalusia-His death-Arrival of Abdur Rahmân,
grandson of Hisham, in Spain-Invasion of Pepin the Short--
Massacre of the Saracens-Siege of Narbonne-Captured by
treachery-Arab power effaced in France-Affairs in Africa-
Insurrection against Walid II.-His Death-Vezîd III . pro
xiv CONTENTS

claimed Caliph-His Death-Succession of Ibrahim- Revolt of

Merwân-Battle of Ain ul-Jar-Flight of Ibrahim-Merwân
proclaimed Caliph 158

CHAPTER XIII

Merwân II. - His character-Insurrections-Rising in Khorasan-

Abû Muslim-The Persian Revolt-Defeat and death of Nasr,
Governor of Khorâsân-Death of Ibrahim, the Abbasside Imâm
-Defeat of the Ommeyades at Nehawand-Defeat of the Vice-
roy of Irak-Proclamation of Saffah as Caliph-Battle of the
Zab-Defeat of Merwân-His flight-Capture of Damascus-
Abbasside vindictiveness-Death of Merwân- Last of the
Ommeyades-The causes of the Ommeyade downfall 168

CHAPTER XIV

RETROSPECT

The Government-Revenues-Administration-Military Service -

Currency Reform of Abdul Malik-Damascus-Court life-
Society-The position of women-Introduction of the system of
seclusion - Dress - Literature - Religious and philosophical
sects 185

CHAPTER XV

THE ABBASSIDES-SAFFAH AND MANSUR

The reign of Saffah-His death-Accession of Mansûr-His charac-

ter-Revolt of Abdullah bin Ali-Death of Abû Muslim-Bag-
dad founded-Manifestation of Mohammed and Ibrahim al-
Hassani-Their defeat and death--Invasion of Spain- Its
failure- Irruption of the Khazars-Byzantine inroad-Death of
Mansûr 208

CHAPTER XVI

Accession of Mahdi-His magnificent reign-His humanity--The

Zindîks-War with the Romans-Irene agrees to pay tribute-
Mahdi's death-Accession of Hadi-The separation of Mauritania
-Hadi's death 229
 CONTENTS XV

CHAPTER XVII

Rashîd and Amîn-Accession of Hârûn ar- Rashîd-His character-

Glorious reign-The Barmekides-Grant of autonomy to Ifrîkia
-Affairs in Asia-Arrangement for the succession to the Caliph-
ate-Amîn and Mâmûn made successors-Division of the
Empire-Fall of the Barmekides-An Arab Joan of Arc-The
Roman war-Treachery of Nicephorus-His defeat-A fresh
treaty-Byzantine breach of faith-Its result-Rashîd's death-
Ascension of Amîn-His character-Declares war against Mâmûn
-Tâhir defeats Amîn's troops-Siege of Bagdad-Mâmûn ac-
knowledged as Caliph at Mecca and Medina-Amîn's death . 237

CHAPTER XVIII

Mâmûn at Merv-Disorders in Bagdad-Death of Imam Ali ar-

Raza-Mâmûn at Bagdad-War with the Greeks-Rationalism
-Mâmûn's death-His character-Intellectual development
of the Saracens under Mâmûn-Accession of Mûtasim-Change
of Capital-Formation of the Turkish guard-Capture of Bâbek
-Defeat of the Greeks-Death of Mûtasim-Accession of Wasik
-His character-His death 263

CHAPTER XIX

Mutawakil, the Nero of the Arabs-The Decline of the Empire-

Muntassir-Mustaîn-Mutazz-The Negro Insurrection-The
Suffârides-Muhtadi-Mutamid-The Negro Insurrection sup-
pressed--Mutazid-The Rise of the Fatimides-Karmathians-
Their devastations-Muktafi-Restoration of Egypt to the
Caliphate-The Sâmânides-Muktadir -Kâhir-Râzi-Muttaki
-The Buyides-The Mayors of the Palace-Mustakfi-The
Ghaznevides - Mutii- Tâii- Kadir-Kâim-The Seljukides-
Tughril Beg 288

CHAPTER XX

Kâim b'amr-Illâh, the Caliph-Tughril Beg-War with the

Byzantines-Tughril's death-Accession of Alp Arslân-The
Roman Invasion-Battle of Malâz Kard-Roman defeat-
Diogenes Romanus made prisoner-Treaty of peace-Diogenes
xvi CONTENTS

Romanus blinded and killed by his subjects-Death of Alp

Arslân-Accession of Malik Shah-Death of Kaim-Accession
of Muktadi as Caliph-Malik Shah's glorious reign-The Rise
of the Assassins- Hassan Sabah- Assassination of Nizâm ul-
Mulk-Death of Malik Shah-Disputes among his sons-Death
of Caliph Muktadi bi'amr- Illâh-Accession of Mustazhir b'Illâh
-The beginning of the Crusades-Siege of Antioch - Its
Capture-Slaughter of the Saracens -Destruction of Maraa't
un- Nomân-Butchery in Jerusalem-Sack of Tripoli 311

CHAPTER XXI

Caliph Mustazhir-Sultan Barkyarûk-His wars with Tutûsh, his

uncle, and his brother Mohammed-Death of Barkyârûk-Acces-
sion of Mohammed to the Sultanate-Discord among the vassals
-The progress ofthe Crusaders-Death of the Sultan Mohammed
-Death of the Caliph Mustazhir-Accession of the Caliph
Mustarshid-Sultan Sanjar, Sultan of the East-Sultan Mah-
mûd, of Irak and Syria-Rise of Imâd ud-dîn Zangi ( Sanguin)-
Death of Mahmûd-Accession of Sultan Masûd-Assassination
of Mustarshid-Election of Rashid as Caliph-Deposed by
Masûd-Accession of Muktafi as Caliph-War of Zangi with
the Crusaders- His victories -The death of Zangi-The Acces-
sion of Nûr ud-dîn Mahmûd-His successes against the Cru-
saders-Death of Muktafi and accession of Caliph Mustanjid-
The dispatch of Shirkûh to Egypt-Annexation of Egypt-Rise
of Saladin-Death of Mustanjid-Accession of Caliph Mustazii-
Death of Nur ud-dîn Mahmûd . 331

CHAPTER XXII

The Caliph Nasir-Malik Sâlèh Ismail, Prince of Damascus-

Saladin invited to Damascus-War between Saladin and Malik
Sâlèh-Saladin, ruler of Syria- Invested with the title of
Sultan-Malik Sâlèh's death-Saladin's power-The Kingdom
of Jerusalem-The Crusaders break the truce-Battle of
Tiberias-Rout of the Crusaders-Conquest of Acre, Naplus,
Jericho, etc.-Siege of Jerusalem-Its capitulation-Humanity
of Saladin-The Third Crusade-Siege of Acre- Heroic defence
-The Crusaders' defeats-Death of Frederick Barbarossa-
Arrival of the Kings of France and England-Acre taken
 CONTENTS xvii

Cruelty of Richard Cœur de Lion-Ascalon rased to the ground

by Saladin-Peace with Richard-Death of Saladin-His
character . 350

CHAPTER XXIII

Saladin's sons-Rise of al- Malik ul-Aâdil-The Fourth Crusade-

The sons of al- Malik ul-Aâdil-General review of the Islâmic
world in the East-The Caliphate-Caliph Az-Zahir-The
Caliph Mustansir-The Caliph Mustaasim-The Eruption of the
Tartars-Fall of Bagdad-Destruction of Islâmic civilisation 374

CHAPTER XXIV

RETROSPECT

The Caliphate-Nominally elective-Government--The nomination

of a successor-The oath of allegiance-Its sacramental charac-
ter-The political machinery-Policy-Administration-The
Governorships-Provincial divisions-The Vizier-The Depart-
ments of State-Courts of Justice-Agriculture-Manufacture-
Revenues of the Empire-The Army-Military tactics-The
Navy 402

CHAPTER XXV

RETROSPECT (continued)
Bagdad-Its structures-Architecture-The Caliph's Court-Social
Life-Dress-Women-Their position- Music- Literature-
Philosophy-Science and Arts-Rationalism-The Ikhwan-us-
Safa (" The Brothers of Purity " ) 444

CHAPTER XXVI

THE SARACENS OF SPAIN -THE OMMEYADES

Abdur Rahmân lands in Spain-The battle of Masarah-Revolt of the

nobles-Frankish intrigues-Invasion of Charlemagne-Battle
ofRoncesvalles-Abdur Rahmân's death-His character-Acces-
sion of Hisham I.-His character-His just and mild rule-War
with the Franks and Christian tribes Mâlikî doctrines intro-
duced-Hishâm's death-Accession of Hakam I.-His character
-His unpopularity among the Fakihs-The revolt in Cordova-
b
xviii CONTENTS

Suppressed-Rioters expelled-Toledo-Death of Hakam-

Accession of Abdur Rahman II.-His prosperous reign-The
raids of the Christian tribesmen-Their submission-The appear-
ance of the Normans-Christian agitation in Cordova-Abdur
Rahmân's death-Accession of Mohammed-His character-
Christian mutiny stamped out-Fresh inroad of the Normans
--Their defeat-Rebellions-Death of Mohammed----Accession
of Munzir-His death-Succeeded by Abdullah- His disturbed
reign-His death-The Saracens enter Savoy, Piedmont, Liguria,
and Switzerland 474

CHAPTER XXVII

Accession of Abdur Rahman III.-Reduces the insurgents-His

wars with the Christian tribes of the north-Their punishment-
Assumes the title of Ameer ul-Mominin-Fresh raids by the
Galicians-Introduction of the Slavs into state service-Battle of
al-Khandak-The tribes sue for peace-Boundaries withdrawn
to the Ebro-War in Africa-Fresh war with the Galicians-
Sancho expelled by his subjects-Iota-Sancho implores Abdur
Rahman's help-Leon, Castile, and Navarre dependencies of
the Caliphate-Abdur Rahman's death-His character-Acces-
sion of Hakam II.-His benignant reign-Successes over the
Galicians and Navarrese-Expedition into Africa-Hakam's
love of learning-Cordova-Its splendour-Its extent-Az- zahra
-Chivalry 496

CHAPTER XXVIII

Accession of Hishâm II.--Hajib al-Mansûr-His intrigues-Seizes

all the powers of the State- His victories over the Christian tribes
-His death-Is succeeded by his son, al-Muzzaffar-His success-
ful Government-Al- Muzzaffar's death-Hajib Abdur Rahmân
-Killed-Mahdi seizes the throne-Abdication of Hisham II.
-Sulaiman kills Mahdi-Convulsion in Cordova 521

CHAPTER XXIX

The Mulûk ut- Tawaif or Petty Kings-Their mutual divisions-

Gradual extension of the Christian power-The Almoravides-
Yusuf bin Tâshfin-The Battle of Zallaka-Death of Yusuf bin
Tâshfîn-Is succeeded by his son Ali-His death-Collapse of
 CONTENTS xix

the Almoravide Empire-The Almohades-Abdul Momîn-

Abu Yakub Yusuf Abu Yusuf Yakub (al- Mansûr)-Battle of
Alarcos-Death of Yakûb-Accession of Mohammed an-Nasir-
Disaster of al-Aakâb-Collapse of the Almohade Empire-Rise
of the Banû-Ahmar-The Kingdom of Granada 529

CHAPTER XXX

The last struggle-The Siege of Granada-The Capitulation-

Treachery of Ferdinand and Isabella-The persecution of the
Spanish Moslems-Final expulsion-Its effect on Spain 550

CHAPTER XXXI

RETROSPECT

The Kingdom of Granada-The City-The Alhambra-Al-General-

iffe-Arts and learning in Granada-Dress-General review of
Spain under the Arabs-Government-The functionaries-
Economic condition-Manufactures-Agriculture-The Fine
Arts-Learning-Position of women-The women scholars-
Pastimes . 565

CHAPTER XXXII

THE SARACENS IN AFRICA

The Idrisides-The Aghlabides-Invasion of Sicily-Its conquest--

The fall of the Aghlabides-The rise of the Fatimides-Conquest
of Egypt-Foundation of Cairo-Conquest of Syria, Hijâz, and
Yemen-Decline of the Fatimides-The end of the dynasty-
Cairo-The Grand Lodge of the Ismailias 581
APPENDIX 617
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX 626
INDEX 629
 LIST OF GENEALOGICAL TABLES

1. Genealogical Table of the Apostolical Imâms and the Ommeyade

Caliphs.
2.
of the Abbasside Caliphs.
3. of the Caliphs of Cordova.
4. of the Fatimide Caliphs.
5 of the Samanides.
6. of the Ghaznavides.
7 of the Sultans of Iconium (Rhûm).
 A SHORT HISTORY OF

THE SARACENS

CHAPTER I

Arabia-Its Geographical and Physical Condition-The Ancient

Arabs.

ARABIA is a large tract of country in the south-west of Arabia.

Asia. It is bounded on the north by the Syrian Desert ;
on the east by the Persian Gulf ; on the south by the
Indian Ocean ; and on the west by the Red Sea. This
vast region, which embraces an area twice the size of
France at the height of her greatness, is divided into
several parts or provinces, differing more or less from
each other in the character of their soil, their climate,
and the appearance of the people.
To the north, lies the hilly portion, which in olden
times was inhabited by the Edomites and the Midianites
of the Hebrew Testament. Then comes Hijaz proper,
containing the famous city of Medina, called in ancient
times Yathreb ; Mecca, the birth-place of the Arabian
Prophet, and the port of Jeddah, the landing-place of
the pilgrims of Islâm. Hijaz stretches from north to
south between the Red Sea and the chain of mountains
which runs down from the Isthmus of Suez to the Indian
E B
2 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. I.

Ocean. The south-west corner of the Peninsula is

named Yemen. The low-lying lands of Hijaz and
Yemen are called the Tihâma, which name is some-
times given to the southern part of Hijaz. Hadhramaut
lies to the east of Yemen, bordering the Indian Ocean,
while far away eastward lies, resting on the Gulf of the
same name, Oman. The high table-land which stretches
from the mountains of Hijaz eastward to the desert of
al-Ahsa and al- Bahrain on the Persian Gulf, is called
Nejd, a vast plateau with deserts and mountain gorges
interspersed with green plantations which are called
oases, forming so many havens of safety in the desert.
Hijaz and Yemen now belong practically to Turkey.
Nejd is ruled by an independent sovereign ; whilst
Oman belongs to the Sultan of Muscat.
This vast tract has no navigable rivers; the rivulets
which exist only here and there make the soil fertile.
The rainfall is scanty, and the country generally is arid
and sterile, except where water is found in any sufficient
quantity. But wherever water exists, the fertility is re-
markable. The high lands of Yemen, called Jibâl ul-
Yemen, rise almost to the height of Mont Blanc, and
are split up into numbers of wide and fertile valleys,
where the coffee and the indigo plant, the date-palm, and
vegetables and fruit trees of all kinds, are grown. The
climate is mild, and in the winter frost is by no means
uncommon. There are two wet seasons, one in spring
and the other in autumn.
Hijaz is a broken country, especially round about
Mecca, which is fifty miles from the shores of the Red
Sea, and some thirty from the granite heaps of Jabl
Kora. Here rugged rocks reflecting the hot sun in all
its fierceness, barren valleys with little herbage from
which the flocks gather a scanty subsistence, and dry
CH. I. THE ANCIENT ARABS 3

torrent-beds form the chief features of the country. East-

ward of this gaunt and arid country there lies a smiling
tract covered with vegetation and shady trees, where
apples and figs, pomegranates, peaches, and grapes grow
in abundance. This is Tâyef.
The
Arabia has at various times been peopled by various
races . The earliest settlers are said to have been of the Ancient
Arabs.
same stock as the ancient Chaldæans. They attained
great civilisation, the remains of which are still observ-
able in Southern Arabia, and are supposed even to have ex-
tended their power into Egypt and Mesopotamia. They
seem tohavebuilt hugepalaces and temples ; and the famous
tanks which still exist near Aden are ascribed to them.
These ancient people were destroyed by a Semitic The Kah-
tanites.
tribe which, issuing from some country towards the east
of the Euphrates, settled in Yemen and parts of Hadra-
maut. They are said to have been the descendants
of Kahtân, also called Joktan, one of whose sons,
YAREB, gave his name to the country and the people.
The sovereigns of this dynasty were called Sabæan
after Yareb's grandson Abdus Shams ( " servant of the
sun "), surnamed SABA. The Kahtanite kings were
great conquerors and builders of cities, and their do-
minion in Yemen and other parts of Arabia continued
so late as the seventh century of the Christian era.
The last of the settlers are called Ishmaelites. Ishmael The Ish-
or Ismail, as he is called by the Arabs, was a son of maelites.
Abraham, the great patriarch of the Jews. He settled
near Mecca, and his descendants peopled Hijaz and
became in fact the founders of Arabian greatness.
Ishmael is said to have erected the Kaaba, a place of
worship regarded with veneration from the earliest times
by the Arabs, and which is now the holiest place in the
Mcslem world. In it is the famous Black Stone.
 4 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. I.

The The people of Arabia have always been divided into

Bedouins. two classes, viz. " the dwellers of cities," and " the
dwellers of the desert,"-the Bedouins. These latter
live in tents, and with their families and flocks roam
over the deserts and table-lands in search of pasturage.
Northern and Central Arabia does not appear to have
been at any time under foreign rule. In Yemen alone,
the Abyssinians exercised a short-lived dominion until
expelled by an Arab chief named Saif, son of Zu'l-yezen,
with the assistance of the King of Persia. From that
time forward, for nearly a century or more, Yemen
Proper was ruled by a Persian Viceroy, called a Marzbân.
Their Re- The Jews and Christians, large numbers of whom
ligion. were settled in Arabia, followed their own religions.
But the Arabs were mostly worshippers of idols and
stars. Each city, like each tribe, had its own separate
gods and goddesses, its separate temples and forms of
worship. In Mecca, which was considered the centre
of their national life, a sort of Rome or Benares, there
were ranged in the holy temple of the Kaaba 360 idols
representing all the gods and goddesses whom the Arabs
worshipped. Even human sacrifices were not infrequent.
The people who inhabited this vast region, especially
those who wandered in the desert which lay to the west
of the Euphrates, were called by the Greeks and Romans,
Saraceni, and this is the name by which they were known
in the West when they issued from their homes to con-
quer the world.¹
The word Saraceni is supposed to be derived either
from Sahara = desert, and nashin = dwellers ; or from
Sharkiin, Eastern,-Shark, in Arabic, meaning east.
1 See Reinaud's Invasion des Sarrazins ( 1836), p. 229.
 CHAPTER II

Early History-Kossay-Abdul Muttalib -The Abyssinian Attack

-The Birth of Mohammed--His Ministry-The Hegira.

Our knowledge of the ancient history of Arabia is Early

derived chiefly from the Koran, which contains much of History.
the old folk-lore of the country, and from the traditions
which the Arabs at all times were in the habit of hand-
ing down from father to son. These traditions were
collected with great care and industry by the Arab
historians of the eighth and succeeding centuries of the
Christian era. The inscriptions which have been dis-
covered in the south of Yemen, so far as they have been
deciphered, largely verify our knowledge of the past as
derived from the Koran and the traditions.
The people in whose history and fortunes we are chiefly The
interested are the Arabs of Hijaz and Yemen, who made Koraish.
themselves so famous in the Middle Ages. The principal
tribe among the former was that of the Koraish, who
were descended from Fihr, surnamed Koraish, which in
ancient Arabic means a merchant. Fihr lived in the third
century of the Christian era. He was descended from
Maad, son of Adnan, a descendant of Ishmael. The
Koraish have always been proud of their ancestry and
their high position among the other tribes, and are
considered as the noblest section of the Arabs.
In the fifth century, Kossay, a descendant of Fihr, Kossay.
made himself master of Mecca, and gradually of the
whole of Hijâz. Mecca was until his time a scattered
5
 6 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. II .

village, consisting chiefly of huts and tents. Kossay rebuilt

the Kaaba, erected for himself a palace in which the prin-
cipal chamber was used as the Council-hall 1 of the people,
for the transaction of public business ; and made the
Koraish live in houses of stone built round the Temple.
He also made rules for the proper government of the
people, for raising taxes and supplying food and water to
the pilgrims who came from many parts of Arabia to
worship at the temple.
Abd ud- Kossay died about the year 480 A.C., and was suc-
Dâr.
ceeded by his son Abd ud-Dâr. Upon Abd ud-Dâr's
death a dispute broke out among his grandsons and the
sons of his brother Abd Manaf about the succession to
the rulership of Mecca. This dispute was settled by a
division of authority. The administration of the water
supply of Mecca and the raising of taxes were entrusted
to Abd ush-Shams, a son of Abd Manaf ; whilst the
guardianship of the Kaaba, of the Council-chamber, and
of the Military Standard, was given to the grandsons of
Abd ud-Dâr.
Hashim . Abd ush-Shams transferred the authority to his brother
Abdul
Mutalib. HASHIM, a leading merchant of Mecca and a man of con-
sequence, noted for his generosity to strangers. Hashim
ed about the year 510 A.c., and was succeeded by his
brother Muttalib, surnamed " the Generous. " Muttalib
died towards the end of the year 520 A.c., and was
succeeded by his nephew Shayba, better known by his
surname of Abdul Muttalib , a son of Hashim
Ommeya. The grandsons of Abd ud-Dâr were meanwhile growing
rich. Jealous of the position Hashim's family occupied
in the public estimation, they were trying to grasp the
entire authority, and to make themselves rulers of Mecca.
On their side was ranged OMMEYA, the ambitious son of
1 Hence called Dâr-un- nedwa.
CH. 11 . THE BIRTH OF MOHAMMED 7

Abd ush-Shams. But in spite of this, the high character

of Abdul Muttalib, and the veneration in which he was
held by all the Koraish, enabled him to rule Mecca for
nearly fifty-nine years. He was assisted in the Govern-
ment by the Elders, who were the heads of the ten principal
families.
It was in his time Hijaz was invaded by a large Abys- The Year
ofthe
sinian army under the command of Abraha, and as this
Elephant.
chief on his march towards Mecca rode on an elephant,
an animal the Arabs had never before seen, the year in
which the invasion took place (A.C. 570) is called in Arab
traditions the " Year of the Elephant." The invading
force was destroyed, partly by an epidemic and partly by
a terrible storm of rain and hail that swept over the valley
where the Abyssinians were encamped.
Abdul Muttalib had several sons and daughters. Moham-
med.
Among the sons four are famous in Saracenic history,
viz. Abd Manâf, surnamed ABÛ TÂLIB ; ABBAS, the pro-
genitor of the Abbasside Caliphs; HAMZA, and ABDULLAH .
Another son was Abu Lahab, who is referred to in the
Koran as a persecutor of Islâm. Abdullah, the youngest
of Abdul Muttalib's sons, was the father of the Arabian
Prophet. Abdullah was married to a lady of Yathreb
named AMÎNA, but he died in the twenty-fifth year of his
age, not long after his marriage. A few days after his
death Amîna gave birth¹ to a son, who was named by
his grandfather MOHAMMED, or " the Praised One."
Mohammed lost his mother when he was only six years
old, and was then thrown upon the care of his old grand-
father. Abdul Muttalib died about 579 A.C., confiding
the infant son of Abdullah to the charge of Abû Tâlib,
who succeeded him in the patriarchate of Mecca. It
was in the house of his uncle Abû Tâlib that Mohammed
1 29 August, 570 A.C.
8 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. II .

passed his early life. Sweet and gentle of disposition,

painfully sensitive to human suffering, he was much loved
in his small circle. His early life was not free from the
burden of labour, for Abû Tâlib was not rich like his
ancestors, and the younger members of the family had to
take their turn in tending the flocks and herds .
From early youth Mohammed was given to meditation.
He travelled twice into Syria with his uncle Abû Tâlib,
and there noticed the misery of the people, and their evil
ways, their wranglings and strife. In his twenty-fifth year,
Mohammed married a lady named Khadija, who is famous
in Arabian history for the nobility of her character. They
had several children ; all the sons died in infancy, but the
daughters lived to see the great events of their father's
life. The youngest, Fâtima, surnamed az-Zahra, " the
Beautiful," called by Moslems " Our Lady," was married
to Ali, the son of Abû Tâlib.
Mohammed lived very quietly for the next fifteen years,
appearing only once or twice in public life. He revived
the League which had been formed many years before for
the protection of widows, orphans, and helpless strangers.
He settled by his quick discernment a quarrel which
threatened serious consequences ; but though these are
all we know of his public acts, we know that his gentle
disposition and the severe purity of his life, his un-
flinching faithfulness and stern sense of duty, won for
him during this period, from his fellow- citizens, the title
of al-Amin, the Trusty. One of his particular char-
acteristics was his fondness for children, who flocked
round him whenever he issued from his house ; and it is
said he never passed them without a kindly smile. He
spent a month every year in meditation and spiritual
communion in a cave in Mount Hira, not far from
Mecca, and one night as he lay in the cave wrapped in
 CH. II . HIS MINISTRY 9

his mantle, God spoke to his soul to arise and preach to

his people. Henceforth his life is devoted to the task of
raising them from their degradation ; of making them
give up their evil ways, and of teaching them their duty
to their fellow-beings.
The first to accept his mission and to abandon idolatry His
was his wife Khadija. Then followed Ali and several Ministry.
notable men, Abu Bakr, Omar, Hamza, and Osmân.
When Mohammed first began to preach, the Koraish
laughed at him, but when they found him earnest in
his work their animosity grew into persecution. They
began to ill-treat him and his followers, some of whom
they tortured to death. Many of his disciples took refuge
with a good Christian king in Abyssinia, whilst others
remained to suffer ill-treatment and persecution by the
side of their Teacher. On the death of Abû Tâlib and
Khadija, which happened shortly after, the Koraish re-
doubled their persecutions. Hopeless now of success
among the Meccans, Mohammed bethought himself of
some other field for the exercise of his ministry. He ac-
cordingly proceeded to Tâyef, but the people there drove
him from their city, pelting him with stones. Mohammed
returned to his native town sorely stricken in heart. He
lived there for some time, retired from his people, preach-
ing occasionally and confining his efforts mainly to the
strangers who came to Mecca during the season of
pilgrimage, hoping that some among them might listen
to his words and give up their evil and inhuman ways.
Thus he obtained a few disciples among some Yathre-
bites who had come to Mecca. They accepted his
mission, and took a pledge that they would not worship
idols, would not steal, nor commit any wicked act, or kill
their children,¹ or slander people. These Yathrebites,
1 Infanticide was frequent among the pre- Islamite Arabs.
 10 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. II .

on their return to their homes, spread the news that a

Prophet had arisen among the Arabs to wean them from
evil ways, and accordingly a number of them came the
following year and repeated their pledge. In the year 622
A.C., the Yathrebites sent a deputation toinvite Mohammed
to their city. As Yathreb was a rival city to Mecca, the
news of this invitation and of the pledge roused the fury
of the Koraish against the Prophet and his disciples.
Many of the latter succeeded in escaping to Yathreb,
where they were received with much kindness. How-
ever, when the Koraish came to know this, they planned
to murder the Prophet, who had remained at his post
with Abu Bakr and Ali. Warned of the danger, he
took refuge with Abu Bakr in a cave, not far from
Mecca, leaving Ali behind. When the Koraish found
their intended victims had escaped, they severely mal-
treated Ali, and started in pursuit of Mohammed.
They could not, however, find the cave where the
fugitives were concealed. For two days the Prophet and
his companion remained in the cave. In the evening of
the third day they left the place, and procuring two
camels journeyed swiftly to Yathreb, where they arrived
on Friday, the 2nd of July 622. Here they were subse-
quently joined by Ali.
The
This is called the Hijrat (Exile) ; in European annals,
Hegira.
" the Hegira, " " the Flight of Mohammed," from which
dates the Mohammedan Calendar.1

1 The " Hegira," or the era of the Hijrat, was instituted seven-
teen years later by the Second Caliph. The commencement, how-
ever, is not laid at the real time of the departure from Mecca, which
happened on the 4th of Rabî I. , but on the Ist day of the first lunar
month of the year-viz. Moharram-which day, in the year when
the era was established , fell on the 15th of July.
 CHAPTER III

Mohammed at Medîna-Factions in Medina-The Charter.

1-10 A.H. , 622-632 A.C.

THE people of Yathreb received the Prophet and his Medina.

Meccan disciples, who had abandoned home for the
sake of their faith, with great enthusiasm ; and the
ancient name of the city was changed to Medinat un-
Nabi, " the City of the Prophet," or shortly, Medina,
which name it has borne ever since. A mosque was
built, made of bricks and earth covered with palm-leaves.
Mohammed himself assisted in the building of this
humble place of worship ; and there he preached his
simple religion, telling the people not only of the glory
and beneficence of God, but inculcating strong moral
principles. He preached brotherly love, kindness to
children, widows and orphans, and gentleness to animals.
At this time Medîna was inhabited by two tribes The
which had long been at feud with each other. The Prophet's
Charter.
Arabian Prophet abolished all tribal distinctions, and
grouped the inhabitants of Medîna under one generic
name, Ansâr, or Helpers. The people who had followed
him from Mecca were called " The Exiles. " 1 In the
days of which we are speaking, there was no law or
order in any city in Arabia. Different factions were
at strife with each other, and general lawlessness and
confusion prevailed in the Peninsula. Mohammed
applied himself first to the task of introducing order in
1Muhajjerin.
II
 12 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. III .

622-632 Medina, and organising the commonwealth upon a proper

A. C.
basis. With this object he issued a Charter, by which all
blood-feud was abolished and lawlessness repressed. Equal
rights were granted to the Jews, who lived in large numbers
in and about Medina, whilst they on their side bound
themselves to help the Moslems in defending the city.
Mohammed was now not only a Teacher, but the Chief
Magistrate of a people, who had invited him and his
disciples into their midst, and had entrusted him with
the safety of their city ; his duty was to be ever on the
watch to suppress sedition and to guard against treachery.
The Meccans were much angered with the Medinites for
sheltering Mohammed and his disciples, whom they con-
sidered as revolutionaries, and a conflict between them
Battle of and the people of Medîna was unavoidable. The first
Bedr.
fight took place in the valley of Bedr, a few miles from
Medîna, where the Meccans were defeated, leaving many
prisoners in the hands of the Moslems. These were
treated with great kindness in their captivity.
3 A. H. The second year of the Hegira would have passed
26April, quietly in Medina but for occasional raids by the
624-15 Meccans. In the third year, Abu Sufiân, son of Harb,
April, 625
A. C.
son of Ommeya, the great rival of the Hashimides, with
a large army of the Meccans and their allies, entered
the Medinite territories. The Moslem force, which pro-
ceeded to repel the attack, was smaller in number. A
Battle of battle took place at the foot of a hill called Ohod, which
Ohod. resulted in the defeat of the Medinites. The loss of
the Meccans, however, was too great to allow them to
attack the city, and they retreated to Mecca. The Jews,
who were settled in and around Medina in strongly
fortified villages, now began to give trouble. From
their position they were a source of constant danger to
the little State. Those who lived in the city acted as
CH. III . THE TREACHERY OF THE JEWS 13

spies to the Meccans, and, frequently, by their turbulent 1-10 A. H.

and unruly conduct, led to brawls and bloodshed. Two
of these Jewish tribes, the Banû Kainukâ and the Banû
Nadhîr, who lived in the suburbs, were therefore ex-
pelled.
In the fifth year of the Hegira, the Meccans again in-
vaded Medîna with a large army of 10,000 men. To
oppose this formidable host the Moslems could muster
only 3000 men. So they dug a trench, under the
Prophet's direction, round the unprotected quarter of
the city, and relied for the safety of the other parts on
the Banû Koraizha, a tribe of Jews who possessed several
strong fortresses in the vicinity of Medîna towards the
south, and with whom they were allied by treaty.
These Jews, however, broke their pledged faith and The
joined the Meccans in their attack on Medina. The oftheJews.
treachery
siege lasted a long time, but every effort to storm the
city was warded off by the vigilance of the Prophet.
At last the elements seemed to combine against the
besieging force ; rain and storm killed their horses, pro-
visions became scanty, and the Meccan army dissolved
as it had gathered.
It was considered unsafe to leave the traitorous Banû- The Banû
Koraizha so near the city, as their treachery might at Koraizha.
any moment lead to the destruction of Medîna. So they
were called upon to leave the place ; on refusal they
were besieged and compelled to surrender at discretion.
They made only one condition, that their punishment
should be left to the judgment of the Ausite chief,
Saad bin Muâz, whose clients they were. This man, a
fierce soldier who had been wounded in the attack, and
indeed died from his wounds the next day, infuriated
by their treacherous conduct, gave sentence that the
fighting men should be put to death and that the
 14 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. III .

622-632 women and children should become the slaves of the

A.C.
Moslems, and this sentence was carried into execution.
This was a severe punishment according to our ideas,
but it was customary according to the rules of war then
prevalent.
After this Meccan failure, the new Religion began
to make rapid progress in the Peninsula, and tribe
after tribe gave up their old evil ways and adopted
Islâm.¹
The In the sixth year of the Hegira, the Prophet granted to
Charter
the to the monks of the Monastery of St. Catherine, near Mount
Christians. Sinai, and to all Christians, a Charter, which is a monu-
ment of enlightened tolerance. By it the Prophet
secured to the Christians important privileges and im-
munities, and the Moslems were prohibited under severe
penalties from violating and abusing what was therein
ordered. In this charter the Prophet undertook him-
self, and enjoined on his followers, to protect the
Christians, to guard them from all injuries, and to defend
their churches, and the residences of their priests. They
were not to be unfairly taxed ; no bishop was to be
driven out of his bishopric; no Christian was to be
forced to reject his religion ; no monk was to be ex-
pelled from his monastery ; no pilgrim was to be de-
tained from his pilgrimage ; nor were the Christian
churches to be pulled down for the sake of building
mosques or houses for the Moslems. Christian women
married to Moslems were to enjoy their own religion,
and not to be subjected to compulsion or annoyance
of any kind on that account. If the Christians should
stand in need of assistance for the repair of their churches
1The religion of Mohammed is called Islâm. It means peace,
safety, salvation : derived from salm (salama in the first and fourth
conjugations), " to be at perfect peace."
CH. III . THE FALL OF MEССА 15

or monasteries, or any other matter pertaining to their 1-10A.H.

religion, the Moslems were to assist them .
Mohammed also despatched embassies to the King Embassies
of Persia and the Byzantine Emperor, to invite them to sent
abroad.
accept Islâm . The latter received the ambassador with
courtesy, whilst the former drove the envoy from his
presence with contumely. Another messenger sent to
a Christian prince subject to Byzantium, who lived
near Damascus, was cruelly murdered.
In the seventh year, the Jews of Khaibar revolted,
but were soon reduced to subjection. Their lands and
property were guaranteed to them, with the free practice
of their religion, upon payment of a fixed land-tax.
In accordance with a truce, concluded with the
Meccans, the Moslems visited the Kaaba, the inhabitants
vacating their city so as not to come in contact with
Mohammed and his followers. After three days the
Moslems retired to Medîna and the Meccans returned
to their homes .
Soon after, the Meccans and some of their allies
treacherously attacked a tribe in alliance with the Mos-
lems, and killed a large number of them. The injured
people applied to the Prophet for redress. The reign
of iniquity and oppression had lasted long enough at
Mecca. In response to the appeal he marched ten thou-
sand men against the idolaters ; with the exception of
a slight resistance from the heads of two clans, they
entered Mecca almost unopposed. Thus Mohammed
entered the city which had so cruelly ill-treated him .
It lay now completely at his mercy. But in the hour
of triumph every evil suffered was forgotten, every injury
inflicted was forgiven, and a general amnesty was ex-
tended to the population of Mecca. Only four criminals,
whom justice condemned, made up Mohammed's pro-
 16 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. III .

622-632 scription list when as a conqueror he entered the city

A. C.
of his bitterest enemies. The army followed his ex-
ample, and entered quietly and peaceably ; no house
was robbed, no woman was insulted. Most truly has
it been said, that " through all the annals of conquest,
there has been no triumphant entry like unto this one."
But the idols of the nation were unrelentingly destroyed.
Sorrowfully the idolaters stood round and watched the
downfall of the images they worshipped. And then
dawned upon them the truth, when they heard the old
voice at which they were wont to scoff and jeer, cry as
he struck down the idols, " Truth has come and false-
hood vanisheth ; verily falsehood is evanescent, "-how
utterly powerless were their gods !
The Year The ninth year of the Hegira is known in Moslem
of Depu- history as the Year of Deputations, in consequence of
tations.
the large number of embassies which came from all
quarters to accept Islâm. The principal companions of
the Prophet, and the leading citizens of Medîna, at his
request, received these envoys in their houses, and
entertained them with the time-honoured hospitality of
the Arabs. On departure, they always received an ample
sum for the expenses of the road, with some additional
presents corresponding to their rank. A written treaty,
guaranteeing the privileges of the tribe, was often granted,
and a teacher invariably accompanied the departing
guests to instruct the newly-converted people in the
duties of Islâm, and to see that every evil practice was
obliterated from their midst. To the teachers, whom
Mohammed sent into the different provinces, he always
gave the following injunctions :-" Deal gently with the
people, and be not harsh ; cheer them, and contemn
them not. And ye will meet with many people of the
Book who will question thee, what is the key to heaven ?
CH . III . THE SERMON ON THE MOUNT 17

Reply to them, [the key to heaven is] ' to testify to the 1-10 A. H.
truth of God, and to do good work. "
When the hosts of Arabia came flocking to join his
faith, Mohammed felt that his work was accomplished ;
and under the impression of his approaching end, he
determined to make a farewell pilgrimage to Mecca.
On the 25th of Zu'l-Kaada (23rd February, 632) the
Prophet left Medîna with an immense concourse of
Moslems . On his arrival at Mecca, on the 8th of Zu'l-
Hijja, 7th March, and before completing all the rites of
the pilgrimage, he addressed the assembled multitude The Ser-
from the top of the Jabal ul-Arafat in words which yet mononthe
live in the hearts of all Moslems . Arafât.

" Ye people ! listen to my words, for I know not

whether another year will be vouchsafed to me after this
year to find myself amongst you.
" Your lives and property are sacred and inviolable
amongst one another until ye appear before the Lord,
as this day and this month is sacred for all, and remember
ye shall have to appear before your Lord, who shall
demand from you an account of all your actions. Ye
people, ye have rights over your wives, and your wives
have rights over you . Treat your wives with kind-
ness . Verily ye have taken them on the security
of God, and made them lawful unto you by the words
of God.
" And your slaves ! See that ye feed them with such
food as ye eat yourselves, and clothe them with the stuff
ye wear ; and if they commit a fault which ye are not
inclined to forgive, then part from them, for they are the
servants of the Lord, and are not to be harshly treated.
" Ye people ! listen to my words, and understand the
same. Know that all Moslems are brothers unto one
another. Ye are one brotherhood. Nothing which
C
 18 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. III.

622-632 belongs to another is lawful unto his brother, unless

A. C.
freely given out of good-will. Guard yourselves from
committing injustice.
" Let him that is present tell it unto him that is
absent. Haply he that shall be told may remember
better than he who hath heard it."
On his return to Medîna he settled the organisation of
the provinces and tribal communities.
Officers were sent to the provinces and to the various
tribes for the purpose of teaching the people the duties
of Islâm, administering justice, and collecting the tithes
or zakât.
The last days of the Prophet were remarkable for the
calmness and serenity of his mind, which enabled him,
though weak and feeble, to preside at the public prayers
until within three days of his death. One midnight he
went to the place where his old companions were lying
in the slumber of death, and prayed and wept by their
tombs, invoking God's blessings for his " companions
resting in peace. " He chose Ayesha's house,¹ close to
the mosque, for his stay during his illness, and, so
long as his strength lasted, took part in the public
prayers. The last time he appeared in the mosque he
was supported by his two cousins, Ali and Fazl the son
of Abbas.
After the usual praises and hymns to God, he addressed
the multitude thus : " Moslems, if I have wronged any

1 After the death of Khadija, Mohammed, in accordance with

Arab customs and the old patriarchal ways, married several wives,
partly with the object of uniting hostile tribes, and partly to provide
means of subsistence to helpless women. Ayesha was the daughter
of Mohammed's old friend Abu Bakr, who was anxious to cement
their friendship by the union of his daughter with one whom he
recognised as his teacher.
CH. III . THE DEATH OF THE PROPHET 19

one of you, here I am to answer for it ; if I owe ought 1-10 A. H.

to any one, all I may happen to possess belongs to you. "
The Prophet then prayed and implored heaven's mercy
for those present, and for those who had fallen in the
persecution of their enemies, and recommended to all
his people the observance of religious duties, and the
practice of a life of peace and good-will, and concluded
with the following words of the Koran. " The dwelling
of the other life we will give unto them who do not seek
to exalt themselves on earth or to do wrong ; for the
happy issue shall attend the pious. "
After this, Mohammed's strength rapidly failed. At
noon on Monday ( 12th of Rabi I., 11 A.H.-8th June,
632 A.C.), whilst praying earnestly in whisper, the spirit
of the great Prophet took flight to the " blessed com-
panionship on high."
During the ten years Mohammed presided over the
commonwealth of Islâm, a great change had come over
the character of the Arab people. By the appointment
of delegates to the different tribes and cities, with powers
to decide internal as well as tribal disputes, the ancient
system of private vendetta was put an end to, and an
impetus was given to trade and commerce. The style
of living and mode of dress underwent a great change,
especially among women. The reckless freedom of
heathenism was abandoned, and manners became decor-
ous, almost austere ; gambling and drunkenness were
forbidden. Before this there had been no privacy in
houses ; from this time, it became customary to have
special apartments for women.
 CHAPTER IV

THE REPUBLIC

11-23 А.Н. , 632-644 A.C.

Abu Bakr- Insurrections-War with Persia and the Romans-Abû
Bakr's death-Omar-Conquest of Chaldæa and Mesopotamia
-Persia-Defeat of the Romans-Conquest of Syria, Palestine,
and Egypt-Death of Omar.

Abu Bakr. THE hold which the personality of the Arabian Prophet
had acquired over the minds of his followers is shown by
the fact that none of them would at first believe that he
was dead. They could hardly realise that the man who
in the course of a few years had changed the whole
aspect of Arabia was subject to the same laws as other
human beings. Had he lived in a less historical age,
or had his words with reference to himself been less
rationalistic, like other great men, he too, probably, would
have received divine honours. The commotion among
the people was allayed by the venerable Abu Bakr, who,
having ascertained that their Teacher was really dead
and not in a swoon, as some had asserted, addressed the
crowd thus : " Mussulmans, if you adored Mohammed,
know that Mohammed is dead; if it is God that you
adore, know that He liveth, He never dies. Forget not
this verse of the Koran, ' Mohammed is only a man
charged with a mission ; before him there have been
men who received the heavenly mission and died ; '-
nor this verse, ' Thou too, Mohammed, shalt die as others
have died before thee. " It was then that a wail went
20
CH. IV . ABU BAKR elected CALIPH 21

up from the assembled multitude that their great Master 11-23

A. H.
was gone from among them.
And now arose the question as to who was to succeed
in the government of the Commonwealth. Mohammed
had often indicated Ali as his successor, but had laid
down no definite rule. This gave scope to individual
ambitions, to the detriment of Islâm, and in later times
became the fruitful cause of dynastic wars and religious
schisms. Had Ali been accepted to the Headship of
Islâm, the birth of those disastrous pretensions that led
to so much bloodshed in the Moslem world would have
been averted.
Among the Arabs, the chieftaincy of a tribe is not
hereditary, but elective ; the principle of universal suf-
frage is recognised in its extremest form, and all the
members of the tribe have a voice in the election of
their chief. The election is made on the basis of
seniority among the surviving male members of the
deceased chieftain's family. This old tribal custom was
followed in the choice of a successor to the Prophet,
for the urgency of the times admitted of no delay.
Abu Bakr, who by virtue of his age and the position
he had held at Mecca occupied a high place in the
estimation of the Arabs, was hastily elected to the office
of Khalifa (Caliph) or Vicegerent of the Prophet. He Abu Bakr
was recognised as a man of wisdom and moderation, and isCaliph.
elected
his election was accepted with their usual devotion to
the Faith by Ali and the chief members of Mohammed's
family.
" Behold me," said the Patriarch, after the multitude
had sworn allegiance to him, " behold me charged with
the cares of Government. I am not the best among
you ; I need all your advice and all your help. If I do
well, support me; if I mistake, counsel me. To tell
 22 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IV .

632-644 truth to a person commissioned to rule is faithful

A. C.
allegiance ; to conceal it is treason. In my sight, the
powerful and the weak are alike ; and to both I wish to
render justice. As I obey God and His Prophet, obey
me: if I neglect the laws of God and the Prophet, I
have no more right to your obedience. "
TheRising No sooner had it become noised abroad that the
of the
Tribes .
Prophet was dead than the unruly spirit of the Arab
broke forth ; whilst a great fear fell upon the earnest
followers of the new Faith. Some of the tribes who
had only recently abandoned idolatry, reverted at once
to their evil ways, and several impostors who had ap-
peared in distant provinces in the lifetime of the
Prophet began harrying the Moslems. Within a little
time the Faith had become almost confined to the city
of Medina, and again a single town had to contend
against the idolatrous hordes of the Peninsula.
Osâma's The rising of the tribes was due, firstly, to the strict
Expedi-
tion. rules of morality enforced by Islâm, and, secondly, to
their unwillingness to pay the poor-tax. Though
hemmed in on all sides, the Moslems did not lose
heart ; and faith and enthusiasm again led them to
victory. The first care of the Caliph, after the funeral
ceremonies of the Prophet, was to organise the adminis-
tration and stand on guard against the rebels. Mo-
hammed had shortly before his death issued orders for
the despatch of an expedition into Syria to seek re-
paration for the murder of the Moslem envoy. With
that object troops had been collected in the neighbour-
hood of Medîna. The expedition now became doubly
necessary by the defection of the northern tribes, who
had fallen away after the disaster at Mûta, where the
faithful Zaid had lost his life. To give effect to his
Master's last wishes, and to restore order on the north-
CH. IV . PACIFICATION OF THE PENINSULA 23

ern frontier, Abu Bakr, though hard pressed himself, 11-23

A.H.
sent forward the troops. When the Moslems were de-
parting, the aged Caliph addressed them as follows-
" See," said he, addressing Osâma, the son of Zaid,
who was placed at the head of the expedition, see 66

that thou avoidest treachery. Depart not in any wise

from the right. Thou shalt mutilate none, neither
shalt thou kill child or aged man, nor any woman.
Injure not the date-palm, neither burn it with fire, and
cut not down any tree wherein is food for man or beast.
Slay not the flocks or herds or camels, saving for need-
ful sustenance. Ye may eat of the meat which the men
of the land shall bring unto you in their vessels, making
mention thereon of the name of the Lord. And the
monks with shaven heads, if they submit, leave them
unmolested. Now march forward in the name of the
Lord, and may He protect you from sword and pesti-
lence ! "

Whilst Osâma was away in the north, Medîna was Pacifica-

attacked by the rebels, but they were beaten back. Peninsula.
tion of the
Osâma also gained a victory over the Syrians, and
shortly after returned to the help of Abu Bakr, who was
now able to send out troops to reduce the insurgent
tribes to order. The principal work of subjection was
entrusted to Khalid, son of Walid, a ferocious soldier
but a skilled general. Some of the tribes gave in their
adhesion without fighting ; others were unyielding, and
with them were fought great battles, in which both sides
suffered severely. At the battle of Yemâma the formid-
able tribe of the Banû Hanîfa were thoroughly defeated,
and their leader, the impostor Mosailima, was killed.
After this the insurgents gradually submitted, and were
received back into Islâm. War with
The work of pacification in the north-east of Arabia Persia.
 24 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IV.

632-644 brought the Moslems into collision with the wandering

A. C.
tribes subject to Hîra, a semi-Arab kingdom which at
that time acknowledged the suzerainty of Persia. A
glance at the map will show how the conflict, which
afterwards widened into a struggle for empire, originally
arose. From Hejr, the north-east corner of Arabia which
borders on Chaldæa, then held by the Persians, and
westward of the lower branch of the Euphrates, lies
that waterless tract, a continuation of the Arabian
Nefûd, far away to the Dead Sea, and the high lands of
Haurân and ancient Tadmor towards the north. Over
this vast tract roamed then, as now, the nomadic hordes,
whose names alone have changed, but whose manners
and habits have remained the same. They were chiefly
Christians. Those on the Syrian side, like the Ghassân,
were subject to the Byzantines ; those on the east, like
the Banû Taghlib, owed allegiance to Persia. All these
were connected by ties of blood and friendship with
the neighbouring Arabian tribes. The delta of the
Euphrates itself was inhabited by settled Arabs, who
had abandoned the pastoral life of their kinsmen of the
Its causes. Desert and taken to the cultivation of the soil. Natur-
ally, the conflict between the Moslems and the insur-
gents on the eastern shores of the Persian Gulf re-acted
on the neighbouring tribes subject to Persia. Raids
from the north were followed by reprisals, with the same
result that we now see in the advance of the British in
India, and of the Russians in Central Asia. The region
watered by the two great rivers, the Tigris and the
Euphrates, has from time immemorial formed the prize
of monarchs struggling for empire. On one side the
Tigris (Dajla) issuing from the mountains of Armenia,
on the other the Euphrates (Furât) taking its rise in
the heights of Taurus, roll down towards the Persian
CH. IV. WAR WITH PERSIA 25

Gulf, joining their waters a few hundred miles before 11-23

A. H.
they reach the sea. Here they lose their names as well
as their identity, and receive the designation of the
Shatt ul-Arab. The upper portion of the region enclosed
by the two rivers was in ancient times known as Meso-
potamia.¹ The lower part, a flat alluvial country, was
called Babylonia and Chaldæa ; to the Arabs, it was
known as Irâk Arab. Many flourishing cities have
existed by the side of these famous rivers. Ancient
Nineveh (not far from modern Mosul), the seat of
the mighty Assyrian monarchs, was situated on the
Tigris ; so was Madain, the capital of the Persian
sovereigns ; so is Bagdad, the metropolis of the Caliphs
in the Middle Ages, and now the seat of the provincial
Turkish governors. On the Euphrates were situated
ancient Babylon, Hîra, Kûfa, built by the Arabs, Kir-
kessia (ancient Circesium) and Rakka. To the east of
the Zagros mountains, beyond the Tigris, lies the country
called by the Arabs Irâk Ajam, the centre of Persia. The
pacification of the Peninsula having been completed,
Khalid and Mosanna (Mothanna), the generals operating
in Hejr, took in hand the repression of the raids from the
Hirite side. The Persian governor of Chaldæa offered TheCapitu-
battle on the frontier, and was defeated with heavy loss, lation
Hîra.of
and Hîra, after a short resistance, capitulated to the
Moslems .

Following the example of the people of Hira, the Rabî I.

12 A.H.
dehkâns or great landed proprietors of Chaldæa gave in May-June
1 Sometimes Mesopotamia also included Assyria, the country 633 A.C.
which stretched from the Tigris to the Zagrus or Zagros mountains.
2 Both Mesopotamia and Irâk Arab are now included in the
Pashalic of Bagdad.
3 Mothanna, son of Haris (Shaybani), of the tribe of the Banû
Bakr, was a general of consummate ability and a kind -hearted man,
different from the ferocious Khâlid .
 26 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IV.

632-644 their adhesion, and were guaranteed in their possessions,

A. C.
subject to a fixed land-tax. The peasantry were not
interfered with, and were left in the safe enjoyment of
their fields and lands.
The conquest of Hîra opened the eyes of the Persian
Government to the gravity of the danger. A young and
rising power, animated with a national sentiment in the
shape of religious enthusiasm, was now seated at their
door. Had they been wise, they would have strengthened
their internal defences, and re-organised their empire,
which was rent by domestic quarrels. They might even
have come to terms with the Saracens. Still, the Persian
Empire was rich and powerful. It comprised within its
dominions the whole of Modern Persia, Bactria, and
all the inferior provinces of Central Asia to the confines
of Tartary and India, besides Irâk and Mesopotamia.
A large army was sent to drive the Saracens out of
Chaldæa .
Death of About this time the Caliph was obliged to send
Abu Bakr.
23rd of Khalid into Syria with half of the troops. The other
August, general, Mothanna, was thus left alone with a small force
634 A.C. to make head against the Persian host. Withdrawing
his advanced posts, he proceeded in haste to Medina to
ask for reinforcements, but found the aged Caliph dying.
Abu Bakr died after a reign of only two years and
a half, on the 22nd of Jamâdi II., 13 А.Н. He is
described as " a man of a very fair complexion, thin coun
tenance, of slender build, and with a stoop." Before he
became a disciple of the Prophet, he wielded great
authority over the Koraish as one of their chief magis-
trates, and his wealth as a merchant, and his sagacity as
a chief, gave him great consequence among the Meccans.
Like his Master, Abu Bakr was extremely simple in his
habits ; gentle but firm, he devoted all his energies to
CH. IV. OMAR ELECTED CALIPH 27

the administration of the new-born State and to the good 11-23

A.H.
ofthe people. He would sally forth by night to help the
distressed and relieve the destitute. For a time, after
his election, he continued to maintain himself with his
own private income, but finding that in looking after
his property and business he was not able to pay
sufficient attention to the affairs of the State, he con-
sented to receive 6000 dirhems annually from the
Treasury. On his death-bed, however, he was so
troubled at having taken public money that he directed
one of his properties to be sold, in order to refund
to the State the sum he had received.
Such were the simple, honest ways of the immediate
disciples of Mohammed.
Before his death, Abu Bakr nominated Omar as his Omar.
successor in the Caliphate, and his appointment was
accepted by the people.
Omar's accession to the Caliphate was of immense
value to Islâm. He was a man of strong moral fibre
and a keen sense of justice, possessed of great energy
and force of character. His first act, after re-organising
the internal administration of Arabia, was to hurry on
reinforcements to the help of Mothanna. These troops
were under Abû Obaid, who, on arrival on the scene of
action, assumed the chief command. Without listening
to the prudent advice of Mothanna, he gave battle to the
Persians at a place where he was unable to manœuvre,
and incurred a heavy defeat, in which he was killed. The
Persians, however, did not press their advantage, and
were ultimately out-generalled and defeated with great
loss by Mothanna, at a place called Buwaib, on the
western branch of the Euphrates. Mothanna again
re-occupied the country and re-entered Hîra.
About this time a new sovereign had been raised to Yezdjard.
 28 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IV.

632-644 the throne of Persia. Young, energetic, and ambitious,

A.C.
Yezdjard was bent not only on driving the Saracens from
Hîra, but also on conquering their country. With this
object he sent forward into Chaldæa an army consisting
of 100,000 men, which marching southward was to over-
whelm the Moslems, and oust them from their possessions.
The Saracens under Mothanna, wholly unable to cope
with this enormous force, again abandoned Chaldæa,
and retired to the borders of the desert, where they
awaited reinforcements from Medîna.
Whilst the Moslems were thus waiting for the Persian
attack, they lost their great general, who was stricken
down by the Chaldæan fever. Saad, son of Wakkâs,
who brought the additional troops sent forward by the
Caliph, assumed chief command over the whole Sara-
Battle of cenic army, which now amounted to 30,00০. The
Kâdessia. battle that followed was hotly contested. It lasted for
three days, and was distinguished by heroic feats on both
Moharram sides. On the third day the Persian host broke. Defeated
15 A.H.
February- with terrible loss, their general killed, they fled towards
March 636 the north. The battle of Kâdessia practically decided the
A.C.
fate of both Chaldæa and Mesopotamia : Chaldæa was
re-occupied without opposition, and the Hirites, who had
torn up the treaties made with Mothanna, were punished
for their defection by the imposition of a higher tax.
After receiving the submission of the towns and villages
in the neighbourhood of Hira, Saad turned towards
Bâbil (Babylon), where the broken remnants of the Persian
host had re-assembled under Firuzân, Hurmuzân, and
Mihrân. They were beaten and dispersed. Mihrân
escaped to Madâin, the Persian capital ; Hurmuzân fled
to his government of Ahwaz, beyond the Persian range ;
and Firuzân betook himself to Nehawand, where were
the treasures of the Persian king. A permanent hold
CH. IV. WAR WITH PERSIA 29

over Chaldæa was, however, impossible, so long as it was 11-23A.H.

dominated by Madain, where Mihrân lay encamped with
a large Persian army. Saad was therefore compelled to
march upon the royal city. Like the Bagdad of Mansûr,
fifteen miles higher up the river, it was built on both sides
of the Tigris. The western portion, called Seleucia, was
founded by the Seleucidæ, the descendants of Alexander's
great general ; the eastern part, called Ctesiphon, was built
by the Persian monarchs. The two conjointly were called Capture of
Madain (or the Two Cities). The palaces of the kings Madain.
and nobles were luxurious and beautiful, and the first Safar 16
A. H.
sight of them considerably impressed the simple Saracens. March 673
After a siege of some duration, Madâin opened its gate, A.C.

and its capitulation was followed by the submission of

the entire country lying to the west of the Tigris. A
Service of Thanksgiving,¹ at which the whole army
assisted, was held in the palace of the Chosroes.
Saad, as the civil and military head of Irâk (which
now included Mesopotamia), made Madâin his head-
quarters. He established himself in the royal palace,
where the offices were located, and " cathedral service "
was held every Friday in the Grand Hall. From here
he conducted the administration of the province. But
it was not long before another conflict was forced upon
the Moslems. The Persian king, who was stationed at
Holwân on the western side of the mountains, sent
forward a large force to recapture Madain. This army December
was met at Jalula, about fifty miles to the north-east of Battle
673A.C.of
the capital, and defeated with terrible loss. Holwân Jalula.
itself was captured and strongly garrisoned. When the
spoils of Jalula and Madâin arrived at Medina, the
Caliph was found weeping. Asked his reason, he re-
plied that he saw in those spoils the future ruin of his
1 Called in the original Salât-uz-Zafar, “ Prayer of Victory. "
 30 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IV.

632-644 people, and he was not wrong ; for the unprecedented

A. C.
success of the Saracens led eventually to the loss of
those qualities of frugality, austerity, and self-sacrifice
that in the beginning so materially contributed to their
victories.
After the capture of Holwân, a treaty of peace was
concluded with the Persian king, by which the Persian
Range was made the boundary between the two empires ;
and the Caliph now issued peremptory injunctions that the
Saracens were under no circumstance to go beyond that
limit. The country at the head of the Persian Gulf, as
far as the range of hills on the eastern side, had been
already reduced to order, and the sea-port of Obolla
had fallen into the hands of the Moslems. Nothing
attests so clearly the capacity of Omar as a wise and
just ruler, or the ability of the council with which he
was assisted, as the energy with which the Moslems
applied themselves to the regeneration of this province,
and the development of its resources . A great cadastral
survey was set on foot under the advice of Ali, a new
system of assessment was introduced, the burdens of the
peasantry were lightened and they were secured in the
possession of their lands. The tax imposed on the large
land-holders by the Persian monarchs was revised, a
complete network of canals was made for purposes of
irrigation, and an order was issued for giving advances to
the cultivators when needed. The sale of land was strictly
prohibited, to safeguard against the eviction of the native
peasantry. The Crown domains of the Persian kings, the
royal hunting forests, the abandoned possessions of fugi-
tive princes and land-holders, and property appertaining
to the fire-temples whence the priests had fled, became
State property, and were administered by agents appointed
from Medîna. The army had clamoured for the distribu-
CH. IV. WAR WITH PERSIA 31

tion, as spoils of war, of these lands as well as of the 11-23

A. H.
plains of Chaldæa, called the Sawad, but the Caliph ,
guided by Ali and Ibn Abbas, firmly rejected the de-
mand. The income from the State domains, after
defraying the public charges, was distributed among the
Arab settlers.
But neither the prudence of the Caliph nor the moder- Breach of
ation of his generals was of avail in preventing a fresh treaty by
conflict with the Persians. Yezdjard was chafing under Persians.
the loss of his capital and two of his best provinces.
His governors were out of hand, and his army was
clamorous for a fresh advance against the Saracens.
Hurmuzân, the governor of Ahwaz, repeatedly attacked
the Arab settlements ; as often as he was beaten back,
he sued for peace, but always broke it at the first oppor-
tunity.
About this time two new cities were built in Irâk. 17 A.H.
Bussorah (Basra) on the Shatt ul-Arab, peopled chiefly 638 A.C.
by the northern Arabs, took the place of Obolla, and
became the sea-port of Irak. Kûfa on the western bank
ofthe Euphrates, three miles south of Hira, was peopled 18 A.H.
by Arabs of the Yemenite stock, and took the place of 638 A.C.
Madâin, which was abandoned as unhealthy. Both cities
were laid out on regular lines. A square was made, with
the principal mosque in the centre, and the governor's
mansion close by. The streets were straight, wide,
and spacious ; the bazaars commodious, and the public
gardens numerous.
At last, wearied beyond endurance by the incessant
raids of the Persians, and apprehending a serious attack
from their king, who had collected a large army towards
the north, the Saracens in Mesopotamia sent a deputa-
tion to the Caliph for permission to repel the threat-
ened danger. Omar inquired of the deputation the
 32 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IV.

632-644 cause of the frequent risings on the part of the Persians .

A.C.
" Maybe," said he, " the Moslems treat the Zimmis¹
badly, that they break their faith persistently and rebel
،،
against us. " " Not so," they answered, we do not deal
with them otherwise than with honesty and good faith."
" How can that be ? " naturally asked the Caliph. " Is
there not one honest man among them? " Then answered
the leader of the deputation, " Thou hast forbidden us,
Commander of the Faithful, to enlarge our boundaries ;
and their king is in their midst to stir them up. Two
kings can in no wise exist together, until the one expel
the other. It is not that we have treated them harshly,
but that their king has incited them to rise against us
after having made submission. And so it will go on,
until thou shalt remove the barrier and leave us to go
forward and expel their king. Not till then will their
hopes and machinations cease. " 2
These views were also enforced by Hurmuzân, who
had been brought as a prisoner to Medina, and had
adopted Islâm. It now became clear to Omar that the
ban against an advance towards the east must be with-
drawn. In self-defence, nothing was left but to crush
the Chosroes, and take entire possession of his realm.3
The Persians had responded with alacrity to the call
of their sovereign for a final and desperate blow at the
intruders of the Desert, who had ousted him from his
capital and wrested from him some of his fairest
provinces. The army raised by Yezdjard for this last
struggle far exceeded any he had had before. The news
of the Persian preparations caused great excitement in
Medina, and the Caliph at once hurried off reinforce-
1 Non-Moslem subjects, see p. 33. 2 Ibn ul- Athîr, vol. ii. p. 429.
3 Muir admits the justice and necessity of the withdrawal of the
ban.
CH. IV. SUBJUGATION OF PERSIA 33

ments towards the frontier. A general of the name of 11-23

A. H.
Nomân, who was then engaged with the Persian raiders
in the south, was placed in command of the Saracenic Battle of
forces. The battle, which took place at Nehawand, at Nehawand
21 Α.Η.
the foot of the Elburz, decided the fate of Asia, and is 642 A.C.
called the Victory of Victories. The Persians, who
outnumbered the Saracens by six to one, were defeated
with terrible loss. Their king fled from place to place,
until he was killed some years later by one of his own
men, like Darius the Short-handed, at a distant village
on the confines of Turkestan. Persia thus passed Subjuga-tion of
under Moslem domination. As in Mesopotamia, the Persia.
Caliph took immediate measures to settle the peasantry
securely in their possessions. They were released from
the galling oppression of the large land-holders ; their
assessments were revised and placed on a stable basis ;
the broken aqueducts were restored and new ones
built. The land-holders or dehkâns kept their estates,
subject to the payment of a fixed tax. Liberty of
conscience was allowed to every one, and the Moslems
were ordered not to interfere with the religion of the
people. Those who adhered to their old faith received
the designation of Zimmis (the protected people or The
liege-men). The sole inducement to proselytism, if Zimmis.
inducement it can be called, consisted in the fact that
whereas Moslems, who were liable at any time to be
called to serve in the army, contributed only a tithe to
the State, the Zimmis paid a higher tax in consideration of
being exempted from military service. The bulk of the
people, without any such compulsion as is used by some
1 The Saracen general was killed in this battle, just as the
victory was won.
2 Such distinctions are common in the history of all dominant
nations, and are to be found even now.
D
 34 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IV.

632-644 modern nations for the conversion of unorthodox com-

A. C.
munities, adopted Islâm. Among these converts and the
Arab settlers intermarriages became frequent, numbers
of Persians were introduced into the tribal brotherhood
of the Arabs as Mawâlis (friends or clients), and many
of those who had rendered eminent services, or were
otherwise distinguished, were inscribed in the State
Register as recipients of allowances. For a long time,
however, as under Alexander of Macedon, the priests
were a source of trouble and danger. Often they incited
to rebellion the people who still conformed to the old
faith. In the repression of these outbreaks cruelties were
committed on both sides. The wise and conciliatory
policy, however, of the Abbasside Caliphs, and the
general diffusion of Islâm, removed in time all causes of
disaffection.
War Very soon after the accession of Abu Bakr to the
with the
Romans .
Caliphate the Saracens came into conflict with the
Its causes. Romans. The entire country to the west of Mesopo-
tamia and Chaldæa belonged then to the Eastern
Roman Empire. Palestine and Syria were, like Irâk,
inhabited by people of the Arab race ; and the Syrian
Nefûd, or Desert, was roamed over by Arabs ; they thus
came within the legitimate sphere of the Islâmic Com-
monwealth. The punitive expedition of Osâma had set
ablaze the Syrian tribes, and naturally led to retaliatory
raids. The Romans at the same time massed a large
army at Balca, not far from the frontier. Like the
British Government in India, when threatened by the
Sikhs in 1848, the Caliph had no choice but to repel
the Romans, and reduce the tribes to subjection. It
was a measure necessary in the interests of his empire.
His appeal for levies was answered with enthusiasm, and
as the troops arrived at Medîna he hurried them towards
CH. IV. WAR WITH THE ROMANS 35

the north. The theatre of the new war requires a slight 11-23
A. H.
notice. Palestine, according to the Arab geographers, is
the country south of a line drawn from Mount Carmel
to the northern extremity of the Sea of Galilee (Lake
Tiberias), and extending from the Jordan as far as the
Mediterranean Sea. Here the Romans held some strongly
garrisoned places, such as Cæsarea on the sea, Jericho,
Jerusalem, Ascalon, Gaza, and Jaffa. The township
of Zoghar (Seger), or ancient Pentapolis, and all the
region which stretched from the southern extremity of
the Dead Sea to the Arabian Gulf, was a dependency of
Palestine. North of the line mentioned above was the
Province of Jordan (Ordûn,) which comprised the
garrisoned towns of Acre (ancient Ptolemais) and Sûr
(Tyre). To the north of Palestine lay that beautiful and
interesting country called Syria¹ by the Romans, and
Barr ush- Shâm (the land to the left), or simply Shâm
by the Arabs, with the historical cities of Damascus,
Hems (Emessa), Aleppo (Chalybon), Antioch, etc., all
held by strong Roman garrisons. East of the valley of
the Jordan, and south of the Lake of Tiberias, were the
high-lands of Haurân. The first army sent into Syria
by Abu Bakr met with a disastrous repulse. The old
Patriarch, instead of being dispirited, threw fresh energy
into the organisation of the levies ; and the new army
that was hurried to the theatre of war was divided into
four corps, which were directed to operate under the
command of four generals, in different parts of the
country. The gentle and kind-hearted Abu Obaidah was
in command of the division of Hems, with head-quarters
at Jâbia, and was accompanied by a large number of
Medinites and the Companions of the Prophet. The
Palestine division was under the command of Amr, the
1 The Syria of the Romans included a portion of Palestine.
 36 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IV.

632-644 son of al-Aâs, famous for his conquest of Egypt, and

A. C.
infamous for his treachery to Ali. The division intended
for Damascus was under the command of Yezîd, son of
Abu Sufiân, the old enemy of Islâm, and now fighting
under its banners. The army of Yezîd was composed
principally of the Meccans and of the Arabs of the
Tehâma, and included several notables of Mecca, most
of whom had fought against the Prophet before the
fall of the city. Tempted now by the rich spoils of
Syria, they had joined as volunteers the army under Yezîd.
Between the Meccans and the Arabs of the Tehâma
on one side, and the Medinites on the other, there
existed bitter hostility, the consequences of which were
perceptible in later times. The fourth division, under
Shorâbhîl, operated in the valley of the Jordan. Another
corps, under Muawiyah, the second son of Abû
Sufiân, who afterwards usurped the Caliphate, formed
a reserve. Whilst Amr, the son of al-Aâs, advancing
upon Lower Palestine, threatened Gaza and Jerusalem,
the three armies under Abu Obaidah, Shorâbhîl, and
Yezîd, echeloned as above, and mutually supporting each
other, menaced Bosra, Damascus, and the Tiberiade.
But the forces at their disposal barely exceeded 35,000,
and, considering the power and resources of the Empire
against which they were directing the attack, seemed
hardly adequate to the task. The Roman Empire of
Constantinople, even after it had been shorn of several
of its European dependencies, was colossal. Its re-
sources, its wealth, and its supply of fighting material
were unlimited. It included the spacious Peninsula of
Lesser Asia, encompassed by three seas and studded
with rich maritime cities; Syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine ;
Egypt, the granary of the surrounding nations ; together
with " the long sleeve of the Mantle," the vast strip of
CH. IV. BATTLE OF YERMUK 37

territory extending from the Egyptian coast to the 11-23

A. H.
Atlantic, and including the once renowned dominions
of Cyrene and Carthage.
In order to repel the invaders Heraclius came in
person to Hems, and from there sent forward four sepa-
rate armies to crush the Arab generals. At the first news
of this move on the part of the Romans, the Moslem
Ameers, having consulted with each other by a rapid
exchange of messengers, decided to concentrate all their
forces on one point, and accordingly all the four divisions
united in the month of April 634 at Jaulân, near the
river Yermuk (ancient Hieromax). Upon this the
Romans on their side drew together all their corps.
The Yermuk is an obscure river, which, rising in the
high-lands of Haurân, falls into the Jordan a few miles
south of the Lake of Tiberias. About thirty miles
above its junction with the Jordan, it forms on the
northern side a semi-circular loop, which encloses a vast
plain suited for the encampment of a large army. The
banks of the Yermuk are rugged and steep ; at the neck
of the loop there is a ravine, which forms the entrance
to the flat space inside. This spot is called Wakusa,
famous in the annals of Islâm. The Romans considered Battle of
Yermuk .
this, protected, as it appeared to them, on all sides, as a 30August
natural camping-ground ; and their forces marched into 634А.С.
it without any thought of the Saracens. These quickly
perceived the enemy's mistake, and crossing towards the
northern side of the river, a little higher up, took up their
position immediately by the side of the ravine, ready to
strike the moment the Romans issued from within.
The two armies watched each other for two months,
until the Caliph, getting tired of the waiting game, sent
Khâlid, the son of Walîd, from Chaldæa into Syria.
Marching across the desert, Khâlid joined the Moslems
 38 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IV.

632-644 before the Romans knew of his approach. The army

A.C.
of Heraclius numbered 240,000, whilst the Saracens
were only 40,000 all told. But the Romans had already
lost heart, having been beaten in several attempts to
issue from the trap in which they had been caught. At
last, on the morning of the last day of Jamâdi II. (30th
August 634), inspirited by the priests, the Roman
army issued from its camp to give battle to the Saracens.
That eventful fight is now known as the battle of
Yermuk. The Romans were defeated with fearful
slaughter, a part of their army was driven into the river
and drowned, and the whole of Southern Syria lay at
the feet of the Saracens.1
Death of Abu Bakr died about this time-in fact, the news of
Abu Bakr. his death was brought to the camp before the battle
began, but was not published by Khalid until the fight
was won. Omar, who never approved of Khalid's fero-
city, deposed him from the chief command, and made
the wise and far-seeing Abu Obaidah the General-in-Chief.
Khalid worked under Abu Obaidah, and the Syrian
cities one by one capitulated to the Moslems. Damascus,
Hems, Hama (Epiphania), Kinnisrîn (Chalcis), Aleppo,
and other important towns, opened their gates to Abû
Obaidah. At last this general presented himself before
Antioch, the rival of Constantinople and the capital of the
Roman East. It was held by a large garrison, augmented
by the fragments of those that had fled from other places.
The population was considerable, though enervated by
luxury and pleasure. One slight battle outside the city, in
which the Moslems were victors, so disheartened the citi-
zens that after a siege of a few days they proffered their
subjection. Whilst Abu Obaidah had thus subjugated the
1 The Roman loss is said to have been 140,000, whilst the
Saracens lost only 3000 ;-Caussin de Perceval.
CH. IV. CAPITULATION OF JERUSALEM 39
.

greater part of Northern Syria, the operations of Amr, the 11-23

A. H.
son of al-Aâs, were no less successful in Palestine. The
Roman governor, named Artabîn, had assembled a large
army for the defence of the Province, and had placed
bodies of troops at Jerusalem, Gaza, and Ramleh, whilst
he himself, with the mass of his forces, was installed at
Ajnadîn, a village situated to the east of Jerusalem,
between Ramleh and Bait-Jibrin. The Saracen generals,
after detaching troops to hold in check Jerusalem, Gaza,
Ramleh, and Cæsarea, now advanced upon Artabîn.
The battle that followed was as disastrous to the Battle of
Romans as the day of Yermuk. Their army was Ajnadîn.
entirely destroyed ; only a few escaped with their chief,
and found a refuge within the walls of Jerusalem. As
the fruit of this victory, the Saracens obtained without
difficulty the submission of the towns of Jaffa and
Nablûs (Neapolis). Ascalon, Gaza, Ramleh, and Acre
(Ptolemais), Berytus, Sidon, Laodicea, Apamea, and
Gobula opened their gates without a fight. Jerusalem
alone, garrisoned by a heavy force, resisted for a time.
After a siege of some duration, the Patriarch sued for
peace, but refused to surrender the place to any but
the Caliph in person. Omar acceded to the request,
and travelling with a single attendant, without escort
and without any pomp or ceremony, arrived at Jâbia,
where he was met by a deputation from Jerusalem.
To them he accorded the free exercise of their religion,
and the possession of their churches, subject to a
light tax. He then proceeded with the deputation
towards Jerusalem, where he was received by Sophro-
nius the Patriarch. The chief of Islam and the head Capitula-
tion of
of the Christians entered the sacred city together, con-Jerusalem.
versing on its antiquities. Omar declined to perform
his devotions in the Church of the Resurrection, in
 40 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IV.

632-644 which he chanced to be at the hour of prayer, but

A. C.
prayed on the steps of the Church of Constantine ;
" for," said he to the Patriarch, " had I done so, the
Mussulmans in a future age might have infringed the
treaty, under colour of imitating my example." A
deputation from Ramleh received the same consider-
ate terms ; whilst the Samaritan Jews, who had assisted
the Moslems, were guaranteed in their possessions with-
out the payment of any tax.¹
The depredations of the Armenian and the Kurdish
tribes in Mesopotamia led to punitive expeditions,
which ended in the subjugation of Kurdistan and
Armenia. The Romans, however, again assumed the
offensive. Hardly had the spring of 638 begun, than
Heraclius, joining hands with the still unconquered
people in the east, poured a large army into Syria.
17 A.H. The cities, which had capitulated to the Moslems, now
23January
638 to 12 opened their gates to him, and the Christian Arab
January tribes also gave in their adhesion. An army from
639 A.C.
Egypt, landed on the sea-board, re-occupied Northern
Palestine. The position of the Saracens was thus
threatened in all directions. But daring, dash and
generalship, combined with enthusiasm and trust in
their cause, were on their side. Though outnumbered
in some places as twenty to one, they broke the coalition
with heavy loss. The son of Heraclius was defeated, and
barely escaped with a few troops. The country once more
submitted to Moslem rule. Only one place in Northern
Syria remained in the Roman hands. Cæsarea on the
coast, assisted from Egypt by the sea, defied the Mos-
lems for a time, but the flight of Constantine, the son
of Heraclius, broke the spirit of its defenders, and
1 This privilege was withdrawn from them by Yezîd, the son of
Muawiyah.
CH. IV. SUBJUGATIon of syriA 41

Cæsarea surrendered under the guarantee of protection. 11-23

A. H.
The subjugation of the country was now complete, and
" Syria bowed under the sceptre of the Caliphs seven
hundred years after Pompey had deposed the last of
the Macedonian kings." After their last defeat, the
Romans recognised themselves hopelessly beaten, though
they still continued to raid into the Moslem territories.
In order to erect an impassable barrier between themselves
and the Saracens, they converted into a veritable desert
a vast tract on the frontiers of their remaining Asiatic
possessions. All the cities in this doomed tract were
razed to the ground, fortresses were dismantled, and the
population carried away further north. And what has
been deemed to be the work of Saracenic hordes, was
really the outcome of Byzantine barbarism. This short-
sighted measure, however, was of no avail, for Iyâz, who
now commanded in Northern Syria, passed the moun-
tains of Taurus, and reduced under Moslem rule the
province of Cilicia, with its capital Tarsus, the ancient
monument of the Assyrian kings. He even carried the
Saracenic arms as far as the Black Sea. His name
became one of terror to the Romans in Asia Minor.
About this time the Saracens, with their usual energy,
turned their attention to the creation of a fleet ; and it
was not long before they rode masters of the sea. The
Roman navy fled before them to the Hellespont, and
the islands of the Greek Archipelago were successively
invaded and reduced. The frequent incursions into Syria
from the Egyptian side, and the harassment to which
the sea-board was subjected by the Romans, led the
Caliph, after some hesitation, to authorise an expedition
into the land of the Pharaohs. Amr, the son of al-Aâs,
started with only 4000 men, and in the course of three
weeks cleared the country of the Byzantines. The
Romans, flying from other parts of Egypt, took refuge
 42 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IV.

632-644 in Alexandria, which was well fortified. After a siege of

A. C.
some duration, the city capitulated on favourable terms.
19-20 A.H. The whole of Egypt, up to the borders of Abyssinia on
640-641 the south and Libya on the west, became subject to Mos-
A. C.

lem domination. As in other countries, immediately it

was conquered, measures were taken to improve the con-
dition of the peasantry. The soil was left in the hands of
the cultivators ; the old irrigation works, which had been
neglected or which had fallen into ruin, were restored; and
the ancient canal connecting the Mediterranean with the
Red Sea was cleared out. The Egyptian Christians, who
‫؟‬ were called Copts and belonged to the Melchite sect, were
treated with marked favour, in consequence of their good-
will towards the Moslems. Taxation was regulated upon
a fixed and moderate scale, and trade was fostered by light
customs dues. In 645 A.C. Alexandria was recaptured by
the Romans. It was, however, finally reduced by the Sara-
cens a year later. The story about the burning of the
Alexandrian Library under the orders of the Caliph Omar
is without any foundation. Such an act of vandalism was
totally opposed to the tolerant and liberal spirit of that
great ruler. As a matter of fact, a large part of this library
was destroyed in the siege which Julius Cæsar underwent
in that city ; and the remainder was lost in the reign of
the Emperor Theodosius, in the fourth century of the
Christian era. This Emperor, who was a devout Christian
and hated works written by pagans, had ordered the de-
struction and dispersion of the splendid remnant of the
Philadelphian Library, which order was so zealously carried
out that little or nothing remained of it in the seventh
century for the Moslems to destroy.¹ After the conquest
of Egypt, Amr became involved in a war with the tribes
1 Compare Sédillot, vol. i. p. 439. The books are said to have
been used to heat the baths with. There were no public hammams
then in existence. They came into vogue years later.
CH. IV . THE DEATH OF OMAR 43

towards the west, which ended in the reduction of the 11-23

Α. Η .
coast as far as Barca.
In the eighteenth year of the Hegira, Northern Arabia
and Syria were visited by a severe famine and pestilence,
in which 25,000 people are said to have perished. Some
ofthe best and most prominent men among the Moslems,
including Abu Obaidah, Yezîd, and Shorâbhîl, fell victims
to the epidemic. The wail which went up from the
land called the Caliph forth again from Medîna. He
was then nearly seventy years of age, but he bravely
undertook the journey to Syria, as before, with a single
attendant. He visited the Bishop of Ayla, guaranteed
afresh the privileges of the Christians, and by his pre-
sence and speeches revived the spirit of the people.
On his return to Medina, the Caliph devoted himself
to organising the administration of the new Empire, and
planning the development of its resources. But the hand
of an assassin put an end to all his plans. A foreigner,¹
who bore the Caliph some grudge, inflicted on him a
fatal wound from which he never recovered. Before
his death he appointed an electorate, consisting of six
men, to choose his successor.
The death of Omar was a real calamity to Islâm. TheDeath ofOmar.
Stern but just, far-sighted, thoroughly versed in the char-
acter of his people, he was especially fitted for the
leadership of the unruly Arabs. He had held the helm
with a strong hand, and severely repressed the natural
tendency to demoralisation among nomadic tribes and
semi-civilised people when coming in contact with the
luxury and vices of cities. He had established the Diwân,
or department of finance, to which was entrusted the
administration of the revenues ; and had introduced
1 Some say he was a Magian ; others, like Dozy, state he was a
Christian artisan of Kûfa.
 44 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IV.

632-644 fixed rules for the government of the provinces. He

A.C.
was a man of towering height, strong build, and
fair complexion. Of simple habits, austere and frugal,
always accessible to the meanest of his subjects, wander-
ing about at night to inquire into the condition of the
people without any guard or court-such was the greatest
and most powerful ruler of the time.
 CHAPTER V

THE REPUBLIC (continued)

24-40 А.Н. , 644-661 A.C.
Osmân-His favouritism-Osman's death-Ali--Rebellion of Muâ-
wiyah-Battle of Siffin-The Kharijis-Assassination of Ali-
End of the Republic.

OMAR could easily have nominated Ali or his own son, Osmân.
the virtuous Abdullâh, surnamed Ibn Omar, as his
successor to the Caliphate ; but with the conscientious-
ness which characterised him he entrusted the election
to six notables of Medîna. In deviating, however, from
the example of his predecessor he made a mistake
which paved the way to Ommeyade intrigue. The
Ommeyades now formed a strong party in Medina ;
they had long been the rivals of the Hashimides, the
family of the Prophet, and hated them fiercely ; they
had pursued Mohammed with bitter ferocity ; and it
was only after the fall of Mecca that they had adopted
Islâm from motives of self-interest. They had seen
in the progress of Islâm the means of personal aggran-
disement. Their hatred of the simple austere com-
panions of the Prophet who ruled over Islâm was
burning and implacable. They viewed with ill-concealed
jealousy the old Moslems who formed the Council of
State, and held the chief offices of government. The
pure and simple lives of these saints were a standing
reproach to them for their laxity and selfishness. And
45
 45 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. V.

644-661 they easily

A.C. tribes themamong
foundtoallies
attached by kinship. Byoftheir
the chiefs the intrigues
Bedouin

they succeeded in keeping Ali out of the Caliphate.

Elected After considerable debate and discussion, lasting over
Caliph.
Ist Mo-
several days, the choice of the electorate fell upon
harram, 24 Osmân, son of Affân, a member of the Ommeyade
A. H. 7th family. His election proved in the end the ruin of
November
644 A. C. Islâm.
Osmân, though virtuous and honest, was very
old and feeble in character, and quite unequal to the
task of government. He fell at once, as they had
anticipated, under the influence of his family. He was
guided entirely by his secretary, Merwân, one of the
most unprincipled of the Ommeyades, who had once
been expelled by the Prophet for breach of trust. With
his usual patriotism and devotion to the Faith, Ali gave
his adhesion to Osmân as soon as he was elected.
Under Osmân commenced that bitter feud between the
Hâshimides and the Ommeyades which lasted for over a
century. But this was not the only evil which came
into existence under him. The general body of the
Arabs, always refractory and impatient of control, had
been brought to order by the personality of the Prophet.
The firmness of Abu Bakr and Omar had kept them
under discipline. They now began to chafe under
Koreishite predominance, and to sow the seeds of
sedition in distant parts, and the old racial jealousy
between the Modharites and Himyarites, which had
nearly died out, began to smoulder afresh, with the most
disastrous consequences to Islâm. Osmân displaced
most of the lieutenants employed by Omar, and ap-
pointed in their stead incompetent and worthless
members of his own family. During the first six years
of his rule, the people, though grievously oppressed
by the new governors, remained quiet. And in the out
CH. V. PROVINCIAL MISGOVERNMENT 47

lying provinces, the dangers to which the Saracens were 24-40

A. H.
exposed from the common enemies, kept the armies
employed. The incursions of the Turks in Transoxiana
led to the conquest of Balkh. Similarly were Herat,
Kabul, and Ghazni captured. The risings in Southern
Persia led to the subjugation of Kermân and Sistân.
In the settlement of the new acquisitions, the policy of
Omar was followed. No sooner were these countries
conquered, than effective measures were set on foot
for the development of their material resources. Water-
courses were dug, roads made, fruit trees planted, and
security given to trade by the establishment of a regular
police organisation. Byzantine inroads from the north
led to an advance on the country now called Asia Minor,
towards the Black Sea. In Africa, Tripoli and Barca,
and in the Mediterranean Cyprus, were conquered. A 3I A.H.
large fleet sent by the Romans to re-conquer Egypt was 652 A.C.
destroyed off Alexandria.
Whilst Islâm was thus extending its sway in distant
parts, Ali was endeavouring in Medina to give an in-
tellectual turn to the newly-developed energy of the
Saracenic race. In the public mosque at Medina, Ali
and his cousin, Abdullah the son of Abbas,¹ delivered
weekly lectures on philosophy and logic, the traditions
(history), rhetoric and law, whilst others dealt with other
subjects. Thus was formed the nucleus of that intel-
lectual movement which displayed itself in such great
force in later times at Bagdad.
In the meantime, the weakness of the Caliph and
the wickedness of his favourites were creating a great
ferment among the people. Loud complaints of exaction
and oppression by his governors began pouring into
1 Better known as Ibn Abbas, the son of Abbas, born 619 A.C. ,
died 687 A.C.
 48 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. V.

644-661 the capital. Ali expostulated several times with the

A.C.
Caliph on the manner in which he allowed the govern-
ment to fall into the hands of his unworthy favourites.
But Osmân, under the influence of his evil genius,
Merwân, paid no heed to these counsels. At last
deputations from the provinces arrived at Medîna, to
demand redress. They were sent back with promises.
On their way home they intercepted a letter of Merwân,
purporting to bear the seal of the Caliph, containing
directions to the local governors to behead the leaders
of the deputations on their arrival at their destinations.
Furious at this treachery, they returned to Medîna, and
demanded the surrender of Merwân. And this demand
was enforced even by members of the house of Ommeya.1
The ill-fated Osmân met this demand with a stern re-
fusal. Enraged at what they believed the complicity
of the Caliph, they beseiged him in his house. At
this hour of peril, the Ommeyades deserted the old Chief,
and fled towards Syria, where their kinsman Muawiyah
was governor. But Osmân was bravely defended by
Ali and his sons and dependents, and the insurgents had
great difficulty in making any impression on the de-
Osmân's fenders. At last two of the besiegers scaled the wall,
Death. entered the house, and there killed the aged Caliph.
18th Zu'l
Hijja 34 Osman was at the time of his assassination eighty-two,
A. H. some say eighty-six, years of age ; a man of medium size,
17th June bearded and large of limb, and without any strength of
656 A.C.
character. His chief merit lay in his piety. He
habitually bestowed large gifts upon his relatives, and
on several occasions presented his evil genius Merwân
with the income of the State in the public Treasury,
which naturally made him extremely unpopular among
the people.
1 Masûdi, Murûj uz-Zahab.
CH. V. ELECTION OF ALI 49

On the tragical death of Osmân, Ali was proclaimed 24-40

A. H.
Caliph without opposition. During the three preced- 24th Mo-
ing administrations he had been a prominent member harram 35
A. H.
of the Council of State, ever ready to assist his pre- 23rd June
decessors with advice and guidance. And many of the 656 А.С.
great administrative works undertaken in the time of
Omar were due to his counsel. In fact, that chief
placed great reliance upon him and left him as his
deputy at Medîna during his journey abroad. But
throughout he had maintained a noble independence
of character, and had devoted himself to the pursuit
of learning and the education of his sons. Upon his
election he walked with his usual simplicity to the public
Mosque, and there, leaning on his long-bow, received
the oath of fealty from the people, declaring himself at
the same time ready to resign the office to any one more
worthy.
The husband of Fatima united in his person the
hereditary right with that of election. " One would
have thought," says a French historian, " that all would
have bowed before this glory so pure and grand ; but it
was not to be." 1 From the beginning he was beset with
the hostility of the Ommeyades. With the honesty of
purpose which always distinguished him, and disregard-
ing all advice for temporising, immediately on his acces-
sion he gave orders for the dismissal of the corrupt
governors appointed by Osmân, the resumption of the
fiefs and estates that had been bestowed, at public loss,
by the aged Caliph upon his principal favourites, and
the distribution of the revenues in accordance with the
rules laid down by Omar. These orders gave great
offence to those who had enriched themselves under the
last administration. Some of Osmân's nominees gave up
1 Sédillot. 2 Masûdi.
E
 50 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. V.

644-661
A.C. their posts was
the latter without resistance,
Muawiyah, the others
son of revolted. Among
Abu Sufiân, who
The Re-
volt of held the government of Syria, and who had, with the
Muawiyah. wealth of the Province, collected a large force of mercen-
aries, bound to him by love of pay. Thus supported
Muawiyah raised the standard of rebellion.
But this was not the only difficulty Ali had to contend
with. His refusal to give to Talha and Zubair, two
prominent members of the Koraish, the governments of
Kûfa and Bussorah had converted their uncertain friend-
ship into implacable hatred ; and Ayesha, the daughter
of Abu Bakr, who entertained an inconceivable dislike
to Ali, fanned the flame. Talha and Zubair, forgetting
their oath of fealty, escaped first to Mecca and then
towards Irâk, where they were joined by Ayesha. The
insurgents were able to collect here a large army with
the object of attacking the Caliph. Ali, who had pur-
sued them closely, besought them several times to desist
The Battle from fratricidal war ; but to no avail. The unavoidable
ofthe
Camel. fight took place at Khoraiba, where Talha and Zubair
were killed¹ ; and Ayesha was taken prisoner. She was
sent back with every mark of consideration and respect
to Medina. After settling Chaldæa and Mesopotamia,
The Battle at
of Siffin. thea Caliph proceeded
place called Siffin,towards
to the Syria.
west of He met the
Rakka. rebels
With his
usual humanity, Ali endeavoured to bring about a peace-
ful settlement. But Muawiyah was inflated by pride, and
wanted impossible conditions. To avoid unnecessary
shedding of blood, Ali offered to end the quarrel by
personal combat, but the Ommeyade declined the chal-
lenge. In spite of every exasperation, the Caliph
commanded his troops to await the enemy's attack, to
1 The place where the fight actually took place, and where these
men were killed, is called Wadi-us- Sabâa, “ Valley of the Lion. "
CH. V. THE FALSE ARBITRATION 51

spare the fugitives, and to respect the captives. The 24-40

A.H.
rebels were defeated in three successive battles, and
Muawiyah was ready to fly from the field, when a
trick of his accomplice Amr, son of al-Aâs, saved them
from destruction. He made his mercenaries tie copies
of the Koran to their lances and flags, and shout for
quarter. The soldiers of the Caliph at once desisted
from pursuit, and called upon him to refer the dispute
to arbitration. The Caliph saw through the ruse
practised by the rebels, but the clamour of the army
led him to consent to the course suggested. The choice
of an arbitrator on his side fell unfortunately on a weak
old man named Abû Mûsa Ashaari, who was also secretly
hostile to Ali. Nor was he any match for the astute
Amr, the son of al-Aâs, who represented Muawiyah. The
Caliph, deprived thus of the fruit of his victories by his
own soldiers, retired in disgust with his army towards
Kûfa. Here, the men who had been most clamorous at
Siffin for the reference to arbitration, now repudiated it,
and denounced it as sinful. They openly mutinied, ¹ and
withdrawing to Nahrwân on the borders of the Desert
assumed a threatening attitude. They refused either to The
return to duty or quietly to disperse to their homes. Khariji
Revolt.
Their conduct became at last so serious as to compel
the Caliph to attack them. The majority fell fighting ;
a few escaped to al-Bahrain and al-Ahsa, where they
formed the nucleus of the fanatical horde which time
after time harassed the empire by their sanguinary
attacks. Whilst these events were happening in the east,
the Caliph's representative had either proved a traitor, or
been completely duped at Daumat ul-jandal. Amr had
advised him that for the peace of Islâm, both Ali and
Muawiyah should be put aside, that Abû Mûsa should
1 Hence called Kharijis.
 52 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. V.

644-661 pronounce the deposition of Ali, and that he should then

A. C.
depose Muawiyah, and that being done they should elect
a new Caliph. The simple Abû Mûsa fell into the trap,
and mounting the pulpit pronounced, " I depose Ali
from the Caliphate ; " Amr, mounting after him, said, " I
accept the deposition of Ali, and appoint Muawiyah in
his place. " This audacious announcement infuriated
the followers of the Caliph. The two parties separated,
vowing undying vengeance ; and Abû Mûsa retired to
Medîna, where in subsequent years he received a pension
from the Ommeyade court. After this, the war against
Muawiyah proceeded in a desultory manner. The
Caliph was hampered by difficulties on the eastern
frontier, and was unable to direct a large force against
him. He thus found himself able not only to secure
Syria and proclaim himself Caliph, but also to conquer
Egypt. Poison and the dagger helped to remove the
Assassina- most notable followers of the Caliph, who himself was
tion ofAli, struck down by the hand of an assassin, on the 27th of
17th January, 661 A.C., whilst offering his devotions at the
Ramzan,
40 Α.Η.
public mosque at Kûfa. Thus died, in the prime of his
life, " the best-hearted Moslem," to use Colonel Osborn's
words, " that ever lived. " Mild, beneficent, and humane,
ready to help the weak and distressed, his life had
been devoted to the cause of Islâm. Had he possessed
the sternness of Omar's character he would have been
more successful in governing an unruly race like the
Arabs. But his forbearance and magnanimity were
misunderstood, and his humanity and love of truth was
turned by his enemies to their own advantage.
Ali is described as a man of ruddy complexion, not
very tall, but extremely strong, inclined to stoutness,
with a flowing beard, soft grey eyes, and a look of great
amiability and kindness. His bravery had won him the
CH. V. CHARACTER OF ALI 53

title of the " Lion of God " ; his learning, that of the 24-4C
A. H.
"Gate of Knowledge." Chivalrous, humane, and forbear-
ing to the verge of weakness, as a ruler he came before
his time. Most of the grand undertakings initiated
by Omar for the welfare of the people were due to his
counsel. Ever ready to succour the weak and to redress
the wrongs of the injured, the accounts of his valorous
deeds are still recited with enthusiasm from the bazaars
of Cairo to those of Delhi. How the mail-clad knight
rescued a stranger beset by lions in the desert ; how the
poor woman, captured by brigands with her wounded
and dying husband, wailed for the succour which never
failed, and how the " Lion of God " appeared and saved
them. Such stories bring back to life the chivalry of
the Arabs-personified in their greatest hero. With his
dying breath, he inculcated lessons of charity, love,
humility, and self-abnegation to his sons. He expressly
ordered that no harshness should be used towards his
murderer, who should be executed with one blow. In
summing up his worth, Masûdi says-" If the glorious
name of being the first Moslem, a comrade of the Prophet
in exile, his faithful companion in the struggle for the
Faith, his intimate associate in life, and his kinsman ; if
a true knowledge of the spirit of his teachings and of
the Book ; if self-abnegation and practice of justice ; if
honesty, purity, and love of truth ; if a knowledge of
law and science, constitute a claim to pre-eminence, then
all must regard Ali as the foremost Moslem. We shall
search in vain to find, either among his precedessors
(save one) or among his successors, those virtues with
which God had endowed him."
By Fatima, Ali had three sons and four daughters.
Fâtima had survived the Prophet, her father, only a few
months. Whilst she lived, Ali never married another,
54 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH: V.

though the custom of the Arabs permitted his so doing.

She was a remarkable woman for the age in which she
lived, clever, accomplished and witty ; her sermons,
songs and aphorisms, serve as an index to her strength
of character and nobility of mind. Her virtues gained
her the title of " Our Lady of Light," by which name
she is known among the Moslems. She was tall,
slender, and endowed with great beauty, which caused
her to be called az-Zahra, " the Beautiful."
With Ali ended the Republic of Islâm .
" Thus vanished," says a philosophical writer, " the
popular régime, which had for its basis a patriarchal
simplicity, never again to appear among any Mussulman
nation ; only the jurisprudence and the rules which
depended on the Koran, survived the fall of the elective
Government. Some of the republican passion, however,
which gave to the small States a certain grandeur, and
to the grand an excess of force, maintained itself in the
nation in spite of the armies of the usurpers." 1
1 Oelsner, Des Effets de la Religion de Mahomet.
 CHAPTER VI

Retrospect-Government-Policy-Administration-The Army-
Social Life.

DURING the ten years of the Prophet's life at Medina, Retro-

spect.
a congeries of warring tribes and clans were rapidly
consolidated into a nation under the influence of one
great Idea. The work done within that short period
will always remain as one of the most wonderful
achievements recorded in history.
Under Abu Bakr the tribes thus brought into sub-
jection made a wild but ineffectual attempt to revert to
the old condition. After this we see what can only be
likened to the overflow of the Nile. There is much
misery and disruption at first, but wherever the flood
has passed, it has fertilised the soil. The on-rush of
the Saracens, chiefly induced by the hostility of the
neighbouring nations, had this effect over people and
countries. During the thirty years the Republic lasted,
a wonderful change had come over the Arabs. Society
was still archaic, but a taste for those accessories which
first lead to its development and then to its deterioration
was growing up. The chief cities were embellished with
beautiful buildings, and life became luxurious. The
system of clientage in vogue in the Peninsula was in-
troduced in the conquered countries ; the Persians,
Turks, and Greeks who adopted Islâm becoming the
55
 56 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VI .

clients or Moulas¹ of some Arab family or clan, thus

increasing the strength of the latter and gaining for
themselves prestige. Though all the Saracens were
dominated by the centralised religious Idea, their fusion
was never complete. And hence at the close of the
Republic, we see the dominion of Islâm rent into two
factions, just as Mecca was before Mohammed, one own-
ing allegiance to his family (the Banû Hashim), the other
to their bitter enemies-the family of Ommeya. Though
the treachery of Amr, the son of al-Aâs, caused an
irreparable breach in Islâm, and led eventually to bitter
feuds between the Himyarites and the Modarites, as yet
there were no religious sects. Even the Khârijis (the
Covenanters of Islâm) differed chiefly on the question
of allegiance, refusing to recognise any Caliph after
Omar.
Govern. The Caliph, who was the supreme head of the Govern-
ment.
ment, was assisted by a Council of Elders composed of
the principal Companions of the Prophet, who held their
sittings in the principal Mosque, often assisted by the
city notables and Bedouin chiefs present in Medîna.
Several of the Companions were entrusted with special
duties. For instance, during Abu Bakr's Caliphate, Omar
had charge of the administration of justice and the
distribution of the poor-tax. Ali, as a scholar, was
entrusted with the work of correspondence, the super-
vision of the captives of war and their treatment and
ransom .
Another Companion presided over the equip

1 European authors, generally speaking, have made a mistake in

supposing that the Moulas were all freedmen. There were two
kinds of clientage among the Arabs, one arising from emancipation
and the other from alliance (called Wala ul-Mawâlât). Some
Moulas were freedmen no doubt, but the bulk were clients or
allies.
CH. VI . GOVERNMENT 57

ment of the troops. Every detail of the administration

was thus looked after, but nothing was decided without
consultation.
During the thirty years that the Republic lasted, the Policy.
policy derived its character chiefly from Omar, both
during his lifetime and after his death. His policy
was to consolidate Arabia and to fuse the Arab tribes
into a nation. Forced by circumstances to moderate
foreign conquests, he was anxious that the Saracens
should not, in their foreign settlements, lose their
nationality or merge with the people of other lands.
Had Omar lived longer, his force of character would
have enabled him to make the Arabs more homogeneous,
and thus prevented the disastrous civil wars that led to
the ruin of Islâm.¹
Several features in his policy deserve special attention.
The first was to exclude all hostile or alien element from
Arabia, and to keep it exclusively for the Saracens ; 2
the second was to avoid an excessive extension of the
Republic.
With a far-sightedness often wanting in rulers of
later times, he perceived that the stability of the empire
and its material development depended upon the
prosperity of the agricultural classes. To secure that
object he forbade the sale of holdings and agricultural
lands in the conquered countries. As a further pro-
tection against encroachment on the part of the Arabs,
he ordained that no Saracen should acquire land from the
natives of the soil. The peasantry and land-owners were

1 A European writer considers these civil wars and bitter tribal

feuds as the salvation of Europe.
2 A similar policy is now in force in Russia.
3 The district of Hira, where free sale existed from before, was
exempted from this rule.
58 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VI .

thus doubly protected from eviction. In making these

rules he was probably also actuated with a motive to
keep the Arab race distinct from, and predominant
among, the people and communities among whom they
settled-a motive which is by no means infrequent in
history, either ancient or modern. But the predomi-
nance which he gave to the Saracens, and the privileges
he conferred, were not of an exclusive character ; nor was
a difference of colour, race and nationality considered as
a bar to equality. Under Omar, the adoption of Islâm,
or the introduction by clientage of a non-Arab into a
Saracenic tribe, raised him to the status of a born Arab ;
and this policy at least was continued under all the succeed-
ing rulers. Thus many Persian families, without changing
their Faith, became Moulas of Arab families. Similarly
were many Christian clans of Syria and Egypt, and the
Berbers of Africa affiliated to Arabian tribes. Of course
there were privileges attached to the dominant Faith, as
has always been the practice in other countries and among
other communities, which acted equally with conviction
in inducing a rapid abandonment of the older cults.
The tendency of the rules and principles of Islâm is
towards democracy with a strong tinge of socialism.
All men, rich and poor, are equal in the sight of God,
and the rulers are only His lieutenants to protect them
from anarchy. The revenues of the State were not for
the benefit or enrichment of the Caliph, but for the good
of the people. The poor-tax was ordained from the rich
for the relief of the poor, and charity was embodied into
a law. Consequently in the early days of the Republic,
the Treasury required neither guard nor account-books.
The tithes were distributed among the poor directly
they were received, or were applied in the equipment of
the troops who defended the State. The spoils of war
CH. VI . POLICY 59

were similarly distributed, but in these all shared alike,

young and old, male and female, bond and free. After-
wards these distributions, being found unwieldy in
practice, were commuted into fixed allowances. The
entire nation became entitled to stipends out of the
public revenue which were according to a graduated
scale. And the benefit was not confined to the Moslems ;
the people of the Zimmah (the non-Moslem subjects), if
distinguished for loyalty or faithful service, received
similar consideration. The Caliphs had no civil list or
any extraordinary allowance. The subdivision of landed
property was never within the contemplation of the
Prophet or his great lieutenant Omar, for it involved the
eventual pauperisation of families. As a safeguard against
this eventuality, the lands ofthe Medinites were protected
from subdivision and alienation by entailment ( Wakf) ;
and with this same object, the public lands in the
conquered countries, instead of being parcelled among
the soldiers, were held by the State, and the income only,
after defraying the charges, was distributed among the
people entitled to it.
Unfortunately, under Osmân, there was a complete
reversal of the main features of his great predecessor's
policy. He not only removed the efficient and capable
governors whom Omar had placed in charge of the
Provinces, but, in order to gratify the grasping demands
of his kinsmen, made a new distribution of the appoint-
ments. The State domains, which were public property,
were granted by this ill-advised Caliph to his relatives.
In this way Muawiyah obtained all the public lands in
Syria, and in part of Mesopotamia. The Sawâd, which
was sacredly reserved by Omar for the purposes of the
State, was given to another kinsman. The State Treasury,
which was a public Trust under Abu Bakr and Omar,
 60 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VI .

was emptied time after time for these unworthy favourites

and the wealth of the Provinces went to enrich the
Ommeyades, and to help them in preparing for the
struggle for power. Osmân withdrew the privileges
which had been granted to non-Moslems, and intro-
duced various harsh rules in direct opposition to those
of his predecessors. He allowed the sale of land, and
was the first to create military fiefs. Ali's administra-
tion was too disturbed by civil war to remedy the evils
of the previous administration ; but he removed most
of the corrupt governors and restored the policy of
Omar where he had the power ; established a State
archive for the safe custody and preservation of the
records of the Caliphate ; created the office of Hajib
or Chamberlain, and of the Sahib ush-Shurta or Captain
of the Guard ; and re-organised the police and regulated
their duties .
Adminis-
After the fall of Mecca and the subjugation of the
tration.
Peninsula, the Prophet had appointed governors, under
the designation of Ameers, for all the chief cities and
provinces. The title was continued by Omar, who may
be regarded as the practical founder of the political
administration of Islâm. He divided the conquered
lands into compact governorships, so as to enable his
lieutenants to develop the resources of the countries
in their charge. Ahwaz and Bahrain formed thus one
Province ; Sijistân, Mekran and Kermân, another ; whilst
Tabaristân and Khorâsân remained separate. Southern
Persia was placed under three governors, whilst Irâk was
under two, one stationed at Kûfa, the other at Bussorah .
Similarly with Syria. The governor of the northern
Provinces had his head-quarters at Hems, whilst the
wâli of the southern part resided at Damascus. Pales-
tine was under another governor. In Africa there were
CH. VI . ADMINISTRATION 61

three governorships, one consisting of Upper Egypt, the

other of Egypt Proper, and the third of the Provinces
beyond the Libyan Desert. Arabia was divided into
five Provinces. In the smaller Provinces the governors
were called wâlis or nâibs 1 (deputies). In most places
the governor, by virtue of his office, led the public or
cathedral service and prayers, and delivered the Friday
oration (Khutba), which was often a political manifesto.
For Palestine, Damascus, Hems and Kinnisrin, Omar
appointed special judges to lead the prayers as well as
to administer justice. To regulate the receipt and dis-
bursement of the revenue, he established the depart-
ment of finance under the name of the Diwân. The
expense of the fiscal and civil administration of each
Province constituted the first charge upon its revenues ;
the next was for military requirements ; the surplus was
applied to the support of the nation. In this all persons
of the Arab race and their Mawâlis (clients) were entitled
according to well-defined and strictly regulated shares.
A register was kept in the Diwân of all persons, Arab
and non-Arab, men, women and children, entitled to a
stipend. Whilst the governor was the military and civil
head of the Province, the fiscal and administrative
functions were actually discharged by subordinate officers,
specially appointed for the particular duty. In the
administration of the acquired countries, the improve-
ment of the peasantry and the development of trade
were particularly insisted upon. With that object, Egypt,
Syria, Irak and Southern Persia were measured field by
field, and the assessment was fixed on an uniform basis.
The record of this magnificent cadastral survey forms a
veritable " catalogue," which, besides giving the area of
the lands, describes in detail the quality of the soil, the
1 The word nawwab or nawab is derived from nâib.
 62 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VI .

nature of the produce, the character of the holdings,

and so forth. A network of canals was constructed in
Babylonia, and the embankments of the Tigris and
Euphrates, culpably neglected by the Chosroes, ¹ were
placed under the supervision of special officers. Omar
reduced the tax on cereals and fostered trade. In order
to facilitate direct communication between Egypt and
Arabia, he had the old disused canal between the Nile
and the Red Sea re-excavated. The Arabs named it
" the Canal of the Commander of the Faithful. " It was
completed in less than a year, and when the Nile boats
sailed up to Yembo and Jedda with the produce of
Egypt, the price of grain fell in the markets of Mecca
and Medîna, and hardly realised more than it did in its
original home.
Justice. Justice was administered by civil judges, who were
appointed by the Caliph and were independent of the
governors. Omar was the first ruler in Islâm to fix
salaries for his judges, and to make their offices distinct
from those of executive officers. The title of Hakim,
i. e. ruler, was reserved for the Kazis³ (judges). " The
judge was named and is still named," says Von
Hammer, " the hâkim ush-sharaa, i. e. ruler through
the law, for law rules through the utterance of justice,
and the power of the governor carries out the utterance
of it. Thus the Islâmite administration, even in its
infancy, proclaims in word and in deed the necessary
separation between judicial and executive power. " The
administration of justice was perfectly equal, and the
Caliphs set the example of equality by holding them-
selves amenable to the orders of the legally-constituted
1 The same expression might apply to the present rule.
2 Zaid, the son of Sabit, was the first salaried judge of Medina.
3 Lit. , watcher of duties.
CH. VI. THE REVENUES 63

judge. In the beginning, the police duties were per-

formed by the public generally. Omar introduced
night-watches and patrols ; but a regularly organised
police was not established until the time of Ali, who
formed a municipal guard called Shurta, whose chief
was styled the Sahib ush-Shurta.¹ Under the advice
of Ali, Omar also established the era of the Hegira,
and founded and endowed schools and mosques in
every part of the empire.
The revenue of the Commonwealth was derived from
three sources :-(1) From the tithes or poor-tax payable
on a graduated scale by all Moslems possessed of means.
This was devoted to the defence of the State, the pay-
ment of the salaries of the officials employed in its
collection, and the support of indigent Moslems. ( 2)
From the land-tax levied from the Zimmis (non-Moslem
subjects) under the name of Kharaj (tributum soli) ; and
(3) from the capitation-tax, jazia (tributum capitis).
Both these imposts were in existence in the Roman
Empire under the very same designations, and it is a
well-established fact that the capitation-tax was uni-
versally in force under the Sassanides in the Persian
Empire. So that in introducing these taxes in Egypt,
Syria, Irâk and Persia, the Moslems followed the old
precedents. Both were fixed on a mild and equitable
basis. But special cities, provinces and tribes were
exempt from these burdens ; and even where payment
was obligatory, it was laid down that the tax should
be levied so as to cause the least possible hardship.
Jews, Christians, Samaritans, and Magians, who were
styled " people of the Book," were treated with justice
and humanity.
1 Suyûti says it was under Osmân that the Shurta were formed ;
but see Ibn Khaldûn and von Hammer.
 64 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VI .

The The army was comprised of tribal levies, and volun-

Army. teers drawn chiefly from Medina, Tâyef, and other
cities. They were paid at first from the tithes ; after-
wards from the tithes and taxes. In the beginning the
Caliph appointed the commander-in-chief only, upon
whom devolved the choice of the officers. As the
commander-in-chief represented the Caliph, he pre-
sided at the daily prayers. Where several army corps
were united, it was always clearly stated which of the
generals should preside at prayers, as that indicated his
position as general-in-chief. Towards the end of his
administration, Omar began to nominate subordinate
officers also, such as the Aûrif¹ and others. Breach
of discipline and cowardice in the field were punished
by pillory and tearing off the turban from the culprit's
head-punishments regarded so degrading in those
days as to be completely efficacious. The army was
composed of cavalry and infantry; the former were
armed with shields, swords, and long lances ; the latter
with shields, lances, and swords, or shields and bows
and arrows. Among the infantry the archers formed
the most important element. The formation of the
infantry was in lines generally three deep, with the
lancers in front to repel cavalry attacks, and the archers
behind. The cavalry were usually posted on the flanks ;
and the battles commenced with challenges and single
combats. The great superiority of the Saracenic armies
consisted in their extreme mobility, their perseverance,
and their powers of endurance-qualities which, joined
to enthusiasm, made them invincible. They were always
well-provisioned, and long marches were made on camels.
At first the troops erected for encampments, huts made
of palm-leaves ; but afterwards Omar directed the con
1 Analogous to the Roman decurion.
CH. VI. SOCIAL LIFE 65

struction of permanent stations or cantonments ; and this

was the origin of the military stations of Bussorah and
Kûfa in Irak, Fostât in Egypt, Kairowan in Africa, Man-
surah in Sind, etc. In other places, like Hems, Gaza,
Edessa, Isphahân, and Alexandria, heavy garrisons were
kept up to repel sudden attacks. The cavalry wore
chain-armour, with steel helmets often adorned with
eagles' feathers. The foot soldiers were clad in tight-
fitting tunics descending below the knees, shalwârs
(trousers), and boots or shoes like those still in use
among the Afghans and Punjabis. They marched to
battle chanting verses from the Koran, like the Cove-
nanters of Scotland, or the Protestants in the Thirty
Years' War ; and delivered their attacks with shouts of
“ Allaho-Akbar," " God is great." 1 Drums and kettle-
drums were in use. The tribal levies were often accom-
panied by their families, and in the garrison towns and
military stations special quarters were allotted to them.
Impropriety of conduct was strictly prohibited, and
drunkenness was punished by eighty stripes. Soldiers
on foreign service away from their families were not
required to serve for more than four months at a time.
The Caliph Omar also introduced the system of muster-
rolls, established frontier fortresses, and appointed
commanders of the marches.
In the beginning, there was no system of architecture. Social
Life.
Mecca possessed a few buildings like the Kaaba, with
architectural pretensions ; and the houses of the rich
citizens were built either of stone or brick. In Medina,
the houses were chiefly made of the latter material, and
even the principal Mosque was a humble structure made
of sun-dried bricks covered with plastered earth . The
houses were mostly one-storied, with court-yards and
This is called the Takbîr.
F
66 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VI .

a well in the centre. But towards the end of the

second Caliph's rule, the influx of foreign architects
into the capital of Islâm gave an impetus to archi-
tectural undertakings. All the chief men both at Mecca
and Medîna erected mansions of stone and marble. The
palace built for Osmân is said to have been immense,
and of beautiful and imposing appearance. The prin-
cipal Mosque was pulled down, and a fine structure of
stone and marble erected on its site. Masûdi states that
during the Caliphate of Osmân the Companions of the
Prophet built for themselves magnificent mansions. The
house built by Zubair, son of Awwâm, was in existence
in the year 352 of the Hegira when Masûdi wrote, and
was used by merchants and bankers for business purposes.
Zubair also built several mansions at Kûfa, Fostât and
Alexandria; and these houses, with their gardens, existed
in good order in Masûdi's time. After mentioning these
and many other signs of magnificence, the historian
remarks with a sigh, " how different all this was from
the simple and austere manners, and the life in the
grand days of Omar." While Mecca was devoted to
commerce, the citizens of Medîna depended for their
prosperity on their fields and lands. And this circum-
stance added bitterness to the long-standing rivalry
between the two cities. It was the old story of Athens
and Sparta. The Meccans were addicted to gambling,
wine and luxury. The Medinites, especially under the
Islâmic régime, and with the example of their leaders,
were austere in their manners and sincerely devout in
their lives. After the fall of Mecca, the inhabitants of
that gay and frivolous city were obliged to conform to
the rules of morality inculcated by Islâm, and this
continued under the first two Caliphs. With the
accession of Osmân, the old gay and reckless life was
CH. VI . DRESS 67

resumed by many of the patrician youths, belonging

chiefly to the Ommeyade family. His own nephew
started a gambling club, and the serenading of ladies
again became the fashion. The frivolity of Mecca was
reproduced in a worse form at Damascus under the
Ommeyades. In Medina, the people took their lives
more seriously. The lecture-rooms were filled with
enthusiastic students, and members of either sex attended
the sermons of the Caliphs. Music had not been yet
placed under the ban, and the chief recreation of the
people, after their day's work, consisted in singing and
playing on the flute and the guitar. The women of the
northern city were good singers, and according to the
chroniclers, the austere Omar often stopped in his rounds
to listen to their music.
In the houses of the well-to-do the floors were covered
with carpets. There were no chairs or tables, but over
the carpets and round the room were spread felt rugs,
and on these sat the master and his guests. The
ladies' apartments, as in England under the Anglo-
Saxons and the early Normans, were separate, and
were similarly furnished. The meals were laid over
a floor cloth, which was spread over a sheet of leather
in front of the rugs. Hands were washed both before
and after dinner, just as among the ancients and in the
Middle Ages in Europe. As yet there were no knives
and forks, and the people ate with their fingers as in
Europe until very recent times. But it was the height
of ill-breeding to put more than three fingers into the
plate.
The dress of the Bedouins under the rank of a Sheikh
consisted then, as it does now, of a simple long shirt,
its loose folds descending to the ankles, confined by a
leathern girdle. This was and still is the common dress
68 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VI .

of both men and women. Over the shirt was thrown

loosely a cloak, generally of camel's hair. When fighting
and on horseback, trousers were worn with the shirt.
Their head-dress was a long and broad kerchief, em-
broidered with tassels thrown over the head and neck,
and tied round the head with a cord of camel's hair.
Among the settled inhabitants, the dress of the men
of the better class and of the tribal Sheikhs generally,
consisted of a shirt which reached down to the knees
and was worn under the Shalwâr¹ or trousers. The
next garment was a loose fitting tunic reaching to the
ankles, with a girdle of silk or shawl round the waist.
Over this was worn a robe or Jubbah, or a cloak
called Aba. The well-fitting Kaba, borrowed from the
Byzantines, or as some say from the Persians, did not
come into vogue until towards the end of the Republic.
The Kaba was of two kinds, one with wide sleeves like
the outer long coats of the Anglo-Saxon nobles ; the
other with tight closely-buttoned sleeves, often worn by
Persian noblemen of the present day. On the head
they wore turbans, which varied in size according to age,
position, and learning. Over the turban, often was
thrown the Tailasân, a kerchief which hung over the
shoulders and shielded the neck from the sun . The
covering for the feet were either sandals or boots.
The women's dress consisted of the loose Shalwâr, the
shirt open at the neck, over which was worn, especially
in cool weather, a close-fitting jacket. But the main
1 Sometimes called Sirwal. The Spaniards corrupted this into
Zaraguelles (or Çaraguelles).
2 See Dozy's Dictionnaire Détaillé des noms des vêtements chez les
Arabes, p. 107 .
3 Ibid. p. 352. Ibn ul-Athîr says Nomân, the Saracen general
at the battle of Nehawand, wore a Kaba.
CH. VI. THE POSITION OF WOMEN 69

dress was a long robe something like those worn by

Anglo-Saxon dames. Over this, for out-door purposes,
a loose robe which could be drawn round to hide the
figure or to protect the clothes from dust or mud. The
head was covered with a kerchief tied round the fore-
head. In pre-Islâmic times the women's shirt and
jacket were worn open over the chest ; the Prophet
recommended for out-door use the long robe. And
hence arose under the later Abbassides the custom of
that complete envelopment of the body which we see
now-a-days in Egypt and some other Moslem countries.
Among the Arabs, women were and still are perfectly
free. The system of seclusion in vogue in many Moslem
countries did not come into practice until long after.
Among the Republican Moslems, the women moved
freely in public, attended the sermons of the Caliphs,
and the lectures delivered by Ali, Ibn Abbâs, and others.
Nor among the men had the old Arab chivalry been
killed by contact with the Byzantines and the Persians.
The pre- Islâmite Arabs were like the ancient Hebrews,
accustomed to marry many wives. This was the natural
consequence of the decimation of men in the tribal wars ;
for the women would otherwise have starved. The

Arabian Prophet, by imposing a limit to the custom,

indirectly forbade polygamy, but made it conformable
to all stages of society. Thus, under the Republic, the
home-life was patriarchal. The buying and selling of
slaves was strictly forbidden ; in fact, human chattel-
hood was denounced in the strongest terms. Only
persons made captives in lawful warfare were permitted
to be held in " bond " until ransomed ; and the bondsmen
and bondswomen were regarded as members of the
family.
 CHAPTER VII

THE OMMEYADES (THE HARBITE BRANCH)

40-64 A.H. , 661-683 A.C.
Hassan-His Abdication-Muawiyah-The Usurpation-Tribal Dis-
sensions--The Modharites-The Himyarites or Yemenites-
Effect of Tribal Discord on Islâm - The Extension of the Em-
pire-The Death of Muawiyah-Yezîd I.-Hussain-The
Massacre of Kerbela-The Rising in Hijaz-Syrian Victory at
Harra-The Sack of Medina-Death of Vezîd I.-Muawiyah
II.-Abdullah the son of Zubair-Oath of Fealty to him in
Hijaz.

Hassan. HASSAN, the eldest son of Ali, was elected to the vacant
40 Α.Η.
661 A. C. Caliphate by the unanimous suffrage of Kûfa and its
dependencies, but the inconstancy of the volatile people
that had wrecked the hopes of the father soon drove the
son to abdication. Hardly had the new Caliph been
seated on the pontifical throne when Muawiyah invaded
Irak. Hassan was thus compelled to take the field
before he had either strengthened himself in his position
or organised the administration thrown into confusion by
the death of his father. Sending forward a general of
the name of Kais to hold the Syrians at bay, he proceeded
with his main force to Madâin. Here a false report of
the defeat and death of Kais excited a mutiny among
the young Caliph's troops ; they broke into his camp,
plundered his effects, and even thought of seizing his
person and making him over to the enemy. Thoroughly
disheartened, Hassan retraced his steps towards Kûfa,
70
CH. VII. ACCESSION OF MUAWIYAH 71

firmly resolved to resign the Pontificate. Mistrust of 40-64

A. H.
his Irakian supporters, so lavish of promise, so faithless
in performance, led him to lend a willing ear to the pro-
posals of Muawiyah. The negotiations resulted in a
treaty by which the Caliphate was assigned to Muawiyah Abdicates
the
for life ; upon his death it was to devolve on Hussain, Caliphate.
the younger son of Ali. After his abdication Hassan
retired with his family to Medîna, but did not long enjoy
the pension secured to him under the compact, as many
years did not pass before he was poisoned at the instiga-
tion of Yezîd the son of Muawiyah.
Upon the abdication of Hassan, Muawiyah became MuÂWI-
YAH .
the defacto ruler of Islâm. Thus, by one of the strangest
freaks of fortune recorded in history, " did the perse- 30July
cutors of Mohammed usurp the inheritance of his 661 A.C.
Shawwâl
children, and the champions of idolatry become the 41 Α.Η.
supreme heads of his religion and empire." The seat of
government, which Ali had fixed at Kûfa, was now re-
moved to Damascus, where Muawiyah surrounded him-
self with the pomp and pageantry of the Persian and
Byzantine monarchs. Like the Borgias and the Medicis
in later times, he frequently resorted to poison and the
dagger to remove an inconvenient enemy or an impos-
sible friend. Neither claims of kinship nor services to
Islâm formed any protection. Among those thus sacri-
ficed to ambition or policy, was Abdur Rahmân the
son of the great conqueror of Syria. Abdur Rahmân's
popularity among the Syrians, and the esteem in which
he was held by thoughtful Moslems, formed the cause
of his assassination. Muawiyah's character and the
circumstances which ensured his success are thus
summed up by an English writer, whose views on this
point at least are free from prejudice. "Astute,
unscrupulous, and pitiless, the first Caliph of the
 72 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VII .

661--683 Ommayas shrank from no crime necessary to secure

A. C.
his position. Murder was his accustomed mode of
removing a formidable opponent. The grandson of the
Prophet he caused to be poisoned ; Malek al-Ashtar, the
heroic lieutenant of Ali, was destroyed in a like way.
To secure the succession of his son Yezîd, Muawiyah
hesitated not to break the word he had pledged to
Hussain, the surviving son of Ali. And yet this cool,
calculating, atheistic Arab ruled over the regions of
Islâm, and the sceptre remained in his family for the
space of nearly ninety years. The explanation of this
anomaly is to be found in two circumstances to which
I have more than once adverted. The one is, that the
truly devout and earnest Mohammedan conceived that
he manifested his religion most effectually by withdraw-
ing himself from the affairs of the world. The other is
the tribal spirit of the Arabs. Conquerors of Asia,
of Northern Africa, of Spain, the Arabs never rose to
the level of their position. Greatness had been thrust
upon them, but in the midst of their grandeur they
retained in all their previous force and intensity the
passions, the rivalries, the petty jealousies of the desert.
They merely fought again on a wider field ' the battle of
the Arabs before Islâm. ” 1
The Ac- The accession of the Ommeyades did not simply
cessionof imply a change of dynasty ; it meant the reversal of a
the Om-
meyades : principle and the birth of new factors which, as we shall
its effects see, exercised the most potent influence on the fortunes
on Islâm .
of the Empire and the development of the nation. To
apprehend these circumstances and to note the current
of history, it is necessary to review briefly the position of
the various Arabian tribes in their settlements and of
their relations to each other.
1 Osborn's Islam under the Arabs.
CH . VII. TRIBAL DIVISIONS 73

If we exclude from our consideration the wars that 40-64

A.H.
owe their origin to religious hatred, or to difference in
fundamental principles, such as the struggle of democracy
with autocracy, of personal liberty with feudal tyranny,
there is no cause more enduring or more persistent,
either in Asia or in Europe, among Christians or among
Moslems, in keeping asunder people and nationalities
and in involving them in disastrous and sanguinary war-
fare, as antipathy of race-a sentiment which casts its
lurid shadow over centuries, and survives all political,
social, and religious revolutions. At the time of
Mohammed's advent, as already mentioned, Arabia was
inhabited by people claiming origin from two different
stocks the one from Kahtân, the other from Ishmael, The Him-
the son of the Patriarch Abraham. The cradle of the yarites.
former was Yemen; of the latter Hijâz. From Himyar,
one of the sons of Abd us-Shams,¹ their ancient king, the
Kahtanites came to be called in later times Himyarites,
though by the Arabian writers they are spoken of, from
their original habitat, as Yemenites. In the following
pages I shall speak of them indifferently as Himyarites
or Yemenites. The tribe which dwelt in and round
Mareb or Saba, the capital of Yemen under the Himyarite
kings (the Tobbas), were the Banû Azd, the children of
Azd, a descendant of Kahtân. In the second century
of the Christian era, there seems to have been a move-
ment of the Azdites towards the north, which led to the
displacement of other tribes. Eventually, a portion of
the Azdites settled themselves at Batn Marr near Meсса,
under the name of Khuzaa (separated), where they still
1 See ante, p. 3. Himyar succeeded Abd us-Shams. He is said to
have received the title of Himyar (red) as he always wore a red
mantle.
2 This is a generic title, like Cæsar, etc.
 74 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VII .

661-683 resided at the time of the Prophet ; another branch found

A. C.
its way into Yathreb (Medina), where, in the course of
ages, it developed into the two tribes of Aus and
Khazraj, of whom we have spoken before.1 Others
wandered into Syria and Irâk ; those who settled on the
Syrian side were called the Banû Ghassân (the Ghassan-
ides); those on the Irakian side were called the Banû
Kalb (the Kalbites). Another detachment settled at
Hamadan ; whilst a large number, turning eastward,
found a home in the province of Oman on the shores of
the Persian Gulf. This in brief was the position occu-
pied by the Himyarite Arabs about the time of the
ministry of Mohammed.
The Mod- The Ishmaelite tribes of Arabia are sometimes called
harites.
Banû Maad, but oftener Banû Modhar, or Modharites,
from Modhar, a grandson of Maad. I shall call them
in these pages by this latter name, though in Arabian
histories this general designation often gives place to
sub-tribal names, such as the Banû Koraish, the Banû
Kais, the Banû Bakr, the Banû Taghlib, and the Banû
Tamîm. The Koraish, as we have already seen, in-
habited Mecca and its environs ; the others were spread
over Hijaz (with the exception of Yathreb or Medina)
and Central Arabia.
Antagon- Between these two races, the Himyarites and Modhar-
ism be- ites, there had existed a keen and constant antagonism,
tween
Himyar verging on hatred, which would be unintelligible to any
and
Modhar.
one looking at the subject from the point of view of
European history. The hatred of the Celt towards the
Saxon, of the Irish towards the English, of the Pole
against the Russ, is explained by centuries of tyranny and
1 See ante, p. 11 .
2 Maad was the son of Adnân, a descendant of Ishmael ; Modhar
was the grandson ofMaad.
CH. VII . THEIR CAUSES 75

misrule under which the weaker nation has groaned. 40-64

A. H.
Political rivalry is the key to the burning rancour of the
Guelf and the Ghibeline. In Europe, diversity of idioms
and customs, often of faith, forms a barrier against the
fusion of two people violently brought under the same
rule ; but generally speaking a few centuries of hacking
and harrying fuse them together.
With the Arabs before Mohammed it was different.
Long before the appearance of the Prophet, the Himyar-
ite tongue, born of the mixture of Semitic and indi-
genous idioms, had given place to pure Arabic, the
language spoken by the Banû Modhar, which had acquired
a certain intellectual preponderance ; and the Arabs all
over the Peninsula talked, with slight differences of
dialect, one common language. Their customs and
manners, their ideas and tastes, were similar. And yet
the division between the two races was sharp and well-
defined. We must search deeper to arrive at the cause. Its causes.
The Himyarites had attained a high state of civilisation
several centuries before the birth of Islâm ; wherever
settled, they possessed an organised government, no
doubt archaic, but still sufficiently regular for the ordin-
ary purposes of civil life. They knew the art of writing,
and were chiefly addicted to agriculture. The Modharites,
on the other hand, with the exception of the Koreish
since the time of Kossay, were nomadic and pastoral.
Each tribe was separate from the other, divided in
interest and sympathies, and electing its own chief by a
sort of popular suffrage. This divided condition had
naturally led to their subjugation by the Himyarite
kings, to whom, in spite of frequent wars, they paid
tribute until late into the fifth century of the Christian
era. The incessant struggle between Himyar and Modhar,
for preponderance on one side, for independence on the
 76 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VII.

661-683 other, had created a bitter feeling of jealousy, and a

A. C.
burning antagonism on the part of both, which were kept
alive by their bards, who sang of the " Days " when
Kinda harried Tamîm, or Kais swooped down upon Azd.
The preachings of Mohammed began to efface this racial
hatred and to nullify the influence of the bards. Had
the Prophet lived longer, in all human probability his
teachings and his wonderful personality would have
moulded the tribes into a homogeneous nation. Ten
years of ministry, however earnest, were much too short
to eradicate the poison of race-antagonism which had
worked for centuries in the Arab blood. In Medîna
alone, where his influence was persistent and continuous,
was the fusion complete.
The wave of conquest under Abu Bakr and Omar
carried the Saracenic tribes into different parts of the
world. The Modhar settled at Bussorah, whilst Kûfa was
occupied chiefly by the Himyar. In Palestine and in
the province of Damascus, the Modhar were preponder-
ant ; whilst the northern part of Syria like Northern
Arabia was held by the Himyar. In the Eastern
Provinces, as also in Egypt and in Africa, the two tribes
were more or less equally dispersed. But wherever they
went they carried with them the old feeling of discord.
Under the stern rule of the great Omar, it was kept
down with a strong hand ; nor would the work in which
the nation was then engaged-the work of self-preserva-
tion, and the necessity of self-expansion-allow much
room for any sentiment other than generous emulation.
Had Ali been allowed peaceably to succeed Omar, pro-
bably the two tribes would have imperceptibly merged
into one nation. But under Osmân, the Ommeyades,
for their own ends, fanned the smouldering ashes of dying
hatred until they had worked it into a flame which burnt
CH. VII. MUAWIYAH'S POLICY 77

as furiously in Spain and Sicily as in the deserts of 40-64

A. H.
Africa, the plains of Khorâsân, and the wilds of Kabul.
This lamentable discord proved most disastrous to its
fomentors, and exercised a far-reaching effect on the
fortunes of the Saracenic nation, and on the destinies of
the Roman and Germanic races with whom the Arabs
soon became involved in contest. It stopped them on
their road to conquest just at the moment when the west
lay at their feet, and eventually led to the loss of a great
portion of their Empire.
Muawiyah, whilst leaning for support on the Modhar, Muawi-
was astute enough to hold the balance fairly between Policy. yah's
them and the Himyar ; and not to allow the one unduly
to oppress the other. Under his successors whichever
party became preponderant for the time fiercely and
cruelly persecuted its rival. But the Ommeyade clan,
knit together by ties of kinship and self-interest, never
wavered in its allegiance to its chief; and the Syrian
mercenaries always formed a bulwark of strength for
Muawiyah and his family. The more thoughtful and
religious-minded people now withdrew from all interest
in public affairs ; they devoted themselves to the cultiva-
tion of literature, to the pursuit of Islâmic jurisprudence,-
the first foundations of which were laid at this period,-
or to the quiet observance of the rules of their religion.
They helped in the propagation of the Faith, but took
no part in the government of the Empire. The bigots
who had rebelled against the Caliph Ali and been
crushed at Nahrwân, had taken refuge in the inaccessible
province of al-Ahsa and other parts of Central Arabia.
Here they had spread their dark, gloomy, and fanatical
doctrines. Their number, their recklessness, and their
1 They acknowledged the authority of the first two Caliphs only.
They denounced both Osmân and Ali, and reprobated the Omme-
 78 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VII.

661-683 devotion to what they considered right made them a

A.C.
formidable enemy to the Damascus government. They
rose against Muawiyah, invaded Chaldæa, and threatened
Irâk, but were ultimately beaten and forced to take refuge
in their strongholds in the desert.
Conquests Muawiyah, now firmly seated on the throne of Damas-
inAfrica.
cus, turned his attention towards Africa. It must be
noted that among the Arabs the term " Ifrikia " was
applied only to the northern parts of Africa beyond
Egypt. This vast tract was divided into three parts-
(1 ) the Remote West (Maghrib ul-Aksa), which stretched
from the shores of the Atlantic to Tlemsen southward
towards the Sahara; (2) the Lower West (Maghrib
ul-Adna), which included the country lying between
Oran and the district of Bugia ; and (3) Ifrikia
proper, which extended from the eastern limits of
modern Algeria to the frontiers of Egypt. Northern
Africa west of the Libyan Desert and north of the
Black Country (Soudan) was inhabited by people be-
longing to the Semitic stock ; and many of the tribes
who dwelt in the plains and on the hills of this region
claimed descent from the two principal Arab branches.1
Hardy and brave, they were animated by the same
fierce love of independence as the Arabs. The first
invasion of this province had taken place in the
yades as profligate pagans. They claimed the right of electing an
Imâm ( religious leader) from among the universality of the people
irrespective of clan or family, and sought to enforce the kingdom of
God. They considered every one but themselves as doomed to
perdition. All amusements, however innocent, were forbidden on
pain of death. These fanatics have had and still have their
analogues in other creeds.
1 One of the Himyarite kings is said to have penetrated into
Northern Africa and established there Kahtanite colonies. He is
thus called Ifrîkius or Africanus from his African conquests.
CH. VII . CONQUEST OF AFRICA 79

reign of Omar ; ¹ under Osmân the Saracenic forces had 40-64

A. H.
advanced as far as Barca. After the defeat of Gregorius
the Byzantine Prefect, at the memorable battle fought
not far from ancient Carthage, the Romans undertook to
pay an annual tribute to the Saracens, who then withdrew
from the country, leaving small garrisons at Zawilah and
Barca. The Roman governors re- occupied the aban-
doned territories ; but their rapacity and exactions were
so intolerable that before long the natives themselves
invited the Saracens to liberate them from the Byzantine
yoke. Muawiyah responded to their call, and an army
under the celebrated Okba, son of Nâfè, marched into
Ifrîkia, beat down all opposition, and reduced the country
into a Saracenic dependency.
In 50 A.H. Okba built the famous military city of 670 A.D.
Kairowân to the south of Tunis to keep in check the Building of
fierce unruly Berbers, and also to guard against the Kairowan.
Roman ravages from the sea. The forest, hitherto
infested by wild beasts and reptiles, was levelled, and
the magnificent town, the remains of which may still be
seen, was erected on the spot. The Romans, who held
Maghrib (modern Morocco), assisted by Berber auxiliaries,
frequently raided into Ifrîkia. In 55 A.H. Okba deter-
mined upon an advance into the west. The open towns
surrendered as he approached ; the Romans and Greeks
hung about his flanks, cut off the stragglers, and tried to
obstruct his passage towards the west ; but Okba forced
his way through until he reached the Atlantic. Disap-
pointed at the sight of the vast expanse of water which
checked any further advance, he spurred his horse chest-
deep into the waves, and raising his hands towards
heaven exclaimed, " Almighty Lord ! but for this sea I

1 See p. 42.
 80 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VII .

661-683 would have gone into still remoter regions, spreading the
A. C.
glory of Thy name and smiting Thine enemies. "
The brilliant march of Okba and the crushing blows
he inflicted on the Romans and the Berbers had the
effect of keeping the country quiet for several years.
With a slight intermission owing to his recall to Damas-
cus, he ruled Ifrîkia and its western dependency until his
death in 65 А.Н. In this year the wild hordes of the
Berbers, a countless host issuing from the mountains and
valleys of the Atlas, poured down upon the handful of
Saracens that held Kairowân. It was like the gathering
of the clans in Scotland ; the same methods were used
for summoning the tribes, and the same tactics were
employed against the conquerors. No nation or race
has shown more dauntless courage or more indomitable
energy than the Saracens in their wars with the wild and
warlike races of Northern Africa. With a comparatively
small army the Arabs essayed the conquest of a vast
country, inhabited, not like India, by an essentially
peaceful population, but by fierce and turbulent tribes
accustomed to warfare. The Berbers surrounded the
capital ; but Okba was not the man to die like a mouse
Death of in a trap. He broke the scabbard of his sword, the
Okba.
usual mode of showing a resolution to conquer or to die,
charged into the midst of the beleaguering host, and
was killed fighting. Most of his soldiers fell with him.
A few cut their way into Egypt. Kairowân fell into the
hands of the Berbers, and Arab domination in Africa and
the west seemed at an end .

Conquests
in the
Whilst Okba was thus employed in the west, Sind and
East. the lower valley of the Indus was conquered by Muhallib,
the son of Abu Sufra. Eastern Afghanistan was also
brought under subjection about the same time. The
Romans, who had taken advantage of the civil wars to
CH. VII. THE NOMINATION OF VEZID 81

make encroachments on the Moslem territories, were 40-64

A. H.
defeated in several battles, and the Saracenic army
wintered in Cappadocia. The Roman fleet fled before
that of the Saracens ; and many of the islands of the
Grecian Archipelago were conquered and annexed to the
Empire.
Under the instigation of Mughaira, the governor of Muawiyah
Bussorah, Muawiyah conceived the design ofnominating instals his
son Yezîd
his son Yezîd as his successor to the throne. This was as his
in direct breach of his covenant with Hassan, but he was successor.
supported in his design by the Bastard ¹ who then ruled
as his lieutenant over Irâk and Khorâsân. The Irakians
were bribed, cajoled, or coerced to take the oath of
fealty to Yezîd ; the Syrians, of course, followed Muâ-
wiyah's lead.
In the year 51 A.H. Muawiyah proceeded to Medina and
Mecca to secure the covenant of the people of Hijâz.
Here, too, his menaces or his arts were partially success-
ful. Four men, then foremost among the Moslems-
Hussain the son of Ali, Abdullâh the son of Omar (the
Caliph), Abdur Rahmân the son of Abu Bakr, and Ab-
dullâh the son of Zubair, refused to take the oath on
any condition, and their example gave heart to the
Hijazians. Abdullâh the son of Zubair, whom Muawiyah
called " the crafty fox of the Koraish," had himself an
eye to the Caliphate ; the others were actuated by
abhorrence of Yezîd, whose wickedness was notorious.
Muawiyah died in the month of Rajab 60 A.C. (April MUÂWI-
YAH'S
680). He is said to have been of fair complexion, tall DEATH.

and unwieldy. The annalists say, " he was the first who April
preached seated to the people, the first who appointed 680 A.C.
1 Ziad was an illegitimate son of Abu Sufiân, the father of Muâ-
wiyah, and was therefore simply called " Ibn Abih," " the son of
his father," without the mention of any name.
G
 82 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VII.

661-683 eunuchs for his personal service, and the first with whom
A.C. his courtiers jested familiarly." Astute, unscrupulous,
clear-headed, miserly, but lavishly liberal when necessary,
outwardly observant of all religious duties, but never
permitting any human or divine ordinances to interfere
with the prosecution of his plans or ambitions-such was
Muawiyah. But once firmly seated on the throne and
his path clear of all enemies, he applied himself with
assiduity to the good government of the Empire. The
His daily historian Masûdi gives an account of his daily life,
life.
which is curious and interesting. After the early morning
prayers, he received the town-commandant's report. His
ministers and privy councillors then came to him for the
transaction of public business. During breakfast he
listened to the correspondence from the provinces read
to him by one of the secretaries. At midday he issued
for the public prayers, and in the Mosque seated within
an enclosure received the complaints of all who desired
to approach him. On his return to the Palace he gave
audience to the grandees. When that was over the
principal meal of the day was served, which was followed
by a short rest. After the afternoon prayers another
audience was given to the ministers for the transaction
ofbusiness. In the evening he dined in state, and after-
wards held another reception which closed the day. On
the whole Muawiyah's rule was prosperous and peaceful
at home and successful abroad.
Muâwi- Constans II. , who murdered his brother Theodosius,
yah's
contem- ruled the Roman Empire at the beginning of Muawiyah's
poraries at reign, and on his expulsion his son Constantine IV. ,
Constanti- surnamed Pogonatus,
nople. descendant was distinguished
of the Cæsars invested with the purple.
himself This
by ampu-
tating the noses of his brothers Heraclius and Tiberius,
and crucifying numbers of the dignitaries of the Church.
CH. VII. ACCESSION OF VEZID 83

On Muawiyah's death, Yezîd ascended the throne 40-64

A. H.
according to his father's testament. The accession of
Yezîd gave the death-stroke to the republican principle Vezîd I.
Shabân
that " the Commander of the Faithful " should be 61 A.H.
elected by the plebiscite of the people, a principle to April 680
A. C.
which the Arabs were so devoted, and which had led
them to ignore the right of the Prophet's family to the
spiritual and temporal headship of Islâm. Henceforth
the ruling sovereign nominated his successor, whose
reversion he endeavoured to assure during his lifetime by
the oath of fealty of his soldiers and grandees. The
celebrated doctor (Imâm) Hassan of Bussorah, who lived
towards the close of the century, declared that " two men
threw into confusion the affairs of the Moslems-Amr
the son of al-Aâs, when he suggested to Muawiyah the
lifting of the Korans on the lances, and they were so
uplifted, ¹ and Mughirah, who advised Muawiyah to take
the covenant of allegiance for Yezîd. Were it not for
that, there would have been a Council of Election till
the day of resurrection, for those who succeeded Muâ-
wiyah followed his example in taking the covenant for
their sons."
Yezîd was both cruel and treacherous ; his depraved
nature knew no pity or justice. His pleasures were
as degrading as his companions were low and vicious.
He insulted the ministers of religion by dressing up
a monkey as a learned divine and carrying the animal
mounted on a beautifully caparisoned Syrian donkey
wherever he went. Drunken riotousness prevailed at
court, and was naturally imitated in the streets of the
capital. Hussain, the second son of Ali, had inherited
his father's virtues and chivalrous disposition. " The

1 See ante, p. 51 .
 84 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VII .

661-683 only quality," says Sédillot, " that he lacked was the
A.C.
spirit of intrigue which characterised the descendants of
Ommeya." He had served with honour against the
Christians in the siege of Constantinople, and combined
in his person the right of descent both from the Prophet
and Ali. In the terms of peace signed between Muâ-
wiyah and Hassan, his right to the Caliphate had been
expressly reserved. Hussain had never deigned to ac-
knowledge the title of the tyrant of Damascus, whose
vices he despised, and whose character he regarded with
abhorrence, and when the Moslems of Kûfa besought
his help to release them from the curse of the Ommeyade
rule, he felt it his duty to respond to the appeal for
deliverance. With the exception of Abdullâh the son
of Zubair, who wanted Hussain out of his way, and
therefore encouraged him in his enterprise, all Hus-
sain's friends tried to persuade him not to trust to the
Kûfan promises. They knew the Irâkian character.
Eager, fierce, and impetuous, the people of Kûfa were
utterly wanting in perseverance and steadiness. " They
knew not their own minds from day to day. One
moment ardent as fire for some cause or person, the
next they were as cold as ice and as indifferent as the
dead." But the assurances that all Irâk was ready to
spring to its feet the moment he appeared on the scene,
decided him to start for Kûfa. He traversed the desert
of Arabia unmolested, accompanied by several of his
kinsmen, his two grown-up sons, a few devoted followers,
and a timorous retinue of women and children ; but as he
approached the confines of Irâk he saw no signs of the
Kûfan army, which had promised to meet him ; he was
alarmed by the solitary and hostile face of the country,
and suspecting treachery, the Ommeyade's weapon, he
encamped his small band at a place called Kerbela near
CH. VII . THE MASSACRE OF KERBELA 85

the western bank of the Euphrates. Hussain's apprehen- 40-64

sions of betrayal proved only too true. He was overtaken A. H.
by an Ommeyade armysent bythe brutal and ferocious son
of the Bastard.1 For days their tents were surrounded ; Massacre
of
and as the murderous ruffians dared not come within the Kerbela
reach of Hussain's sword, they cut the victims off from
the waters of the Euphrates, causing terrible suffering to
the small band of martyrs. In a conference with the
chief of the enemy, Hussain proposed the option of
three honourable conditions : that he should be allowed
to return to Medîna, or be stationed in a frontier garrison
against the Turks, or safely conducted to the presence of
Yezîd. But the commands of the Ommeyade tyrant
were stern and inexorable, that no mercy should be
shown to Hussain or his party, and that they must be
brought as criminals before the " Caliph " to be dealt
with according to the Ommeyade sense of justice. As
a last resource, Hussain besought these monsters not to
war upon the helpless women and children, but to take his
life and end the unequal contest. But they knew no
pity. He pressed his friends to consult their safety by
timely flight ; they unanimously refused to desert or
survive their beloved master. One of the enemy's
chiefs, struck with horror at the sacrilege of warring
against the grandson of the Prophet, deserted with thirty
followers " to claim the partnership of inevitable death."
In every single combat and close fight the valour of the
Fatimides was invincible. But the enemy's archers
picked them off from a safe distance. One by one the
defenders fell, until at last there remained but the grand-
son of the Prophet. Wounded and dying he dragged
himself to the riverside for a last drink ; they turned
1 Obaidullâh the son of Ziâd, surnamed the Butcher, who was
acting as the lieutenant of Yezîd.
 86 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VII .

661-683
A.C. him
tookoff
hisfrom there
infant withinarrows.
child his armsRe-entering his tenthim
; they transfixed he

with a dart. And his sons and his nephews were killed
in his arms. Able no more to stand up against his
pitiless foes, alone and weary, he seated himself at the
entrance of his tent. One of the women handed him
water to assuage his burning thirst ; as he raised it to his
lips he was pierced in the mouth with a dart. He lifted his
hands to heaven, and uttered a funeral prayer for the living
and the dead. Raising himself for one desperate charge,
he threw himself among the Ommeyades, who fell back
on every side. But faint with loss of blood he soon sank
to the ground, and then the murderous crew rushed upon
the dying hero. They cut off his head, trampled on his
body, and with savage ferocity subjected it to every
ignominy. They carried his head to the castle of Kûfa,
and the inhuman Obaidullâh struck it on the mouth with
66
a cane. "Alas ! " exclaimed an aged Moslem, on
these lips have I seen the lips of the Apostle of God."
" In a distant age and climate," says Gibbon, " the tragic
scene of the death of Hussain will awaken the sympathy
of the coldest reader. " It will be now easy to under-
stand, perhaps to sympathise with, the frenzy of sorrow
and indignation to which the adherents of Ali and of his
children give vent on the recurrence of the anniversary
of Hussain's martyrdom.
Thus fell one of the noblest spirits of the age, and
with him perished all the male members of his family-
old and young-with the solitary exception of a sickly
child, whom Hussain's sister, Zainab (Zenobia), saved
from the general massacre. He, too, bore the name of
Ali, and in after life received the designation of Zain-ul-
Aâbidîn, " the ornament of the Pious." He was the
son of Hussain by the daughter of Yezjard, the last
CH. VII . THE SACK OF MEDINA 87

Sassanide king of Persia, and in him was perpetuated 40-64

A. H.
the house of the Prophet. He represented also, in his
mother's right, the claims of the Sassanians to the throne
of Iran. When the young lad was brought before Obai-
dullâh, he thought of murdering him also, to put an end
to the progeny of Mohammed ; but something in the
look of Zainab, her determination to die with her young
nephew, struck fear into the tyrant's heart. The women
of Hussain's family with young Ali were sent to Damas-
cus ; the soldiers of their escort carrying on their lances
the heads of the martyrs. On their arrival at Damascus,
the granddaughters of the Prophet, in their tattered and
travel-worn garments, sat themselves down under the
walls of Yezîd's Palace and wailed as only Arab women
can wail. Their sorrowful cry frightened Yezîd, and,
afraid of some outburst in his capital in favour of the
Prophet's family, he hurriedly sent them back to their
homes.
The butchery of Kerbela caused a thrill of horror
throughout Islâm, and gave birth in Persia to a national
sentiment which afterwards helped the descendants
of Abbas to destroy the Ommeyades. In Medîna
the feeling was so strong that Yezîd sent in haste a
special governor to calm the people. At his advice
the notables despatched a deputation to Damascus
to seek redress for Hussain's family. The deputation,
however, returned disgusted with Yezîd's abominable
life and his conduct towards them. Enraged at the
unsatisfactory result of their endeavours, the Medinites
proclaimed Yezîd's deposition and drove his governor
from their city. This news threw Yezîd into a fury, and
he immediately hurried off a large army, consisting of
his Syrian mercenaries and Ommeyade partisans, under
Muslim the son of Okba, known in Arabian history as
 88 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VII.

661-683 " the accursed murderer. " The Medinites met the
A.C. Syrians at a place called Harrah, where a desperate
The Battle battle took place. The Moslems were overmatched,
ofHarrah. and in spite of heroic valour, were defeated with terrible
loss. The flower of the Medinite chivalry and the
noblest Companions of the Prophet, both Ansâr and
Muhajerîn, perished in that disastrous fight,-disastrous to
Islâm in more ways than one. The city which had
sheltered the Prophet, and which was sanctified by his
life and ministry, was foully desecrated ; and the people
who had stood by him in the hour of his need were
subjected to revolting atrocities, which find a parallel
only in those committed by the soldiers of the Constable
of France, and the equally ferocious Lutherans of
Georges Frundsberg at the sack of Rome. The public
Mosque was turned into a stable, and the shrines were
demolished for the sake of their ornaments. Paganism
was once more triumphant, and " its reaction," says a
European historian, " against Islâm was cruel, terrible,
and revolting." The Ommeyades thus repaid the
clemency and forbearance shown to them in the hour of
Islâm's triumph. Its best men were either killed or fled
for safety into distant countries. The few who were
spared had to acknowledge themselves the slaves of
Yezîd ; such as refused were branded on their necks.
From this ignominy only two persons were spared, Ali
II. the son of Hussain, and Ali the grandson of Abbas.
The colleges, hospitals, and other public edifices built
under the Caliphs were closed or demolished, and Arabia
relapsed into a wilderness ! In later years a grandson of
Ali II. , whose name was Jaafar, surnamed the True (as-
Sâdik), revived, in Medîna, the school of learning which
had flourished under his ancestor, the Caliph Ali ; but it
was a veritable oasis in the desert ; all around lay in
CH. VII. END OF THE HARBITE DYNASTY 89

gloom and darkness. Medîna never recovered her 40-64

A. H.
prosperity. It seems under the Ommeyades to have
become a city of the unknown Past, for when Mansûr,
the second Abbasside Caliph, visited the place, he
needed a guide to point out where the early heroes and
heroines had lived and worked.
After wreaking their vengeance on the Medinites, the The first
siege of
Syrians marched upon Mecca, where Abdullâh the son Месса .
of Zubair had installed himself as Caliph. On arrival
in the neighbourhood of Mecca the Syrians surrounded
the city, and in course of the fights that followed great Rabi I.
64A.H.
damage was done to the Kaaba and other sacred edifices. November
The timely death of Yezîd, however, made the Syrians 683 A.C.
raise the siege and hurry back to Damascus.
Yezîd was succeeded by his son Muawiyah, a youth
of mild disposition, who, it is said, abhorred the crimes
of his family. He retired into private life after a reign
of a few months, and died shortly after, supposed to
have been poisoned. With Muawiyah II . ended the End of the
Harbite
rule of Abu Sufian's branch. This dynasty is called the Dynasty.
Harbite, from the name of Abu Sufian's father, Harb, in
contradistinction to the Hakamites,¹ who derived their
name from Hakam, the father of Merwân, who, as we
shall presently see, managed to oust the first Muawiyah's
young grandson from the succession to the throne.
Immediately on the death of Yezîd, Abdullah bin
Zubair had been acknowledged as Caliph all over Hijâz,
Irâk, and Khorâsân. Had he now issued from Mecca,
and with his old audacity struck for Syria, there is little
doubt the Ommeyade domination would have ended for
ever. But he lay supinely at Mecca, and gave time to
the Ommeyades to join their forces.
1 Often also called the Merwanian branch, from the name of its
founder.
 CHAPTER VIII

THE OMMEYADES (THE HAKAMITE BRANCH)

64-86 А.Н. , 683-705 А.С.

Merwân, son of Hakam-Accepted as the Chief of the Om-

meyades-Battle of Marj Rahat-Destruction of the Syrian
Modhar-Merwân's Treachery-The Penitents-The Death of
Merwân-Abdul Malik, the Ruler of Syria-The Rise of
Mukhtar-The Destruction of the Murderers of Hussain-The
Death of Mukhtar-Musaab-Invasion of Irâk by Abdul
Malik-Death of Musaab-Invasion of Hijaz by Abdul Malik's
Army-Siege of Mecca-Death of Abdullah, the son of Zubair
(the Meccan Caliph)-Abdul Malik, Chief of Islâm-The
Tyrant Hajjaj-Progress in Africa-War with the Romans-
The Khârijis-Abdul Malik's Death.

Merwân. On the death of Muawiyah II. the succession devolved

on his brother Khalid, but as he was a mere lad at the
time, the Ommeyades refused to acknowledge him as
their ruler, and demanded the elevation of an elder
(kabîr) in accordance with the tribal practice. The
Ommeyades at this juncture were in a state of paralysis.
Merwân, the oldest member of the clan, was ready to
take the oath of fealty to Abdullah bin Zubair. He
was a cousin of Muawiyah I., and wielded consider-
able influence among the Ommeyades ; and his adhesion
would have secured the submission of the family. But
the over-cautious son of Zubair, content with the
possession of Arabia, Egypt, Irâk, and Khorâsân, de
90
CH. VIII . BATTLE OF MARJ RAHAT. 91

clined to move upon Syria. Whilst Abdullah lay thus 64-86

A. H.
supinely at Mecca, the notorious Obaidullah bin Ziad
tried to instal himself as Caliph at Bussorah, the seat
of his government; failing in his endeavours, he fled
to Merwân and instigated him to make a bid for the
Empire on his own account. The task before Merwân
was not free from difficulty; the Ommeyades were
suspicious and divided; and the Himyarites of Syria
were jealous of Modharite ascendency. But age had
not dimmed Merwân's genius for intrigue. He won
the support of Khalid's¹ partisans by promising him
the succession to the throne; he secured the adhesion
of Amr, his own cousin, who had a considerable
following in the clan, by a similar promise. He
bribed the Syrian Himyarites by lavish concessions
to their chiefs. Thus did Merwân obtain the power
for which he was bidding. Masûdi says, " he was the
first to seize the throne with the help of his sword."
The adhesion of these Syrian Himyarites enabled
Merwân to march against the Modharite chief Zah-
hâk, who had espoused the cause of Abdullâh the
son of Zubair. A battle took place at Marj Râhat, a The Battle
few miles to the north-east of Damascus. In spite of ofMarj
Râhat.
the numerical superiority of the Himyarites, the first
fights were indecisive, but a device of Merwân led to
1 The younger son of Yezîd.
2 The relationship between Amr and Merwân will appear from
the following table :-
Ommeya.
Abu'l Aâs.

Hakam. Saîd .

Merwân. A
Amr.
 92 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VIII .

683-705 the death of the opposing chief Zahhâk, and then

A. C.
followed a conflict in which the Modharites were
literally annihilated. The whole of Syria now passed
under the rule of Merwân, and Egypt soon after fell
into his hands. Finding his position thus sufficiently
secured, Merwân withdrew his promise to Khalid, and
forced Amr, whom he had also nominated as his
successor, to resign the right to the throne in favour of
his own sons, Abdul Malik and Abdul Aziz.
With the battle of Marj Râhat the disastrous feud
between Himyar and Modhar, which had slept for so
many years, rekindled in all its fury. The Himyarites
were now in the ascendant, and cruelly oppressed their
rivals . This continued, more or less, under Merwân's
son and successor, Abdul Malik.
The About this time, a large body of Irâkians, struck with
Penitents .
remorse at their desertion of Hussain and his family on
the fatal field of Kerbela, rose in arms, vowing vengeance
upon his murderers. One night they prayed and wept
by his tomb, and next morning they issued against the
Syrians. They called themselves " the Penitents," and
under their leader Sulaimân¹ carried at first everything
before them, but they were ultimately defeated by an
overwhelming force sent against them by Merwân.
Sulaimân and his lieutenants were killed, and the
shattered remnants of " the Penitents " retreated upon
Kûfa. Here they were subsequently rallied by Mukhtar,
another of the " Avengers. "
Merwân's Merwân's death at the hands of Yezîd's widow was
Death,
65 A.H.
a fitting end to a life of intrigue and violence. He
had married this lady with the object of reconciling
the partisans of her son Khalid. One day he grossly
1 Sulaimân, the son of Surrâd, was held in great veneration as a
Companion of the Prophet.
CH. VIII . DEATH OF MERWAN 93

insulted the boy whom he had ousted from the throne ; 64-86
A. H.
that same night he was smothered by the enraged
mother. Merwân is not recognised by the Sunnis as
a Caliph (Commander of the Faithful). Their foremost
writers count him as a rebel against Abdullâh the
son of Zubair, " whose authority was acknowledged
from all the pulpits of Islâm," save and except in Syria.
Nor do they " hold his covenant for his sons legal,"
though they regard the Caliphate of Abdul Malik as
rightful from the time the son of Zubair was killed.
On the death of Merwân, Abdul Malik was accepted Malik.Abdul
as their ruler by the majority of the clan. Abdul Malik
was a typical Ommeyade ; energetic, intriguing and un-
scrupulous, he applied himself with extraordinary ability
to strengthen his position. Whilst he was thus employed,
Mukhtâr established himself in Irâk, and from there
hunted the murderers of Hussain. They were systematic-
ally pursued and killed like vermin. An army sent by
Abdul Malik under the " Butcher " 1 was destroyed ; he
himself was killed and his head was taken to Mukhtâr.
Having achieved the object for which they had taken up
arms, the " Avengers " became rent into factions, and
were one after another subdued by Musaab, Abdullah's
brother and deputy in Irak. The struggle with Mukhtar Mukhtar.
was protracted and sanguinary, but in the end the
" Avenger " was killed, his adherents were put to the
sword, and Musaab was left complete master of the
field. The authority of the son of Zubair was now un-
questioned both in Irâk and Mesopotamia. Khorâsân
also was under his sway. But his power rested on pre-
carious foundations. The Irâkians were faithless, and
entered into secret negotiations with Abdul Malik to
accept him as their ruler in return for certain rewards.
1 Obaidullah bin Ziad .
 94 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VIII .

683-705 In the meantime, Abdullah's forces were weakened by

A.C.
incessant fights with the Khârijis, who issuing from their
desert fastnesses were committing depredations and
atrocities upon the unoffending inhabitants of Chaldæa
and Southern Persia. These ruthless fanatics, in their
religious fury, perpetrated revolting cruelties to avenge
themselves on organised society.
An incident connected with the Hajj¹ of 71 A.H. is
mentioned by the Arab historians as showing the divided
condition of Islâm a. this period. On this occasion four
standards, representing four different factions, were dis-
played at Arafât. One belonged to Abdullâh, the son
of Zubair; the second to Abdul Malik, the son of
Merwân ; the third to Mohammed al- Hanafia; and the
fourth to the rebel Khârijis. Round each flag were
gathered its partisans, but in spite of their mutual
animosity, during the sacred season of truce none
molested the other.
Amr bin By the unsparing use of the sword, Abdul Malik in
Saîd
killed,
a few years cleared Syria of his enemies. Amr, the son
70 Α.Η. of Saîd, had attempted a rising. He was inveigled into
the Palace, and killed by Abdul Malik with his own
hands. Firmly established in Damascus, he turned his
attention towards Mesopotamia and Chaldæa, held by
Musaab on behalf of Abdullah bin Zubair. The defec-
tion of the Irâkians encouraged him to move upon Kûfa.
Musaab, his son Yahya, and his heroic lieutenant Ibrâ-

1 The annual pilgrimage to Mесса.

2 The hill near Mecca where the final ceremony takes place.
3 The son of the Caliph Ali by a lady of the Hanîfa tribe, whom
he married after the death of Fatima. Mohammed (called al-Hanafia
after the tribe of his mother) was not present with Hussain on the
fatal field of Kerbela, and thus escaped the slaughter of his family.
From him the Abbassides claim their title to the Caliphate ; see post.
CH. VIII . SECOND SIEGE OF MECCA . 95

him, the son of Al-Ashtar,¹ were slain in battle, and 64-86

A. H.
Irâk passed once more under the rule of the Om-
meyades. After crushing Musaab, Abdul Malik de-
The
spatched his troops against Abdullah. An overwhelming Second
force under Hajjaj the son of Yusuf marched into Hijâz. Siege of
Medîna was captured without much difficulty, and Mecca Месса.
was again surrounded; and massive missiles, hurled from 691
72A.H.
A. C.
battering engines placed on the hills which encircled the
devoted city, spread havoc and ruin all round. But
Abdullâh, by repeated sorties, long held the Syrians at
bay. The siege was then turned into a blockade ; the
inhabitants, suffering from the rigours of famine, deserted
in large numbers, until Abdullah was left with only a
few defenders. Before making his last sortie, he con-
sulted his mother Asma, the daughter of Abu Bakr,
whether he should submit to the yoke of the hated
Ommeyade or die fighting. The aged lady, in the heroic
spirit of the Arab matron, answered that if he believed
in the justness of his cause, it was his duty to fight to
the last, but if he thought he was in the wrong, he
should submit. She allayed his fear that the enemy
would desecrate his body after his death by the answer,
that it mattered little what became of the body when
the soul had returned to its Creator. Bidding her fare-
well, he kissed her tenderly on the forehead, and then
issued, sword in hand, determined to conquer or to die.
The Ommeyades were driven back on all sides, but in
the end the brave warrior fell, overpowered by numbers.
A soldier's death is generally respected by a brave Abdullah
Death of
enemy. But the Syrians possessed no sense of chivalry,Jamâdi II.,
and ignored the command of the Prophet, " to respect 73 A.H.
the dead." They refused the prayer of Abdullah's 692
October
A.C.
1 The commander of the Caliph Ali's cavalry at Siffîn. He has
been called the Marshal Ney of the Arabs.
 96 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VIII .

683-705 mother to give up her son's body for burial, and, in the
A.C.
ferocious spirit of the times, they impaled his corpse
on a gibbet. The heads of Abdullah and of two of
his leaders were exhibited at Medîna and thence sent to
Damascus.
There was much to admire in Abdullah's character ;
crafty and ambitious, he was yet cast in a heroic mould,
and a strong sense of justice distinguished him from most
of his compeers. The one great defect in his character,
which probably led to his fall, was his niggardliness.
Even when Hajjaj was battering at his gate, he refused
to bring out his hoards to pay his men or buy materials
of war. Abdullah is recognised by the Sunnis as
one of the legitimate Caliphs of Islam, as he was in
possession of the Holy Cities (Haramain-Sharîfain), and
prayers were offered for him from the pulpits of Medîna
and Mecca.
Abdul Abdul Malik was now the undisputed master of the
Malik Islâmic Empire. Muhallib, son of Abu Sufra, the
undisputed
master lieutenant of Abdullah bin Zubair in Southern Persia,
ofthe
perceiving the futility of further opposition, took the
Empire. oath of fealty to Abdul Malik. The viceroy of Khora-
sân, less tractable than Muhallib, replied to Abdul
Malik's demand for submission by making the mes-
senger swallow his master's missive and then return to
Damascus .
The During the struggle between Abdullah and Abdul
Khârijis. Malik, the Khârijis had acquired strength and spread
themselves over Southern Persia and Chaldæa. Goaded
into fury by the insensate persecution of the Ommeyade
governors, they fought wildly, reckless of their lives.
Mere handfuls defeated time after time the legions of
Abdul Malik. But they possessed no cohesion or unity.
Some desired to return to the days of Omar, under a
CH. VIII . RECONQUEST OF BARBARY 97

Caliph elected by the people ; others, among them the 64-86

Theocrats, rejected all personal government and de- A. H.
manded the Lord's Rule under a Council of Elders .
They were at last defeated and suppressed. In Persia,
they met their match in Muhallib, whose military talents
were appreciated by Abdul Malik. After a protracted
and sanguinary struggle, he destroyed their strongholds
and put them to the sword. The remnant again took
refuge in the deserts of al-Ahsa. Like the Khârijis, the
Romans had taken advantage of the civil war to make Warwith
encroachments upon the dominions of Islâm. Abdul the
Romans .
Malik now forced them back, and after a series of
successful operations, obtained a large cession of terri-
tory from the Byzantine emperor. In the east, the
districts in the neighbourhood of modern Cabul, ruled
by a Hindoo prince of the name of Ratbil, were
brought into subjection. Similarly, a large part of
Northern Africa was either subjugated or recon-
quered.
The conquest of Africa by the Saracens is full of Recon-
romance. quest of
In 693 A.H. (69 A.C.) Abdul Malik despatched Barbary.
an army for the reconquest of Barbary (Ifrikia). The
command was entrusted to Zuhair, an able lieutenant of
Okba, who had, since the death of his chief, maintained
himself against tremendous odds at Barca. The first
operations were eminently successful ; the rebel chief
Koseila and the united forces of the Berbers and
Romans were destroyed, and the whole province cleared
of the enemy. Zuhair now committed a fatal mistake;
keeping a small detachment with him at a place near
Barca, which formed his head-quarters, he sent out
expeditions for the subjugation of the outlying parts.
In this perilous situation, the danger of which was
enhanced by the absence of all scouting, he was sud-
H
 98 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . VIII .

683-705 denly attacked by a large Roman army landed in the

A. C.
rear. The fight was desperate; the Saracen general was
killed and his soldiers cut to pieces. Barbary again
slipped out of the hands of the Moslems. But the
tenacity of purpose that had led to Abdul Malik's
74 A.H. success over his rivals did not fail him on this occasion.
698 A.C.
He despatched a third army under Hassân, the son of
Nomân, which for a time swept all opposition before it ;
Kairowân was recaptured; the city of Carthage was
stormed, and the Romans and Berbers were defeated in
open field. The remnant of the Roman army hastily
abandoned the country, and the Saracen was once more
supreme from the walls of Barca to the shores of the
Atlantic. At this period the Berbers and the wild tribes
of the Atlas acknowledged the authority of a woman,
who is called by Arab historians the Kâhina (Divineress).
This Berber Pythoness was supposed to be gifted with
supernatural attributes, and at her call a host of Numi-
dians and other savages swept down upon the con-
The querors. The Saracens were simply overwhelmed ;
Kâhina.
several detachments were cut to pieces, and the main
army was once more forced back upon Barca. For five
years the Kahina remained the queen of Africa. In
79 A.H., Abdul Malik despatched another army to the
assistance of Hassan. In those days one side was not
possessed of quick-firing machine-guns and rifles whilst
the other was armed with ancient muskets or the still
more primitive matchlocks. So far as actual weapons
went, the Berbers and Saracens were equally matched,
though the latter excelled their rebellious foes in equip-
ment, organisation, and discipline. Their great superiority
lay in those qualities of courage, energy and persever-
ance, and boundless trust in their prowess and their
Faith, of which there are few parallels in history, ancient
CH. VIII . THE AFRICAN PYTHONESS 99

or modern. Abdul Malik's army cut its way through 64-86

A. H.
the Numidian hosts like a ship passing through the
swirling waves. To bar the progress of the pertinacious
Saracen, and to deprive him once for all of his chief
temptation in the wealth of the cities, the Berber
Pythoness formed the desperate resolution of turning
the country into a desert. She gave orders that the
entire tract under her sway should be laid waste .
Mansions and palaces were pulled down ; whatever
valuables could not be carried away to the mountains
were destroyed ; cities and villages were laid in ruin ;
groves and gardens were cut down, and the once
prosperous country was turned into a howling wilder-
ness. The Arab historian calls this " the first devasta-
tion of Africa," not thinking of the havoc and waste
created by the Romans or by Genseric the Vandal.
The savagery of the Pythoness, however, proved of no
avail. Hassan was hailed by the inhabitants as a de-
liverer, the dismantled and ruined cities hastened once
more to make their submission, and the people readily
took the oath of allegiance. The Kahina was defeated Her defeat
and slain in a great battle at the foot of the Atlas. The and death.
Berbers, exhausted by the indomitable perseverance of
the Saracens, sued for peace, which was granted upon
condition of their supplying to the Saracen general an
auxiliary contingent of 25,000 cavalry. Islâm now
spread rapidly among the Berbers. But unfortunately
the Khârijis, driven from Persia and Arabia, began at
this time to pour into Africa. Their narrow and bigoted
conceptions, their exclusive and reactionary doctrines,
their hatred of the government of Damascus, chimed in
with Berber feelings and ideas. The Theocrats and
Separatists, who had been hunted by Abdul Malik and
his lieutenants, now found themselves the leaders of
 100 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VIII.

683-705 hosts.1 Henceforth the frequent and sanguinary revolts

A.C. of the Berbers were due to their teachings .
Hajjaj bin Hajjaj, at one time governor of Hijaz, was Abdul
Yusuf.
Malik's viceroy over Irâk, Sejistân, Kerman, and Khor-
âsân, which included Cabul and parts of Transoxiana.
Western Arabia was under a separate governor named
Hishâm, son of Ismail, whilst Egypt was ruled by Abdul
Malik's brother, Abdul Azîz. The intolerable and
ferocious cruelty of Hajjaj gave rise to several furious
revolts, one of which under Abdur Rahmân, the son of
al-Ashas, nearly cost Abdul Malik his throne. But
numbers and perseverance bore down all opposition, and
the insurgents were driven to take refuge in distant
parts. Whilst governor of Hijaz, Hajjaj had cruelly
oppressed the inhabitants of Medîna and ill-treated the
surviving companions of the Prophet. At one time he
thought of rasing the city to the ground. In the course
of his long government over Irâk, he put to death nearly
150,000 men, many on false charges, some of them the
best of the Arab race. At the time of his death, 50,0০০
people of both sexes were found rotting in his prisons
and cursing the tyrant. The effect of these wholesale
massacres was " to attenuate, " as M. Sédillot observes,
" the Saracenic nation by depriving it of its noblest and
most capable leaders."
Muhallib, the conqueror of the Kharijis, who was
acting as the deputy of Hajjaj in Khorâsân, died in
703 A.C. , and " with him died," says the Arab poet,
" generosity and friendship. " He was succeeded in his
office by his son Yezîd, to whom for a time Hajjaj
showed the same favour.
Abdul Abdul Malik died at the age of 62 in 86 A.H. He
Malik's
death. 1 The latter-day Mahdists of Africa seem to be the descendants of
705 A.C. the old Khârijis.
CH. VIII . ABDUL MALIK'S CHARACTER ΙΟΙ

loved poetry, especially when in praise of himself. 64-86

A. H.
Avarice and cruelty dominated his character ; and his
lieutenants, says Masûdi, followed in his footsteps in the
reckless shedding of blood. Of Abdul Malik it is stated,
that in his young days he was much given to piety and
devotional exercises ; but the moment it was announced
to him that he had succeeded his father, he put aside
the Koran which he had been studying, with the remark,
" This is my last time with thee." He was the first, says
the annalist, who acted treacherously in Islâm, the first
who forbade speaking in the presence of the Caliphs,
and the first who prohibited exhortations to justice,
saying, " Let no one enjoin upon me the fear of God or
love of equity, but I will smite his neck. " In character
he resembled Charlemagne. Just, when justice was not
opposed to dynastic interest; daring and energetic,
resolute and ambitious, he never faltered in the pursuit
of his designs. But he was certainly less cruel than
Charlemagne. No such cruel deed as the promiscuous
massacre of the Frisians or Saxons can be laid at his
door. Compared to Charlemagne or Peter the Great of
Russia, he might even be regarded as humane. Before
engaging in battle with Musaab and the insurgents under
Abdur Rahmân, he repeatedly offered them terms. His
cruelty, like his frequent breaches of faith, was due
to an anxiety to safeguard and promote the interests of
his dynasty. But nothing can relieve him of responsi-
bility for the cruelties of the ferocious Hajjaj, although
he sometimes interfered to protect the victims. Abdul
Malik was the first to open a mint in Islâm . After
him the Saracen rulers were extremely careful in main-
taining the value of their coinage and in preventing
counterfeit. Tampering with coins was punished with
great severity. Until Abdul Malik's time, all public
 102 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. VIII.

683-705 registers and the records of taxes were kept either in

A.C. Greek or in Persian. Owing to the abuses resulting
from this practice, he directed that thenceforth all
records were to be kept in Arabic.
Some time before his death, he tried to induce his
brother Abdul Azîz to resign the succession in favour of
his son Walîd. Abdul Azîz, however, firmly declined to
do so, but dying soon after, Walîd quietly succeeded to
the throne.
Abdul Abdul Malik's contemporary on the throne of Con-
Malik's stantinople was the tyrant Justinian II.,¹ the son of
contem-
porary at Pogonatus, who when returning from exile, and advised
Byzan-
tium.
to show forgiveness to his enemies, declared-" Speak
of forgiveness ? May I perish this instant-may the
Almighty whelm me in the waves, if I consent to spare
a single head of my enemies."
1 Called by the Arabs al-Akhram, “ the Slit-nosed." This tyrant
was once deposed when his nose was amputated (695 A.C. ). He
was recalled to the throne a few years after, and reigned until
711 A.C. , when he was put to death . Masûdi mentions Lawi, the
son of Falanat, and Jurjîs, as the contemporaries of Abdul Malik,
Walîd, Sulaiman, and Omar II.
 CHAPTER IX

THE OMMEYADES (THE HAKAMITE BRANCH) (continued)

86-96 А.Н. , 705-715 А.С.
Walîd I. Conquests in the East-Progress in Africa-Mûsa bin
Nusair, Viceroy of the West-Condition of Spain-The Op-
pression of Roderick-Târick bin Ziad lands at Gibraltar-The
battle of Medina Sidonia-Death of Roderick-Conquest of
Spain-Advance into France-Recall of Mûsa and Târick-
Character of the Saracenic Administration in Spain-The Pro-
vinces-The effect of the tribal jealousies-Death of Walîd I.
-His Character.

SOON after the accession of Walid Hajjaj, who still Accession

held the viceroyalty of the Eastern Provinces, removed ofWalid I.
Yezîd, the son and successor of Muhallib, from the lieu-
tenancy of Khorâsân. He appointed in his place a
Modharite chief, Kotaiba, an able strategist and a con- Koteiba.
summate general, but hard and relentless, like many we
read of in European history. The Sogdians, who in-
habited the countries in Central Asia to the north of the Conquest
river Oxus,¹ had undertaken to live in peace with the ofTrans-
oxiana.
Moslems, and not to molest their colonists. They had
also agreed to receive Residents or Aâmils in their chief
cities to watch over Moslem interests. But Yezîd's re-
moval seemed to them a favourable opportunity to regain
their independence. All of a sudden they rose against
the Saracens, expelled the Residents, and massacred the
1 Hence called " Ma- wara-aan-Nahr "-the land on the other
side of the river.
103
 104 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IX .

705-715 colonists. Similar acts have led within recent times to

A.C.
similar results both in Asia and Africa ; and after ten
years of incessant warfare, in which many cruelties were
perpetrated on both sides, Koteiba achieved the sub-
jugation of the whole of Central Asia to the confines of
Kashgar.
Conquests About the same time, Mohammed the son of Kâsim,
in India.
governor of Mekrân, harassed by the predatory tribes
89-96 who inhabited the country between Sind and Beluchistan,
A.H. led an expedition into India, which ended in the annexa-
708-715
A.C. tion of Sind, Multan, and part of the Punjab as far as
the Beas.
Maslamah During the whole of Walid's reign, Maslamah his
Captain- brother, who seems to have been the warrior of the
General in
Asia family, was Captain-General of the Moslem forces in
Minor. Asia Minor. He was supported by an army under
Abbas, Walid's own son. Their combined operations
led to the conquest of several important places. A
large part of Asia Minor was now held by the Saracens.
Omar the In the year 87 A.H. Walid appointed his cousin Omar,
son of
Abdul the son of Abdul Azîz, governor over Hijâz. Immedi-
Azîz, ately on his arrival at Medina, Omar formed a council
governor
ofHijaz.
composed of the jurists and notables of the city, and no
administrative or executive act was done without con-
sultation with them. He tried to erase the signs of the
ravages committed in the holy cities of Islâm under
Yezîd and Abdul Malik. He beautified Medîna and
Mecca with numerous public structures, made new
aqueducts, and improved the roads connecting the
cities of Hijaz with the capital. Moderate, yet firm,
anxious to promote the welfare of the people whom he
governed, Omar's rule proved beneficent to all classes.
The mild, just, and generous government of Omar
attracted a number of refugees from Irâk, who, fleeing
CH. IX. CONQUESTS IN AFRICA 105

from the terrible oppression of the sanguinary tyrant 86-96

A.H.
who ruled over the Eastern Provinces, found shelter and
peace in Hijâz. Hajjaj was extremely wroth at this, and
complained bitterly to his master Walîd, who was as
much under his influence as old Abdul Malik. The
intrigues of Hajjaj were at length successful, and in 92
A.H. Omar was removed from his viceroyalty amidst
universal mourning. His successor signalised his entry
into office by expelling from Medîna and Mecca all the
Irâkian refugees.
About this time, Yezîd the son of Muhallib along
with his brothers was thrown into prison by Hajjaj, and
subjected to the cruellest torture. His victims however
succeeded in effecting their escape from the hands of
the tyrant, and took refuge with Sulaimân, the brother
and successor of Walîd.
We must now turn our attention to the West. Africa Conquests
had been held by Hassan with comparative peace and inAfrica.
89 A.H.
safety after the death of the Pythoness. In 89 A.H. he
was removed from the governorship, and the famous
Mûsa, the son of Nusair, was made Viceroy of Ifrîkia.
Mûsa's father was the chief of the police (Sâhib-us-
Shurta) under Muawiyah, but had refused to serve
against Ali in the battle of Siffîn, and the son of Abû
Sufiân, who knew the man's worth, had respected his
scruples. Hassan's withdrawal was the signal for an
insurrection of the Berbers, but they had miscalculated
the energy and vigour of the new Viceroy. By a series
of daring operations conducted by himself and his sons,
Mûsa overthrew the Berber combination, drove out the
Greek conspirators and pacified the entire country. By
his conciliatory attitude towards the chiefs, he inspired
them with unbounded confidence and won their attach-
ment. Instructors were appointed to teach the people
 106 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IX .

705-715 the principles of Islâm, and in a short time the whole

A.C.
of the Berber nation was converted to the religion of
Mohammed. As the Saracenic settlements were harassed
by the Byzantines from the islands of the Mediterranean,
Mûsa sent out expeditions for their reduction ; Majorca,
Minorca and Ivica were conquered and incorporated
with the empire of Islâm. Under the Moslem rule these
islands soon became extremely flourishing. As in other
places, the Saracens erected beautiful buildings, intro-
duced various kinds of handicraft, and otherwise materi-
ally improved the country. Mûsa's viceroyalty was now
almost equal to that of Hajjaj in extent ; but its import-
ance in the demand for administrative ability and general-
ship, was far greater. It extended from the western
confines of Egypt to the shores of the Atlantic, with the
exception of Ceuta, which was held by Count Julian
under the Gothic King of Spain on behalf of the Roman
Emperor; and included the western islands of the
Mediterranean. It was soon to receive a magnificent
addition in a country which was an empire in itself.
Spain. Whilst Africa was enjoying the blessings of toleration
and justice, and was advancing with rapid strides in the
path of material prosperity under the Moslem rule, the
neighbouring peninsula of Spain groaned under the iron
heel of the Goth. Never was the condition of the country
or of the people so bad or so miserable as under the
grinding yoke of the Gothic kings. As in the Roman
times, the rich, the noble and the privileged classes in
general were exempt from taxation ; the middle classes,
upon whom alone fell the public burdens, were reduced to
ruin and misery. Industrial activity was killed by heavy
imposts ; there was no manufacture or commerce ; and a
terrible sterility, almost equal to that which has fallen on
the land since the expulsion of the Moslems, prevailed
CH. IX . SPAIN 107

all over the Peninsula. The country was split up into 86-96
immense domains whose owners, lay and cleric, lived in A.H.
palatial mansions where they spent their days in riotous
and wicked indulgence. Cultivation was in the hands
of either serfs tied to the soil, or of miserable herds of
slaves who worked under the pitiless lashes of cruel
overseers. Serfs or slaves, for them there was no hope
of freedom or gleam of sunshine on this side of the
grave. Neither serf nor slave might possess anything
that he could call his own ; they could not marry with-
out the consent of the master ; and if the serfs of two
neighbouring estates intermarried, their children were
divided equally between the two owners. Sunk in the
grossest superstitions, their moral state was as depraved
and degraded as their material condition was wretched.
The Jews, who had settled in large numbers in the The Jews
Peninsula, had suffered terribly from the persecutions of in Spain.
the kings, the clergy and the nobles. Goaded by their
sufferings, they had attempted a rising, which, badly con-
ceived and hastily executed, proved abortive with the
direst results. Their goods and chattels, in fact all they
possessed, were confiscated ; such of the nation as sur-
vived the massacre were condemned to wholesale slavery.
Old and young, male and female, were made over as
slaves to the Christians. The old, as a matter of grace,
were allowed to retain their religion ; but the young were
to be brought up in the Christian faith. All marriage
within the community was forbidden, and a Jewish slave
was henceforth to marry a Christian slave. Such was
the punishment meted out to the Jews by the bishops,
who held all the power in the land. The impoverished
and ruined citizen, the wretched slave, the miserable
serf, the persecuted and hunted Jew, all waited for the
relief which was so long in coming. It was in the
 108 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IX .

705-715 moment of their acutest agony that the deliverance

A.C. arrived from an unexpected quarter. The Saracenic
Province on the other side of the straits was regarded as
a haven of safety by the victims of Gothic and ecclesi-
astical oppression, and many Spaniards had found refuge
in Moslem Africa from the grinding tyranny of their
kings and bishops. At this time when Mûsa ruled over
Africa, the Iberian throne was occupied by Roderick,
who had deposed and murdered the former king Witiza.
Julian, the Governor of Ceuta, smarting under a cruel
wrong inflicted on him by Roderick in the person of his
daughter Florinda, joined in the appeal of the Spanish
refugees to Mûsa to liberate the country from the
usurper's yoke. In answer to their prayers, with the
sanction of Walîd, Mûsa despatched a young and enter-
prising officer named Tarîf, to make a reconnaissance on
the southern coast. The report was favourable, and in
Târick the auspicious month of Rajab,¹ Târick the son of Ziad,
lands at
Gibraltar. one of Mûsa's ablest lieutenants , landed with a small
Thursday force of 7000 picked men at a spot which now bears
8th Rajab his name. Having properly fortified the Rock to serve
92 Α. Η.
April 30, as a base of operations, he descended upon the adjacent
711 A.C. province of Algeciras, which was held by Theodomir
on behalf of Roderick. The Goths who attempted to bar
his progress were cut to pieces, and Târick commenced
his memorable march upon Toledo.
His army had in the meanwhile augmented to 12,000
by the timely arrival of some reinforcements despatched
1 The month of Rajab is regarded by the Moslems as particularly
auspicious, as it was in that month the Prophet saw the Vision of
the Ascension.
2 Gibraltar, Jabl(u)-Târick, " the Rock of Târick. "
3 This is an Arab name derived from al-Jazîra, a peninsula or
island
.
CH. IX . DEFEAT OF THE GOTHS 109

by the Viceroy. Roderick was engaged in quelling a 86-96

A. H.
disturbance in the north, but the moment he heard of
the invasion he hurried to his capital, summoning all
his feudal chiefs to join him at Cordova with their Battle of
contingents. The royal army itself was immense; Medina
Sidonia.
with the feudal auxiliaries the force at Roderick's dis- Middle of
posal swelled to 100,000 men. The two armies thus Ramazân
92 Α.Η.
unequally matched met on the banks of the Guadalete Sept. 711
to the north of Medina Sidonia.¹ A.C.

The sons of Witiza, chafing under the wrongs

inflicted on them by the king, broke away from Roderick
after the first onslaught ; but the force under his imme-
diate command was numerous, well equipped and disci-
plined, and offered for a time a steady front to the
Saracenic attacks ; the fierceness of the last charge, led
by Târick himself, however, was irresistible. The Gothic
host was completely routed, and in his flight King Defeat of
Roderick was drowned in the waters of the Guadalete, theGoths;
Death of
The moral result of this magnificent victory was Roderick.
immense. It took the heart out of the Spaniards to
meet the Saracens in the open.2
Sidonia and Carmona opened their gates ; Ecija,
where Roderick's broken forces had taken refuge, offered
some resistance, but ultimately capitulated on favourable
terms.

1 " All agree," says Makkari, " that the battle was fought on the
banks of the Wâd ul-lazzîz (river of delight) in the district of Shid-
hûna." Dozy says the memorable battle took place on the banks
of the Wadi-Becca, a small river which now bears the name of
Salado, and which throws itself into the sea not far from Cape
Trafalgar. The date of the battle he gives as July 19, 711 A.C.
2 Nothing-not even the defection of Witiza's sons--can minimise
the greatness of this splendid victory. With barely 12,000 men the
Moslem commander met and defeated a disciplined army at least
five times as large.
 110 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IX.

705-715 Târick now divided his small force into four divisions,
A. C.
and directed one of his lieutenants to proceed towards
Cordova ; whilst the other marched upon Malaga, the
third was to move upon Granada and Elvira. At the
head of the main body he himself marched rapidly
towards Toledo, the Gothic capital. Malaga, Granada,
and Cordova fell one after another without much diffi-
culty, and the whole of Algeciras held by Theodomir
was quickly reduced to subjection. The Goths were
dismayed by the rapidity of Târick's movements and the
severity of his blows. " God," says the annalist, " filled
the hearts of the idolaters with terror and alarm. " The
magnates either submitted or fled from place to place ;
the principal ecclesiastics betook themselves to Rome,
whilst the people at large, the Jews, the serfs, the im-
poverished citizens, hailed the Moslems as their liberators.
Târick found Toledo abandoned by the Spaniards ;
leaving a small detachment of Jews and Moslems in
charge of the city, and confiding its government to
Oppas, a brother of King Witiza, he pursued the retreat-
ing Goths as far as Astorga. In the meantime the octo-
genarianViceroy, fired with jealousy or emulation, landed
in Spain with 18,000 men to complete the conquest
begun by his illustrious lieutenant. His army included
many noble Arabs of the best families of Yemen, and
several descendants of the Companions of the Prophet.
June 712 Taking an easterly course, Mûsa reduced successively
A.C.
Seville and Merida. At Toledo he was joined by
Târick. The meeting of the two conquerors was at-
tended by an unseemly dispute characteristic of the age,
but they were soon reconciled, and uniting their forces
they proceeded towards Aragon. Saragossa, Tarragona,
Barcelona, and other principal cities of the north opened
their gates in succession, and in less than two years
CH. IX. MUSA'S CONQUESTS III

the whole of Spain, as far as the Pyrenees, was in 86-96

A. H.
the hands of the Saracens. Portugal was conquered a
few years later, and was formed into a separate province
under the name of al-Gharb, ¹ " the West. " In the moun-
tains of Asturias alone the Christian Spaniards continued
to make a stand against the Moslems.
Leaving to Târick the work of subjugation in Galicia, Mûsa's
Mûsa crossed into France, and easily reduced that part conquest.
of Languedoc which had belonged to the Gothic
dominions. Standing on the Pyrenees, the dauntless
Viceroy conceived the project of conquering the whole of
Europe ; and in all human probability had he been
allowed to carry his plan into execution he would have
succeeded. The West lay completely at his feet ; there
was no cohesion among the nations which divided
Mûsa from the Caliphate ; as yet no chief had sprung
up to unite the forces of Christendom and oppose the
progress of the Saracens. The cautious and hesitating
policy of the Damascene Court lost the glorious oppor-
tunity, with the consequence that Europe remained
enveloped in intellectual darkness for the next eight
centuries. An order from Walid stopped Mûsa whilst
preparing to push farther into France with the object of
crossing into Italy. He then turned his attention to the
complete reduction of the mountainous parts of Spain,
where the Christians were making a desperate stand.
He entered Galicia, captured their fortresses, and drove
the enemy into the rocky defiles of the Asturias. From
Lugo, Mûsa directed the movements of his army, which
now hemmed the insurgents on all sides. Cowed by the
indomitable energy of the old warrior, the guerilla bands
submitted one after another until there remained Pelayo
alone with a few supporters. He too would have laid
1 A province of modern Portugal is still called Algarve.
 112 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IX .

705-715 down his arms, but just at the moment when the con-
A. C.
quest was near completion a messenger arrived from
Damascus with peremptory orders for the return of the
two conquerors. Whatever the motive which impelled
Recall Walid to recall Mûsa and Târick, there can be no doubt
ofMûsa
and that it was most disastrous to Islâm. Mûsa's departure
Târick. enabled Pelayo to fortify himself in the mountains, and
there to form the nucleus of that power which in later
times was to overwhelm with destruction the Moslem
states towards the south. The Saracens, deprived of
their two best captains, affected to look with con-
tempt upon this handful of resolute defenders, and
allowed them daily to increase in number and strength.
" Would to God," says Makkarî, " that the Moslems had
at once extinguished the sparks of a fire that was
destined to consume the whole dominions of Islâm in
those parts." Before leaving Spain, Mûsa made all
necessary arrangements for the government of the
country. He appointed his son, Abdul Azîz, the Viceroy
of the new province, with Seville as the seat of govern-
ment. Abdullah, another son and a great warrior, was
left in charge of Ifrîkia ; whilst Abdul Malik, the young-
est, ruled over Morocco (Maghrib ul-Aksa), and Abdus
Sâlèh held the command of the coast and of the fleet,
95 A.H. with Tangiers for his head-quarters. After completing
714 A.C. his arrangements for the proper government of his vice-

royalty he commenced his journey towards Damascus

attended by an immense number of followers.
The effect
of the
The conquest of Spain by the Saracens opened a new
conquest. era for the Peninsula : it produced an important social
revolution, the effect of which can be likened only to the
best results of the great upheaval in France in the
eighteenth century, without its evil or appalling conse-
quences. It swept away the cruel rights and powers of
CH. IX. THE ADMINISTRATION OF SPAIN 113

the privileged classes, among whom the clergy and the 86-96
nobility occupied the most prominent position. It A. H.
removed the heavy burdens that had crushed industry
and ruined the middle strata of the population. Instead
of grinding and capricious imposts, it introduced a just,
equable, and intelligible system of taxation, viz. the
usual poll or test-tax payable by non-Moslems, and the
tax on culturable land to which all persons, Moslem and
non-Moslem alike, were subject. The test-tax was ex-
tremely light in its incidence, for it varied according to
the means of the payer, and was realised by twelve
monthly instalments.¹ But people leading a monastic
life, and women and children in general, were exempt
from this tax ; so were the lame, the blind, the sick, the
mendicant, and the slave. As the land-tax was regulated
by the productiveness of the soil it was never a burden
upon agriculture. Many of the Spanish cities had
obtained most favourable terms at the time of the con-
quest, and these conditions were religiously and faith-
fully observed. Excepting the estates of the nobles and
the ecclesiastics, who had either fled from the country or
had joined the ranks of the Galician rebels, there was
no confiscation. Individual acts of violence or pillage
committed by soldiers, inevitable with any invading
army, were severely repressed. The ruthless intolerance
and fierce persecution which had characterised the
former government made way for a large-hearted toler-
ation. The persecuted and downtrodden Jews obtained
the right to follow their religion without let or hindrance,

1 It graduated from 12 to 48 dirhems. A dirhem was equal to a

franc in value.
2 We have only to read the record of a well-disciplined army like
that of the Germans entering France during the invasion of 1870-71,
to understand the evils that attend on a war.
I
 114 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IX.

705-715 and the Christians were secured in the unmolested

A.C.
enjoyment of their faith and laws, the administration
of which was entrusted to their own judges. No one
was troubled about his faith ; every man, woman, or
child was free to worship as he liked or what he liked.
The Christians had governors of their own race to
collect their taxes and to settle their disputes. Every
branch of the public service, and all offices of rank
and emolument were open equally to Moslems, Jews,
and Christians. Many modern governments might well
take a lesson from the Moslem administration of Spain.
But the most beneficent effect exercised by the Moslem
conquest was upon the condition of the servile classes.
Hitherto they had been treated as worse than common
beasts of burden ; they now assumed their position as
human beings. The slaves and serfs who worked upon
the estates that passed into Moslem hands at once
obtained enfranchisement, and were converted into
tenant-farmers with a living interest of their own in the
soil. The land became practically theirs, subject to the
payment of a share of the produce to the Moslem land-
lords. The lot of those who still remained with
Christian masters was considerably ameliorated, for a
complaint of ill-treatment, or the confession of the
Moslem Faith, led to their emancipation by operation of
the law. The slaves and serfs adopted Islâm in order
to obtain freedom and the blessings of existence that
had been denied to them under the former régime ; the
magnates and nobles adopted it either from conviction
or interest, but as earnestly and devoutly, as the sequel
will show. The Christians themselves preferred the
mild, generous, and beneficent rule of the Saracen to
the grinding tyranny of the Goth or Frank, and flocked
back into the cities and villages which they had at first
CH . IX. PROVINCIAL DISTRIBUTION 115

abandoned through terror. Even the priests were not 86-96

Α. Η.
discontented with the change, " at least in the begin-
ning, " says Dozy. Another well-known writer expresses
himself thus : " The Moors organised that wonderful
kingdom of Cordova, which was the marvel of the
Middle Ages, and which, when all Europe was plunged
in barbaric ignorance and strife, alone held the torch
of learning and civilisation bright and shining before
the Western world." " It must not be supposed," he
adds, " that the Moors, like the barbarian hordes who
preceded them, brought desolation and tyranny in their
wake. On the contrary, never was Andalusia so mildly,
justly, and wisely governed as by her Arab conquerors.
Where they got their talent for administration it is hard
to say, for they came almost direct from their Arabian
deserts, and the rapid tide of victories had left them
little leisure to acquire the art of managing foreign
nations ."
The
For administrative purposes they divided Spain into
four large Provinces, each under a governor directly division
the of
responsible to the Viceroy. Provinces.
The first Province comprised Andalusia-the country
situated between the sea and the Guadalquiver-and the
tract which stretched from this river to the Guadiana,
with the cities of Cordova, Seville, Malaga, Ecija, Jaen,
and Wosuna .
The second Province comprised the whole of Central
Spain, with the Mediterranean to the east and the
frontiers of Lusitania (modern Portugal) to the west,
and extending to the Douro on the north. It included
the cities of Toledo on the Tagus, Cuenca on the Xucar,
Segovia on an affluent of the Douro, Guadalaxara,
Valencia, Denia, Alicante, Carthagena, Murcia, Lorca,
and Baeza.
 116 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IX.

705-715 The third Province comprised Galicia and Lusitania,

A.C.
with the cities of Merida, Evora, Beja, Lisbon, Coimbra,
Lugo, Astorga, Zamora, Salamanca, etc.
The fourth extended from the borders of the Douro
to the Pyrenees on both sides of the Ebro, with Galicia
towards the west. It comprised the cities of Saragossa,
Tortosa, Tarragona, Barcelona, Girona, Urgel, Tudela,
Valladolid, Huesca, Jaud, Bobastro, etc.
Later on, when further conquests were made, a fifth
Province was created beyond the Pyrenees, which
included Narbonne, Nimes, Carcassone, Beziers, Agde,
Maguelone, and Lodève.
The Arabs and the Berbers preferred to live in the
cities. Here they grouped themselves in tribes, which,
whilst affording a safeguard against isolated attacks by
the Christians, led to the growth of a disastrous feeling
of tribal jealousies .
The following table shows the tribes and people who
settled in the different parts, and the character of their
divisions-
Elvira (Cordova) =
The Legion of Damascus
Seville) =
ofHems
Niebla
Jaen
} "

‫دو‬
‫دو‬

‫دو‬
of Kinnisrin
(ancient Chalcis)
Medina Sidonia ) of Palestine
‫دو‬ ‫دو‬
Algeciras
Rayah and Malaga ...
‫وو‬ " of the Jordan
Xeres ...
=
‫ود‬ of Persia
Toledo ... =
‫دو‬ ‫دو‬
of Yemen
Granada ...
‫دو‬ ‫دو‬ of Irak
Merida
Lisbon, etc. ‫دو‬ ofEgypt.
‫دو‬

And, lastly, ten thousand knights of Hijaz with their

following settled themselves in the interior. Abdul
Azîz, the son of Mûsa, who acted as Viceroy on the
CH. IX. DEVELOPMENT OF SPAIN 117

departure of his father for Syria, appointed a Diwân or 86-96

A.H.
Council for adapting the Islâmic laws and institutions to
the requirements of the country and for promoting the
fusion of the two people. By his wise statesmanship
and mild and beneficent government he conciliated all
classes. Like the first Mogul sovereigns of India, he
encouraged intermarriages between the conquered and
the conquerors, and himself set the example by marry-
ing the widow of Roderick named Egilona, called by
the Arabs Umm Aâsim. The Saracen settlers came Develop-
ment of
chiefly from countries which were essentially agricultural, Spain
such as Egypt, Syria, and Persia. They were endowed under the
like the Jews, who followed them in all their colonies, Arabs.
with the commercial instinct, and were led towards
industry by the teachings of the Prophet, which made
labour a religious duty. They accordingly took in hand
with unequalled energy the material development of
Spain, which had hitherto lain sterile under the Christian
government. They introduced various agronomic works ;
they fertilised the uncultivated lands, repeopled the cities
that were deserted, ornamented them with beautiful
monuments, and united them by a number of industrial
and commercial ties. They gave to the people a right
which had never been permitted to them by the Gothic
kings, the right of alienating their lands. Spain, emanci-
pated from feudal servitude which had hung so long like
a curse on the land, became the most populous and most
industrious of European countries. The Arabs turned
Spain into a garden ; they organised a model adminis-
tration, and gave impetus to the arts and sciences ; but
they could never put aside or repress, even in that
distant land, the old tribal jealousies of the desert.
They were offered the glorious opportunity of founding
a lasting empire ; they lost it from their own want of
 118 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IX.

705-715 union and cohesion. In Spain, the discord was intensi-

A.C. fied by two additional elements bitterly opposed to the
foreign domination. The intractable Berbers, who were
to be found in large numbers in the Saracen army,
hated the Arab officers. Mutiny and insurrections were
frequent ; and repression only tended to accentuate the
bitterness of race-hatred. The Spanish Moslems, who were
called Biladiûn (inhabitants of the country), hated both
the Arabs and the Berbers-the former for their pride,
the latter for their wildness. The democratic teachings
of Islâm had levelled all distinctions of race and colour ;
but in distant lands, which he had entered with the
help of his sword, the Arab could never rise superior
to the intense pride of race which has always formed
an essential characteristic of his nature. Like the
Anglo-Saxon, he considers himself the noblest of God's
creation. The relations of the Arabs and the Biladiûn
remind us in a minor degree of the strong racial antipathy
which divided the Austrians and Italians in Lombardy,
or which still seem to divide the Celt from the Saxon in
Ireland. Like the Irish, the Bilâdiûns insisted upon home
rule in a modified shape ; to be governed, in fact, by
members of their own race. Many of their insurrections
against the Arabs were fomented by the Fakihs or
Moslem legists, who fulfilled the roll of priests in Islâm.
The Spaniards adopted Islâm with the same fierceness
and unreasoning violence as they had, and have since,
adopted Christianity. Under the instigation of the
Fakihs they often rose in revolt against the Arabs for
their liberal interpretation of the laws and their general
tolerance. All this discord tended to weaken the Empire ;
and, as Ibn Khaldûn pathetically deplores, led; before
eighty years were over, to the loss of the northern portion
of the conquest as far as Barcelona.
CH. IX . THE DEATH OF WALID 119

We must now turn our attention again towards the 86-96

East ; for Walîd did not live long enough to receive the Λ.Η.
generals whom he had recalled from the scenes of their
triumphs.
Like his father, he attempted before his death to alter,
with the support of Hajjaj, Kotaiba, and most of the
Modharite chiefs, the succession to the throne in favour
of his son, but death came upon him before his object
was achieved.
Walid died at Dair-Marrân in the year 715, after a Jamâdi
glorious reign of nine years and seven months. Both 11.A.,H.96
Masûdi and Ibn ul-Athîr regard him as a despot February
and a tyrant, but at this distance of time we may 715 A.C.
remember only his good actions. There can be no
question that he was more humane than his father
Abdul Malik, or his grandfather Merwân. Certainly
more so than many of his successors. The Syrians
naturally regard him as the most eminent of the Caliphs.1
He built the cathedral mosque of Damascus, and en-
larged and beautified those of Medîna and Jerusalem,
and under his directions, mosques were built in every
city which did not already possess a place of worship .
He erected fortresses for the protection of the frontiers,
and constructed roads and sank wells throughout the
Empire. He established schools and hospitals, and
stopped promiscuous charity by granting from the State
fixed allowances to the infirm and the poor. He created
asylums for the blind, the crippled, and the insane,
where they were lodged and fed and looked after by
attendants specially employed for that purpose. He
established orphanages for the support and education
of poor children bereft of their parents. He himself
visited the markets and noted the rise and fall in prices,
1 Ibn ul-Athîr.
 120 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. IX,

705-715 and was the first of the Ommeyades who encouraged

A.C.
literature , arts, and manufactures. In Walîd's reign died
Ali II . (Zain ul-Aâbîdîn), the fourth Imâm of the House
of Mohammed, regarded by the Shiahs as the rightful
spiritual leader. He was succeeded in the apostolical
chair by his son Mohammed, surnamed for his learning
al-Bakir, or the Profound.
Walîd's contemporaries on the throne of Constan-
tinople were the cruel Justinian II., who was murdered
in 711 A.C.; Philippicus, Justinian's successor, who was
blinded and deposed in 713 A.C.; and Anastasius II .,
who was put to death by Theodosius III. in 716 A.C.
 CHAPTER X

THE OMMEYADES (THE HAKAMITE BRANCH) (continued)

96-105 А.Н. , 715-724 А.С.
Accession of Sulaimân-Fall of Mûsa and Târick-Death of Abdul
Azîz, son of Mûsa-Tribal dissensions-The Yemenites-The
rise of Yezîd, son of Muhallib-Siege of Constantinople-
Moslem Reverses-Death of Sulaimân-Accession of Omar
II.-His wise and virtuous Reign-Retreat from Constanti-
nople-Omar's Death-Accession of Yezîd II.--Insurrection of
Yezîd, son of Muhallib-Destruction of the Yemenites-Tribal
dissensions-Moslem Reverses-Death of Vezîd II.-The
Abbassides .

In accordance with the covenant of his father Abdul

Malik, Walid was succeeded by his brother Sulaimân,
who is described as generous and bluff, fond of pleasure
and good cheer, " preferring justice," and amenable to
the wise and humane counsels of his cousin, the good
Omar bin Abdul Azîz, who afterwards succeeded him on
the throne. Immediately upon his accession Sulaimân
opened the prison-doors of Irâk, and gave their liberty
to the thousands of beings whom Hajjaj had incarcerated.
He removed the revenue-collectors of that tyrant, and
abolished most of his oppressive ordinances. Had he
rested content with removing the burdens that had been
laid upon the people by Hajjaj there would have been
nothing unworthy to record of him. But he allowed
his vindictive feelings to master his judgment, and his
hand fell heavily upon the Modharites who had sup-
121
 122 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. X.

715-724 ported Walid in his design to alter the succession. The

A. C.
Yemenites were now in the ascendant, and they returned
with interest the cruelties to which they had been sub-
jected by Hajjaj . Yezîd, the son of Muhallib, the new
Viceroy of Irak, finding that his enemy had escaped
him by death, wreaked his vengeance on the partisans
and relatives of Hajjaj. In Khorâsân, the great general
Kotaiba was killed in the civil war which now broke
out afresh between the Modharite and Yemenite in every
part of the Empire.
Mûsa and Sulaimân's treatment of Mûsa and Târick, the con-
Târick .
querors of Spain, seems inexplicable, as both of them
were Yemenites, and enjoyed the confidence of the
favourite Yezîd. To the undying disgrace of the
sovereign these two notable men were allowed to die
in want. Sulaimân is even suspected of having connived
at the murder in Seville of Abdul Azîz, the son of Mûsa,
whose administration of Spain had been so successful
and prosperous. Mohammed, the son of Kâsim, the
conqueror of Sind and the Punjab, who had endeared
himself to the Hindoos by his mild and equitable rule,
was recalled from his government. Mohammed's only
crime was that he was a nephew of Hajjaj, and for that
he suffered terribly at the hands of Yezîd bin Muhallib.
Habib, a brother of Yezîd, was appointed to the com-
mand in India. Brave but tactless, he lost the hold
which his predecessor had acquired over the Hindoos .
During this reign the Moslems in Spain were left
much to their own devices. On the murder of Abdul
Azîz the army elected Ayûb bin Habib, a nephew of
Mûsa, as their governor, but his appointment was not
accepted by the Viceroy of Africa, of which Spain was
regarded as a dependency. After an administration of
a few months only, in the course of which he removed
CH, X. SIEGE OF CONSTANTINOPLE 123

the seat of government from Seville to Cordova, Ayûb 96-105

A. H.
was replaced by al-Hurr, a Modharite. Al-Hurr is said
to have brought in his train four hundred scions of the
principal Arabian families of Africa, who became the
stock of the Moslem nobility of Spain. From this time
until the accession of the Abbassides the Peninsula
was governed by a succession of governors, appointed
sometimes by the Caliphs of Damascus and sometimes
by the Viceroys of Africa, who held their court at
Kairowân. The divided authority was a source of serious
evil ; it disorganised the administration, interfered with
the continuity of policy, promoted disorders, and pre-
vented efficient support of the outlying garrisons. Al-
Hurr held the government for nearly three years, which
were signalised by large conquests towards the north.
In 98 A.H. Sulaimân happened to be at a place called Invasion
ofBy-
Dâbik, near ancient Chalcis. Here he was visited by zantium.
Leo, surnamed the Isaurian, a Byzantine general, who
commanded the Roman forces in Asia Minor. This
double-faced traitor painted in glowing terms to Sulaimân
the ease with which Constantinople could be captured,
and the advantages that would accrue to the Saracenic
Empire from its conquest. To ensure success he offered
himself to act as a guide to the invaders. Sulaimân,
dazzled by the prospect of another Spain, and beguiled
by the assurances of Leo, sent an army under Maslamah,
which crossed the Hellespont without any opposition.
Arrived under the walls of Constantinople they laid siege
to the city. A detachment under a son of Sulaimân
reduced Thrace and its capital, called Sakâlibat, " the
City of the Slavs." The Romans thus hemmed in were
panic-stricken ; they offered Maslamah a large subsidy to
raise the siege. This was refused, and the Romans
were reduced to dire straits. At this juncture Theodo-
 124 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. X.

715-724 sius III., who ruled Constantinople, was either killed or

A.C.
deposed, and the terrified Romans invited Leo to assume
the purple. Escaping from the Moslem ranks Leo
entered Constantinople, and was proclaimed Emperor.
Acquainted with the weak points of the besiegers, he was
able to withstand all the Moslem attacks. He had
already by a piece of treachery procured the destruction
of a great portion of their provisions. The Moslem
army and fleet now began to suffer severely from famine,
pestilence, and frost ; and yet bravely they held on to
the siege. There was no talk of retreat until the Com-
mander of the Faithful gave the order. Nothing shows
so well Sulaimân's incapacity to fill the place of his
brother Walîd as his inadequate support of Maslamah
and his army under the walls of Byzantium. Had they
been properly assisted there is no doubt Constantinople
would have fallen then.1
These reverses were hardly counterbalanced by the
success of Yezîd, the son of Muhallib, in Tabaristan
and Kuhistan,2-countries lying to the south-west of
the Caspian Sea, and hitherto held by native rulers who,
from their impregnable strongholds, had frequently defied
the Saracenic power. At last Sulaimân roused himself
to conduct in person the reinforcements Maslamah de-
Death of manded ; but he had not proceeded beyond Dâbik, in
Sulaimân, the district of Kinnisrin, where he had met the traitor
September
717 A.C. Leo, when he was stricken by a fatal illness. He died
on the 20th Safar, 99 A.H., after a short and not very
glorious reign of two years and five months.
Like his brother, Sulaiman was anxious to leave the
throne to one of his sons. Ayûb, the eldest, whom he had
nominated as his successor, pre-deceased him, whilst the
1 Of course the Greeks represent this episode differently.
2 Ancient Media.
CH . X. ACCESSION OF OMAR II . 125

second, Dâûd, was engaged in that ill-fated expedition 96-105

A. H.
against the Romans, and it was uncertain whether he was
alive or dead. Racked by this dreadful anxiety, and
wishful to prevent the dissensions that were certain to
arise in case he made no provision, he nominated on his
death-bed his cousin, the good Omar, as his successor,
and after Omar his brother Yezîd, another son of Abdul The nomi-
nation of
Malik. The two names were written on a piece of paper, bin
which was sealed up and delivered to Rajâ, son of Ayûb, Abdul
a trusted councillor, and the members of the household Azîz.
took the oath of fealty on that paper.
Sulaimân's character was made up of contradictions.
Generous towards his partisans, he was as cruel as his
father towards his enemies. Fond of pleasure and ease,
he could, like the famous Vendôme, rouse himself to
great energy in moments of emergency. The act which
won him most the affections of the people and the title
of " the Key of Blessing " (Miftah ul-Khair) was his
opening the prison-doors of the tyrant Hajjaj all over
the East. He not only gave to the prisoners their liberty,
but conferred on them substantial donations.
Omar II . , surnamed the pious Caliph (al-Khalifat-us- Omar II. ,
Sâlèh), ascended the throne in the month of Safar 99 A.H. September
717 A.C.
His father was Abdul Azîz, the brother of Abdul Malik,
at one time Viceroy of Egypt, which he governed wisely
and with justice. His mother was a grand-daughter of
the second Caliph. Omar is regarded by the Sunnis as
the fifth of the Rashidin or lawful Caliphs.1 Unaffected
piety, a keen sense of justice, unswerving uprightness, His

moderation, and an almost primitive simplicity of life character.

formed the chief features in his character. The responsi-
bility of the office with which he was entrusted filled him
1 Abu Bakr, Omar I. , Osman, and Ali I are regarded by the
Sunnis as the lawful or Rashidîn Caliphs.
 126 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. X.

715-724 with anxiety, and caused many a heart-searching. Once

A. C.
he was found by his wife 1 weeping after his prayers ; asked
if anything had happened to cause him grief, he replied :
" O, Fâtima, I have been made the ruler over the
Moslems and the strangers, and I was thinking of the
poor that are starving, and the sick that are destitute,
and the naked that are in distress, and the oppressed
that are stricken, and the stranger that is in prison, and
the venerable elder, and him that hath a large family and
small means, and the like of them in the countries of the
earth and the distant provinces, and I felt that my Lord
would ask an account of them at my hands on the day
of resurrection, and I feared that no defence would avail
me, and I wept. "
Immediately upon his accession, he had the horses
of the royal stables sold by public auction and the pro-
ceeds deposited in the State treasury. He also asked
his wife to return to the treasury all the jewellery
and valuable presents she had received from her father
and brothers, and the request was cheerfully complied
with. After Omar's death, when her brother Yezîd
ascended the throne, he offered to return to her the
jewellery. The noble answer was : " I did not care for
the things in his lifetime, why should I care for them
after his death ? " He restored to the Christians and the
Jews the churches and synagogues to which they were
entitled under the ancient capitulations, and which had
been wrongfully taken away from them. The garden of
Fedak, which belonged to the Prophet, had been ap-
propriated by Merwân. Omar gave it back to the family
of Mohammed. Hitherto it had been customary under
the Ommeyades to anathematise from the pulpits the
1 Fâtima, a daughter of Abdul Malik, and a sister of the last two
sovereigns.
CH. X. OMAR'S REIGN 127

memory of the Caliph Ali and his descendants. Omar 96-105

A. H.
ordered the discontinuance of the practice, and directed
that, instead of the imprecation hitherto used, a prayer
should be offered to turn the hearts of the people
towards charity, forbearance and benevolence. Laxity
of morals was reprehended ; the smallest oppression met
with condign punishment ; and the burdens imposed by
Hajjaj and his myrmidons on the converts of Irâk, Kho-
râsân, and Sind were removed. The reign of Omar II.
forms the most attractive period of the Ommeyade domi-
nation. The historian dwells with satisfaction on the
work and aspirations of a ruler who made the weal of
his people the sole object of his ambition.
During his reign the fanatical Khârijis withheld their
hands both in Arabia and Africa. They even sent
messengers to Omar to say they did not object to his
rule, but protested against the succession of the reprobate
Yezîd, who had been nominated by Sulaimân as Omar's
successor. Omar's heart was set not upon the enlarge-
ment, but on the consolidation of the vast empire that
had been committed to his care. The army of Mas-
lamah, encamped under the walls of Constantinople,
was recalled ; all frontier expeditions were stopped ;
the people were encouraged in the pursuits of industry,
and provincial governors were required to give a strict
account of their stewardship. Omar had always looked
upon Yezîd, the son of Muhallib, as a tyrant, whilst
Yezîd called Omar a hypocrite. The hypocrite, how-
ever, was in thorough earnest in the discharge of
his duty towards his subjects. He called upon Yezîd
to account for the spoils of which he had sent
such glowing descriptions to his deceased master. No
satisfactory explanation being given, the presumable
defaulter, instead of being tortured or otherwise ill-
 128 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. X.

715-724 treated according to the practice of the times, was

A.C. ordered to be imprisoned in the citadel of Aleppo,
where he remained until Omar's death. In a rescript
Omar's
ordinance.
addressed to the prefect of Kûfa, Omar exhorted his
governors to abolish all unjust ordinances and remove
all causes of complaint, " for," said the good Caliph,
"thou must know, that the maintenance of religion is
due to the practice of justice and benevolence ; do not
think lightly of any sin ; do not try to depopulate what
is populous ; do not try to exact from the subjects any-
thing beyond their capacity ; take from them what they
can give ; do everything to improve population and pros-
perity; govern mildly and without harshness ; do not
accept presents on festive occasions ; do not take the
price of sacred books (distributed among the people) ;
impose no tax on travellers, or on marriages, or on the
milk of camels ; and do not insist on the poll-tax from
any one who has become a convert to Islâm." His son,
Abdul Malik, a promising youth of seventeen, who was
in absolute sympathy with his father in his aspirations
for the good of his people and the reform of the Mos-
lems, one day asked Omar, half-reproachfully, why he
did not make more serious endeavours to root out the
evils that were beginning to eat into the heart of Moslem
society. " My beloved son," was the father's answer,
" what thou tellest me to do can be achieved only by the
sword, but there is no good in the reform which requires
the use of the sword."
Appoint- In 719 A.C. Omar, apprised of the disorders that had
mentof
as- Samh broken out in Spain, and of the incapacity of al-Hurr to
as Viceroy deal with them, removed him from office, and appointed
ofSpain. in his place an Yemenite chief, as-Samh, son of Mâlik,
of the tribe of Khoulân. As-Samh, equally celebrated as
an administrator and a warrior, was charged with the
CH. x. ADVANCE INTO FRANCE 129

duty of re-establishing order in the finances, and of 96-105

A. H.
thoroughly reorganising the government. Under instruc-
tions from the Caliph, as-Samh took a census of the
divers nationalities, races, and creeds that inhabited the
country. At the same time a general survey was made
of the entire Peninsula-" the cities, mountains, rivers,
and seas," the character of the soil, the nature of its
products, the resources of the land were minutely and
carefully described in the records. A great cathedral
mosque was built at Saragossa, and numerous bridges
were constructed or repaired.
After restoring order in Spain, as-Samh took in hand Repression
of
the repression of the Christian insurgents and the settle- insurgents.
ment of Languedoc¹ and Provence, which had apper-
tained to the Gothic dominions. The rebels were defeated
and forced to take refuge in the mountainous defiles of
the Asturias. Septimania was overrun , Narbonne opened
its gates, and the other cities followed its example. As Advance
into
Narbonne was easy of access from the sea it was strongly France.
fortified and garrisoned. As-Samh then marched upon
Toulouse, the capital of Aquitaine, which was besieged,
but owing to the garrisons that had been left behind, the
force under his command was not large. Before he
could deliver the final assault upon the city, Eudes, the
duke of Aquitaine, arrived with an immense army to
the relief of his capital. Outnumbered by ten to one, and
placed between two enemies, the Saracens fought with
their usual dauntless courage. The chiefs broke the
scabbards of their swords and fought, determined to
conquer or die. " It may be said of the Arab generals
of those days as has been said of Napoleon's old guards

1 Called Septimania because of its seven cities-Narbonne, Agde,

Beziers, Lodève, Carcassone, Nimes, and Maguelone.
K
 130 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . X.

715-724 -they died, but never surrendered. " The battle was
A.C.
terrible, and victory hung uncertain for a long time, when
a chance arrow pierced as-Samh on the neck and felled him
Battle of to the ground. Seeing their great leader fall the Mos-
Toulouse. lems began to give way, but Abdur Rahmân, who imme-
Death of
as-Samh. diately assumed the command, succeeded in withdrawing
them from Provence with remarkable skill and courage
which elicited the admiration even of the enemy. The
battle of Toulouse, in which perished a great number of
illustrious Saracens, took place in the month of May,
721 A.C., some time after the death of Omar.
The reign of strict and impartial justice initiated by
Omar went against the grain of the Ommeyades.
They saw power and influence fast slipping out of their
hands. He had openly refused to have public offices
polluted by their presence ; and the expostulations of
the fiery covenanters had made him think seriously of
altering the succession. It was high time the descend-
ants of Ommeya should employ their usual method to
rid themselves of this virtuous member of their clan. A
Rajab, for slave in the employ of the Caliph was bribed to ad-
A. H. minister the poison with fatal result. Omar was
January
702 A.C. murdered at a place called Dair Simân (the convent of
Simeon), near Hems, about the middle of 1ΟΙ Α.Η.
Accession In accordance with the nomination of Sulaimân,
of
Yezîd II . Omar was succeeded by Yezîd, the third son of Abdul
Malik. Yezîd was married to a niece of Hajjaj, and
all his predilections and sympathies were on the side
of the Modharites. Omar had carefully maintained
the balance between the two rival tribes of Modhar
and Himyar. Under Yezîd the latter were to feel the
full weight of Modharite revenge. This was in part
the result of the harsh, not to say cruel, policy which
had been pursued under Sulaiman by Yezîd bin
CH. X. REVOLT OF YEZID BIN MUHALLIB 131

Muhallib, against the family of Hajjaj to make them 96-105

A. H.
disgorge their ill-gotten gains. In extorting from them
their wealth he had not spared even the niece of Hajjaj,
the wife of Yezîd, and had put aside with contempt the
pleadings of the husband, who swore that if he ever
came to power he would have the son of Muhallib cut
to pieces ; whilst the other as bravely declared that he
would meet him with a hundred thousand lances. Thus
the moment Ibn Muhallib heard in his prison at Aleppo
that Omar was fatally ill, he knew what he had to expect
from his Ommeyade namesake. He bribed his guards,
and escaped to Irak, where, with his brother, he raised
the standard of revolt. The great Imâm Hassan, ¹ the Revolt of
Yezîd bin.
founder of scholastic theology, who was then established Muhallib
at Bussorah, adjured his fellow-citizens not to side with
either of the " reprobates " ; but the volatile people,
carried away by enthusiasm for Yezîd, the son of Mu-
hallib, and his brother, whose bravery and munificence
greatly influenced the Arab mind, flocked to his help,
and even took an oath of fealty to him. Yezîd the
Ommeyade sent a large force under Maslamah and
Abbas son of Walid, the two warriors of the family, to
crush the rising. The contending armies met on the
field of Akra, on the right bank of the Euphrates. The
rebel was out-generalled ; deserted by most of his men, he
and his brother Habib fell fighting. The other brothers
escaped to Kermân, where in a second fight some were
slain ; the rest took refuge with the Khâkân of the Turks.
The revolt of Yezîd bin Muhallib, which at one time
threatened the very existence of the Ommeyade throne,
though crushed, had far-reaching consequences. The
destruction in Kermân and Irak of the Azdites, the
1 Surnamed Basri, i. e. of Bussorah.
 132 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. X.

715-724 branch of the Yemenite stock to which Yezîd belonged,

A. C.
convulsed the entire Saracenic world. Yemenite and
The Modharite became involved in a deadly struggle in Spain,
condition
ofthe
in Africa, and in the East ; and the enemies of Islâm
Empire. triumphed on all sides, whilst the incapacity of the
sovereign and his advisers, and the nomination of in-
competent governors encouraged internal disorders. An
expedition into the country of Azerbijân was disastrously
repulsed by the Khazars and Kipchacks who inhabited
the Caucasian regions. In Transoxiana there were revolts
and risings almost always brought about by the exactions
of the new governors, which were suppressed with great
difficulty and loss of life. In Asia Minor alone we read
of successes against the Romans. In Africa, the nomin-
ation of a former official of Hajjaj, who attempted to
treat the Berbers with the harshness and cruelty his
master had used towards the Irâkians, led to a rising
which assumed within a short time formidable dimen-
sions, and required for its suppression under Yezîd's
successor all the resources of the empire. In Spain,
where the balance had been held so equally under the
rule of Omar, that neither faction had cause for com-
plaint, the old story of tribal dissensions and jealousies
had recommenced ; and every city was distracted with its
own intestine quarrels. The grinding imposts introduced
into Yemen by the brother of Hajjaj in the reign of
Walid I. , but which had been abolished by Omar II. ,
were re-introduced with the result that the people of the
province were thoroughly alienated. All the just ordi-
nances issued by Omar were revoked. The Khârijis,
who, during the last reign, had refrained from acts of
aggression, now issued against the man whom they con-
sidered an unjust and ungodly tyrant. Whilst the empire
was thus distracted on all sides, Yezîd spent his time with
CH. X. THE ABBASSIDE PROPAGANDA 133

two ladies¹ of his harem to whom he was greatly 96-105

A. H.
attached. The death of Habâba so overwhelmed him
with grief that he died a few days after, much to the Death of
relief of his family. The annalist records one meri- Vezîd
Rajab
II.
torious act to the credit of this monarch which is worthy 105 A. H.
January
of note. His governor at Medina, a man of the type 724 A. C.
of Hajjaj, had been importuning in marriage Fatîma,
the daughter of Hussain, the martyr. The lady refused
his proposal, pleading that she had devoted her life to
the care of the orphan children of her family. The tyrant
threatened them with ill-treatment ; driven to extremities
Fâtima appealed to Yezîd, who deposed the governor,
and severely punished him.
It was in this reign that the Propaganda in favour of TheAb-
basside
the descendants of Abbas began to be activelyprosecuted Propa-
over the East. The Abbasside emissaries appeared in ganda.
Khorâsân in the garb of innocent merchants ; but their
diligent canvass for Mohammed, who was now the head
of the Abbasside branch, did not fail to reach the ears
of the Ommeyade governor Saîd. They were summoned
before him and closely questioned ; their ingenuous
answers and the assurances of people whose friendship
they had secured, induced Saîd to set them at liberty.
His successors were either not so lenient or so easily
duped; and the Abbasside emissaries worked, wherever
they went, with their lives in their hands ; if caught they
were subjected to the barbarous punishments character-
istic of the age. But in spite of all endeavours to crush
this dangerous propaganda, the underground mining pro-
ceeded unceasingly, adherents were enrolled on all sides,
1 Sallama and Hababa. Both of them are said to have been
great musicians.
2 He was nicknamed Khozaina, as he used to dress himself like a
Persian lady.
 134 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. X.

715-724 and within a short time Persia was honeycombed with

A.C.
secret organisations for the subversion of the hated family
of the Banû Ommeya. Several causes combined at this
moment to facilitate the development of the conspiracy
and the eventual rising, which, like a sudden and colossal
tidal wave, engulfed the Ommeyades a few years later in a
terrible destruction. The cruelties of Hajjaj had hardly
been effaced from the memories of men by the justice
of Omar before Yezîd succeeded to the throne. His
brutality towards the relatives of his rebellious namesake
roused the animosity of the Yemenites. Besides this
there was another potent cause which paved the way of
the Abbassides to power. On every side there was an
eager longing engendered by the vices and misrule of
Yezîd II ., that the House of Mohammed should be
restored to its rights. The people looked wistfully to
the Imâms to give the sign, but these saints had retired
from the world ; their domain was no more of this earth.
It was in this state of suspense and unrest that the
Banû-Abbas appeared on the scene with their claims and
pretensions.
The Banû- They were the descendants of Abbas, an uncle of
Abbas.
the Prophet, who died in 32 A.H. , leaving four sons,
Abdullah, Fazl, Obaidullah, and Kaisân. Abdullah,
better known in history and tradition as Ibn Abbas,
was born at Mecca in 619 A.C., three years before
the Hegira. All four brothers were present at " the
Battle of the Camel " ; and at Siffîn, Ibn Abbas, who
was no less an accomplished soldier than a scholar,
commanded the cavalry of Ali. He acted frequently as
the envoy of the Caliph, and it was he whom Ali desired
to nominate as the representative of the House of
Mohammed when forced by his refractory troops to refer
the dispute between himself and Muawiyah to arbitration,
CH . X. THE ABBASSIDE PROPAGANDA 135

Ibn Abbas died at Tâyef in 67 A.H., in the seventieth 96-105

A. H.
year of his age, of a broken heart, after the murder of
Hussain. His son, who was named Ali after the great
Caliph, walked in the footsteps of his father in his zealous
attachment to the children of Fatima. He died in 117
A.H. , and was succeeded in the headship of his family by
his son Mohammed. A man of great ability and un-
bounded ambition, Mohammed was the first to conceive
the project of seizing the Caliphate for himself. He The
started a new doctrine to justify the claims of his house Abbasside
Propa-
to the Imâmate : that on the murder of Hussain at ganda.
Kerbela, the spiritual headship of Islâm was not trans-
mitted to his surviving son Ali (Zain ul-Aâbidîn), but to
Mohammed al-Hanafia ; 1 that upon al-Hanafia's death
his office descended upon his son Abu Hashim, who had
assigned it to Mohammed bin Ali bin Abdullah. This
story received credence in some quarters ; but to the
bulk of the people, who clung to the descendants of the
Prophet, the emissaries 2 of the Abbassides affirmed that
they were working for the family of Mohammed. The
adherents of the Fatimides, little suspecting the treachery
which lay behind this profession, without the knowledge
of the Imâms and without their sanction, extended to
Mohammed bin Ali and his party the favour and pro-
tection which was needed to impress upon his action the
sanction of a recognised authority.
Before his death, which took place in 125 A.Н., Мо-
hammed named his sons Ibrahim, Abdullah Abu'l Abbâs
(surnamed as-Saffah), and Abdullah Abu Jaafar (surnamed
al-Mansûr), as his successors, one after the other. And
the Propaganda started by him was conducted after his
death with the same devotion, coolness, and courage as in
his lifetime.
1 See ante, p. 94. 2 Called Dâis or Nakîbs.
 CHAPTER XI

THE OMMEYADES (THE HAKAMITE BRANCH) (continued)

105-125 A.Н. , 724-744 A.C.

Accession of Hisham-Troubled state of the Empire-Hishâm's

character-Affairs in the East-In Armenia-In Africa-The
Revolt of the Kharijis and Berbers-" The Battle of the
Nobles "-Hanzala-Defeat of the Berbers-Spain-Intestine
Dissensions-Frequent change of Governors-Appointment of
Abdur Rahman al-Ghâfeki-Invasion of Northern France
Battle of Tours-Monkish exaggeration-Fresh Invasion of
France- Capture of Avignon-Okba's Victories-His Death-
Internecine Quarrels--Ruin of the Arab Cause in France-
Fall of Khalid al-Kasri-Rising of Zaid in Irak-His Death-
The Abbasside Propaganda-Appearance of Abû Muslim-
Death of Hishâm .

On the death of Yezîd II. his brother Hishâm ¹ suc-

ceeded to an empire racked by tribal dissensions, and
full of trouble at home and abroad. The wild hordes
of Turkomans and Khazars pressing on the north, the
Khâriji zealots seething within with discontent, and
the emissaries of the house of Abbas working under-
ground, combined to sap the foundations of Ommeyade
1 Shortly after his accession Vezîd had been persuaded, in con-
sequence of the minority of his son Walîd, to nominate Hishâm as
his immediate successor ; upon Hisham's death, the throne was to
go to Walîd. As the latter attained his majority in his father's
lifetime, Yezîd often cursed those who had persuaded him to
postpone his son's succession. According to Masûdi, Hishâm
reigned nineteen years nine months and nine days.
136
CH. XI . CHARACTER OF HISHÂM 137

power in the East. The flower of the nation had 105-125

perished either in the civil wars or under the suspicious A. H.
policy of a jealous court. The blind confidence reposed
by the last sovereign in his ministers had thrown the
government into the hands of incompetent and self-
seeking functionaries whose incapacity and misrule
alienated the people. Here and there, a few men shone,
like stars on a darkening horizon, for their devotion to
duty, but generally amongst the official classes, the
old patriotism and enthusiasm for the Faith had almost
died out in the pursuit of individual ambition. At this
crisis a master's hand was needed at the helm to save
the ship of state from drifting to destruction. But
Hishâm was little fitted by character or disposition to
cope with the difficulties which now beset the empire.
He was undoubtedly an improvement upon his immediate
predecessor ; the atmosphere of the court became purer,
the laxity of the former reign gave way to decorum,
the city was purged of the parasites that live on society,
and greater regard was paid to the conventionalities
and rules of life. But his austerity wore an aspect of
sombreness, and his parsimony amounted to avarice.
And these failings were aggravated by more serious
defects of character. Bigoted in his views, narrow in
his sympathies, and suspicious in nature, he trusted
nobody, and relied chiefly on espionage and intrigue to
prevent hostile combinations and conspiracies. Easily
swayed by false reports, he often sacrificed the best
servants of the state upon mere suspicion, and the
frequent change of governors led to disastrous con-
sequences. Of the few men who held office under him
Khalid al-
for any length of time, one was Khalid son of Abdullah
Kasri, of
al-Kasri, who was viceroy of Irâk from the accession ofViceroy
Irâk.
Hishâm until 120 A.Н. A man of enlightened views,
 138 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XI .

724-744 and himself a Yemenite, he held the balance between

A.C. the two rival stocks with tact and judgment, and during
the whole of his administration there was hardly a
collision between Modhar and Himyar. His treatment
of the Christians and Jews was considerate, just and
liberal ; he repaired their churches and synagogues, and
threw open to them offices of emolument and trust.
His wise and statesmanlike tolerance exposed him to
the attacks of fanatics, a result not confined to any
particular time or country, but the countenance of his
master protected him from the malevolence of his
enemies. His fall, however, was as sudden as his success
for fifteen years was unprecedented.
Shortly after Hisham's accession, a violent conflict
Rising in between Modhar and Himyar broke out in Khorâsân,
Sogdiana. which was repressed with some difficulty. This was
followed by a rising of the Sogdians, caused by the
rapacity of the deputy-governor, who after promising the
remission of the test-tax to such of the people as would
embrace Islâm, tried to re-impose the burden when a
great many had adopted the religion. The insurgents
were joined by some of the colonists under an Arab
chief named Hâris, who reprobated the breach of faith
on the part of the governor. They also received support
from the head of the Turkoman hordes who roamed
towards the east of Transoxiana. Serious efforts were
made to quell the insurrection, but without success, until
Asad al- Khalid, the viceroy of Irâk, deputed his brother Asad to
Kasri, restore order in the disturbed province. The insurgents
Governor
of were driven from Ferghana and compelled to take refuge
Khorâsân. with the Turkomans. As these nomads kept the
Asad in- country in a continual state of ferment by their raids,
vades in 119 A.H. Asad marched into Khuttal, which lay to
Khuttal,
119 A. H. the east of Ferghana, and formed the special dominion
CH. XI . NASR BIN SEYYÂR 139

of the Khâkân.¹ Beyond, however, repulsing an 105-125

A.H.
attack upon his vanguard and collecting a large booty,
he made no impression on the enemy, for the approach
of winter soon forced him to retire to Balkh. Here he
took up his winter quarters, and the troops were dispersed
to their homes. The Turkomans considered this a
favourable opportunity to resume their depredations, and
they again burst into Transoxiana killing and plundering
on every side. Whilst thus engaged in rapine and
slaughter they were set upon by the governor, who
had collected his men by lighting beacons on the
hill-tops, and literally annihilated. The Khâkân alone The
Khâkân
succeeded in making his escape, but was killed shortly killed.
after by one of his own chiefs. Hisham at first would
hardly believe the news, and special messengers were
despatched to ascertain the true fact. When it became
known that this redoubtable foe of Islâm was really
dead, it caused great rejoicing at Damascus. Asad
himself died in the year 120 A.H., shortly before the
deposition of his brother Khalid from the viceroyalty
of Irak. He was succeeded in the governorship of
Khorâsân by Nasr, the son of Sayyâr, who in spite of Nasr, the
son of
all intrigues held the office until his death in 130 A.H. Sayyâr,
Nasr was a man of moderate views, and anxious to appointed
promote the well-being of the people entrusted to his Governor
of
charge. In the beginning, and before the dissensions Khorâsân.
which later broke out afresh between Modhar and
Himyar, his administration was not only vigorous but
just and generous. The insurgent Sogdians, who were
still roaming within the Turkoman territories, were invited
to return to their allegiance. They asked for two con-
1 This was the designation of the chief of the Turkoman hordes.
It was also the title by which Chengîz and his successors were known
to the Arabs.
 140 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XI .

724-744 ditions, first, that no one should be molested in his

A.C. religion or punished unless in due course of law, and
second, that apostasy from Islâm should not be treated
as a crime. These conditions were accepted by the new
governor, and the Sogdians returned to their homes.
Northern Whilst these events were taking place in Central Asia,
Persia and Northern Persia and Armenia were harassed by the
Armenia .
incursions of the tribes inhabiting the Caucasian regions.
The governorship of Armenia, which included Mesopo-
tamia (designated the Jazîrah), Armenia, and the province
of Azarbijân, was at this time held by Hishâm's brother,
727 л.с. Maslamah. In 108 A.H. Persia was raided by a large
body of Turks, who, issuing from the mountainous tract
Incursion beyond the Aras, laid waste Azerbijân ; they were even-
ofthe
Khazars, tually defeated and driven out of the province. The
Jarrah, ease, however, with which they had entered Persia en-
governor couraged other tribes to follow their example, and four
ofArmenia,
killed. years later the formidable Turkish horde of the Khazars
penetrated into Armenia. The Arab governor, Jarrâh, who
had succeeded Maslamah, was overwhelmed and killed
Saîd al- near Ardebil, and the barbarians devastated the country
Harshi
defeats
as far as Mosul. Here they were met by an army chiefly
the composed of volunteers collected by Saîd al-Harshi,
Khazars. whom Hisham had hurried off to the scene of disaster,
and were defeated with terrible slaughter. The de-
moralised horde fled across the Aras, leaving behind
their captives and the booty they had gathered, which
was restored to the rightful owners.
Maslamah With the perversity of mind which characterised Hi-
re-ap- shâm, he now recalled Saîd and reappointed Maslamah.
pointed. A year later Maslamah was again removed, and the post
was given to Merwân,¹ who afterwards seized the throne.
1 A grandson of the first Merwân, the founder ofthe family. His
father's name was Mohammed.
CH . XI . CONQUEST OF SARDINIA 141

Merwân signalised his entry into office by defeating 105-125

Α. Η.
the Khazars within their own territories. Georgia was
conquered, and the Lesghis and other mountain tribes 114 A.H.
were subdued. But the incessant warfare Merwân had to Maslamah
removed
maintain with the nomads of the north, who continued to again, and
press on him, formed a heavy drain on the resources of Merwân
appointed.
the empire.
In Southern Arabia also there were serious troubles ; Southern
whilst in Irâk the Khârijis rose on several occasions, and Arabia.
necessitated the employment of large forces for their
suppression .
In Africa and Spain matters had gone smoothly for a Africa and
time, and some additions were made to the empire. The Spain.
Black Country was annexed in 115 A.H., and the fol-
lowing year Sardinia was conquered. In 122 A.H. Conquest
of
Sicily was invaded, and Syracuse was reduced after a Sardinia
hard fight. Some conquests were made in France, and and
on the whole fortune seemed to smile on Hisham in the Syracuse
in 122 A.H.
West. But the year had hardly expired when the whole
of Northern Africa was convulsed by a violent and
sanguinary revolt of the Berbers and the Khârijis.
A new sect of zealots had about this time appeared in
Mauritania. They called themselves Soffarides, and in
violence and bigotry equalled the Azârika of the East.
Maddened like their Eastern brethren by persecution,
they denounced their oppressors as worse than heathens,
and proclaimed against them a war of extermination. All'
who submitted to the Ommeyade yoke were regarded as
misbelievers. The oppression of the Viceroy's son, who
was acting on behalf of his father at Tangiers, and his
attempt to impose the test-tax on Moslems, roused them Revolt
ofthe
to fury, and, joined by the Berbers, they rose en masse,
killed the governor and seized the city. From Tangiers Kharijis
and
they marched upon Kairowân. All further progress in Berbers.
 142 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XI .

724-744 Sicily was now stopped, and the general¹ operating in

A.C. that island was recalled to stem the Berber insurrection.

On their way to the capital the insurgents were met

by the son of the Sicilian commander with a force
hardly adequate to check the advance of the barbarian
host. Though terribly outnumbered, with the reck-
lessness or audacity which characterised the Arabs, he
engaged them at once. But heroic valour was of no
avail against numbers ; the Arab chiefs as usual broke
their scabbards and fought on foot, and the men followed
the example of their leaders. The Saracens were sur-
rounded, overwhelmed, and killed almost to a man. This
disastrous battle is known in Islâmic history as "the
"The fight of the nobles," from the number of Arab cavaliers
Fight and knights who fell that day. The destruction of Ibn
ofthe
Nobles." Habib's army threw into disorder the whole of Northern
Africa. Its effect was even felt in Spain, where the
people rose in revolt against their governor, and elected
in his place an officer who had been deposed by Hishâm.
The news of the reverse sustained by his army threw
Hishâm into a violent rage ; and he swore an oath that
he would make the rebels feel the full weight of his
wrath. The viceroy whose son's misgovernment had led
to the revolt was recalled, and an able general of the
name of Kulsûm (Kulthûm) was sent in haste to retrieve
the disaster. An unseemly quarrel between two of his
captains on the eve of battle was followed by the usual
result: the Arabs were again defeated, and their principal
leaders killed. A part of the Syrian army went off to
Spain, whilst the remainder threw themselves into Kairo-
wân, which was now beleaguered by the Berbers and the
1 Habîb the son of Obaidah .
2 Ghazwat ul-Ashraf.
3 See post, p. 154.
CH. XI . HANZALA, VICEROY OF KAIROWAN 143

zealots, led by a rebel chief named Okasha, who had 105-125

taken up arms at Cabes. Successive assaults delivered A. H.
by the barbarians were repulsed with slaughter, and
Okasha for a time retreated into the desert. Hishâm
now appointed Hanzala, the son of Safwân, of the tribe 124 A.H.
of Kalb, to the governorship of Africa. Hanzala's first
care on reaching Kairowân was to put the fortifications Hanzala
in order and rouse the courage of the defenders. It was Viceroy
appointedof
not long before his generalship and resources were put Africa.
to the test, for three hundred thousand Berbers swooped
down on the African capital and prevented all egress and
ingress. The Arabs were reduced to dire straits ; but
Hanzala was a hero of the old type. He combined the
religious enthusiasm of the days of Omar with a gentle-
ness of heart unusual in that cruel age. Standing in
the great square in front of the Cathedral Mosque, he
harangued the people that the struggle between the pent-
up Moslems and the rebels outside was one of life and
death, that a Berber victory would mean the promiscuous
slaughter of the inhabitants, in which neither age nor sex
would be spared. It was a crisis never to be forgotten
in the history of Islâm. The beleaguering host raged
round the city, whilst the wearied defenders stood and
watched the struggle with beating hearts from the ram-
parts. To Hanzala's appeal for volunteers a ready re-
sponse was made by the citizens. The women of the
Arabs, accustomed to danger, and to the use of arms,
have often proved valuable auxiliaries to their husbands
and brothers on the field of battle. Hanzala formed
a reserve of the women, who were to hold the city whilst
the soldiers and volunteers attacked the enemy. All
night long Hanzala and his officers were engaged in
distributing arms and giving orders for the morrow's
1 A Khâriji of the Soffaride sect.
 144 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XI .

724-744 fight. After the morning prayers the defenders broke

A. C.
their scabbards and issued against the enemy. The
battle was fierce and terrible, and lasted from daybreak
till sundown, when the barbarians broke and fled. The
pursuit was kept up until the rebels had lost all cohesion
and power of resistance. One hundred and eighty thou-
sand Berbers, with their principal leaders, are said to have
been killed in this fight, whilst the Saracenic loss, though
severe, was not great. The straits to which the Arabs
had been reduced, and the importance of the victory
gained by Hanzala, is shown by the fact that after the
destruction of the rebels thanksgivings were offered up
in all the mosques of Kairowân. Hanzala was now able
to restore peace and order in the disaffected tracts,
and so long as he held the reins of office the country
was free from disturbance ; under his mild and just
government Northern Africa soon recovered its prosperity.
Andalusia The vast dependency of Andalusia, which included
or Spain. the Iberian peninsula, with Gascony, Languedoc, and
part of Savoy, formed at this period an integral part of
the Ommeyade Caliphate. As usual in other countries
and other times, with the Saracenic rule, the people in-
habiting this region had, for the most part, assumed the
manners and adopted the civilisation of their conquerors.
But its distance from the heart of the empire weakened
the central authority ; and the system upon which the
government was conducted was always productive of
mischief. To use a designation borrowed from modern
India, Spain was regarded as a subordinate presidency
to Ifrikia, and the Viceroy of Kairowân was vested with
the power of appointing the governors of Andalusia with-
out the sanction of the sovereign. Naturally, public
interests were often sacrificed to tribal or family bias ;
and the frequent change of governors gave rise to civil
CH. XI. THE DEATH OF AMEER ANBASAH 145

wars. When as-Samh fell under the walls of Toulouse, 105-125

A. H.
Abdur Rahmân (al- Ghafeki) was elected by the army in
his place, but he held the office only for a few months
until the arrival of Anbasah, who was nominated to the Anbasah,
governorship by the Viceroy of Africa. Abdur Rahmân, Governor
of Spain.
who is described as " a man of great courage and con-
siderable abilities, honest in his proceedings, and impar-
tial in his judgment," kept under control the discordant
elements within the Peninsula until the arrival of his
successor, who took up the reins of government in the
month of Safar 103 A.H. Shortly after Hishâm's acces-
sion Anbasah led an expedition into France, which August
resulted in the conquest of Carcassone, Nîmes, and 721 A.C.
several other places of importance, and the formation
of a defensive and offensive alliance with the Gothic
communities of the neighbourhood. " The conquests of
Anbasah," says Reinaud, following Isidore of Beja, " were
due more to tact and management than to force ; and
his efforts to conciliate the good-will of the inhabitants
strengthened the Saracenic position in Southern France."
The hostages furnished by the French cities were sent to
Barcelona, where they were treated with consideration,
and helped in forming bonds of union between the
people of the province and the Arabs. Unfortunately,
Anbasah was killed in an ambush placed by the rebellious
Biscayans in one of the Pyrenean defiles. His death Anbasah's
again threw the Peninsula into disorder, all operations in death.
France were stopped, and his lieutenant Uzrah (Udhrah) Shâbân
hastened back into Spain with the bulk of the army. 107 A.H.
During the five years that elapsed from the death of Jan. 726
A. C.
Anbasah to the reappointment of Abdur Rahmân in
113 A.H. , five governors ruled over the province, some
of whom held the office only for a few months. The
administration of the country was completely paralysed
L
 146 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XI .

724-744 by these changes, and the rebels under Pelayo acquired

A.C.
strength. Under Haisem ( Haithem), who came to Spain
in III A.H. , some endeavour was made to destroy their
strongholds and to resume the work of conquest be-
yond the Pyrenees. Lyons, Macon, Chalons-on-the-
Saone were captured ; Beaune and Autun were seized and
plundered, and other places were put under contribution.
But in the end this invasion bore no fruit, for the
Arabs, owing to their own differences, were unable
to retain possession of these cities, and the excesses of
the Berbers, who composed the bulk of the Saracenic
army, converted the friendly-disposed Septimanians into
Abdur bitter enemies. Upon the death of Haisem, Abdur
Rahman Rahman al-Ghâfeki was called by Hisham to fill the
al-Ghâfeki
appointed office of Governor of Andalusia. His appointment was
Governor hailed by the Spaniards as a happy augury for the Penin-
of Spain. sula ; Abdur Rahman was incomparably the ablest and
most patriotic ruler that country ever had under the
Ommeyade domination. He combined in an eminent
degree a capacity for civil administration with military
His char- talents of the highest order. His influence over both
acter and Himyar and Modhar was unbounded; whilst adored by
adminis-
tration. his soldiers, his gentleness of heart, generosity and justice
endeared him to the people. He made a complete tour
of the provincial cities and districts to settle the com-
plaints that poured in from all sides ; the kâids or
local magistrates found guilty of breach of duty or trust
were dismissed and replaced by men of position and
probity ; all classes were treated alike and with equal
justice, without distinction of race or creed ; the
churches that had been wrongly taken from the Chris-
tians were restored to their rightful owners ; the fiscal ad-
ministration was carefully revised ; and disorders against
public peace were repressed with severity. But the task
 CH. XI . INVASION OF FRANCE 147

of reorganising the government did not distract his atten- 105-125

A. H.
tion from the necessity of safeguarding the northern
frontiers. Animated by a natural desire to avenge the
check sustained by the Saracens before Toulouse, and
anxious to emulate the glorious achievements of Târick
and Mûsa, he persistently endeavoured to create an army
which would prove irresistible in its advance towards the
north. Religious zeal was still at its height, and service
under a veteran and daring commander drew a large
number of volunteers. The Moslem governor of Cer- Revolt of
dagne, on the other side of the Pyrenees, called Munuza Munuza.
by the Christian writers of the time, but whose real name
was Osmân bin Abû Nessa, or Abû Nêza, had married
the beautiful Lampegie, daughter of Eudes, the Duke of
Aquitaine, and entered into a defensive and offensive
alliance with him. In concert with his father-in-law he
raised the standard of revolt. Abdur Rahmân, however,
was not the man to dally with insurrection. A body
of troops was promptly despatched to al-Bab,¹ where
Munuza resided with his wife. The rebel chief fled to
the mountains, but was overtaken and slain. His un- Munuza's
death.
happy wife fell into the hands of Abdur Rahmân's
lieutenant, and was sent with all respect to Damascus,
where she afterwards married a son of Hishâm .
The defeat and death of Munuza threw into com-
motion the Christian principalities with whom he was in
alliance, and Abdur Rahman found himself compelled
to take the field before his preparations for the projected
invasion of the north were completed.
Taking the route through Aragon and Navarre, he Invasion of
Northern

1 Al-Bab signifies the gate, and indicates that this city was situ- France.
ated on one of the passages of the Pyrenees. It is said to have been
situated to the west of Mount Louis, not far from Puycerda, with
which it is often identified.
 148 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XI .

724-744 entered France in the spring of 732 by the valleys of

A. C.
Bigoral and Bearn. Arles, described by the Arab writers
as a city situated in a plain in a vast solitude, and built
on a river three leagues from the sea, had agreed to the
payment of a tribute. On the death of Munuza it
refused to abide by the treaty. Abdur Rahmân marched
first against Arles ; a sanguinary battle on the banks of
Capitula- the Rhône was followed by the capitulation of the city.
tion of
Arles.
From Arles Abdur Rahmân retraced his steps towards
Bordeaux Bordeaux, which was captured after a slight resistance.
reduced. The Duke of Aquitaine, who tried to oppose the passage
of the Dordogne, suffered a terrible defeat. God alone,
Battle of says Isidore of Beja, could reckon the number of Chris-
the tians who fell in the battle. With this victory all
Dordogne;
defeatof opposition was swept out of Aquitaine ; Burgundy was
Eudes.
overrun, and the proud standard of Islâm floated on the
walls of Lyons, Besançon and Sens. Leaving strong
garrisons in these cities, which, however, weakened the
strength of his army, the victorious general marched
towards the capital of the Frankish kingdom. After
his defeat on the banks of the Dordogne, finding himself
unable further to cope with the invaders, Eudes in-
Charles, voked the aid of Charles,¹ a natural son of Pepin of
the son of
Pepin of Heristal, who, as mayor of the palace in the Merovingian
Heristal. Court, exercised despotic sway over the Franks. Able
and unscrupulous, Charles perceived in the appeal of
Eudes a means of aggrandisement, and responded to it
with alacrity. Collecting a vast horde of savage auxili-
aries from the borders of the Danube, the Elbe and
the wilds of Germany, he marched to the south. The
Saracens in the meantime had advanced upon Tours,
which was carried by assault. The Arabian writers
ascribe the disaster which now overtook the Saracenic
1 Called Kârla, or Kâldus, by the Arab writers.
CH. XI. THE BATTLE OF TOURS 149

arms to divine wrath at the excesses committed in 105-125

Tours by the half-disciplined Berbers, in spite of A. H.
stringent orders. Misled by his spies as to the
strength of the Franks, the Saracenic commander was
endeavouring to cross the Loire, when the approach of
Charles with his horde undeceived him. Finding the
enemy vastly superior to him in number, he hurriedly
drew in his outposts, and falling back from the banks
of the river, took up a position between Tours and
Poictiers. The condition of his own army was such as
to cause Abdur Rahmân the gravest anxiety. The
tribal legions, laden with spoil, and always jealous of
each other, and unwilling to act for long in unison, were
clamouring for retreat. The booty they had gathered
in their march towards the north, and to which they
clung, had introduced considerable laxity in their ranks,
and slackened the bonds of discipline. Abdur Rahmân
naturally feared, as Charles hoped, that at the moment
of action the spoil acquired by the troops would prove
a serious hindrance to the Saracens and a cause of
embarrassment. He therefore thought of inducing the
men to abandon a portion of the loot; at the same time
he did not wish to create discontent by insisting upon
obedience. The result of this weakness, if it can be so
called, was, as the sequel shows, most fatal. The hordes
of Charles, composed partly of horsemen, and partly of
foot-soldiers clad in wolf-skins, with long matted hair
hanging down over their shoulders, crossed the Loire a
Battle of
few miles above where the Arabs were encamped, and Tours.
took up a position with the river at their back.¹ Several

1 It is impossible to identify the exact spot where the fight took

place, but there can be no doubt that the theatre of this memorable
conflict between Frank and Saracen lay in the country between
Poictiers and Tours. This tract, watered by a number of tributaries
 150 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XI.

724-744 days were spent in light skirmishes, in which the advan-

A.C.
tage lay with the Saracens ; on the ninth day a general
engagement began, which raged until the shades of night
Ramazân separated the two armies. Next morning the action
116
October recommenced ; the Moslem warriors redoubled their
732 A.C. efforts, and the Franks began to waver, when suddenly,
whilst on the verge of a decisive victory, a cry arose that
the Arab camp with all its treasure was in danger. At
this news, the Saracens quitted their ranks and flew to
the defence of their booty ; in vain Abdur Rahmân
endeavoured to restore order ; all his efforts were useless,
Abdur and
Rahmân threwhethe
fell whole
piercedarmy
by a into
lance.disorder,
The fall
andof the
the general
enemy,
killed.

taking advantage of the confusion, committed great havoc.

But the Frank had felt the weight of the Arab's sword,
and welcomed the darkness which again separated the
foes; as the night closed in the two armies retired to
their respective quarters.
Quarrels No sooner had the Arabs reached their camps than
among
his lieu- furious dissensions broke out among Abdur Rahmân's
tenants. lieutenants, and the legionaries turned their arms
against each other. Victory over the Franks was now
out of the question ; a safe retreat was the only possible
course open. Under cover of night, the Saracen generals
quietly withdrew the army towards Septimania. At
Retreat the dawn of day, the stillness of the hostile camp
ofthe
Saracens . caused Charles and his ally Eudes to suspect some deep-
laid design. Timorously and cautiously they approached
the Saracenic encampment, and were overjoyed to find
it empty and deserted, save for a number of wounded
of the Loire,forms a vast undulating plain interspersed with forest
lands, meadows and pretty hamlets, which lend such charm to
French landscape, but in those times it could only have furnished
a vast field for the movement of mighty armies.
CH. XI . THE PAVEMENT OF MARTYRS 151

who could not accompany the retreating force. These 105-125

A. H.
were immediately butchered by the Franks. Charles,
however, did not venture to pursue the retreating Saracens, Butchery
ofthe
and immediately retraced his steps northwards.¹ On the wounded
plains of Tours the Arabs lost the empire of the world by the
when almost in their grasp. Insubordination and inter- Franks.
tribal jealousies, which have ever been the curse of
Moslem communities, led to that disastrous issue. The
field of battle is called in Arabian history Balât-ush-
Shuhada, or the Pavement of Martyrs, from the number
of prominent men who lost their lives with Abdur Rah-
mân. And the pious still believe that the angels of
Heaven may be heard there calling the Faithful to the
Moslem vespers .
The monkish writers represent the Arab loss to
have amounted to 360,000 men, more than four times
the number with which Abdur Rahmân actually entered
France ! The exaggeration is demonstrated by the fact,
that before a few months were over the Saracens, in
spite of intestine wars and disorders, again assumed the
1 Most European writers, following in the footsteps of the early
chroniclers, have extolled the prowess of the Frankish chief and his
horde, and described the result of the battle as the salvation of
Europe. The philosophic Gibbon gives a truer estimate of Charles's
success .
Speaking of the Arab loss alleged by the monkish
writers, he says " But this incredible tale is sufficiently disproved
by the caution of the French general, who apprehended the snares
and accidents of a pursuit, and dismissed his German allies to their
native forests. The inactivity of a conqueror betrays the loss of
strength and blood, and the most cruel execution is inflicted, not
in the ranks of battle, but on the backs of a flying enemy." And
yet there can be no question that the battle was decisive in one
respect. Abdur Rahman was the one man who could unite Modhar
and Himyar ; his loss was irreparable, for no one after him wielded
the same influence, or exercised the same authority over the
Saracenic forces .
 152 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XI.

724-744 offensive with a numerous army, although not so well

A. C.
equipped or organised as that under Abdur Rahmân.
Infuriated at the death of their great chief, the
Saracens are said to have burnt the Abbey of Solignan
at Limousin in their retreat towards the south.
The lieutenant of Abdur Rahmân sent in all haste to
the Viceroy of Africa, and to Hisham at Damascus, the
Abdul news of the disaster. Hisham at once despatched a new
Malik ap- governor, Abdul Malik bin Kattan, with instructions to
pointed
Governor retrieve the prestige of the Saracenic flag. The people
of Spain. inhabiting the mountainous regions in the north of the
Peninsula had attempted to profit by the death of Abdur
Rahman, and to throw off the Saracenic rule. The
new governor directed his first efforts against Aragon
and Navarre. The insurgents were defeated in several
battles, and were compelled to sue for pardon. He then
entered Languedoc, and strengthened the positions held
by the Saracens in that province. In 734 A.C. the
deputy governor of Narbonne, Yusuf, joining hands with
Maurontius, Duke of Marseilles, who was in alliance
with the Moslems, crossed the Rhône, captured Saint
Remi (then called Fritta), and marched upon Avignon.
In vain the Frankish hosts tried to oppose the passage
Avignon of the Durance ; they were beaten, and Avignon capitu-
conquered. lated after a short siege.
After the capture of Avignon Abdul Malik returned
to the south ; but, owing either to a check received by
his troops in the defiles of the Pyrenees, or, as the
Arabian historian says, " owing to his cruel propensities
and the excessive rigour of his judgment," he was de-
posed in the month of Ramazân, 116 A.H. (November,
Okba ap- 734 A.C.). He was replaced by Okba, " a man of great
pointed justice and irreproachable conduct," says our author,
Governor
ofSpain. " virtues which obtained for him the veneration of all
CH. XI. COALITION AGAINST THE SARACENS 153

Moslems. " During the five years of his administration 105-125

A.H.
he entered France several times, and carried the Moslem
⚫arms far beyond the former limits. Under him the
Saracens of Languedoc established fortified positions in
all places susceptible of defence up to the river Rhône.
These military stations were called ribât, and were in- Saracenic
tended for defensive purposes as well as observation. established
garrisons
Okba converted Narbonne into a hugh citadel, and in France.
stored it with provisions and arms. In 118 A.H. (736 Narbonne
Arsenal
A.C.) he entered Dauphiny, and captured in succession created.
Saint Paul, Trois Chateaux, Donzère, Valence, and New Okbah
invades
Lyons. The Saracenic detachments spread into Burgundy Dauphiny.
and threatened the capital of France. Piedmont had
been invaded a year earlier, and military colonies had
been established in favourable situations. Charles,
who had, since the battle of Tours, assumed the
title of Martel, finding himself unable to cope unaided
with the Saracens, invoked the assistance of Luitprand,
king of the Lombards. Childebrand, his brother, Coalition
brought a host of wild auxiliaries from the eastern byformed
Charles
territories of the Frankish kingdom, and the united Martel
horde descended upon the Saracenic possessions. At against the
Saracens.
the same time Charles instigated the Basques and
Gascons to create a diversion in the south by closing
the Pyrenean passes. The Saracens were thus attacked
from all sides. Avignon was taken by assault after a
long siege, and all the Moslems were put to the sword.
Narbonne was besieged, but although an army sent by
sea for its relief was beaten by the allies, the defence
was so vigorous that Charles lost heart and raised the
siege. In order, however, to oppose an impassable
barrier against any further Saracenic advance, he con- Charles
Martel
verted a vast tract of the country to the south of destroys a
the Loire into a veritable desert. Bezier, Agde, and number of
 154 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XI .

724-744 other cities of importance, which had been beautified

A.C.
by the Saracens, were rased to the ground. Nîmes,
cities to with its magnificent amphitheatre and its glorious
create a
barrier to monuments of antiquity, was committed to the flames.
the Even the French historian is compelled to call this sense-
Saracenic
advance. less vandalism a " deplorable thing." Maguelone, which
had attained a pitch of prosperity it had never known
under the Goths or Franks, was totally destroyed. Whilst
these events were taking place in France, Africa was
convulsed with the great Berber revolt which I have
already described. The disorder in Africa incited
December troubles in Spain, and in 123 A.H. an insurrection,
740 A. C.
headed by old Abdul Malik bin Kattan, the deposed
Insurrec- governor, broke out against Okba, who was taken
tion in
Spain; prisoner and put to death by the rebels.1 Abdul
Okba
killed.
Malik then seized the reins of authority. But he had not
Abdul been long in possession of his ill-gotten power, when the
Malik Syrians under Balj, who had escaped from the slaughter
seizes the of Kulsum's army in Africa, arrived in Spain, and added
govern-
ment. to the elements of strife within the Peninsula. In the
struggle between Abdul Malik and Balj, the former was
Abdul killed and his body ignominiously impaled on a cross.
Malik
killed. His enemy died shortly after from the effects of wounds
received in a fight with Abdul Malik's son. The Syrians
Shawwal thereupon elected Saalaba (Thalaba), son of Sallâmah,
124 Α.Η.
one of their body, as governor of Andalusia, and the
civil war proceeded merrily. The Biladiûn, or the
Spanish Moslems, sided with the sons of Abdul Malik,
the Syrians with the chief they had elected, whilst the
Berbers fought for their own hand. The administration
of Spain was completely paralysed, and the military
stations and outposts in France were left to look after
themselves. Narbonne was deserted by its commander,
1 See ante, p . 142.
CH. XI. FALL OF KHALID AL KASRI 155

who had marched with his best troops to the succour 105-125
of Abdul Malik and his sons, and the other cities A. H.
possessed by the Saracens were equally bereft of their
defenders. Had Pepin the Short, who had succeeded his
father Charles in the mayoralty of the Merovingian Palace,
attacked the Arab settlements then, the Saracens would
have been powerless to offer any opposition. But the
lessons learnt in former wars had not been forgotten, and
the Franks waited to strike the blow until the Arabs were
thoroughly weakened by their own dissensions. Whilst
the Moslems in Spain were engaged in this fratricidal war,
affairs at home, in spite of various successes in Asia
Minor, ¹ were going from bad to worse.
The government of Irak, as I have already mentioned,
had been held ever since the accession of Hisham by
Khâlid, who had ruled the province with vigour and
justice. His successful and tolerant administration
had raised a host of enemies, and they poisoned the
mind of Hisham against him. The chief ground of
suspicion against him was that he favoured the Hashi-
mides (the descendants of Hashim). Probably Hishâm
was also influenced by avarice, for he suspected that
during the fifteen years Khalid had held office, he had
amassed a large fortune by peculation. In 120 A.H. 120 Α.Η.
Khâlid was removed from the viceroyalty of Irâk, and
his place was taken by Yusuf (bin Omar), described Khalid
Kasri
al-
as a hypocrite and a man of changeable temperament removed
and cruel propensities. He was a Modharite and hated from office.
Khalid. The deposed governor was put to the torture
to discover his suspected wealth, but was released under Yusuf al-
Fazâri
the orders of the sovereign. Hisham did not, however, appointed
interfere with Yusuf's persecution of the Hâshimides, inhis
1 Sundra and Matamer in Asia Minor were conquered in 121 place.
A.H. by one of the sons of Hishâm.
 156 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XI .

724-744 who were subjected to cruel ill-treatment. Zaid, the

A. C.
grandson of Hussain, who went to Hisham for redress,
was driven from his presence with ignominy. Enraged
The rising at his ill-treatment, Zaid came to Kûfa, and against the
ofZaid, advice of his relatives, who tried to dissuade him from
grandson
ofHussain the mad enterprise and from placing any reliance on
the the faithless Irâkians, he attempted a rising which failed.
Martyr.
Zaid was killed, and his body was surreptitiously buried
by his followers. But the vindictive Ommeyades dis-
covered the grave; the body was exhumed and im-
paled on a cross ; after a time it was taken down
and burnt, and the ashes thrown into the Euphrates-
an act of insensate barbarism which brought on the
Ommeyades fearful and ruthless reprisals.1 Zaid's son,
Yahya, a high-minded youth of seventeen, escaped
into Khorâsân. The death of Zaid strengthened the
propaganda in favour of the Abbassides by removing
from their path a possible rival, and was coeval with
the appearance of Abu Muslim, who eventually wrought
the downfall of the Ommeyade dynasty. Mohammed,
the great-grandson of Abbas, the real projector of the
design to oust the Ommeyades from the sovereignty
of Islâm, and to supplant the descendants of the Pro-
742 A.C. phet, died in 124 A.H., leaving to his eldest son Ibrahim
the fulfilment of his ambitions. Abû Muslim, a native
Appear of Isphahân, but descended from an Arab stock, had
ance
Abû
of entered the service of Mohammed, who, struck by his
Muslim. intelligence and powers of organisation, had deputed
1 The first split among the Shiahs occurred about this time. Zaid
and his followers (called Zaidias) accepted the first three Caliphs as
the lawful vicegerents of the Prophet. Some of the bigoted Kûfans
who denied their title to the vicegerency thereupon abandoned Zaid.
These Kûfans received the name of Abandoners. The moderate
Shiahs, the Imâmias, expressed no opinion, nor joined in the rising.
2 According to Hamza Isphahâni.
CH. XI . DEATH OF HISHAM 157

him to Khorâsân to head the Abbasside propaganda. 105-125

A. H.
By his address and ability Abû Muslim drew over
large numbers to the cause of the Hashimides ; and
the death of Hishâm rendered his task easy. Hisham Death of
died at Russafa in the district of Kinnisrin (ancient Hisham.
Chalcis), on the 6th of Rabi II., 125 A.H., and was February
743 A. C.
succeeded by his nephew Walid II.1
The Imam Mohammed al-Bakir died in this reign, in
113 A.H., and was succeeded in the apostolical chair
by his son the celebrated Jaafar the True (as-Sadik).
1 A granddaughter of Witiza named the Princess Sarah visited
the court of Hishâm to seek redress against her uncle, who had
usurped her and her brothers' patrimony. Hisham received her
with kindness and consideration and lodged her in his queen's
palace. He not only had her property restored to her by her uncle,
but married her to an Arab noble, with whom she returned to
Spain. She continued in her religion, but their children were
brought up as Moslems. Her descendants occupied a distinguished
position in the country. One of them, surnamed Ibn Gouthia (son
of the Gothic Princess), was a scholar and well-known writer.
 CHAPTER XII

THE OMMEYADES (THE HAKAMITE BRANCH) (continued)

125-126 Α.Η. , 743-744 А.С.
The Extent of the Empire at Hisham's Death- Character of his
Successor-His cruelty towards his Relations-Khalid al-Kasri
put to Death-Yahya bin Zaid's Rising and Death-Its effect
on the People of Khorasan-Affairs in Spain-Husâm (Abu'l
Khattâr) Governor of Spain-Submission of all Parties-His
mild and just Government at the outset-His partiality for the
Yemenites- Insurrection of the Modhar-Battle of Shekundah
-Election of Thalaba-His Death-Election of Yusuf-The
Knight of Andalusia-His Death-Arrival of Abdur Rahmân,
grandson of Hishâm, in Spain-Invasion of Pepin the Short
-Massacre of the Saracens-Siege of Narbonne-Captured
by Treachery-Arab Power effaced in France-Affairs in
Africa-Insurrection against Walid II.-His Death-Yezîd III.
proclaimed Caliph -His Death-Succession of Ibrahim-Re-
volt of Merwân-Battle of Ain-ul-jar-Flight of Ibrâhîm-
Merwân proclaimed Caliph.

The extent In the year 743 A.C., when Hisham died, the Saracenic
ofthe
Saracenic empirehad reached its extremest limit. In Europe, the
empire. south of France and the whole of the Iberian Peninsula,
save and except some defiles in which robber-bands
maintained a guerilla warfare, belonged to the Moslems.
In the Mediterranean they possessed Majorca, Minorca,
Ivica, Corsica, Sardinia, Crete, Rhodes, and Cyprus,
with a part of Sicily, and many of the islands of the
Grecian Archipelago also belonged to them. In Africa,
their sway was recognised from the Straits of Gibraltar to
the Isthmus of Suez ; in Asia, from the deserts of Sinai to
158
CH. XII . THE CHARACTER OF WALID II 159

the Steppes of Mongolia. But whilst a vast and far- 125-126

reaching conspiracy weakened the bonds of authority in A. H.
the East, strife and discord in the West threatened the
dissolution of the colossal fabric. It was at this moment
of extreme gravity that the death of Hishâm removed a
ruler who, with all his weakness, was at least virtuous and
cautious.¹ His successor was totally different ; 2 profli- The

gate to a degree, utterly oblivious of the ordinary rules character

of his
of morality and addicted to drinking, he soon disgusted successor.
the people with his riotous and wicked life. Hishâm
had tried to alter the succession, but the covenant of his
brother was binding and could not be departed from .
He had also endeavoured, perhaps with some harshness,
to repress the evil habits of his brother's son, which led
only to unseemly quarrels and disputes. The sombre
austerity of Hisham's court went against the young
man's grain, and he had removed to a place called
Arrack in the district of Jordan (Ordûn), where he waited
impatiently for the death of his uncle. Immediately on Walid II.
receiving the news he hurried to Damascus, and began
his reign by driving out Hisham's family from the palace. towardshis
His cruelty
Even the funeral rites of the deceased monarch were not
relatives.
allowed to be performed without indecent interference.
His cruelties to his cousins, the sons of Walid I. and
Hishâm, men of mature age who had distinguished them-
selves in the wars against the Romans, deepened the abhor-
rence felt by the people. In the beginning he tried to
ingratiate himself with the legionaries by raising their
stipends and distributing magnificent largesses among
1 Mansûr, the second Abbasside Caliph, is stated to have declared
that Hisham was the one grand man of the Ommeyade family
(Fatâ ul-Kawm). This view, however, is somewhat exaggerated.
2 Suyûti describes him as " a libertine, a wine-drinker, and a
breaker of the divine commands."
8 Vezîd II .
 160 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XII.

743-744 the populace. To win public favour he increased the

A.C. allowances of the poor, the lame, and decrepit. But
these endeavours were neutralised and made abortive by
a fickle temperament and debased nature, which often
broke forth in cruel deeds. Khâlid, the governor of Irâk,
had lived retired in Damascus since his release under
the orders of Hishâm ; he was now made over to his cruel
Khalid
Kasri
al- enemy Yusuf, who put him to death. The youthful Yahya
killed. was hunted from place to place ; goaded to desperation,
he rose in arms, determined to fall with the sword in his
hand rather than be killed like vermin. He met the
Yahya's death he courted ; his head was severed from his body
rising
death.and and sent to Walîd, and the body was impaled on a cross.
The fate of Yahya created a great sensation in Khorâsân,
and accelerated the downfall of the Ommeyades. The
people went into universal mourning ; every male child
born on the day of Yahya's death was named after him,
and when Abû Muslim stood forth as the " Avenger of
the House, " they flocked to his standard dressed in
black, which thenceforth became the Abbasside colour.
The names of the Ommeyades who had taken part in
Yahya's death were ascertained from the Register, and
they were pursued and killed without mercy.
Spain. I shall turn for a moment to the progress of events in
Thalaba's
election Spain. Thalaba's election as governor was confirmed by
confirmed. Hishâm, but his partiality for the Yemenites caused an
Modharite insurrection among the Modharites, who were joined by
Insurrec-
tion. the Berbersinsurgents
the allied and Bilâdiûn. He walls
under the succeeded in defeating
of Merida. Ten
thousand prisoners are said to have fallen into his hands ;
and it was Thalaba's intention to put them all to the
sword the following day. The morning broke, and every
one expected the bloody work to begin, when the sudden
appearance in the distance of the Caliph's banner sent
CH. XII . MODHARITE INSURRECTION 161

a thrill through the assemblage. In spite of the weak- 125-126

A. H.
ness that had crept into the Government, the Caliph's
name still inspired awe and formed a spell to conjure
with. The banner, the sight of which had stayed the
hands of the merciless executioners, heralded the approach
of a new governor, named Husâm (Abu'l Khattâr, of the
tribe of Kalb), also a Yemenite, who had been sent by
Hanzala the viceroy of Africa, under the orders of Husâm
(Abu'l
Hishâm, to re-establish public order, and to appease Khattar)
the troubles excited by the contending parties. Husâm appointed
(Abu'l Khattâr) entered Cordova in the month of Governor
ofSpain.
Rajab, 125 A.H., five months after Hishâm's death ;
and " no sooner," says the historian, " did he land in May
Andalusia than all parties hastened to put down their 743 A.C.
arms . " Thalaba himself swore allegiance and returned
to Syria.
Abu'l Khattâr's government in the beginning was mild
and just ; but even he was not free from tribal bias.
His partiality towards the Himyarites of Spain, and an
insult offered to a Modharite tribe in the person of its
chief, provoked a revolt. The civil war broke out afresh
and raged with more violence than ever. In a sanguinary Modharite
battle in the suburbs of Cordova, ¹ in which the Yemenites Insurrec-
tion.
were worsted, Abu'l Khattâr lost his life. The Modhar
then elected Sawabah, a Yemenite, as their governor, Abu'l
with as-Zamîl, one of their own chiefs, as second in Khattar's
death.
command. Sawabah held the nominal government for Election of
sixteen months, and upon his death a year later the Sawabah.
127 Α. Η.
army elected in his place Yusuf, a descendant of Okbah, 745 A.C.
the conqueror of Africa. His appointment was due to Election of
Yusuf.
the suggestions of as-Zamil, and had the effect of re- Rabi II.
conciling for a while the rival tribes. Both parties laid 129 A. H.
down their arms, and enabled Yusuf to carry on the December
746 A.C.
1 Called Shekundah.
M
 162 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XII.

743-744 government for nearly ten years, without any confirm-

A. C.
ation from Damascus, or any interference from home.
His rule, however, was not by any means peaceful. The
Deputy-Governor of Narbonne, who bore the name of
Abdur Rahmân,¹ and by his prowess and deeds of valour,
joined to great physical strength, had won the surname
The of " the Knight of Andalusia " (al-Faris-ul-Andalûs), rose
Knight of in arms, but was treacherously killed by his own men.
Andalusia.
Another chief raised the standard of revolt at Beja, a
third at Algesiras, and a fourth at Seville. Yusuf, how-
ever, successfully quelled these insurrections. Were it
not for a grandson of Hishâm, who, fleeing from the
Abbasside avengers, landed in June 755 A.C. on the
shores of Spain, probably Yusuf would have founded
Arrival The arrival of this scion of the
Abdur aHouse
of dynastyofofOmmeya
his own. completely altered the aspect of
Rahmân,
grandson affairs. Gifted with energy, vigour, and administrative
ofHisham,
in Spain.
ability of the first order, and assisted by the prestige of
his name, the Ommeyade prince conquered all difficulties,
and finally made himself the founder of a new dynasty
in Spain. Henceforth the history of the Saracenic
rule in the Iberian Peninsula has to be treated separately
from that of the central Caliphate.
Invasion of Whilst Yusuf was engaged with his adversaries, Pepin
Moslem the Short, who had been waiting to attack the Saracens
France by
Pepinthe in France until they were thoroughly weakened, swept
Short.
down with an enormous horde of barbarians upon
752 A. C.
Languedoc, Septimania, and Western Savoy, which were
still held by the Arabs. The beautiful cities were
committed to the flames, the mosques, hospitals, and
schools were destroyed by fire, the Arabs, regardless
of sex and age, were put to the sword, and the whole
1His father's name was al-Kuman. He belonged to the tribe
of Lakhm, and was hence called Abdur Rahman al- Lakhmi.
CH. XII. THE ARAB POWER EFFACED FROM FRANCE 163

country became one vast scene of carnage and destruc- 125-126

A. H.
tion. The devastation wrought by the Franks resulted
in a terrible famine, in which multitudes of people
perished. In spite of their helplessness, the Saracens
of Southern France maintained a stout defence for
three years, contesting every inch of ground against
tremendous odds. By 755 A.C., however, Narbonne alone
was left in their hands, which Pepin besieged with all
the resources at his command. The siege lasted four Narbonne
years, until the Christians within the city, taking advantage bycaptured
treach-
one day of the slackness of the guards, rose upon them, ery.
and after killing some, opened the gates to their brethren 759 A.C.
outside. The barbarians then poured into the city;
the Moslems, men, women, and children, were put
to the sword; all vestige of civilisation was rased to
the ground, and Languedoc and Provence lapsed into
the general darkness which then pervaded Christian
Europe. Whilst Pepin was thus driving the Saracens
out of their possessions in France, the difficulties in
which they were involved in Spain led to the abandon- Spain.
ment of the mountainous tract bordering on the Bay of
Biscay, where the rebels were enabled to form the
nucleus of a formidable kingdom.
In Africa, ever since the overthrow of the Berbers Africa.
before Kairowân, Hanzala had ruled with unequalled
success the vast province of which he held charge. Both
the Berbers and the Khârijis recognised his honesty of
purpose and the justice of his administration. The
peace which reigned throughout his province gave an
impetus to trade and commerce. The treachery and
ambition of an exiled functionary named Abdur Rahmân
bin Habib again plunged the country into strife and Insurrec-
tion
dissension. In 127 A.H. he rose in rebellion in Tunis, against
and taking as his prisoners a number of notables whom Hanzala.
 164 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XII .

743-744 Hanzala had sent to dissuade him from his traitorous

A.C. enterprise, he marched upon Kairowân. He threatened
744 A.C. to slay his prisoners if attacked. Hanzala, always averse
to the shedding of blood, retired to Asia and into private
life. Kairowân opened its gates to the rebel, who in-
Abdur stalled himself as the Viceroy of Ifrîkia. But the rule
Rahmân thus treacherously begun was disturbed by continuous
Lin Habib
makes risings and war. Abdur Rahman bin Habib, however,
himself remained in power until he was killed in a fight with his
Viceroy of own brother in 137 A.C.
Africa.
In the foregoing pages I have, in order to maintain
the continuity of the narrative, anticipated the course of
events ; for between the arrival of Husâm (Abu'l Khattâr)
in the Iberian Peninsula and the loss of Narbonne, the
Ommeyade dynasty had been swept out of Asia, and its
place was taken by another family. I must, therefore,
describe briefly the political convulsion which led to the
fall of the House of Ommeya.
Hitherto Damascus had formed the stronghold of the
Ommeyades, and whatever the character or disposition of
the reigning sovereign, the members of the clan never
wavered in their allegiance to him. Their loyalty, bred
from kinship and fostered by self-interest, added to the
Walîd II. prestige and safety of the dynasty. Under Walid II., for
the first time, a fatal change set in. His devotion to
music and horse-racing, in the pursuit of which he
neglected the affairs of state, though it made him un-
popular among the bigots of the capital, was shared by
the principal members of his family. But his profligacy
and his open defiance of the ordinary rules of morality,
says the chronicler, alienated his best supporters, and
the bulk of the Ommeyades fell away from him. His
connivance at the barbarous murder of Khalid, the
ex-governor of Irak, by the cruel Yusuf, in the
CH. XII . YEZID III (THE RETRENCHER) 165

Moharram of 126 A.H. (743 A.c.), infuriated the Him- 125-126

A. H.
yarites of Syria. They rose in angry revolt against the
sovereign who had permitted the cruel deed. Yezîd, a
son of Walid I., and grandson of Abdul Malik, placed
himself at their head. They were joined by the populace
of Damascus, and Walid was besieged in a citadel in the
suburbs of the capital. He tried to parley with the
insurgents, but they hurled back the reply that it was his
ungodliness and his dissolute life that had banded his
subjects against him. The gate was burst open, and
the luckless monarch was pursued and slain in his own His death.
palace ; and his head severed from the body was paraded
in the streets of Damascus. The circumstances con- Jamâdi II .
nected with Walîd's death, and the ignominious treatment 126 A.H.
April
of his lifeless body, removed the halo which had hitherto 744A.C.
surrounded the person of the " unanimously elected
Caliph."
Upon the death of Walid II., Yezîd, who led the revolt, Vezîd III.,
surnamed
was raised to the throne. He is described as a pious "the Re-
man, strictly observant of his religious duties, and faithful trencher."
in his words and actions. In his public oration, after
the people had taken the oath of fealty, he explained the
reasons that had led him to rise against his cousin, and
went on to promise that he would fortify the frontiers,
place the cities in a proper state of defence, relieve the
burdens that weighed on the masses, and remove the
dishonest officers of government. Had he lived long
enough it is probable that he would have proved a
capable sovereign, but his reign was too short and too
disturbed to admit of reform or improvement. The
risings in Hems and Palestine were repressed. Merwân,
the Governor of Armenia, refused at first to take the
oath of fealty, and moved on Syria with the avowed
object of placing one of the sons of the unfortunate
 166 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XII .

743-744 Walid on the throne. His nominal submission was ob-

A. C.
tained with the bribe of the possessions held by his father ;
and the young sons of Walid II. were thrown into prison.
Yusuf, the murderer of Khâlid, was removed from office
and incarcerated with the sons of Walid ; and Abdullah,
the son of Omar II., was appointed in his stead. Nasr,
the deputy-governor of Khorâsân, however, refused
to obey the orders of Abdullah or to recognise the
authority of Yezîd III. The paralysis which seized the
central administration affected the remoter limbs of the
Empire ; and the rising of Abdur Rahmân in Africa
against Hanzala passed unpunished. The only reform
that Yezîd was able to introduce tended to make him
unpopular with the legionaries. Walid II. had increased
their pay ; Yezîd reduced it to the scale in Hishâm's
The death time, which obtained for him the designation of an-
ofYezîd
III. Nakis, or " the Retrencher. " He died after a short
reign of six months, at the end of 126 А.Н.
Zu'l Hijja Yezîd III. was succeeded by his brother Ibrâhîm,
126 A.H. whose authority was not recognised beyond the capital
Sept. and its environs, and barely lasted two months and ten
744 A.C.
Ibrâhîm. days. Ibrahîm is not included in the category of
Caliphs. Merwân again took up arms with the osten-
The revolt sible object of releasing the sons of Walîd, and marched
ofMerwân upon Damascus. At Ain-ul-jâr, a small township between
the Lebanon and the Anti-Lebanon, on the road from
Baalbec to the capital, he was encountered by a large
The battle army sent by Ibrâhîm, composed chiefly of Yemenites.
ofAin-ul-
jâr. But Merwân's troops were seasoned soldiers, and trained
to warfare in a long course of fighting with the Byzan-
tines and the Turkish hordes. The Yemenite rabble
were defeated with great slaughter, and the route to
Damascus lay open to the victor. As Merwân ap-
proached the capital, Ibrâhîm and his myrmidons took
CH. XII . MERWAN II 167

to flight, after killing the sons of Walid in the vain hope 125-126
of staying the rescuer's march. The murderer of Khalid, A. H.
who shared their prison, was also put to death by the
son of his victim, thus meeting a doom which he
well merited. The retainers of Walid's family now rose
in riot and slaughter against the followers of the fugitive
Ibrâhîm and his dead brother, killed a number of them,
sacked their dwellings, exhumed the body of Yezîd III.
from his grave and impaled it on one of the city gates.1
Damascus was now in a terrible state of anarchy and
confusion, and the arrival of Merwân was welcomed by Merwân
II.
the respectable citizens. He was immediately proclaimed Safar
Caliph; and the people readily took the oath of fealty, 127 A.H.
in the expectation that a trained soldier would restore Nov.
744 A.C.
peace to the distracted country.
1 Such posthumous courtesies were not confined to Asia. To
give one instance : In the fifteenth century Percy Hotspur's body
was exhumed under the orders of Henry IV., quartered and
gibbeted.
 CHAPTER XIII

THE OMMEYADES (THE HAKAMITE BRANCH) (continued)

127-132 A. H. , 744-750 A.C.

Merwân II . His character-Insurrections-Rising in Khorâsân-

Abu Muslim-The Persian Revolt-Defeat and death of Nasr,
governor of Khorâsân-Death of Ibrâhîm, the Abbasside Imâm
-Defeat of the Ommeyades at Nehawand-Defeat of the Vice-
roy of Irak-Proclamation of Saffah as Caliph-Battle of the
Zab-Defeat of Merwân-His flight-Capture of Damascus-
Abbasside vindictiveness-Death of Merwân-Last of the
Ommeyades-The causes of the Ommeyade downfall .

MERWAN II.1 was a grandson of the founder of the

Hakamite dynasty. He had governed his province of
Armenia with vigour and ability, and had time after time
rolled back the nomadic hordes in their attempts to
overwhelm him from the north. His remarkable powers
of endurance had obtained for him the surname of
al-Himâr, not in derision, but in acknowledgment of
his physical strength and force of will. Unlike most
of his predecessors, he was ascetic in his life and
habits. In camp or on the march, he lived like his
soldiers, and shared their simple fare as well as their
privations ; nor would he in his palace indulge in
those luxuries which had become habitual among
1 See Genealogical Table.
2
" The Ass. " The Arabian donkey is not the poor creature we
see in Europe ; it possesses great powers of endurance.
168
CH. XIII . MERWAN'S CHARACTER 169

the sovereigns of his house. He was devoted to the 127-132

Α.ΙΙ.
study of ancient history, on which he often discoursed
to his secretary and companions. He was well Merwân's
advanced in years when he came to the throne,1 but character.
the celerity of his movements, and the promptitude
with which he crushed the enemies that sprang up on
all sides, showed that age had not dimmed his energies.
However, something more than mere soldierly qualities
in the sovereign was needed at this crisis to save the
Ommeyade power from dissolution-the ability to rise
above tribal bias ; and this was the quality in which Mer-
wân, like most of his family, was essentially wanting. Had
he been gifted with the breadth of views and large out-
look required of a statesman, and the spirit of concilia-
tion which alone could bring the conflicting elements
into harmony, the history of Asia would have been
written otherwise. An ungovernable temper, combined
with the obstinacy and hardness which characterised most
of the Ommeyades, accentuated the defect. Instead of
endeavouring to pacify the feuds which rent the Arab
nation, he flung himself into the tribal dissensions with
the blind zeal of a partisan ; and the harshness, not to
say cruelty, with which he treated the Yemenites gave
rise to implacable hatred on their side. So the old
rivalry, embittered by present wrongs, grew into rage
under the attacks of poets. Komait, a Modharite, in a
long poem extolled the prowess and greatness of his
tribe and the virtues and sufferings of the Hashimides.
He was answered in the same strain by an Yemenite
poet named Dibli who attacked the Modharites, and
sang of the glories of Himyar and of their kings. These
poems were carried from the city to the tents, and by
1 He is said to have been over sixty at the time.
2 Called the Hashimiyyè.
 170 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIII .

744-750 their raillery and sarcasm inflamed alike citizen and

A. C.
nomade.1 Modhar and Himyar were now at each other's
throats with unparalleled fury.
Insurrec- Western Asia was at this period in a state of chaos.
tion.
The pious and the scholarly retired from the political
strife which raged round them, leaving public affairs in
the hands of the unscrupulous or the self-seeking. On
all sides there was an expectant waiting for the convul-
sion that was in the air. Merwân had not been long on
the throne before violent insurrections broke out against
him at Hems and in Palestine. The Khâriji Zealots
emerged at the same time from their desert fastnesses,
denouncing the impious rule of the Ommeyades and
inviting the people to Truth, Whatever may be said of
the tenets of these fiery covenanters, it must be admitted
that they were honest in their convictions and animated
by a feeling of duty which took no note of obstacles.
Though comparatively few in number, they overran and
held for a while Yemen, Hijaz and the whole of Irâk.
In dealing with these insurrections, Merwân displayed
admirable generalship and soldierly promptitude. He
swooped down in succession upon Hems and Palestine,
scattered the rebels and impaled their leaders. He then
marched back upon Irak, and after some hard fights
drove the Zealots across the Tigris. In Hijâz, Medîna
1 Masûdi's thoughtful remarks on this subject are worth quoting-
" Merwân's fanatical attachment to his family against the Yemenites
detached the latter from his side, to the advantage of the Abbasside
propaganda, and at last brought about those circumstances which
passed the power from the sons of Ommeya to those of Hashim .
Later this rivalry provoked the invasion of Yemen by Maan, son of
Zaidah, who, in his fanaticism for the Modharites, massacred the
Yemenites and broke up the ancient alliance which united Himyar
and Modhar. It led to sanguinary reprisals by Okba in Bahrain
and Oman against the Modharite tribes settled in those provinces."
CH. XIII . RISE OF ABÛ MUSLIM 171

was captured by the Khârijis under Abû Hamza, after a 127-132

fight in which the citizens were worsted, and was treated Α.Η.
by them with a consideration which it did not receive
from the Ommeyades. Yemen was in the hands of
" the Summoner to Truth," Dâi ul-Hakk.¹ Merwân's
lieutenant, a reckless and impious soldier of the type so
common in Europe in the Middle Ages, who openly
acknowledged himself not bound by the rules of the
Korân, defeated the Zealots in several hotly-contested Defeat of
actions, and cleared Hijâz and Yemen. The bulk of the theZealots.
Khârijis, driven from Irâk, took refuge in Persia, where
they added to the elements of disorder and discord
already existing, whilst those defeated in Hijaz and
Yemen betook themselves to Hadhramaut. On the
restoration of peace, Merwân installed Yezîd bin Omar
bin Hobaira, a devoted follower of his family, as the
viceroy of the East, and then retired to his favourite
residence in Harrân, leaving the practical work of
administration to his sons Abdul Malik and Abdullah .
Here he abode until called to undertake the expedition
which ended in disaster to himself and his dynasty.
Whilst Merwân was beating down the insurrections in
Syria and contending with the Zealots in Irâk and Arabia,
the bitter feud between Modhar and Himyar was work-
ing out the destruction of the Ommeyade empire in
Asia. Nasr, the governor of Khorâsân, was a Modharite,
and against him was arrayed the entire Himyarite faction.
The deadly conflict in which the two branches of the
Arab nation who held guard over the subject races were
involved, was deemed by the leaders of the Abbasside 129 A.H.
Propaganda to give the long-wished-for opportunity for 747
AbûA.C.
applying the torch to the mine that had been so Muslim.
1 This man was a native of Hadhramaut ( Hazramaut), his name
being Abdullah bin Yahya Hadhrami (i. e. of Hadhramaut).
 172 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIII ,

744-750 carefully laid. Abu Muslim, the leader of the revolt,

A.C. was peculiarly fitted for the task entrusted to him by
Revolt in the Abbasside Imâm. An impassive exterior, which
Khorâsân .
no adversity or success could affect, however slightly,
concealed a pitiless and cruel heart. " The gravest
events could hardly disturb the serenity of his counte-
nance, " says an old author. “ He received the news
of the most important victories without expressing
the least symptom of joy ; under the greatest reverses of
fortune he never betrayed the slightest uneasiness ; and
when angered, he never lost his self-command." His
unvarying urbanity and condescension conciliated ene-
mies and secured adherents ; whilst the capacity for
organising the troops and administering public affairs
extorted admiration. A Machiavellian dexterity in playing
upon the vanity of Modhar and Himyar and the bitter-
ness which animated both, enabled him to carry out his
design with sufficient immunity from either side..
I have already given a brief sketch of the Abbas-
side Propaganda, and described how gradually it grew
into a power. The condemnation of force by the
apostolical Imâms was regarded by many of their more
violent adherents as quietism, and engendered a desire
to look elsewhere for the leadership needed for
the subversion of the hated family of Ommeya. But
these causes alone are not sufficient to explain the
intensity of the Revolt which carried the Abbassides to
the throne on a wave of success ; nor would they, by
themselves, have sufficed to overthrow the Ommeyade
power under a warlike and trained soldier like Merwân.
The key to the phenomenal rise of the House of Abbas
is supplied in the character of the rule initiated by
Hajjaj, which, in spite of the endeavours of Omar II .,
continued to be the traditional policy under the later
CH. XII . REVOLT IN KHORASÂN 173

sovereigns of the Ommeyade dynasty. The rulers were 127-132

A. H.
entirely out of touch with the subject races, nor was
there any bond of sympathy between them and the
people. In their racial pride the Arabs held themselves Its causes.
aloof from the natives and, in spite of the teachings
of Islâm, looked down upon them as an inferior race,
and were hated in consequence. The subordinate
departments of the civil and fiscal administration were
largely in the hands of the Persians ; but they were
excluded from military posts and the higher offices of
state. When an appeal was made to that charter of
emancipation-the Koran-as proclaiming the equality
and brotherhood of man, it was either treated with con-
tempt, or evaded by quibbles. With the exception of
a few, whose names were borne on the register of
the great Omar, or who had distinguished themselves
by eminent services, the members of the subject race
took no part in the social gatherings or the pleasures
of their rulers, and brooded in sullen wrath and hatred
over their lost greatness. But the Syrian Arabs, Mod-
har as well as Himyar, engaged in their own pastimes
or tribal quarrels, recked little of the pent-up storm.
Political disabilities and invidious social distinctions
gave rise among the Persians to a strong and natural
sense of injustice. A watch-word alone was needed to
fire national enthusiasm ; and that was found in " the
rights of the Ahl ul-bait—People of the House," which
became the rallying cry of the subject nationalities
of the East. The Himyarite tribes, and the bulk of
the Arabs of Hijaz and Irâk settled in Khorâsân, were
equally discontented. The party in power, as is usually
the case, strove to retain the monopoly of influence
and emolument in its own hands, and to exclude any
participation by the others, which bred bitter jealousy
 174 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XIII .

744-750 and disputes. In these elements of discontent and

A. C.
disaffection, Abu Muslim found his materials for the
revolt. And Khorâsân became the centre for the
adherents of the Banû Abbas.1
Nasr, the governor of Khorâsân, was an able and
vigorous administrator, and in happier circumstances
would probably have left his impress on the province.
But whilst his master was struggling with the Zealots in
the west, he was endeavouring to make head against
the Yemen faction led by a man called, after his birth-
place, Kermâni. Finding the Arab garrisons thus off
their guard, Abu Muslim issued the manifesto for the
long-planned rising. The cause proclaimed was " the
rights of the Ahl ul-bait" against the usurping Banû Om-
meya ; and the dubious words al-Hashim, " the children
of Hashim," whose champion he announced himself to
be, secured the support of the adherents of the Fatimides.
Ramazân, The gathering was to take place on the 25th of Ramazân,
129 Α.Η.
129 A.H., and the people were summoned by large bonfires
lighted on the hill-tops. Vast multitudes, all clothed in
black, in sign of mourning for the chiefs that had fallen
or been murdered, flocked to the trysting-places ; and
before a few weeks were over, the black standards of the
Abbasside King-maker, called " the Cloud" and " the
Shadow, " flew from city to city on their onward march
towards the west. The Ommeyade garrisons were expelled
from Herat and other places in the far East. Kermâni's
death in an ambush prepared by the Modhar, led to his
sons joining Abu Muslim ; and their combined forces
drove Nasr out of Merv. The ominous sable standard of
the âl-Hashim brought the hitherto divided Syrians to
their senses ; they suddenly awakened to the gravity of the
danger, and tried to patch up a semblance of union. But
1 The Shiian of the Banû Abbas.
CH. XIII. DEATH OF THE GOVERNOR OF KHORÂSÂN 175

it was too late. The rising had now grown into a revolt, 127-132
and was joined by many of the leading Arabs of Hijaz A. H.
and Irâk. The unfortunate Viceroy, unable alone to
contend with the force under Abû Muslim, which was all
the while increasing in number and strength, invoked
the assistance of his sovereign, but received no reply, as
Merwân was just then pressed by the Zealots in Meso-
potamia. Before leaving Merv, Nasr addressed a last
pathetic appeal to Merwân for help. He pointed out
that the fire of insurrection was yet in embryo and
could still be stamped out, and wound up with the
despairing cry which has become historical, " Oh that
I knew whether the sons of Ommeya be awake or sunk
in sleep ! If they are sleeping in such times as these, say
to them : ' Arise, the hour is come ! "" In response to
this urgent appeal, Merwân directed the viceroy of Irâk
to despatch reinforcements for the assistance of Nasr ; 130 A.H.
but before they could arrive on the scene of action,
Ferghâna and Khorâsân had fallen entirely into the hands
of Abu Muslim, and his resources had increased propor-
tionately. Nothing shows the power of this remarkable
man so well as his choice of men ; the generals whom
he employed were some of the ablest of the time.
Kahtaba bin Shabib, an Arab of Hijâz, settled in Fars, Flight and
death of
pursued Nasr to Sarrakhs, and inflicted on him a defeat Nasr, the
which completely demoralised the Syrian forces. Nasr, Governorof
then in his eighty-fifth year, fell back on Jurjân, where Khorâsân.
he suffered another defeat ; he then fled towards Fars,
but died on the way.
Whilst these events were passing in the east, Merwân
endeavoured to discover the Hashimide in whose interest
the standard of revolt had been raised. At this time
the descendants of Abbâs were living in a village called
Humaima in Southern Palestine. Finding from his spies
 176 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIII,

744-750
A.C. that Ibrâhîm,
tolical leader), styled
was thebyoriginator
his adherents the Imâm
of the risings, (apos-
he imme-
diately had him arrested and brought to Harrân. Here
Kahtaba's Ibrâhîm was incarcerated, with several others, both
victories. Hashimides and Ommeyades. Among the latter were
Abdullâh, son of Omar II., and Abbas, son of Walid I. ,
whom Merwân suspected of endeavouring to raise an
insurrection. The arrest of Ibrâhîm had no effect,
however, on the movement of Abû Muslim's forces.
Kahtaba, after defeating Nasr in Jurjân, advanced
rapidly westward. He was accompanied by Khalid bin
Barmek, a Persian, whose descendants became afterwards
so famous in Arabian history and literature. All round,
the country was in a state of utter disorganisation.
Entering Rai (ancient Rhages), Kahtaba restored order
in the province, whilst his son Hassan, and his lieu-
tenant, Abû Ayûn, a Persian by birth, drove the
Ommeyades and Khariji Zealots before them. Nehâ-
wand, where the famous battle which led to the con-
quest of Persia had been fought, was garrisoned by
a strong Syrian force. Hassan bin Kahtaba laid siege
to the city ; whilst the father intercepted a large
army sent by Merwân for its relief, and completely
routed it. Two armies, one from Upper Mesopotamia
under the command of Merwân's son Abdullâh, the
other under Yezîd, the viceroy, were converging upon
Nehâwand ; Kahtaba pressed on the siege with vigour,
and the city capitulated before the arrival of succour
from either side. Kahtaba now detached a force under
Abu Ayûn to oppose Abdullah, whilst with his main
armyhe slipped past Yezîd, who was encamped at Jalola, on
the high-road from Kûfa, and made straight for the capital
of Irâk. Yezîd, informed of this design, hastened to throw
himself between Kûfa and the enemy. Kahtaba arrived
 CH . XIII DEATH OF IMÂM IBRAHIM 177

at the Euphrates after Yezîd, and crossed the river 127-132

A. H.
several miles higher up, beyond reach of the opposing
force. The two armies met on the same spot where
Hussain had fallen ; after a sanguinary struggle the
Ommeyades were worsted, but Kahtaba was either Defeat of
the
drowned in the river or fell on the field. His son
Viceroy
Hassan then took the command, and following up his of Irak.
father's success drove Yezîd from his camp and forced
him to retire on Wâsit.¹ Kûfa, thus uncovered, fell
without much opposition into the hands of Hassan. The
news of the disaster made Merwân furious with rage, and
impelled him to an act of barbarity which brought on the
Ommeyades fearful reprisals. Finding that Ibrâhîm was Death of
in communication with Abu Muslim's forces, he ordered Ibrâhîm,
the
him to be killed by his head being thrust into a leather Abbasside
sack filled with quick-lime. The other prisoners were Imâm.
executed at the same time. Before his death the unfortun-
ate Ibrâhîm succeeded in passing a testament to his
brother Abu'l Abbas Abdullah, which gave him the
succession to the Abbasside Imamate. Abu'l Abbas
swore a terrible oath of revenge, and kept it so faithfully
that he obtained the unenviable title of as-Saffâh or the
Sanguinary, by which name he is known in history. On
Ibrâhîm's death, his brothers fled to Kûfa, and there lay
concealed until Hassan bin Kahtaba took possession of
the city. Nothing as yet was divulged as to the ultimate
purpose of the movement which had wrested Persia from
the grasp of the Ommeyades. The Ahl-bait was the
1 A strongly fortified garrison town built by Hajjaj bin Yusuf,
midway between Kûfa and Bussorah, and hence called Wasit, the
middle-placed.
2 Ibn ul-Athîr gives a different account. According to him,
Ibrahîm died either through a house falling over him or from
poison administered in a cup of milk ; the other prisoners having
died from the plague. Let us hope this is the correct version.
N
 178 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIII .

744-750 watchword which rallied round the black standard all

A.C.
classes of people, and enlisted the sympathy and support
of the adherents (Shiahs) of the Banû Fatima. On his
entry into Kûfa, Hassan bin Kahtaba was joined by
Abû Salma¹ al-Khallal, " who," says the author of the
Rouzat us-Safâ, " was designated the Vizier of the de-
scendants of Mohammed." Apparently this man acted
as the agent of the Fatimides, but without the formal
sanction of the head of the family. He was received
with the greatest consideration by the Abbasside general,
" who kissed his hand, and seated him in the place of
honour," and told him that it was Abû Muslim's orders
that he should be obeyed in all things. Abû Salma's
vanity was flattered. A proclamation was issued in the
joint names of Abu Salma and Hassan bin Kahtaba,
inviting the inhabitants of Kûfa to assemble on the follow-
ing day, at the Masjid ul-Jamaa, to elect a Caliph. On
that day Kûfa presented a strange aspect. Large crowds
of people, clothed in the sable garments of the Banû-
Abbâs, were hastening from every quarter to the Masjid
ul-Jâmaa, to hear the long-deferred announcement. In
due time Abû Salma appeared on the scene, and, strangely,
dressed in the same sombre black. Few excepting the
partisans of Abu'l Abbas knew how he had come to sell
himself to the Abbasside cause. He preferred his head
to the interests of his masters. After leading the prayers,
he explained to the assemblage the object of the meeting.
Abu Muslim, he said, the defender of the Faith and the
upholder of the rights of the House, had hurled the
Ommeyades from the heights of their iniquity ; it was
1 This was his patronymic. His own name was Jaafar ; his
father's name was Sulaiman al-Khallâl, so called because he lived
in the quarter of the vinegar-sellers.
2 The Cathedral Mosque.
CH. XIII . PROCLAMATION OF SAFFAH 179

now necessary to elect an Imâm and Caliph ; there was 127-132

A. H.
none so eminent for piety, ability, and all the virtues
requisite for the office as Abu'l Abbas Abdullâh, and
him he offered for the election of the people. Up
to this time Abû Salma and the Abbassides were
dubious of the possible effect on the assembly. They
were afraid that even the Kûfans might not view their
treachery to the house of Ali with approbation. But the
proverbial fickleness of the Irâkians was now proved.
Again and again they had risen in arms in support of
the Fatimide cause, and as often betrayed those whom
they had pledged themselves to help or whose help they
had invoked. Swayed by the passing whim of the
moment, they had shown themselves equally to be
traitors as the defenders of truth. No sooner had the
words passed from the lips of Abu Salma, proposing
Abu'l Abbâs as the Caliph, than they burst forth with
loud acclamations of the takbir, ¹ signifying their approval. Proclama-
A messenger was sent in haste to fetch Abu'l Abbâs from Saffah tion of
as
his concealment, and when he arrived at the mosque Caliph.
there was a frantic rush on the part of the multitude to
take his hand and swear fealty. The election was com-
plete. He ascended the pulpit, recited the Khutba,2
and was henceforth the Imâm (spiritual head) and 13th Rabi
Caliph of the Moslems. Thus rose the Abbassides to II. 132
A. H.
power on the popularity of the children of Fatima, 25th No
vember
whom they repaid afterwards in such different coin.
749 A. C.
Meanwhile, events were progressing rapidly in the
1 Allâho-akbar, " God is great. "
2 The public sermon or oration delivered by the Imâm, or Caliph ,
or the leader of the congregation. The oration of Saffâh is pre-
served in extenso in the pages of Ibn ul- Athîr, and is a long lauda-
tion of the children of Abbas, of their rights to the Pontificate, and
of their enterprise in support of religion and law against the impious
children of Ommeya.
 180 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIII ,

744-750 north. Abu Ayûn came upon Merwân's son at Shahrzûr,

A. C.
east of the Little Zâb, and defeated him with great
slaughter. The defeat of his son roused Merwân into
his old activity. With an army 120,000 strong, he
crossed the Tigris and advanced upon the Greater Zâb.
Abû Ayûn had, in the meantime, been reinforced from
Kûfa, and the cruel Abdullah bin Ali, one of Saffah's
uncles, who brought the reinforcements, assumed the
chief command of the Abbasside troops , with Abu
Ayûn as lieutenant-general. The battle took place on
the left bank of the Zab¹ at a village called Kushâf.
Merwân, against advice, threw a bridge across the
river, and advanced with his usual boldness to the fight.
The legions of Saffâh, clothed in black from head to
foot, with standards, horses and camels all draped in
black, marching up silently and in serried ranks like
funeral mutes, must have struck the Syrians with awe.
And an unusual occurrence, just as the opposing forces
were waiting for orders, was taken by the Ommeyades as
a portent of evil omen. A flight of ravens passed over
the Syrian troops and settled themselves on the sable
standards of the black-clad legions.2 Merwân thought
little of this incident, but plainly saw its effect upon his
superstitious men. The first onset, led by Merwân him-
self, was successful, and the Abbassides gave way. But
Abu Ayûn made his men dismount, and plant their
lances on the ground ; while Abdullah bin Ali incited
them, as the heroes of Khorâsân, to revenge the death
ofhis nephew Ibrâhîm. He shouted, Ya-Mohammed ! Ya-
Mansûr ! and the battle-cry was taken up by all the
troops. Merwân, on his side, exhorted his people
1 The river between Mosul and Arbela.
2 Hence called the Musawwidth, or the " black " or "black
clad."
CH. XIII . DEFEAT OF MERWAN 181

by their former achievements to maintain the pres- 127-132

Α.Η.
tige of his house. His appeal, however, was of no
avail. The Syrians gave way before a fierce onslaught,
and the sight of Merwân's riderless charger, which had Battle of
the Zâb .
broken loose from its groom, turned it into a rout. Defeat of
This memorable battle, which sealed the fate of the Merwân.
Ommeyade dynasty, took place on the 11th of Jamâdi 11th Ja-
II. , 132 A.H. Merwân fled towards Mosul, but the mâdi II.
132 Α.Η.
city closed its gates upon him. He then hurried to Har- 25th
rân, where he tarried a while, vainly endeavouring to raise January
another army. But the ruthless Abbassides were on his 750 A.C.
track ; and he fled from Harrân to Hems and thence to
Damascus. Finding no safety there, he hastened towards
Palestine. But the pursuit was hot and unslacking, and
Abdullah bin Ali followed Merwân like a bloodhound.
Mosul, Harrân, and Hems submitted to Saffâh without a
blow. At Damascus, the Ommeyades offered some
resistance ; but the city was stormed, and the governor,
Merwân's son-in-law, was slain, and the capital of Syria
and practically of the whole empire, passed into the
hands of the Abbassides. On the 5th of Ramazân, Capture of
132 A.H., five months from the entry into Kûfa, and 5th
Damascus.
Rama-
three from the battle of the Zâb, the black standard zân, 132 A.H.

floated in triumph over the palace of the Ommeya. March 750

A.C.
With a barbarity which has few parallels in history,
Abdullah bin Ali did not rest content with wreaking his
vengeance upon the living. Under his orders the dead
were taken up from their last resting-places, the crumbling
bones were burnt¹ and the ashes scattered to the winds.
Abdullâh then pressed on after Merwân, who on leaving
1 The reason of this fierce vindictiveness is given by an eye-wit-
ness who is quoted by Ibn Khallikân. He says that the barbarous
treatment meted out by the Ommeyades to Zaid and his son im-
pelled Abdullah bin Ali to this reprisal.
 182 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XIII ,

744-750 Palestine dominions

Л. С. Byzantine had thought
andofinvoking
makingthehisassistance
way into the
of the
successor of Constantine . He had read how a Persian
king ¹ had been restored to his patrimony by a Byzantine
emperor, and doubted not that he would receive similar
support. He was dissuaded from this step by the faithful
few who still adhered to his fortunes. They advised his
going to Egypt or Ifrîkia, where he might raise another
army to reconquer the eastern empire, or found a new
and more vigorous kingdom in the West. Merwân then
hurried on to Fayûm, in Upper Egypt. Abdullah bin
Ali despatched his brother Sâlèh and Abu Ayûn to
follow up the fugitive. At Fostât, Abû Ayûn came upon
Merwân's traces, and the pursuit now turned into a hunt.
The pursuers found the fallen monarch in a small
Christian chapel at a place called Busîr, or Busiris, on the
western bank of the Nile, where he had laid down to
rest. Determined to sell his life dearly, the luckless
Death of sovereign rushed out, sword in hand, and fell transfixed
Merwân. with a lance. Thus perished one of the bravest and
26th Zu'l
Hijja, 132 best of his house, and with him fell the House of Om-
A.H. 5th meya. Under the orders of Saffâh, who had assumed
August
750 A.C. the title of " Avenger of the Hashimides," the mem-
bers of the fallen house were pursued with fearful
cruelty. In the gratification of a ferocious vindictive-
ness, all feelings of humanity were stifled. The men were
hunted and killed wherever found ; search was made in
the remotest spots, in the recesses of ruins, in solitary
caves in the hillsides, and every fugitive discovered
was put to death. We have to descend to later times,
to the scenes of horror enacted in the Wars of the Roses,
when whole families were destroyed, to understand the
1 Khusru Parvíz was restored to his kingdom by the Emperor
Maurice.
CH. XIII . DESTRUCTION OF THE OMMEYADES 183

bitter and savage hatred displayed by the Banû Abbas. 127-132

A. H.
On the banks of the Abû Futrus, in Palestine, Abdul-
lâh bin Ali inveigled into his tent eighty kinsmen
and relatives of Merwân by a promise of amnesty, and
then slaughtered them without mercy. Many, however,
escaped the " Avenger's " sword,¹ and in later times
received protection and patronage from the humanity of
Saffâh's successors. Among those who evaded pursuit
was Abdur Rahmân, a grandson of Hişhâm, who escaped
into Spain. The daughters of Merwân, who were with
him at the time, were sent back to Harrân with other
members of his family. Here they lived in poor circum-
stances until the accession of Mahdi, who settled a
munificent pension on them, and treated them with
the consideration due to their position and their mis-
fortunes.
With Merwân ended the rule of the mighty House of
Ommeya in the East. Some of the sovereigns of this
dynasty were undoubtedly great, whilst others were no
worse than their contemporaries in the western world.
Omar II., who has been deservedly styled the Marcus
Aurelius of the Arabs, was a ruler far in advance of the
times ; and Walid I. and Hishâm, though they cannot
be placed on the same pedestal with him, were yet men
of great capacity, honestly solicitous to promote the
well-being of the people. Merwân himself, but for his
unfortunate end, would have taken a front rank among
the rulers of the world. He was brave and wise ; but,
says Ibn ul-Athîr, as destiny had put a term on his reign,
both his valour and his wisdom came to naught.
The fate of the fallen dynasty is not without its lesson.
1 In Medîna, a large number were saved by the descendants of
Fatima ; in Irâk, Sulaiman bin Ali, an uncle of Saffah, obtained an
amnesty of protection, which put a stop to further massacres.
 184 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XIII .

744-750 A member of Merwân's family, who had in his reign

A. C.
held a high office of state, thus described in later days,
when the empire had passed into the hands of the Banû
Abbâs, the causes which led to the downfall of the
Ommeyade power-" We gave to pleasure," he said,
"the time which it was our duty to devote to public
affairs ; the heavy burdens we imposed on the people
alienated them from our rule ; harassed by vexatious
imposts and despairing of redress, they prayed for deliver-
ance from us ; our domains became uncultivated and our
treasuries empty: we trusted our ministers, they sacri-
ficed our interests to their selfish aims and ambitions,
and conducted the administration without our participa-
tion and our knowledge. The army, whose pay was
always in arrear, sided with the enemy in the hour of
danger ; and our allies failed us when we needed them
most. But our ignorance of the public affairs and the
events which were passing around us, was one of the
principal causes of the fall of our empire." 1
The total duration of the Ommeyade rule from the
assassination of the Caliph Ali to the death of Merwân
II. was little less than ninety-one years. But Masûdi
deducts from this, the period during which Hassan held
the Pontificate and Abdullah bin Zubair was recognised
as Caliph, and gives a thousand months, or eighty-three
years and four months, as the term of their undisputed
empire. Savage and selfish as was the struggle between
Abbâs and Ommeya, it gave birth to factors which revo-
lutionised the intellectual development of the Saracenic
world, and brought to the fore more than one illustrious
man .

1 Masûdi.
SID
&
W

.
RIVER
THE
FROM
DAMASCUS
 CHAPTER XIV

RETROSPECT

The Government-Revenues-Administration-Military Service-

Currency Reform of Abdul Malik--Damascus-Court life-
Society-The position of women-Introduction of the system
of seclusion-Dress-Habits-Literature-Religious and philo-
sophical sects.

UNDER the Republic, the Caliph was elected by the 40-132

A. H.
suffrage of the entire population of Medina, which 661-750
election was accepted without demur by the outside A.C.
Arabs. The ceremony was held at the public Mosque, The
where the Moslems assembled and took the oath of Govern-
ment.
fealty. From Muawiyah's time the reigning sovereign
nominated his successor, and the grandees and military
chiefs took the covenant in the royal presence ; whilst
in the provinces the oath was taken by the governor on
behalf of the presumptive Caliph. This system com-
bined the vices of democracy and despotism without the
advantages of either. Once the oath was taken, the
suffrage of the people, however obtained, whether by
coercion, cajolery, or bribe, was supposed to give a
sacramental character to the election.
Under Abu Bakr, Omar, and Ali, the Public Treasury¹
was in reality the property of the people, and every
member of the Islâmic Commonwealth was entitled to
an allowance out of the income of the state. With the
establishment of an autocracy under Muawiyah, the
1 Bait-ul-Mâl il Muslimin.
185
 186 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIV.

661-750 revenues of the empire became the private property of

A.C. the sovereign, and subject to his absolute control. He
was thus able to bestow the entire income derived from
Egypt upon Amr, the son of Aâs, in return for his help
against the Caliph Ali ; Amr had in fact declined to take
anything less, and refused in forcible terms " to hold the
horns whilst somebody else milched the cow."
The The revenues were derived from the same sources as
Revenues.
under the Republic, viz. (1) the land-tax, (2) the test-tax
on non-Moslem subjects, (3) the poor-rates, (4) customs
and excise duties, (5) tributes paid under treaties, and
(6) the fifth of the spoils of war. The taxes collected
in each province were paid into the respective Provincial
Treasuries. Decentralisation was the rule ; all expenses
connected with provincial administration were defrayed
from the Provincial Treasury; the soldiers, the stipen-
diaries and public functionaries, stationed within or
attached to any province, were paid out of its revenues.
All works of utility, such as roads and canals, and public
buildings, as mosques and schools, were likewise con-
structed at the cost of the particular province where
they were required. Any balance that remained was
remitted to the Imperial Treasury at Damascus. The
collection of the revenue was entrusted to Aâmils, who
appear to have also exercised executive functions and
occupied a position similar to that of Collectors in
British India. Sometimes the governors, when they
happened to combine the office of Sahib ul-Kharaj with
their own proper functions, as was often the case after
Omar II. , broke the rule and gave the charge of collec-
tion to their secretaries or Katibs. This led to pecula-
tion, which was visited with severe punishment often
accompanied by confiscation of the culprit's property.
Large domains were held by the sovereigns in their
CH. XIV. THE VICEROYALTIES 187

private right, and by the princes of the royal blood. 40--132

A. H.
Until the second Walîd's accession, special care was
devoted to their cultivation. During the civil wars that
had preceded the rise of Abdul Malik to power, the
great irrigation works of Omar in Chaldæa had been
neglected and allowed to fall into ruin ; vast tracts had
thus turned into marshes. Maslamah, the brother of
Hishâm, who held in fief the greater part of the Sawad
(the Lower Euphrates Valley), drained the country and
reclaimed the lands .
Taxes were not levied according to one standard, but
varied in every province according to the conditions
imposed, or privileges granted from time to time, by the
early Caliphs. Attempts were sometimes made to go
behind them, which gave rise to insurrections.
The empire was divided into five viceroyalties. Hijâz, The
Vice-
Yemen, and Central Arabia were under one viceroy; royalties.
Lower and Upper Egypt under another. The two Irâks,
viz. Irâk-Arab (ancient Babylonia and Chaldæa) and
Irâk Ajam (Persia proper), together with Oman, al-Bah-
rain, Kermân, Sistân, Cabul, Khorâsân, the whole of
Transoxiana, Sind, and portions of the Punjab, formed
one vast province under the viceroy of Irâk, whose seat of
government was at Kûfa. Khorâsân and Transoxiana
were ruled by a deputy-governor, who generally resided
at Merv ; al-Bahrein and Oman were under the deputy-
governor of Bussorah ; and Sind and the Punjab were
governed by a separate officer.
Mesopotamia (the Jazîra of the Arabs), with Armenia,
and Azarbijan and parts of Asia Minor, formed another
province. But the most important of all the vice-
royalties was that of Ifrîkia, which included the whole of
Northern Africa to the west of Egypt, Spain, and the
south of France, together with Sicily, Sardinia, and the
 188 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIV.

661-750 Balearic
A.C. wân, andIsles. The seat
there were of government
deputy-governors at was at Kairo-
Tangiers and
the islands of the Mediterranean. Spain was ruled by a
governor whose capital was Cordova.
Political The political and military administration of each
and province was in the hands of the viceroy, but the
military
adminis revenues were in the charge of another official, the
tration. Sahib ul-Kharaj, wholly independent of the governor,
who was appointed directly by the sovereign. The
judges of the principal cities were vested with the power
of appointing their own deputies. The administration of
justice among the non-Moslem communities was wisely
confided to their communal magistrates or priests. The
presidency at the public prayers, a most important
function, was entrusted either to the governor or to the
chief Kâzi.

The head of the police ( Sahib ush-Shurta ) was under

the command of the governor. About the beginning of
Hishâm's reign a new force was formed, which, under the
name ofAhdas, performed militia duties and stood half- way
between the police and the regular soldiery. In order to
facilitate correspondence between the sovereign and the
provincial governors through the wide extent of the
empire, and also to create a safeguard against the
A circulation of fraudulent edicts, Muawiyah created a
Chancery
Depart-
Chancery Department which bore the name of the Board
ment es- of the Signet (Diwân ul-Khatim). Every ordinance
tablished issued by the Caliph was copied in a Register, the
by Muâ-
wiyah. original was then sealed and despatched to its destina-
tion. He also established a postal system, which after-
wards was carried to such perfection by the Abbassides.
It was not, however, from Muawiyah that the policy of
the Ommeyades, certainly in the Eastern provinces,
derived its character, for Abdul Malik was its real
CH. XIV . CURRENCY REFORM 189

founder. With the object of excluding foreign influences 40-132

from the affairs of state, he ordered that public offices A. H.
should be held only by Arabs. This exclusive policy
was carried to its furthest limit by his lieutenant in Irâk,
the notorious Hajjaj, who endeavoured to exclude from
the service of the state not only non-Moslems, but also
Moslems who were not Arabs, and even re-imposed on
the latter the test-tax paid by the zimmis. As a matter
of fact, this exclusive policy did not succeed, for before
long the Persians and Christians again held in large
numbers the subordinate civil and fiscal employments.
But it left a widespread feeling of discontent, which
bore such bitter fruit in the time of Merwân II .
Two other measures introduced by Abdul Malik were
unquestionably beneficent in their tendency, and dic-
tated by a wise and statesmanlike policy. Hitherto The

there was no regular and recognised currency in the Currencyof

Saracenic empire. The provincial governors had their Abdul
Malik.
own independent mints, which issued coin for local
demands. The stamping and actual value were quite
inexact, and counterfeiting was common. For or-
dinary purposes the Byzantine and the old Persian
coinage were in general use. The extension of the
empire and the development of commerce rendered it
necessary to have a stable and uniform standard of
currency. Abdul Malik established an imperial mint,
withdrew all the variable coins in use in the country, 77 А.Н.
and issued in lieu thereof his own coinage, both gold 696 A.C.
and silver. His currency reform was based upon a
mixture of Roman and Sassanide nominals. The Roman

1 The precision with which the first Arabian gold coinage was
issued is astounding. It weighed 4.25 grains. The relative weight of
the gold to the silver coin (dirhem) was as 10 : 7 ; the actual weight
of the latter was 2.97 grains.
 190 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIV.

661-750 solidi formed the base of the gold coin, and the legal
A.C. dirhems introduced by Omar the Great, of the silver.
Counterfeiting was visited with severe punishment. The
Introduc- second reform introduced by Abdul Malik was equally
tion of the remarkable and enduring. Before his time the state
Arabian
language accounts were kept either in Persian, Greek, or Syriac,
inoffices
public. which encouraged malversation. Abdul Malik directed
that henceforth the public registers should be kept in the
Arabian language and character.
Before the accession of Yezîd II., provincial appoint-
ments were made chiefly for political or administrative
reasons, and viceroys and prefects were nominated either
because they were fitted for their posts or had distin-
guished themselves by their services or devotion to the
sovereigns or the dynasty. Under Yezîd II. the influence
of the favourites became the guiding principle for public
posts. The highest posts were conferred through their
exertions, in utter disregard of the fitness of the
nominees. Even Hishâm was not free from these out-
side influences. Another evil which at this time crept
into the administration led to serious mischief later on.
Hitherto the governors of distant provinces were required
to reside within their governments. It became frequent
now for members of the reigning family and even men
of note at court who obtained these appointments to
reside at the capital, leaving the administration to a
deputy or proxy, whose sole object was to enrich his
principal and himself with the income of the provinces.
The ad- On the whole the administrative machinery under the
ministra-
tive Ommeyades was of a primitive character. There was no
machinery. such elaboration as under the Abbassides, nor was there
such a separation of duties as could promote efficiency.
The practical work of administration was conducted by
four principal departments (1) the Diwân ul-Kharaj
CH. XIV. CONDITION OF THE TOWNS 191

(the Board of Land-tax), which was in the nature of a 40-132

A. H.
Department of Finance ; (2) the Diwân ul-Khatim, or
the Board of the Signet, where the ordinances of govern-
ment were drawn up, confirmed and sealed ; (3) the
Diwân ur-Rasail, the Board of Correspondence, which
was vested with the control of provincial affairs and all
communications from the governors ; (4) the Diwân ul-
Mustaghillât, or Board of Miscellaneous Revenue.
Besides these there appear to have been two offices
apparently subordinate to the Department of Finance
which had charge of the pay of the police and the
soldiers .
Military service was, in a manner, compulsory on all Military
Service.
Arab-born subjects of the empire, who were bound at
stated periods to attend the colours of their respective
Junds, or legions, for the necessary training. On active
duty the soldiers received a higher pay than when merely
in the reserve ; but every person liable to be called upon
for service was entitled to a stipend from the state. I
shall deal with the military organisation of the Saracens
as a whole when I come to the Abbasside epoch, when
the machinery of the state, both in war and peace, had
attained such a high pitch of excellence. The fleet was
under the command of an officer who was called the
Ameer ul-Bahr, “ Commander of the Sea."
The towns were all walled for defensive purposes. Condition
of the
The various trades and guilds occupied separate quarters Towns.
or streets, which were named after them. But this
division of the town into blocks was not confined to
crafts. The Arabs were always noted for their antipathy
to centralisation. Hence, wherever they settled, they
grouped themselves into separate clans. Each tribe had
its particular quarter, its houses, its mosque, bazaar and
burial-ground. This clannish tendency favoured émeutes
 192 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIV .

661-750 and risings against authority. In order to prevent com-

A. C.
binations, each block or quarter, which formed a little
town in itself, was separated from the rest by strong
gates guarded by a warder or watchman (Haris), whose
duty it was to give egress and ingress, especially to
belated wayfarers at night. But in times of trouble, all
communication could be cut off between the different
sections of the town by simply shutting the gates.
Damascus. At the period of the Moslem conquest, Damascus was
a flourishing town and the seat of a Roman governor.
Under the Ommeyades it became one of the most
beautiful cities of the world, and the metropolis of the
Islâmic empire. They adorned it with magnificent
buildings, fountains, kiosks, and pleasure-houses. The
embellishment began with the Green Palace (Kasr ul-
Khazra) built by Muawiyah, which received its name
from its green colouring and ornamentation. Under his
successors the city shone with the white domes and
towers of innumerable palaces and mosques. Walid
I. in particular beautified Damascus and its environs
with public structures, and erected for himself a lasting
monument in the great mosque.
But the love of building was not confined to the
rulers ; the members of the reigning house and the
grandees of the empire vied with each other in adorning
Mosul. Damascus and other large cities. Hurr,¹ who held for
106toA.H. eleven years the governorship of Mosul under Hishâm,
117 A.H.
built a college, a caravanserai, and for his own resi-
dence a palace of exquisite beauty. The mansion 2

1 Hurr's father, Yusuf, was a grandson of Hakam, the father of

Merwân I. He was thus a member of the reigning family.
2 " This mansion was situated," says Ibn ul-Athîr, " near the
bazaar of the harness-makers. It is now lying neglected and in
ruins ."
-
"

DAMASCUS
.
THE
OF
MOSQUE
GRAND
CH. XIV. THE CALIPH'S PALACE 193

was constructed of pure white alabaster; its walls were 40-132

Α. Η.
ornamented with inlaid stones of variegated colours ;
the ceilings rested on beams of highly-carved Indian
wood (teak), and were beautifully painted and gilt. It
was hence called the Mankûsha, or Painted Palace.
Finding that the citizens of Mosul had great difficulty
in obtaining good drinking-water, he constructed a canal,
which in spite of the lapse of centuries still exists. The
famous road by its side was planted with trees, and
became the resort of the citizens and their families for
evening recreation.
The water supply of Damascus, still unsurpassed in The Water
the East, is an imperishable memorial of the Ommeyade Damascus.
Supply of
rulers. The Barâda, the Chryssorrhoas of the Greeks,
certainly conducted a plentiful supply of drinking-water
into the ancient town, but the merit of developing the
system of water-courses to such an extent that up
to this day even the poorest house has its particular
fountain, is unquestionably due to the sovereigns of the
house of Ommeya. There were seven principal canals
running through the city besides innumerable aqueducts
which connected each house with the main water-supply.
The rulers of Damascus had certainly created for them-
selves a domicile of surpassing beauty in the town and its
The
charming environs. The Caliph's palace was resplendent
with gold and marble ; costly mosaics ornamented the Caliph's
Palace.
floors and walls; and running fountains and cascades
diffused an agreeable coolness around the courts. The
gardens were filled with rare and shady trees, and
enlivened by innumerable singing birds. The ceilings of
the apartments were painted in gold and white, or inlaid
with jewels. Richly-attired slaves, in bright-coloured
silk garments of the striped patterns still in vogue in
Damascus, filled the rooms. Hishâm gave private
0
 194 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIV.

661-750 audience " in a large hall paved with marble, each flag of
A. C.
which was separated from the other by a band of gold ;
seated on a red carpet woven with gold, dressed in red
silk and perfumed with musk and amber." 1 Six imposing
gates 2 gave access to the city, and their high towers were
visible from a distance to the approaching traveller.
When the Arabs conquered Syria, they had not yet had
time to form an architectural style of their own, but
they soon developed one which, in beauty of design and
completeness of method, surpassed both the Persian and
Byzantine. The architectural style of a nation derives
its character from the original habitat of the people and
their primitive conditions of life. In the graceful tracery
of arches and pillars, minarets and domes of the Sara-
cenic architecture, the strong resemblance to the arching
and doming of the palm-groves, so dear to the Arab,
forces itself upon our notice.
In the beginning, the Syrian houses were modelled
after the neo-Roman style; and in the towns of Irâk
they distinctly bore the stamp of Persian design and
taste.

The lapse of time has made no change in the fashion

of the buildings nor, generally, in the domestic arrange-
ments. In the residences of the rich, then as now,
a door-porter (bawwab), whose usual seat was an estrade
of stone, or a wooden bench in the doorway, gave
admission to visitors. In the houses of the poor a big
ring of iron or metal, fixed on the door, was used as a
knocker. The doorway led into an oblong courtyard,
which was often surrounded by pillared galleries. A
1 Al- Harîri .
2 Viz. the Gate of Paradise or gardens (al-Bab-ul-Far&dis), the
Jâbia Gate, the Eastern Gate (al-Bâb ush-sharki), the Tûma Gate,
the Small Gate (al-Bab us-Saghir), and the Kaisân Gate.
CH. XIV . COURT LIFE 195

variegated pavement of stone, marble, or pebbles taste- 40-132

A.H.
fully designed ran round the courtyard, and a fountain,
surrounded by a little garden filled with fragrant flower-
ing shrubs, and shaded by orange, lemon, and citron
trees, occupied the centre. On one side of the court
was the raised aiwân (modern liwan) or hall, paved, like
the courtyard, with marble or coloured stones, which
in the hot season formed the reception-room. The
mansions of the rich were sometimes two-storied, and
had more than one hall, each differently decorated. To
the right and left of the halls heavily curtained doors
led to the reception and living rooms. In winter, the
marble floors of the aiwan and of the apartments were
richly carpeted ; in summer, they were covered with
matting. The diwân, or long couch round the wall, had
not yet come into fashion, for we hear of it first under
the Abbassides. If the master of the house was of
high rank it was customary to place several rugs one
upon another, so as to form a higher seat for him.
Opposite the door was a niche ornamented with marble
pillars, in which stood the ewer and basin used for the
prescribed ablutions, and it is probable that, as now, an
ornamental shelf ran along the wall in which were placed
articles of use and luxury. The ceilings were adorned
with arabesques, and richly gilt. In winter the rooms
were warmed by means of a manhal or brazier placed
in the centre of the room, while in summer the fountains
and open windows kept the apartments cool.
The sovereign was expected to preside at the Friday Court life.
Cathedral service and the daily prayers. This duty was
faithfully observed by Muawiyah, Abdul Malik, and
Omar II.; but the others often shirked attendance at
the latter. The ruler's presence, however, was indis-
pensable at the Friday service, when he delivered the
 196 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIV .

661-750 pontifical sermon. On these occasions he appeared in

A. C.
the Jamaa Mosque clothed entirely in white, in a
pointed white cap sometimes adorned with jewels. The
signet-ring and staff of the Prophet formed the sole insignia
of office. After prayers he ascended the pulpit and
preached a sermon to the assembled congregation. Some
of the gayer and more frivolous sovereigns of this dynasty
found attendance even at Friday services too irksome.
Yezîd II. , for example, was often represented at public
prayers by the chief of the body-guard (Sahib ush-Shurta),
and Walîd II. once indulged in a prank which greatly
angered the religious people in the capital. He sent to
the Mosque, enveloped in his cloak, a beautiful lady of
the harem with whom he had been entertaining himself,
and who entered fully into the spirit of the joke, to
preside at the Friday service in his stead.
Besides these religious functions, the sovereign per-
formed the duties of a high court of appeal, and received
in audience the grandees of the state and the envoys
of neighbouring princes. The receptions were either
public (aâm) or private (khâs). At the public audiences
the sovereign was seated on his throne in the large re-
ception hall, with the princes of the royal blood ranged
on his right ; and the courtiers and dignitaries, and
general retinue of the Court, on the left. Before him
stood all the people entitled to enter and salute the
sovereign-the notables of the town, the masters of
crafts and guilds, poets, legists, etc. The private
audiences were reserved for the members of the reign-
ing house, dignitaries of state and special favourites, a
custom not confined to the Ommeyades. At these
receptions the sovereigns were dressed in gorgeous robes.
The Ommeyade Sardanapalus, Walid II., wore tunics
of gold brocade and trousers of damask, whilst Sulai
CH. XIV. AMUSEMENTS 197

mân, his uncle, never wore anything but damask, and 40-132
Α. Η.
was buried in it.
The first rulers of the Ommeyade dynasty spent most
of their unoccupied time in listening to the stories of
the wars, adventures, and deeds of heroism of the Arabs
before the birth of Islâm. Poetical recitations also
enlivened their entertainments. Under Yezîd I. the
use of wine came into fashion. He himself drank im-
moderately, and his social gatherings, like those of
Yezîd II. and Walid II., were more like drinking bouts
and orgies than convivial feasts. Before long recitations
made room for singing and music. The best singers
flocked to Damascus from Mecca and Medina, in those
days the home of the musical arts. The games of chess
and polo had not yet come into vogue, but dice, and
apparently cards, were not unknown. Cock-fights, though
forbidden by Walid I. and Omar II., were, as in Eng-
land until recent times, fashionable pastimes. But the
favourite form of outdoor amusement and diversion
among all classes of the people was horse-racing. Horse-
racing.
Hisham is said to have been the first to establish races
with the object of improving the breed of horses. As
many as four thousand horses from his own and other
stables ran in the races organised by him, which, says
Masûdi, is without precedent. Even princesses trained
and ran horses.
Walid II. was equally devoted to horse-racing, and
there existed great rivalry between him and Hishâm on
the subject of their horses. In this reign the love of
music grew almost into a craze ; and enormous sums Music.
were spent on famous singers and musicians, who were
summoned to court from the most distant parts. The
large influx into the capital of the servile classes in
pursuit of their vocation of dancing and singing naturally
 198 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIV.

661-750 demoralised society and gradually led to the segregation

A. C.

The
of the respectable section of the female community. A
Harem thoughtful historian¹ says, " the actual harem system
system. commenced only under Walid II., who, in imitation of
the Byzantine custom, introduced eunuchs into his
household. From that time forward these unfortunate
creatures played a conspicuous part in the oriental
courts as confidential servants and guards of female
honour. The abominable custom of mutilation was
practised by the Greeks, who afterwards traded with the
objects of their avarice." So late as the third century of
the Hegira, a learned Arab, the well-known rationalist
(Mutazalite) al-Jahîz, condemned the practice in the
strongest terms. But though reprehended and de-
nounced by Moslem doctors and divines, the system
took root in the Ommeyade court.
Adoption As the Ommeyades borrowed from the Court of Byzan-
ofcustoms.
foreign tium the abominable custom ofemploying eunuchs, especi-
ally for the inner service of the palace, they also adopted
various customs and rules of etiquette in vogue among the
old Persian kings. Whilst the example of the sovereigns
made the use of wine almost universal among the men,
the ladies indulged in a beverage still sold in the bazaars
of Damascus and Beyrut under the name of rose-sugar
sherbet-a solution of rose-sugar and water, cooled in sum-
mer with snow. The ladies of the royal family seem to
have been particularly addicted to this drink, and in
later days a crystal and gold goblet of large proportions
was exhibited in the treasury of Bagdad out of which

1 Von Kremer.
2 Abû Osmán Amr, of the tribe of Kinâna, generally known by
the surname of al-Jahîz, " was a man," says Ibn-Khallikân, " cele-
brated for his learning and authorship of numerous works on every
branch of science." He died in 255 A. H. (868-869 A.C. ).
CH. XIV. THE POSITION OF WOMEN 199

Umm Halîm, the wife of Hishâm, drank her sherbet. 40-132

A. H.
The second Caliph of the Ommeyade dynasty, Yezîd I. ,
in imitation of some of the old Persian kings, intoxicated
himself daily, and was hardly ever sober. Abdul Malik
is said to have taken wine freely once a month, but the
application of a remedy in use among the Roman em-
perors left him next morning fresh and lively, without any
trace of the night's revels. Walid I. drank every second
day, whilst his brother Yezîd II., and his nephew Walîd II. ,
were constantly drunk. Among the sovereigns of the
Ommeyade dynasty only three did not indulge in wine
-the pious Omar II., Hishâm, and Yezîd III. The
wine-parties in the royal palace, as well as in the mansions
of the great, were enlivened by music and song. On
these occasions a thin curtain, hung in the middle of the
hall, pretended to hide the august person of the sovereign
and his immediate surroundings, from the view of the
assembly of courtiers, singers, and musicians.
As I have already mentioned, the custom of female Women.
seclusion, which was in vogue among the Persians from
very early times,¹ made its appearance among the Moslem
communities in the reign of Walid II. And the cha-
racter and habits of the sovereign favoured the growth
and development of a practice which pride and imita-
tion had transplanted to the congenial soil of Syria. His
utter disregard of social conventionalities, and the daring
and coolness with which he entered the privacy of fami-
lies, compelled the adoption of safeguards against outside
intrusion, which once introduced became sanctified into
a custom . To the uncultured mind walls and warders
appear to afford more effective protection than nobility
of sentiment and purity of heart.
Despite these unfavourable circumstances, women con-
1 Comp. the story of Esther, vers. 9 and 12.
 200 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIV.

661-750 tinued down to the accession of Mutawwakil, the tenth

A. C. Caliph of the House of Abbas, to enjoy an extraordinary
amount of freedom. The old chivalry was yet alive
among men ; Byzantine licence and Persian luxury had
not destroyed the simplicity and freedom of the desert.
Fathers were still proud to assume surnames after their
accomplished and beautiful daughters ; ¹ and brothers and
lovers still rushed to battle acclaiming the names of their
sisters and lady-loves. The high-bred Arab maiden
could still hold converse with men without embarrass-
ment and in absolute unconsciousness of evil. To her
the beautiful lines of Firdousi² were still applicable-
" Lips full of smiles, countenance full of modesty,
Conduct virtuous, conversation lively. " 3

She entertained her guests without shyness ; and as she

knew her own worth she was respected by all around her.
A well-known author 4 relates that once returning from
Mecca he halted at a watering-place not far from Medîna.
The heat of the sun drove him to ask for shelter in a
neighbouring house which appeared to be of some pre-
tension. He entered the courtyard and asked the in-
mates if he might alight from his camel. A lady's voice
gave him the sought-for permission.5 He then asked for
leave to enter the house, and receiving permission he
entered the hall, where he found a " maiden fairer than
1 Such as Abu Sufra, Abû Laila, etc.
2 The Homer of Persia .
3
“ Do lab pur ze khandah, do rukh pur ze sharm,
Ba-raftâr nekô, ba guftâr garm."
4 Abu Tayeb Mohammed al- Muffazal ad-Dibbi, who died in 308
A. H. (920 A.C. ), quoted by al- Kharaiti in his Itilal ul-Kulûb. This
story illustrates equally the manners and customs under the early
Abbassides. See also Ibn Khallikân under the title Zu'r-Rumma.
5 In the original, " The lady of the house (rabbat ul-bait) called
out ' Alight. "
CH. XIV . SYEDA SUKAINA 201

‫دو‬
the sun engaged in some household duty. She bade 40-132
him to be seated, and they conversed, and the " words like A.H.
pearls were scattered from her lips. " Whilst they were
conversing, her grandmother entered and sat down by
their side, laughingly warning the stranger to beware of
the witchery of the fair girl.
Another incident related by the father of this author
throws further light on the manners and customs of the
age. He was proceeding to Mecca, and halted on the
way at the house of a friend, who asked him if he would
like an introduction to Kharka, the famous lady whose Kharka.
praises had been sung by one of the greatest poets of
the Ommeyade times. On his expressing a desire to
meet the beauty, he was taken to her residence, where he
was received by a tall and extremely beautiful woman
" in the force of age." He saluted her, and was asked
to sit down. “ We conversed for a time, " continues the
narrator, " when she asked me, laughingly, ' Did'st thou
ever make the pilgrimage ? ' ' More than once,' said I.-
' And what, then, has hindered thee from visiting me ?
Dost thou not know that I am one of the objects to be
visited during the pilgrimage ? '-' And how is that ? '-
' Hast thou never heard what thy uncle Zu'r- Rumma said :
To complete a pilgrimage, the caravan should stop at
Kharka's (abode) whilst she is laying aside her veil ' ? "
Under the early Hakamites flourished as- Syeda¹ Syeda
2
Sukaina, or Sakîna, the daughter of Hussain, the Martyr Sukaina.
1
Syeda (lady) is the feminine of Syed (lord), and is the title given
to the descendants of Ali and Fatima .
2 Her real name is said to have been Omaima, Sukaina being a
surname given to her by her mother. Sukaina died at Medîna in
Rabi I. 117 A.H. (April 735), in the reign of Hisham. Left a widow
when quite young by the death of her first husband, Musaab bin
Zubair, on the field of battle (see ante, p. 94), she married one
 202 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XIV .

661-750 of Kerbela, who was regarded as " the first among the
A.C.
women of her time by birth, beauty, wit, and virtue."
Her residence was the resort of poets, fakihs (jurists), and
learned and pious people of all classes. The assemblies
in her house were brilliant and animated, and always
enlivened by her repartees.
Umm-ul-Banîn, the wife of Walid I., and sister of
Omar II ., was another remarkable woman of the time.
Her influence over her husband was considerable, and
was always exercised for the good of the people. The
lecture she once administered to Hajjaj is famous in
history. He had come to visit Walid, and had the
effrontery to advise him to shake off the influence of the
Queen. When Umm-ul-Banîn heard this, she asked
Walîd to send Hajjaj to pay his duties to her. Hajjaj
came into the Queen's chamber. He was received with
studied neglect, and was allowed to remain waiting for
a long time. Umm ul-Banîn then entered the hall of
audience, accompanied by her maids. His obeisance
was acknowledged with reserve ; and the Queen ques-
tioned him about his advice to the sovereign not to allow
her interference in affairs of state. A prevaricating reply
led to a memorable lecture. The royal lady recounted
one by one all his misdeeds, and laid open before him
how he had induced his masters to cruel deeds, in which
the best followers of the Faith had been sacrificed, and
how he had proved himself the evil genius of her family.

Abdullah Hizâmi , by whom she had a son named Kurain. Abdul-

lâh Hizami died shortly after. On his death a brother of Omar II.
proposed to her, but was prohibited from marrying by Walid I.
She then married a grandson of the Caliph Osman, who, however,
was compelled to separate from her under the orders of the
Ommeyade Sulaimân.
CH. XIV. DRESS 203

Then, after reproaching him for his cowardice, she 40-132

A. H.
ordered her attendants to thrust him out.
The Arab ladies were extremely fond of poetry and
recitations, and not a few have left compositions of great
merit.
The famous saint Râbia¹ lived about this epoch. She Saint
Râbia.
is described as one of the most eminent among the holy
persons of the time.
Men's dress had not undergone much change from Dress.

early times, but evidently the tight-fitting kaba was now

coming into use. The dress differed not only in quality
and quantity according to the means of the wearer, but
varied in style and shape according to his profession.
The costume of a fakîh (lawyer or jurist) or a kâtib (clerk)
differed widely from that of the soldier. For different
pursuits there were also different dresses ; for riding, short
tight coats and tight trousers were worn instead of the
loose flowing garments used indoors.
One can easily imagine the gay and lively scene
Damascus presented when it was the seat of a wealthy
and extravagant court, an important military station, and
the commercial centre of a large empire. The grandees
in rich attire, mounted on beautifully caparisoned horses,
and surrounded by their retainers, hurrying to the palace;
the Bedouin chiefs in their picturesque costume riding
proudly through the streets ; the sunburnt Arabs of the
desert in their brown and white camel-hair cloaks with
striped red and yellow kufiyas, gazing in astonishment at
the bustle and excitement ; the crowds of Syrian country
folk in their purple cassocks, wide trousers, red-beaked
shoes, and large white or blue turbans, driving their
1 Surnamed Umm ul- Khair, " the mother of good," died in 135
Α.Η. (752-753 A.C. ), and is buried on the Mount of Tir, to the east
ofJerusalem. Her tomb is now a place of pilgrimage.
 204 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIV.

661-750 donkeys, mules, and camels laden with country pro-

A. C.
duce; the jealously-watched Hashimides with their finely-
cut, aristocratic features, in long robes, walking with
measured step ; the ladies, surrounded by their maids,
on shopping bent-all this must have formed an interest-
ing and animated picture.
Mode of About this time we find mention made of napkins
eating and spoons. The napkin was tied round the neck,
or tucked in the khaftân, as is still the custom in
many parts of the continent of Europe. The spoons
were either of wood, with long handles to drink
sherbet from the bowls, or were made of porcelain,
and imported from China. Among the affluent the day
generally began with a bowl of honied milk, or sugar and
milk. Some time after sunrise breakfast was served in
the inner apartments, at which all the members of the
family were present ; after breakfast the master of the
house devoted himself to his duties. Noon was the usual
hour for dinner, which was served in the reception-hall.
At this meal guests were always present. Supper was
laid after the Aasr prayers,¹ and was taken in company.
They all sat on chairs ; a table was placed on a stand
and covered with a white cloth. First bowls of honied
milk and other drinks were served, and then dishes
of dressed meat. After supper, the host and his guests
attended Isha² service, and then assembled in another
apartment and spent the evening in conversation.
Association between the sexes became more and more
restricted with the increase of Byzantine and Persian
influence on Arab society.
1 Aasr prayers may be offered at any time between four in the
afternoon and sunset.
2 Isha prayers may be offered any time between nightfall and
midnight.
CH. XIV . LITERATURE 205

The term slavery is hardly applicable to the persons 40-132

A. H.
who hold that status in Islâm; for slavery among the
Moslems bears no analogy to that practised among any Slavery.
other people. The Arabian Prophet forbade human chat-
telhood ; he ordained that parents should not be separated
from their children, nor one relative from another ; he
directed that " slaves " should be fed and clothed as
their masters and mistresses, and should never be ill-
treated. They should be allowed to ransom themselves,
or to work out their emancipation. Enfranchisement
of slaves was declared to be the highest act of virtue.
The " slaves " were in reality members of the household.
In spite, however, of their superior position compared to
their status in other legal systems, their introduction in
large numbers had an unwholesome effect on Arab
society ; it tended to lower the standard of ideals, and to
relax the bonds of morality. Another mischievous result
also began to show itself about this time. The Saracen
settlers in foreign lands often intermarried with the
daughters of the subject nations, with the result so often
observable in history. If the people among whom
they settled belonged to any of the higher races, like
the Goths, the Franks, the Persians, or even the Greeks,
their descendants improved ; if they intermarried among
the lower races, like the Ethiopians, their progeny de-
teriorated.
Literature did not, like music, arts, or poetry, receive Literature.
much encouragement from the Ommeyades. Under
Omar II. jurists were esteemed and supported, and
learned men in general were patronised. But the bent
of the Ommeyade mind was not in this direction ; in
the whole course of their rule, they produced only one
man of learning, Khalid the son of Yezîd I., who was
 206 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIV.

661-750 noted for his acquirements in the sciences and letters.1

A.C. The members of the suspected families and the clients
of Arab tribes took to commerce and literature. There
was no established church such as grew up under the
Religious Abbassides ; and the jurisconsults, who received allow-
and philo- ances from the state, were not yet drawn into a vast
sophical
sects. hierarchy insisting in its own interests upon absolute
conformity. As yet, the divisions were chiefly of a
semi-political or dynastic character. The question of
the Imâmate, or spiritual headship of Islâm, formed
the principal point of difference between each group.
The Ommeyade asserted, if he did not believe, that it
belonged to his clan ; the adherents of the descend-
ants of Mohammed maintained that it was the right
of the Prophet's family ; the Abbassides claimed it for
their branch ; whilst the Khârijis held that the right
of electing an Imâm appertained to the universality of
the people, irrespective of race, clan, or family. Among
the Ommeyades there was one cardinal doctrine, viz. the
execration of Ali and his descendants ; for the rest, each
followed the rules of conduct supported by their tradi-
tions. Those who were inimical to the House of Ali
were called Nawasib (plural of Nasabi, a rebel), whilst
their partisans were styled Ash-shiât-ul-Ahl-Bait, " ad-
herents of the people of the House." Among the Fati-
mides alone religious ideas took a philosophical turn.
The general diffusion of learning had set free the spirit of
inquiry. Philosophical discussions became common at
every centre of population, and the lead was given by the
school which flourished at Medina, under a great-grand-
son of the Caliph Ali, named Imâm Jaafar, surnamed
1 Khalid, a great master of medicine and chemistry, has left
writings on those subjects. He died in 85 A.H. (704 А.С. ).
CH. XIV. PHILOSOPHICAL SCHOOLS 207

Sâdik. A man of inquiring mind and a keen thinker, 40-132

Α.Η.
well versed in most of the learning of the time, he was
virtually the founder of the chief philosophical schools in
Islâm. His lectures were attended not only by men who
afterwards became the founders of schools of law,¹ but
also by philosophers and students from distant lands.
Imâm Hassan al-Basri, who founded a school of
philosophy in his native city (Bussorah), was one of his
disciples.2 Wasil bin Aata, the founder of the great
Mutazalite School, derived his inspiration from the same
fountain-head. Wasil, like the Fatimide Imâm, taught
the liberty of human will.4
Yezîd III . and Merwan II. were both Mutazalites ;
so also was Ibrahîm, the brother of Yezîd III. In
Damascus, three men, Maabad al-Juhni, Jîlân Dimashki,
and Eunas al-Aswâri, went further than Wasil in asserting
the absolute free agency of man, whilst Jahm bin Safwân
upheld predestinarianism .
1 Like Abu Hanifa and Malik .
2 Hassan died in Rajab 110 A.H. (October, 728 A.C. ).
3 Wasil bin Aata was born in 80 A.H. (699-700 A.C. ), and died in
131 Α.Η. (748-749 A.C.) .
4 I shall give a more detailed account of his doctrines when
dealing with the reign of Mâmûn.
 CHAPTER XV

THE ABBASSIDES

132-158 Α.Η. , 749-775 А.С.

SAFFAH AND MANSUR

The reign of Saffah-His death-Accession of Mansûr-His

character-Revolt of Abdullah bin Ali-Death of Abu Muslim
-Bagdad founded-Manifestation of Mohammed and Ibrahim
al- Hassani- Their defeat and death-Invasion of Spain-Its
failure-Irruption of the Khazars-Byzantine inroad-Death of
Mansûr.

WITH the rise of the Abbassides, the aspect of Western

Asia alters. The seat of government is removed from
Syria to Irâk ; the Syrians lose the monopoly of influence
and power they had hitherto possessed ; and the tide of
progress is diverted from the west to the east. But the
unity of the Caliphate was gone for ever. Spain from
the first never acknowledged the authority of the Abbas-
sides, and was easily reduced by the fugitive Abdur
Rahmân, who founded a dynasty which rivalled in
magnificence the House of Abbas. Over Western Africa
the early Abbassides exercised substantial dominion,
but in time it dwindled into nominal suzerainty. The
shrinking of the empire was not without its advantage,
as it helped the founders of the Abbasside Caliphate to
consolidate their power, to organise its resources, and to
promote the material and intellectual development of
their subjects. The first nine sovereigns of this house,
with one exception, were 208
men of extraordinary ability
CH. XV . REIGN OF SAFFAH 209

and politicians of a superior type, devoted to the 132-158

A.H.
advancement of the public weal. All of them combined
warlike qualities with high intellectual attainments. And
though the reigns of some were stained by deeds of
cruelty, that was the characteristic of the age throughout
the known world, and the outcome of dynastic policy.
" The reign of the first Abbassides," says a distinguished
French scholar and historian, " was the era of the greatest
splendour of the Eastern Saracens. The age of con-
quest had passed ; that of civilisation had commenced."

I have already mentioned how Abu'l Abbâs came to Abu'l

Abbas
be proclaimed Caliph, and how by his reckless executions Abdullah,
of enemies and suspects he acquired the title of Saffah. as-Saffah,
In those days human life was accounted of little value 12 Rabi I.,
either in the west or in the east ; 1 and religion had little 132to 136
A.H.
control in checking the natural ferocity of man. Yet, 20th Octo-
with all his cruelty, Saffâh was regarded as a generous ber, 749
A.C. to
sovereign, attentive to his duties, and not given to self- 754 A.C.
indulgence. Against the prevailing custom of the age
and the people, he had only one wife, Umm Salma, to
whom he was passionately attached, and who exercised
unbounded influence over him. Even she, however,
was at times unable to calm his mad frenzy against the
Ommeyades.
This ill-treatment brought its natural consequences.
A revulsion of feeling took place in their favour in
various parts of the country ; and the partisans of the Rising in
fallen House rose against Saffâh in Damascus, Hems, Syria and
Kinnisrin, Palestine, and Mesopotamia. The usual Mesopo-
tamia.
mode adopted on these occasions was for the men to
shave their face and disclaim fealty to the House of
1 Sismondi says, " the shedding of human blood had in general
nothing revolting to a prince of the Middle Ages. "
P
 210 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XV.

749-775 Abbas. These risings were quelled by more politic

A.C.
methods than had hitherto been in vogue, and the
insurgents laid down their arms on favourable terms.
Capitula- Yezîd bin Hobaira, Merwân's viceroy over Irâk, was
tionof
Yezîd bin still holding Wasît, where he was hemmed in by Hassan
Hobaira. bin Kahtaba and Abu Jaafar, Saffâh's brother and suc-
cessor. The siege lasted eleven months ; the besiegers
sent burning boats down the river to set fire to the city,
but the defenders seized or turned the boats aside by
grappling-irons. Finding that the House of Ommeya
had fallen beyond recovery, Yezîd addressed himself to
a descendant of Ali¹ to take up the Caliphate, and thus
supply a rallying centre to those who were opposed to
the Banû Abbas. Not receiving a reply in time, and
despairing of making a longer stand, especially as the
Yemenites within Wasît had been won over by Saffâh's
emissaries, he made his submission to Abû Jaafar upon
a solemn covenant of safety for himself, his family and
followers, together with all their property. Abû Jaafar
intended fully to abide by his covenant, but Saffâh was
guided by Abu Muslim. This pitiless man saw in Yezîd
a possible rival. Ibn Hobaira had still a large following ;
and his influence over his tribe (the Fezâra) was un-
bounded. Abû Muslim advised Saffâh to put Ibn
Hobaira to death, and the latter wrote to his brother to
do so. Abû Jaafar time after time refused to carry out
the cruel order, but was at last compelled to give way.
His be- A force was sent to Yezîd's house, where he was killed
trayal and with his eldest son and a number of his followers .
death .
Saffâh was now the undisputed master of Asia and
Egypt; and West Africa acknowledged his authority. In
the distribution of the governorships, he was careful to
1 Abdullah, son of Hassan II. , son of Hassan I. , son of the
Caliph Ali,
CH. XV. DEATH OF SAFFAH 211

entrust them either to members of his family or to men 132-158

A.H.
who had distinguished themselves by services in his
cause. Abû Jaafar was the viceroy of Mesopotamia, Different
Armenia and Azarbijân ; his uncle Dâûd bin Ali held Governor-
ships.
Hijâz, Yemen and Yemâma ; Abdullah bin Ali, Syria ;
Sulaiman bin Ali, Bussorah and its dependencies ; 1 Abû
Muslim, Khorâsân ; and Abu Ayûn, Egypt. Khalid bin
Barmek was chancellor of the exchequer, whilst Abû
Salma, who was instrumental in proclaiming Saffah as
Caliph, was made vizier, and probably acted as confi-
dential adviser. The influence exercised by Abû Salma
roused the jealousy of Abu Muslim, and one night, while Abû

returning home from Saffâh's palace, he was set upon by assassina-

Salma's
Abû Muslim's myrmidons and assassinated. His death tion.
was ascribed to the Khârijis.
In spite of the arrangements made by the new ruler,
the empire was still unsettled, and the Byzantines seized Byzantine
raid.
the opportunity of ravaging the Moslem territories on the
north. The peaceful inhabitants were either massacred
or carried into captivity, and the country was laid waste. Saffah's
Saffâh died at Anbar, aplace not far from Hîra, leaving death,
a son named Mohammed and a daughter called Raita, Zu'l Hijja,
who afterwards married her cousin Mohammed al- 136А.Н.
9thJune,
Mahdi. Before his death he nominated Abu Jaafar, 754A. C.
1 Al-Bahrain, al-Ahsa, Oman, Ahwaz, etc.
2 The son of Abû Jaafar, who afterwards became Caliph. She
died at the beginning of Hârûn ar- Rashîd's reign in 170 or 171 А.Н. ,
leaving a son named Ali. Of the son of Saffah we hear repeatedly
in Mansûr's reign as holding the post of governor in different
provinces.
Nobody knew where Saffâh was buried. The Abbassides feared
the same treatment for their dead as they had meted out to their
fallen rivals ; and therefore carefully concealed their graves. It
was only for the eleventh sovereign of this dynasty (Muntassir) that
a mausoleum was erected .
 212 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XV.

749-775 his brother, as his successor to the throne, and his

A.C. nephew Îsa as heir-presumptive.
Succession Abû Jaafar was at this time absent on a pilgrimage to
ofAbû
Jaafar
Mecca, and accordingly the oath of fealty to him was
Abdullah, taken by the proxy of Îsa. Although Saffâh is the first
al-Mansûr
(theVic-
sovereign of the Banû Abbas, Abu Jaafar must be
torious), regarded as the real founder of the dynasty. The per-
Zu'l Hijja, manence of the family, the power they wielded, and the
136 A. H.
June, influence they exercised, even after they had lost their
754 A.C. temporal sovereignty, were due to his foresight. He laid
the foundations of the Church which maintained and
Founda- enhanced the prestige of the pontifical throne, and in
tion of the later years became the chief source of its strength and
Orthodox
Church. the mainstay of its influence. With a remarkable know-
ledge of human nature, he conceived and carried out, in
the course of his long reign, the gradual formulation of
those doctrines which, whilst they added to the hold
of the sovereign on the imagination of the people, by
enlisting other interests on the side of the throne, helped
to create a powerful hierarchy bound and devoted to the
new dynasty. The corner-stone of this far-reaching policy
was the sacramental idea attached to " the consensus of
the people."
With Mansûr opens the series of those brilliant Caliphs
whose names have become so popular in Asia. The first
successors of Abu'l Abbas have been compared to the
Antonines and the Medicis. They applied their power
to the amelioration and the well-being of the nation.
" Respected by their neighbours, they endeavoured by
an active and liberal administration, and by grand and
useful enterprises, to merit the veneration and love of
their subjects. " They devoted themselves to the build-
ing of new cities, to the construction of roads, caravan-
serais, canals, fountains, the formation of charitable
CH . XV . REVOLT OF ABDULLAH BIN ALI 213

and educational institutions, the stimulation and pro- 132-158

A.H.
tection of letters, and the promotion of commerce
and all arts of peace. Schemes of conquest were
abandoned. " In renouncing warlike enterprises, " says
Sédillot, " the Abbasside Caliphs acceded to the spirit
of their times ; the Eastern Saracens commenced to
understand the benefits of civilisation ; and the masters
of Bagdad responded to the voice of the people in
giving them regular administration, in establishing a
strict system of justice, in spreading education, and con-
necting the different provinces of the Empire by intimate
commercial relations."
Abû Jaafar's character was a strange mixture of good Abû
and evil. As a politician, a statesman, and a sovereign, Jaafar's
he is almost unsurpassed. Nor can he be said to be character.
inferior to any in far-sighted wisdom or attention to the
public weal. As a parent he was devoted to his children.
As a man, however, he was both treacherous and unspar-
ing of human life Saffah's cruelty was due to vindictive
frenzy ; his successor's bloodshed sprang from calculation.
Cold-blooded, calculating, and unscrupulous, he spared
none whom he thought in the least dangerous to himself
or his dynasty. His treatment of the descendants of the
Caliph Ali forms the darkest page in Abbasside history.
Suyûti says that " Mansûr was the first who occasioned
dissensions between the Abbassides and Alides, for before
that they were united."
Immediately on hearing of Saffâh's death, he hastened
back to Kûfa and assumed the reins of government
under the title of al-Mansûr, or the Victorious. Hardly Revolt of
had he been seated on the throne than Abdullah bin Abdullah
binAli
Ali, his uncle, who was governor of Syria under Saffâh, Safar, 137
rose in revolt. Mansûr, as we shall henceforth call him, A.H.
directed Abû Muslim to crush the rebellion. In a well- Nov. 754
A.C.
 214 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XV .

749-775 fought battle near Nasibîn, Abu Muslim inflicted a heavy

A.C.
defeat on Abdullah bin Ali, who fled with his family to
his brother Sulaiman bin Ali at Bussorah, and there
remained in concealment until Sulaimân was removed
from his government. Abdullâh and his two eldest sons
then fell into the hands of Mansûr, and were imprisoned
in a castle not far from Hâshimièh.¹ But the victor of
Zâb was considered too dangerous a man to be allowed
to live in such close proximity to the capital. A new
house was built for him over foundations of salt, and
Abdullah was conducted into it with much ceremony.
Death of The first heavy shower of rain, however, demolished the
Abdullah
binAli .
foundations, and the unhappy prisoner was killed under
the crumbled house-a fate which he well deserved for
his barbarity to the Ommeyades !
After the battle of Nasibîn, Abu Muslim desired to
return to his government of Khorâsân, of which he had
practically made himself the king. His power in the
province was unbounded, and had indeed become a
source of danger to the Abbassides. He had a large
following, and there were sectaries who considered
him a prophet. He could, by raising his finger, destroy
the House of Abbas as he had built it up. His
attitude also now became overbearing. At Nasibîn,
when the royal messenger arrived to make a list of the
spoil, his language towards the careful sovereign was
neither respectful nor conciliatory. The removal of
such a dangerous subject now became the first consider-
ation of Mansûr, and for this purpose it was necessary
that he should not be permitted to return to Khorâsân,
where he would be in the midst of his own devoted
partisans. He was offered the government of Syria with
1 Hashimièh, or Medinat ul- Hashimich, the city of the Hashim-
ides, was built by Saffâh not far from Kûfa.
CH. XV. FOUNDATION OF BAGDAD
215

all its dependencies ; but Abû Muslim was too wary to 132-158
A. H.
be caught thus. With the army which had crushed
Abdullah bin Ali, he commenced his return march
towards Khorâsân. It was impossible for Mansûr to
oppose him ; so he had recourse to his favourite weapon.
People who have employed treachery against others
often fall easy victims themselves. Lavish promises
made in Mansûr's name induced Abû Muslim to turn
aside from his march and visit the court. He was
received with consideration, and for a time the honours
shown to him were almost regal. One unlucky day, Death of
however, whilst in the palace, his retainers were dis- Abû Mus-
lim, 137
A.H.
armed, and he himself murdered almost in the royal
presence.
So long as Abû Muslim lived Mansûr did not think
himself secure on the throne ; he felt now that he was
indeed the ruler, and began to cast about for the site of
a capital. Damascus not only lacked attraction for the
Abbasside, but was a place of peril, whilst the uncertain
and fickle temperament of the people of Bussorah and
Kûfa made those cities undesirable as the seat of govern-
ment. After much questing, he fixed upon the locality
where Bagdad now stands-six days' journey by river
from Bussorah.
Bagdad is said to have been the summer retreat of
Kesrâ Anushirvân, the famous monarch of Persia, and
derived from his reputation as a just ruler the name it
bears-the " Garden of Justice." With the disappear-
ance of the Persian monarchy had disappeared the
famous Garden, where the Lord of Asia dispensed justice
to his multitudinous subjects ; tradition however, pre-
served the name. The beautiful site, central and salu-
brious, attracted the eyes of Mansûr, and the glorious
city of the Caliphs arose, like the sea-goddess issuing from
 216 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. CH. XV.

749-775
A. C.
the waves, under the magic wands of the foremost
architects of the day.
Bagdad. The Bagdad of Mansûr was founded on the western
bank of the Tigris. Soon, however, another city-a new
Bagdad-sprang up on the eastern bank under the
auspices of the heir-apparent, the Prince Imperial of the
Caliphate, and was named after him the Mahdièh. This
new city vied in the splendour of its structures with the
beauty and magnificence of the Mansûrièh. In the days
of its glory, before the destroying hordes of Chengîz,
sweeping over Western Asia, had engulfed in ruin every
vestige of Saracenic civilisation, Bagdad presented a
beautiful and imposing appearance-a fit capital for the
Pontiffs of Islâm. The city was circular in shape, and
surrounded by double walls. The palace stood in the
centre, with the Cathedral Mosque close by. The man-
sions of the chief officers of state were beyond the space
which was reserved for reviews and inspections. The
streets were laid out regularly, and were forty cubits
wide. The bazaars or market-places, being the haunts
of vagabonds and suspicious characters, were placed
outside the walls ; but each street had a special set of
provision-dealers at the corners, who were under police
supervision. The barracks for the troops were on the
eastern side of the river, and were divided into three
blocks, one for the Modharite soldiery, another for the
Yemenite, and the third for the Khorâsâni ; each forming
a check on the other. There were several gates to the
city, each surmounted by a lofty tower, which was guarded
night and day by relays of soldiers .
Bagdad was not completed until 150 A.H., and many
events had happened in the meantime, all of which had
turned out successfully for Mansûr. The murder of
Abû Muslim caused an insurrection among his followers
CH. XV. SETTLEMENT OF THE PROVINCES 217

in Khorâsân, ¹ but they were defeated and dispersed. 132-158

About the same time, the Râwendieh, who professed A.H.
to look upon the Abbasside Caliphs as incarnations of
the Deity, raised a riot in Hashimièh, which actually Rising in
placed in jeopardy the life of Mansûr. The disturbance Khorâsân,
141 Α.Η.
was quelled, and the ignorant and superstitious sectaries
were expelled from the city. A Byzantine inroad was Byzantine
repulsed with great slaughter, and the Emperor of inroad.
Constantinople was compelled to sue for peace, which
resulted in a truce of seven years. After this, Mansûr
applied himself to repair the ravages committed by the
Christian raiders, to repopulate the ruined and deserted
cities, and to put the frontier in a proper state of defence.
With this object he himself made a tour of the provinces,
and sent Hassan bin Kahtaba into Cappadocia with a
large army. Malatia (Melitene), Massîsa ( Mopsuesta),
1 Masûdi says the followers of Abû Muslim formed a sect of their
own called Khurrami. They acknowledged him as their Imâm
and saviour, and were spread chiefly in Khorâsân and the mountain-
ous regions of the East. After Abû Muslim's death they split up
into two sections ; one believed that he was still alive, and would
soon re-appear to do justice on earth ; the other believed that he was
really dead, and that the Imâmate had passed to his daughter. The
leader of the insurrection, Sanfâd, was one of the principal mem-
bers of this sect. Ibn ul-Athîr and Mirkhond, however, say that he
was aMagian.
2 The Râwendièh looked upon Mansûr as the " Providence who
supplied them with food and drink." They considered the com-
mandant of his body-guard as the incarnation of the Angel Gabriel.
Their unwelcome and blasphemous enthusiasm, which provoked the
religious section of the people, caused Mansûr to imprison several of
the Râwendièh, and hence the émeute. Mansûr's life was saved on
this occasion by Maan bin Zaidah (celebrated for his generosity), an
adherent of Merwân, on whose head a price had been put by the
Abbassides. After this incident, he was not only received into
favour, but made successively governor of Yemâma and Sijistân.
3 See ante, p. 176.
 218 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XV.

749-775 and a number of other cities were thus rebuilt, repopu-

lated, and strongly garrisoned. New fortresses were
built at Claudia and other strategical points, to check
Byzantine inroads.
Annexa- In the mountains of Tabaristân, to the south-west of
tion of the Caspian, the inhabitants still followed the ancient
Tabaristân
142 A.H. cult, and were governed by their own chiefs under the
nominal sovereignty of the Caliphs. Suddenly they rose
upon the Saracens and massacred a number of them.
An expedition followed of necessity. The native chiefs
were either killed or expelled ; and Tabaristân and
Ghilân were definitively annexed to the Abbasside
empire. Hardly had this conquest been achieved
than the people of Deilem, ¹ who also adhered to the old
Magian religion, and were only nominally subject to
the Moslem rule, raided into the Saracenic territories.
They were driven back after some hard fighting, and
military stations, carefully planted, prevented any further
143 Α.Η. incursions on their part. In 143 A.H. a new distribution
was made of provincial governorships, and the system of
employing newswriters , for the purpose of keeping the
central government informed of all that occurred in the
provinces, was inaugurated. An extensive ramification
of detectives and spies, such as would take the palm
from any modern government, whilst it helped the
sovereign to watch the growth of combinations against
his authority, certainly did not promote a sense of
144A.H.,
761 A.C. security among the people.
The Banû We now arrive at a page in the history of this
Hassan remarkable monarch which reflects the least credit on
their ill-
treatment. the goodness of his heart, or the clemency of his nature.
1 The mountainous tracts north of Ghilân, west of the Caspian.
We shall hear a great deal about the Deilemites under the later
Abbassides.
CH. XV . THE BANU HASSAN 219

To understand the subsequent events, it is necessary to 132-158

A. H.
glance back for a moment at the position occupied at
this period by the Alides.¹ The Banû Hassan, the
descendants of the fifth Caliph, had hitherto taken no
part in politics ; and, in spite of frequent ill-treatment,
had never attempted a rising against the established
government. The descendants of Ali II., the son of
Hussain, led a still more retired life, devoting themselves
to literary and philosophical pursuits, standing wholly
aloof from the agitations in which their kinsmen of the
family of Abbâs were engaged. Zaid and his son had
been driven by cruelty to take up arms against Hishâm
and Walîd II., and had lost their lives. The Bantu
Hassan and the Banû Hussain lived in Medina, where
they maintained themselves with the income of the little
property that was left to them, supplemented by the
proceeds of commerce or the more uncertain profits of
the lecture-room. But in spite of their comparative
lack of means, they were held in the highest esteem by
their fellow-citizens. Here dwelt also the descendants
of the first three Caliphs, of Zubair, and other principal
Companions of the Prophet, all of whom were connected
in different ways with the Alides. The influence exer-
cised by the latter, and the consideration they enjoyed,
alarmed the dark and suspicious nature of Mansûr ; and
the ease with which the Merwanian dynasty had been
overturned led him to fear a similar fate for his House.
With the object of discovering if any conspiracy was
afoot, he resorted to various methods of espionage ;
emissaries were sent with instructions to worm themselves

1 The Alawi, i. e. the descendants of Ali.

2 Hassan I. He received from the adherents of his House the
title of Mujtaba (the Well- Chosen).
3 The Martyr of Kerbela.
 220 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XV .

749-775 into the confidence of the Alides, and to instigate them

A.C. to speak incautiously, so as to furnish a ground for
accusation afterwards. But this was not the only cause of
the persecution of the Alides in this reign. When the
Ommeyade Caliphate was falling to pieces, the family of
the Prophet were naturally interested in the event. A
meeting was held in Medina, at which were present most
ofthe members of the Banû-Hashim, including Mansûr
2
himself.¹ At this gathering, Mohammed, a great-grand-
son of Hassan, regarded as the head of the Banû-
Hassan, was chosen as Caliph, notwithstanding that his
father was alive. His noble and pure character, his
high aspirations and lofty standard of virtue, had obtained
an-Nafs- for him the name of an-Nafs-uz-Zakiya, or " the Pure
uz-Zakiya
"the Soul." There was a consensus of opinion regarding his
Pure worth and pre-eminence, and the entire assembly, in-
Soul ."
cluding Abû Jaafar (Mansûr), took the oath of fealty to
him. We have seen, however, how the Caliphate fell
eventually into the hands of the Abbassides. When
Mansûr was seated on the pontifical throne, the memory
of that unforgotten oath darkened his life and deepened
his suspicion. And his spies poisoned his mind with
false accusations against the Banû-Hassan. He at-
tempted to seize the person of Mohammed and his
brother Ibrahim, but they escaped. He then arrested
all the leading members of the family, including the old
father, Abdullah, and the head of the Caliph Osman's 3

descendants, named Mohammed al-Osmâni, whose

daughter was married to Ibrahim. They were sent in
1 The apostolical Imâm Jaafar as-Sadik was not present.
2 Mohammed, son of Abdullah, son of Hassan II . ( Mussana ), son
of Hassan I. , son of Ali.
3 Mohammed, son of Abdullah, son of Omar, son of Osmân the
Caliph.
CH. XV. THE RISING OF MOHAMMED AL- HASSAN 221

chains to Kûfa, and imprisoned in the castle of Hobaira. 132-158

A. H.
Mohammed al-Osmâni, owing to the veneration in which
he was held by the Syrians, was regarded as a person
likely to prove dangerous to the Abbasside throne. He
was flogged, and afterwards put to death. The others
were treated with great cruelty, so much so that the
poor sufferers admitted that they had fared better even
under the Ommeyades. Mohammed and Ibrahim were The ap-
now hunted on all sides. Bedouins were employed as pearance
ofMo-
detectives to haunt the watering-places ; every hamlet hammed
likely to harbour the fugitives was searched, and and Ibra
him al-
any one suspected of giving them shelter was thrown Hassani.
into prison and flogged. Driven to desperation, Mo-
hammed sent his brother Ibrahim to raise Ahwaz and
Bussorah, whilst he himself appeared in Medina. The
proclamation of Mansûr's deposition in Bussorah and
Medîna was to be made simultaneously. Had this plan
been successfully carried out, it is probable that the
Abbasside rule would have come to an end. But
Mohammed was forced to declare himself before his
brother's preparations were completed ; and Mansûr was
thus able to attack them in succession. At first Mo-
hammed carried everything before him. Mansûr's
deputy in Medîna was seized and imprisoned, and in the
course of a few days the whole of Hijaz and Yemen
accepted Mohammed as the Caliph of Islâm. Imâm Abû
Hanifa and Imâm Mâlik, the founders of two of the
great schools of law among the Sunnis, pronounced in
favour of the validity of Mohammed's claim. Finding
the movement more dangerous than he had expected,
Mansûr had recourse to his usual method of duplicity.
He addressed a letter to the Nafs-uz-Zakiya offering him
absolute Âmân (quarter), permission to live anywhere he
liked, a large pension, and free grace for his relatives.
 222 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XV.

749-775 To this Mohammed replied, that it was for him to offer

A.C.
pardon and grace, as the Caliphate by right belonged to
him, and concluded by asking if the Amân that was
offered by Mansûr was of the same character as had
been given to Abû Muslim, to Abdullah bin Ali, and to
Yezîd bin Hobaira. Cut to the quick by this rejoinder,
Mansûr answered Nafs-uz-Zakiya in a long recriminatory
letter, in which he laid down the principles on which the
Abbasside dynasty eventually came to be founded. He
ignored the oath he had taken, but insisted that as the
Prophet had died without leaving any male issue, his
daughter's children were not entitled to his inheritance,
which devolved on the descendants of his paternal uncle,
Abbas. Mansûr hurried Îsa, his nephew, with a large
army to crush the Nafs-uz-Zakiya. Before the battle,
Mohammed told his followers that they were free to
leave, or abide with him ; on this the bulk of his sup-
porters, who were anxious about their families, departed
for their homes, and he was left with 300 men to make
Mo- head against the host of Mansûr. A heroic fight closed
hammed
killed. with death ; his followers were killed to a man, and
their bodies gibbeted as usual. A lady of the House
15th Ram- obtained Îsa's permission to give them a burial, and they
azân,
A.H.
145 were interred in the Martyrs' Cemetery, near Medîna.
762 A.C. Ibrahim's hands were forced by the premature rising
of his brother ; nevertheless he was able to collect a large
force, with which he several times routed Mansûr's troops,
until the Abbasside's position became so perilous that
he resolved to fly from Kûfa. In his extremity he de-
spatched Îsâ against Ibrahim. In a battle on the bank
of the Euphrates the Abbasside troops were driven back
with great slaughter ; but again the scrupulous humanity
of the Alides led to the loss of their cause. Seeing the
enemy flying, Ibrahim stopped pursuit ; as soon as the
CH. XV . DEATH OF IBRAHIM AL- HASSANI 223

Abbassides saw this, they turned, and many of their men 132-158
A. H.
who had thrown themselves down feigning to be wounded,
jumped up. In the fight that followed, Ibrahim was Ibrahim
struck by an arrow and killed, and his followers dispersed.1 killed,
Zul
24
Mansûr now vented his rage on Medina and Bussorah. Kaada,
Many notables in Bussorah who had joined Ibrahim were 145 Α.Η.
caught and executed. Their houses were rased to the
ground ; their date-groves cut down. In Medîna, the
properties of the Banû Hassan and Banû Hussain were
confiscated, all the privileges Medîna had enjoyed were
withdrawn, and the supplies it received from Egypt
were stopped. He even threatened with death the
venerable Imâm Jaafar as-Sadik for asking for a release
of his properties. He threw into prison Imâm Abû
Hanîfa, and had Imâm Mâlik cruelly flogged. Of the
prisoners in the castle of Hobaira some were summarily
put to death, others were allowed to die poisoned by the
miasmatic exhalations of the prison-house. On receiving
the head of Ibrahim, Mansûr sent it to the victim's father,
to add to the poignancy of his grief. Abdullâh's message
in reply is memorable. " Tell thy master," he said to the
messenger, " that the days of our adversity, like the days
of his prosperity, are fast running their course, and we
shall soon come before the Eternal Judge, who will judge
between him and us." The narrator adds, he never saw
a man so crushed as Mansûr after this message was
delivered to him .
Mansûr's authority was now acknowledged over Western
Asia and Africa, and although Spain was not subject to
his temporal sway, the Khutba was read in his name even
in that country, as he was the possessor and custodian of
the Holy Cities .
1 Ibn Khaldûn has given a concise but succinct account of these
events (vol. iv. p. 4). Mine is an abridged paraphrase of his account.
 224 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XV.

49-775 In 146 A. H. he sent Jaafar, his son, as governor of

A. C.
Mosul, with Harb bin Abdullah, a great warrior, as his
deputy. Harb had a beautiful castle¹ in the neighbour-
146 A. H. hood of this city, where Jaafar took up his abode, and
here his daughter Zubaida 2 was born .
Spain. About this time an attempt was made by the governor
of Ifrikia to conquer Spain. The invading force was
defeated by Abdur Rahman the Ommeyade, and the
head of the Abbasside commander was sent by a secret
messenger and thrown in front of Mansûr as he was
holding his court at Mecca. None knew who brought
it. Mansûr was so struck with the audacity that he
thanked the Lord who had placed a wide sea between
him and the " falcon of the Koraish," as he called
Abdur Rahmân .
Irruption An irruption of the Khazars into Georgia was repelled,
of
Khazars.
and measures were taken to prevent further incursions on
the part of the nomades. As the Kurds were beginning
to give trouble, Mansûr appointed Khalid bin Barmek,
his chancellor of the exchequer, governor of Mesopota-
mia. Khalid, by a mixture of firmness and justice, soon
Moham-
med al- brought the province into order, and effectually curbed
Mahdi the unruly Kurds.
nominated
successor
Mansûr now thought of forcing his nephew Îsa to
to the
resign the succession to the Caliphate. Coercive
throne. measures were employed with that object, and İsa was
1 The castle was in existence when Ibn ul-Athîr wrote his great
work (al-Kâmil). In connection with Harb's castle, Ibn ul-Athîr
makes an interesting statement. " In these days, close to it I have a
village which is my exclusive property. I have dedicated it to a
ribat (monastery) for Sûfis. I have a beautiful house in this village,
where I have compiled the greater portion of this work. "
2 The famous wife of Hârûn ar- Rashîd. Her real name was
Ammat-ul-Azîz. Zubaida, the diminutive of zubda (cream), was a
pet name given to her by her grandfather Mansûr.
 CH. XV. ORIGIN OF THE ISMAILIAN SECT 225

compelled to postpone his claim, whereupon Mansûr 132-158

nominated his son Mohammed with the title of al- A. H.
Mahdi, as his successor, and this nomination was
accepted by the people, and the oath of fealty duly
taken.
In 148 A.H. the apostolical Imâm Jaafar as-Sadik 148 A.H.
765 A.C.of
died at Medina, but the school of learning he had Death
founded did not fortunately close with his life. It con- Imâm
tinued to flourish under his son and successor, Mûsa, Jaafar as-
Sâdik .
surnamed al-Kâzim. A further split now occurred among
the Shiahs, or adherents of the House of Ali. The
Imâm Jaafar had nominated as his successor his eldest Succeeded
son Ismail, who predeceased him. He then appointed by hisal-
Mûsa son
Mûsa. Some of his followers, however, refused their Kazim (the
adhesion to Musâ, and accepted instead Habib, the son Patient).
of Ismail, as their Imâm. This was the beginning of the
Ismâilian sect, which afterwards founded the Fatimide
dynasty in Egypt.
In the following year a violent insurrection broke out Insurrec-
151 A.H.
in Khorâsân, under one of the principal notables of the tionof
province named Ustâd Sis . The disturbance was Ustâd
Sis.
quelled ; Ustâd Sis and his family were brought as
prisoners to Bagdad, where they were well treated.
Africa was a source of incessant trouble to Mansûr. Africa.
Aghlab, a member of the tribe of Temîm, who was
appointed in 148 A.H., ruled successfully for nearly two
years, but he fell in an action with the Khâriji insurgents
near Tunis. His successor Omar, son of Hafs, who
proved himself a good and able governor, held the post
for three years. The Khârijis rose again, and besieged
Kairowân, which was reduced to dire straits.
Omar was killed during the siege, and the capital of Ifrî-
kia fell into the hands of the rebels. Mansûr's rage was
unbounded, and he hurried off another army under a new
Q
 226 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XV.

749-775 governor, named Yezîd Muhallibi,¹ a man of indomitable

A. C.
energy and great administrative power. He defeated
the Khârijis, killed their leader, hunted their flying bands
from place to place, and within a few months restored
peace and order in the distracted country. He held the
government of Ifrikia for fifteen years, until his death in
170 A.H. , when he was succeeded by his son Dâûd.
In 155 A.H. , Mansûr built the city of Rafika, and
surrounded Kûfa and Bussorah with walls and trenches.
He also ordered a census of the population.
The Roman Emperor, in violation of his convention,
invaded the Moslem territories, and suffered a terrible
defeat. A fresh treaty followed upon his undertaking to
pay tribute. In 156 A.H. , Mansûr made a new distri-
bution of the provincial governorships, and actually
appointed a member of the House of Hassan 2 as the
governor of Medîna.
The energy with which he had worked to build up his
empire had told upon his physical strength, and he now
felt that he had not long to live. Sending for the
Crown Prince, he gave him his last instructions for the
government of the empire. Among the many counsels
he gave his heir some are characteristic . “ Never allow a
thing which has to be done to-day, to remain over for
66
to-morrow." Keep the people and the army contented ."
" Never go beyond the bounds of moderation in inflict-
ing punishment." " Never have your treasury empty."
" Whatever you have to do, do it yourself." " Concentrate
your energy on your work." " Associate with people from
whom you can get good advice and counsel." " Do not
1 Son of Haithem, son of Kabisa, son of Abu Sufra. Kabîsa was
a brother of the celebrated Muhallib (see ante, p. 96), hence the
surname of Muhallibi.
2 Zaid.
CH. XV. DEATH OF MANSUR 227

neglect your friends and relatives." " Defend the frontiers 132-158
Α. Η.
religiously." " Nothing maketh a Caliph virtuous but
piety, nor well disposeth a monarch but obedience, nor
reformeth a people but justice ; and the last of men to
pardon is he who oppresseth him that is beneath him."
"Do not proceed with any business until you have reflected
upon it, for the meditation of a wise man is a mirror
which showeth him his faults and his merits ." " Seek the
continuance of bounty by gratitude, and of power by
pardon, and of obedience by conciliating affection, and
of victory by humility and forgiveness of men."
After a touching parting between father and son, the Mansûr's
former left Bagdad for Mecca to end his days in the death, 6
Zu'l Hijja
Holy Land, but died on the way at Bîr Maimûna, some 158 A.H.
hours' journey from Mecca. A hundred graves were October
dug for him, and he was surreptitiously buried in 775 A.C.
one, so that people might not know where he was interred.
Mansûr reigned nearly twenty-two years. He was a
thin, tall man, of fair complexion ; exemplary in his
conduct and life. Nothing unseemly or indecent was
ever seen at his court. " He devoted the principal part
of the forenoon to the issuing of orders, the appoint-
ment and removal of officers, to the consideration
of measures for safeguarding the passes and frontiers,
the protection of roads, the improvement of the condition
of his subjects and their dwelling-places, in the examin-
ation of the receipts and disbursements, etc.; " 1 the
afternoon he spent with his family and children, to whom
he was devoted. After evening prayers, he listened to the
dispatches of the day, and took counsel with his ministers,
retiring to rest when one-third of the night was well spent.
He slept little, and rose early for the morning prayers.
He personally reviewed his troops and inspected the
1 Ibn ul -Athîr, vol. vi. p. 17.
 228 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XV.

749-775
A.C.
fortresses ; the army was fitted throughout with improved
weapons and armour. He was most careful in the scrutiny
of the accounts of his intendants, " even to fractions
of dirhems and grains, which obtained for him the
designation of Abu'd-Dawânîk, or ad-Dawânîki.” 1
This despotic monarch, so tenacious of his rights, set an
example to his subjects of strict obedience to the con-
stituted courts of justice. Summoned by the Kâzi of
Medina, at the instance of some camel-owners, he
attended in person accompanied only by his chamberlain,
and stood as an ordinary litigant before the judge, who
did not even rise from his seat to receive his sovereign.
The suit was decided in favour of the plaintiffs ; and
Mansûr acknowledged the independence and integrity of
the judge by presenting him on a fitting occasion with
a large purse. He left a well-filled treasury, the contents
ofwhich, as he told his son, were sufficient for ten years
expenditure.

1 A dânik is the sixth part of a dirhem.

 CHAPTER XVI

THE ABBASSIDES (continued)

158-170 Α.Η. , 775-786 A.C.
MAHDI AND HADI

Accession of Mahdi-His magnificent reign-His humanity--The

Zindîks-War with the Romans-Irene agrees to pay tribute-
Mahdi's death-Accession of Hadi-The separation of Mauritania
-Hadi's death .

MANSÛR was succeeded by his son Mohammed, surnamed Moham-

Mahdi, who was descended on his mother's side from the med, al-
Mahdi(the
old Himyarite kings of Yemen.¹ Mahdi's policy was Well-Con-
totally different from that of his father. Naturally ducted),
humane and generous, immediately on his accession to 158 to 169
Α.Η. 775
the throne he endeavoured to remedy the harshness and to 785 A.C.
rigour of his father's rule. He inaugurated his reign by
setting at liberty all persons, save the worst felons who
were awaiting execution for murder, or were undergoing
imprisonment for dangerous crimes. He released from
prison Hassan the son of Ibrahim, and conferred on
him a substantial allowance. He restored to the Holy
Cities their ancient privileges, that had been withdrawn
by his father, and allowed them again to receive their
supplies from Egypt. He also gave back to the de-
scendants of the Prophet the properties confiscated by
Mansûr. Heavy fines had, from time to time, been im-
posed by Mansûr upon dismissed servants of government
on charges of extortion and defalcation. These were
1 His mother's name was Umm Mûsa.
229
 230 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVI .

775-786 kept in a separate treasury, called the Bait-ul-Mal 'il

A. C.
Mazâlim,¹ labelled with the names of those from whom
the fines had been exacted. Mahdi restored these
monies, even to the representatives of those that were
dead. In his campaign against the Romans, he passed
by the mansion of the celebrated Maslamah. Remem-
bering the dead warrior's kindness to his grandfather
160 A.H. Mohammed, he sent for the descendants and retainers of
Maslamah, and bestowed on them a gratuity of 20,000
dinârs, besides valuable fiefs. In the course of his pilgrim-
age to Mecca in the year 160 A.H., which was conducted
on an unprecedented scale of pomp and magnificence, he
distributed nearly 30,000,000 dirhems in charity among
the people of Hijâz, and gave away 150,000 garments in
Mecca alone. The Mosque of the Prophet was rebuilt
and beautified under his orders ; the existing schools
and mosques were enlarged in all the principal cities, and
new ones built where none existed. With greater sagacity
than his father, Mahdi selected 500 men from among the
Ansâr of Medîna to form his bodyguard.³
He fixed pensions for lepers and poor people im-
prisoned for debt. In Saffah's time rest-houses had been
built on the road to Mecca only between Kâdessia and
Zubala (a distance of about 300 miles). The road was
now metalled and widened throughout under Mahdi's

1 Treasury of the oppressed.

2 It is said that Mansûr had counselled Mahdi in his last will to
restore these monies, as such an act would add to his popularity.
3 Had this force been maintained by his successors, the Turkish
guard would never have acquired the mischievous preponderance
they obtained in later times. But Mansûr's policy, which seems to
have influenced the later sovereigns, was directed towards lowering
the prestige of the Arabs, who still considered themselves the flower
of Moslem chivalry.
CH. XVI. THE VEILED PROPHET OF KHORÂSÂN 231

orders ; large and commodious houses, with wells and 158-170

reservoirs, were built along the entire route to the Holy A. H.
Cities, and guards were placed for the protection of
pilgrims and travellers .
A son of Merwân II. attempted a rising in Syria, but
was defeated and taken prisoner. Mahdi kept him in
durance for a while, then set him at liberty with a sub-
stantial pension. Merwân's widow, Mazûna, had apart-
ments allotted to her by Khaizurân, Mahdi's queen, in the
palace, where she was treated with consideration and
kindness by all the members of the imperial family.
Khaizurân is said to have had great influence over her
husband. Her audience-hall, in consequence, was crowded
with courtiers and grandees and seekers for office or
patronage. The unlucky Îsa, Saffah's nephew, was in-
duced definitely to resign his right to the succession, and
Mahdi nominated his two sons by Khaizurân, Mûsa and
Hârûn, his successors to the pontifical throne one after
the other ; and the oath of fealty was duly taken to them
as his heirs.

The impostor Hashim bin Hâkim, who figures in Mokanna,

Moore's Lalla Rookh as " the veiled Prophet of Khor- 158-161
Λ.Η.
âsân," appeared in the reign of Mahdi. Khorâsân has
always been prolific in sects, and was in a peculiarly
agitated condition at this period. Hashim was a small,
repulsive-looking man, and in order to hide his ugliness
always wore a golden mask. He thus acquired the
name of Mokanna, or the veiled. He taught his fol-
lowers that the Deity had from time to time incar-
nated Himself in order to appear among mankind ;
that Adam, Noah, Abu Muslim, and himself were
God incarnate ; and that religion consisted in faith and
not in work. His other doctrines were wildly revolu-
tionary and immoral. He obtained a large following,
 232 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVI .

775-786 and for a while successfully defied the imperial forces,

A.C. but was finally overpowered and killed in Kish.
Mokanna's followers, like the Christian Taborites,
dressed themselves in white, and were therefore called
Zindikism. Mubaizzè, " the white-clothed. " Soon a new sect ap-
peared in Jurjân, to the east of the Caspian, called the
Muhammirè, " the red-clothed," with similar fantastical
and immoral doctrines, and caused trouble. They were
repressed without much difficulty. The old nihilistic
communism of Mazdak, mixed with Manichæan doctrines,
appears to have gained ground amongst a considerable
number of people. Mazdak lived in the time of Kesra
Anûshirwân (the great Chosroes), in the fourth century of
the Christian era ; he preached a wild and utterly lawless
communism. His sect had been stamped out with fire
and sword by the Persian king ; but the snake had been
scotched, not killed. Manes, or Mâni,¹ who flourished
later, was a philosopher. In the reign of Mahdi, the nihil-
ism of Mazdak, more or less mixed with the philosophy
of Manes, began to spread in Khorâsân, and to find its
way into parts of Western Persia and Irâk. It loosened
the bonds of society, weakened the reins of authority,
and afforded unlimited licence to the passions of man.
The followers of this sect were called Zindîk, and one
of the complaints against them was that they stole chil-
dren from the public streets. Whether this was true or
not, there is no doubt that the Zindîk undermined
social conventions and religious beliefs by a pretence of
obedience explained by glosses. Mahdi showed no
mercy to these nihilists; they were hunted without pity,
and placed under a ban as the enemies of morality,
order, and authority.
The term Manichæan is derived from Manes .
CH. XVI . WAR WITH THE BYZANTINES 233

The Byzantines raided into the Moslem territories in 158-170

A.H.
163 A.H., and ravaged the frontier province far and wide.
They took Maraash (Germanicia), and reduced it to ashes,
putting the people to the sword. On the approach of Byzantine
raid.
Hassan bin Kahtaba they retreated, and he avenged him-
self by destroying some of the Roman towns. A fresh
inroad called Mahdi himself into the field. Leaving Mûsa
his son as regent at Bagdad, he marched by Mosul towards
the seat of war. Aleppo was made the head-quarters of the
imperial army, and Hârûn was sent forward with generals
like İsa bin Mûsa, Abdul Malik bin Saleh, and Hassan
bin Kahtaba against the Romans. Yahya bin Khalid
was the adjutant-general of the army. Samalion and other
places either capitulated or were taken by storm. Mahdi
then proceeded on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Harûn
was appointed viceroy of the west, including Armenia
and Azarbijân. Sabit bin Mûsa was made his financial
secretary, while Yahya bin Khalid held the portfolio.
But Byzantine restlessness allowed no peace. A Roman
army, under a general whose name is given as Megatha- 785 л.с.
komes, again burst into Saracenic territory and spread
havoc all around. Hârûn hurried to repel the invaders.
The Romans were routed with slaughter, and the Sara-
cenic army marched towards Constantinople. Irene, the
widow of Leo IV., who held the government of Byzan-
tium in the name of her son Constantine VI ., and whose
ambition had provoked this new war, now saw the
camp-fires of the Saracens lighting up the shores of the
Bosphorus. After another heavy defeat Irene sued
for peace, which was granted upon her agreeing to pay
an immense annual tribute, besides furnishing guides
and provisions for the victorious army on its return march.
In 168 A.H. an insurrection broke out among the
nomades who wandered in the desert. They plundered
 234 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVI .

775-786 the caravans, " gave up prayers," and subjected the

A.C. pilgrims to contemptuous treatment. The insurrection
was quelled, but the culprits seem to have been treated
with great leniency.
The following year Mahdi undertook a journey towards
Death of the east, but died on the way, at a place called Mâsandân,
Mahdi, where he had halted to enjoy some hunting, to which he
21stMo-
harram, was passionately devoted. He was after a stag which
169 A. H. was pursued by the hounds ; his horse rushing furiously
along carried him against the gate of a ruined palace,
and the concussion broke his spine. He died the same
day.
Mahdi was forty-three years of age when he died, and
had ruled ten years. He was a tall, fair, well-built man,
with an amiable look.
In the beginning Abu Obaidullâh acted as Mahdi's
vizier. Afterwards he appointed Yâkûb bin Dâûd as his
prime minister. It was under Yakûb's advice that most
of the great and munificent works in this reign were
undertaken and carried out. Towards the end the
Caliph's mind was poisoned against the minister, and,
suspecting him of conspiring with the Alides, he con-
fined him in the political prison called the Matbak,¹
where Yâkûb remained for several years, until released
by Hârûn.
Hârûn was present at his father's death, and in accord-
ance with the deceased monarch's covenant he imme-
Accession
of Mûsâ
diately proclaimed Mûsa al-Hadi as the Caliph, and
al-Hadi was the first to take the oath of fealty to him. He also
(
the despatched to Hâdi the imperial signet and the Prophet's
Guide). staff and mantle.
Hâdi was twenty-four years of age when he ascended
The Bastille of the Abbassides.
CH. XVI. ORIGIN OF THE IDRISIDE DYNASTY 235

the throne, and ruled less than two years. He is de- 158-170
Α.Η.
scribed as headstrong, obstinate, and hard-hearted, but
brave, energetic, and generous, and devoted to literature.
Hâdi did not appreciate his brother's loyalty, and
during his short reign strove hard to alter the succession
in favour of his son Jaafar. With this object he threw
into prison Yahya bin Khalid Barmeki, Hârûn's principal
adviser, and several other of his brother's servants whom
he considered opposed to his design. There was also a
breach between Hâdi and his mother, Khaizurân. This
lady wanted to exercise the same influence over affairs of
state in her son's reign as she did in her husband's time.
Hâdi resented her interference, and threatened the cour-
tiers and nobles who frequented her receptions with his
displeasure. There were thus two parties at court -one
ranged on the side of the young Caliph and his son, the
other on that of Hârûn and the queen-mother. Hârûn
tried by every possible means to conciliate his self-willed
brother ; and at last, acting under Yahya's advice, left
the court for his own personal safety.
The governor of Medina ill-treated some members
of the Banû Hassan on a false charge of drunkenness.
This led to a rising headed by Hussain,¹ a great-grandson
of Hassan I., in which several members of this and other
families were killed or put to death. A cousin of Hus-
sain, Idris, escaped to Mauritania, where he obtained the
adhesion of the Berbers, and with their assistance founded
the celebrated Idrîside dynasty. Maghrib al-Aksa was
henceforth separated from the Abbasside Empire.
Whilst sojourning at Îsabad, a day's journey from
Bagdad, Hâdi succumbed to an incurable disease. Find-
1 Hussain, son of Ali, son of Hassan II . , son of Hassan I. , son of
the Caliph Ali.
2 Idrîs was a brother of the Nafs- uz-Zakiya.
 236 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS . CH. XVI.

775-786 ing his

A.C. was end near,
sorrowful andhe sent for his
touching. told her The
Hemother. that meeting
he had
Death of sometimes considered it his duty to take measures which
Hâdi, were distasteful to her, but that he had never been an
Thursday,
15 Rabi I. ungrateful son, and had always cherished her love and
170 A.H. reverenced her.
786 A.C.
He then took her hand and placed it
on his heart.1 He also directed that Hârûn was to
succeed him. He died on the 15th Rabi I.
He was tall, like his father, and ruddy. He left seven
sons and two daughters. One of the latter, named
Umm-Îsa, afterwards married Mâmûn, the son of Hârûn.
1Masûdi.
 CHAPTER XVII

THE ABBASSIDES (continued)

170-198 Α.Η. , 786-814 A.C.
RASHID AND AMIN

Accession of Hârûn ar-Rashid-His character -Glorious reign-

The Barmekides-Grant of autonomy to Ifrîkia-Affairs in
Asia-Arrangement for the succession to the Caliphate-Amîn
and Mâmûn made successors-Division of the Empire-Fall of
the Barmekides-An Arab Joan of Arc-The Roman war-
Treachery of Nicephorus-His defeat-A fresh treaty-Byzan-
tine breach of faith-Its result-Rashid's death-Ascension of
Amîn-His character-Declares war against Mâmûn-Tâhir
defeats Amîn's troops-Siege of Bagdad-Mâmûn acknow-
ledged as Caliph at Mecca and Medina-Amin's death.

UPON the death of his brother, Hârûn ascended the Accession

of Hârûn
throne in accordance with the bequest of Mahdi ; and ar-Rashid
Jaafar, the young son of Hadi, resigned all claims to the
(Hârûn
Just).
the succession.
The reign of Rashid, as he is henceforth called in
history, ushers in the most brilliant period of Saracenic
rule in Asia. The stories of the Arabian Nights have
lent a fascination to the name of the remarkable Caliph
who was wont to roam the streets of Bagdad by night to
remedy injustice, and to relieve the oppressed and desti-
tute. The real man, however, stripped of all the glamour
of romance, deserves well the admiration of posterity as
indisputably one of the greatest rulers of the world.
Faithful in the observance of his religious duties, abste-
237
 238 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVII.

786-814
A.C.
mious in his life, unostentatiously pious and charitable,
and yet fond of surrounding himself with the pomp
and insignia of grandeur, he impressed his personality
on popular imagination, and exercised a great influence
by his character on society. A soldier by instinct and
training, he repeatedly took the field himself ; he fre-
quently traversed his dominions in every direction to
repress lawlessness and to acquaint himself with the con-
dition of his subjects, personally inspected the frontiers
and passes, and never spared himself trouble or labour
in the work of government. The perfect immunity from
danger with which traders, merchants, scholars, and
pilgrims journeyed through the vast empire testify to
the excellence and vigour of his administration. The
mosques, colleges, and schools, the hospitals, dispen-
saries, caravanserais, roads, bridges, and canals with
which he covered the countries under his sway, speak
of his lively interest in the welfare of his people. As
a patron of arts and literature, Rashîd was surpassed by
his equally brilliant and gifted son ; but in strength of
character and grandeur of intellect he has no superior.
And although his reign, unlike Mâmûn's, was not alto-
gether free from the evils which often spring from the
possession by one individual of unlimited and irrespon-
sible power, the general prosperity of the people, and
the unprecedented progress made in his reign in arts
and civilisation, make amends for many of the sins of
despotism .
The Bar- The glory and renown of Rashîd's administration are
mekides. mostly due to the wisdom and ability of the men to
whom he entrusted the government of the empire for
the first seventeen years of his reign. I have already
mentioned the distinguished position which Khalid bin
Barmek occupied under Saffâh and Mansûr. His son
CH. XVII . THE BARMEKIDES 239

Yahya, at one time governor of Armenia, was entrusted 170-198

Α. Η.
by Mahdi with the education of Rashîd. When his
ward had attained majority and had been nominated
successor to the Caliphate, he was made his counsellor
and vizier. Rashîd called him " father " as a mark
of affection, and always deferred to his counsel and
advice, which were invariably for the good of the
young prince and the subjects whom he was deputed to
rule. Accordingly, the moment he came to the throne,
Rashîd appointed Yahya as the Vizier of the empire, and
vested him with absolute power. Yahya's administra-
tion was wise, firm, and benevolent ; no detail was
neglected, and the well-being of the people was made a
primary duty. His sons, Fazl, Jaafar, Mûsa, and Moham-
med, were also men of great ability, and possessed of
administrative capacity of the highest order. Fazl had
successively held the governorships of Khorâsân and
Egypt, and had brought about the submission of Yahya
bin Abdullah,¹ who had succeeded in making himself
the sovereign of Deilem (the northern part of ancient
Media). Jaafar likewise had been governor of various
important provinces, and when the old feud between
Modhar and Himyar broke out afresh in Syria, was
employed in bringing about peace between the rival
tribes. Later on when, owing to old age, Yahya resigned
the vizierate, Jaafar was entrusted with the office, the
duties of which he discharged with signal success. For
seventeen years this remarkable and gifted family governed
the empire of Rashid with fidelity. Their sudden fall
furnishes an instructive lesson in the workings of intrigue
under despotism .
But at the period with which I am dealing the Barme-
kides were at the zenith of their glory.
1 A great-grandson of the Caliph Hassan.
 240 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVII .

786-814 Mauritania had, as we have already seen, broken away

A.C.
from the Abbasside empire. Several attempts were made
Africa. by the governors of Ifrikia to reconquer Western Africa,
but they all ended in failure. Ifrikia was held by Yezîd
bin Haithem Muhallibi until his death in 170 A.H.
Troubles then broke out, which were suppressed by his
brother Rûh, whom Rashid appointed governor in 171
Α.Η. He died after having successfully governed the
province several years. A mutiny among the troops
against Rûh's son led Rashîd to send a noted general
named Harsama¹ to quell the rebellion. Order was
restored, and Harsama held the office for nearly three
years. Upon his resignation Rashîd appointed an officer
who proved himself wholly incapable of governing this
unruly province. Up to this time Ifrîkia, instead of
yielding any revenue, had been a constant drain on the
resources of the empire, and a sum of 100,000 dinârs had
to be remitted annually from the revenues of Egypt to
defray the expenses of the Ifrîkian government. Ibrahim,
the son of Aghlab, offered to Rashid, if the office was
bestowed permanently on him and his family, not only to
restore peace and order in the province, but, instead of
asking for any contribution from the imperial treasury,
to remit annually to Bagdad 40,000 dinârs. Harsama,
who knew the character of the province and the diffi-
culties of the government, advised Rashîd to accept
Ibrahim's offer. Ibrahim was accordingly appointed
governor of Ifrîkia, and the office was made hereditary
in his family subject to investiture and confirmation by
the sovereign upon each succession. Henceforth Ifrîkia
became an autonomous principality.
In Asia, the government was conducted with vigour,
and without difficulty, on settled lines. In 171 A.H. the
1 Pronounced by the Arabs, Harthama.
CH. XVII . ΝΟΜΙΝΑΤΙON OF AMIN AND MÂMÛN 241

whole of Kabul and Sânhar was annexed to the empire, 170-198

and the frontier extended as far as the Hindoo Kush . A. H.

At the same time Rashîd separated the Marches of Asia Affairs

Asia.
in
Minor from the ordinary governorship, and under the
name of Aawâsim, placed them under the control of a
special military governor. Tarsus in Cilicia was repopu-
lated, and converted into a strong fortress.
Khaizurân, the mother of Rashîd, died two years later, 173 Α.Η.
and in her Yahya bin Khalid lost an ally who had materi- 789 A.C.
ally helped to maintain his wise and noble influence over
the young sovereign. Immediately on his accession,
Rashîd had restored to his mother all the privileges
which she had enjoyed under Mahdi, and of which
she had been deprived by Hâdi ; and her palace had
again become the resort, as in her husband's reign, of
courtiers and grandees. Shortly after the death of Khai-
zurân, Rashîd took the imperial signet from Yahya, and
entrusted it to Fazl bin Rabii, the chamberlain who
now begins to figure prominently in the history of the
time.
In 175 A.H., under the pressure of the Empress Zubaida 175 Α.Η.
and her brother, Îsa bin Jaafar, backed by the entire Nomina-
791 A.C.
Abbasside clan, Rashid nominated his son Mohammed, tion of
who was then only five years of age, his successor to the Moham-
med, al-
Caliphate, under the title of al-Amin (the Trusty). Seven Amin, as
successor .
years later, another son, Abdullâh, was made heir presump-
tive, and it was directed that the throne should go to
him on the demise of Mohammed al-Amin. Abdullah Nomina-
tion of
received the title of al-Mâmûn (the Trusted). And Abdullah,
subsequently a third son, Kâsim, under the title of al- al-Mamun.
Motamin,¹ was given the succession after Mâmûn. The
three sons, during their lives, were to hold the empire in
parts; the West was to be under the control of Amîn,
1 " In whom trust is reposed."
R
 242 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XVII .

786-814 the East under that of Mâmûn, whilst Mesopotamia and

A.C.
the Marches were to belong to Kâsim, as I shall continue
to call him. Rashîd relied so entirely on the judgment
and fidelity of Mâmûn that he vested him with the
power of removing Kâsim from the succession if he
thought proper. Mâmûn was confided to the tuition of
Jaafar bin Yahya, whilst Kâsim was entrusted to the care
of Abdul Malik bin Sâlèh, a cousin of the Caliph. In
802 A. C.
186 A.H. Rashîd made a pilgrimage to Mecca, accom-
panied by Amîn and Mâmûn, and deposited in the
Kaaba two documents executed by the brothers respect-
ively, binding themselves in solemn terms to abide by
the arrangement made by their father. The one by
Amîn, whose weak and uncertain character was already
becoming apparent to the father, is given in full by Ibn
ul-Athîr, and shows the anxiety of Rashîd to bind him by
the most serious pledges not to violate his covenant with
his brother.
Zubaida's The Empress Zubaida's notable visit to Hijâz, memorials
visit to
Mecca and of which are still existing, was made in the same year.
Medina. Finding that the inhabitants of Mecca suffered greatly
from scarcity of water, she constructed at her own ex-
pense the famous aqueduct, which bears her name and
which has proved an inestimable blessing to the city.¹
183 Α.Η. In 183 A.H. the wild hordes of the Khazars, instigated
799 A.C.
Khazar by the Greeks with whom they were on terms of amity,2
irruption. again burst into Armenia from the north. Their atro-
cities and the devastations they caused are described as
unheard-of and unparalleled. Rashîd despatched two of
his best generals for the punishment of the barbarians ;
1 The cost of this aqueduct is said to have amounted to over a
million and a half dinârs
2 The Emperors of Constantinople intermarried with the Khazar
chiefs.
CH. XVII . THE FALL OF THE BARMEKIDES 243

and the chastisement inflicted appears to have been 170-198

A. H.
terrible and severe.
In the same year the apostolical Imâm Mûsa al-Kâzim Death of
Imâm
died. Ibn ul-Athîr says he received this title for his Mûsa al-
gentleness and patience, and " for always returning good Kâzim.
for evil. " He was greatly venerated in Medîna ; and
Rashîd, who had inherited some of his grandfather's
suspicious nature, apprehensive that this saint would
raise a revolt against him, had brought Mûsa with him
from Hijaz to Bagdad. Here he was entrusted to the
wardship of the sister of Sindi ibn Shahik, the governor
66
of the Bastille, a virtuous woman," says the historian,
who tended her prisoner with respect and devotion.
Twice did Rashîd, conscience-stricken, bid the harmless
saint go back to his home at Medina, and as often
allowed his suspicion to master the goodness of his
heart. The health of the Imâm at last gave way, and he
died in the house of the lady who had been his jailor for
1
some years. He was succeeded in the apostolical chair
by his son Ali, surnamed ar-Razâ² (the Agreeable),
probably the most accomplished scholar and thinker of
his day.
The year 187 A.H. is noted for the event which has The fall
ofthe
not only dimmed the lustre of Rashîd's reign, but must Barmek-
have darkened his future life with remorse, and the ides.
consciousness of ingratitude. For seventeen years the 803 A.C.
family of Barmek had served the monarch with unswerv-
ing fidelity and extraordinary ability. The people were
prosperous and happy, the empire had grown rich and
strong, national wealth had increased, and the arts of
civilised life were cultivated everywhere. But their
grandeur and magnificence, their benefactions and lavish
1 Some say he was poisoned.
2 See post, p. 265.
 244 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XVII .

786-814 charity, which made them the idols of the masses, raised
A.C.
a host of enemies, who were determined by every means
in their power to bring about their ruin. Many causes
have been assigned for the fate which eventually overtook
them. Ibn Khaldûn has examined the legends and
stories that were circulated at the time, and which have
been adopted by some historians to explain Rashîd's
conduct towards this gifted family. He ridicules as
baseless fiction the story of the marriage of Jaafar bin
Yahya with Rashîd's sister Abbasa. The true cause of
the fall of the Barâmika, he says, is to be found " in
the manner in which they seized upon all authority,
and assumed the absolute disposition of the public
revenue, so much so, that Rashîd was often forced to the
necessity of asking for and not obtaining from the
chancellor small sums of money. Their influence was
unlimited, and their renown had spread in every direc-
tion. All the high offices of state, civil as well as
military, were filled by functionaries chosen from their
family, or from among their partisans. All faces were
turned towards them ; all heads inclined in their
presence; on them alone rested the hopes of applicants
and candidates ; they showered their bounties on all
sides, in every province of the empire, in the cities as
well as in the villages ; their praises were sung by all, and
they were far more popular than their master." All
this raised against them the hatred of the courtiers and
the grand dignitaries of the empire ; " and the scorpions
of calumny came to wound them on the bed of repose
on which they rested under the shadow of the imperial
throne. " Their most inveterate enemy, Fazl bin Rabii,
the chamberlain, seized every opportunity, and from his
position he had many, to poison Rashid's mind against
the Barmekides, and he had allies who in their burning
CH. XVII . DEATH OF YAHYA BARMEKI 245

jealousy forgot, as Ibn Khaldûn observes, even the ties 170-198

A. H.
of relationship. It was whispered to Rashîd that the
Barâmika were plotting for the downfall of the Banû
Abbâs. The faithful services of generations were for-
gotten in the blind fury of suspicion and despotic anger,
influenced by persistent calumny. Suddenly one night
the order issued for the execution of Jaafar the Vizier,
and the imprisonment of old Yahya and his other sons,
Fazl (the foster-brother of Rashîd), Mûsa and Mohammed.
Jaafar was put to death by Masrûr, the attendant who
accompanied Rashîd and his vizier in his nightly rounds
through the city; the others were confined at Rakka
(ancient Nicephorium), and their property was con-
fiscated. At first they were not subjected to hardships,
their servants were allowed to wait on them in prison,
and their comforts were attended to. A year later
Abdul Malik bin Sâlèh¹ was accused by his secretary,
as well as his son, of plotting against the crown, and
was thrown into prison. It was alleged that the Bar-
mekides, if not accomplices, were cognisant of his plot.
This led Rashîd to treat both his prisoners with harsh-
ness, and they were now deprived of the attentions
hitherto shown to them. The old and faithful Yahya Death of
Yahya
died in prison in 190 A.H. And his accomplished Barmeki,
son Fazl followed him to the grave three years later. 806 A.C.
Mûsa and Mohammed appear to have been released
after the death of their father ; but Abdul Malik remained
in prison until the accession of Amîn, who released him
and made him governor of Syria. When Mâmûn came
to the throne, he restored to the Barmekides their pro-
perties as well as their dignities. The
The Khârijis as usual rebelled several times in this Khârijis .
1 A grandson of Ali bin Abdullah bin Abbas, and thus a cousin
ofMahdi .
 246 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVII .

786-814 reign, but their risings were suppressed without difficulty.

A.C. One of these insurrections is remarkable for the appear-
An Arab ance of a young girl named Laila¹ as the leader of the
Joanof
Arc. zealots. The revolt was begun by her brother Walîd,
son of Tarîf. When he fell she assumed the command,
and repeatedly gave battle to Rashid's troops, until a
relative who commanded the imperial forces induced
her to lay down her arms, and return to a more maidenly
life. This Arab Joan of Arc was noted for her beauty
and accomplishment as a poet.
The walls The riotous conduct of the people of Mosul led Rashid
ofMosul to demolish the walls of their city as a punishment.
pulled
down. Damascus was harassed by Modharite and Himyarite
strifes. For a time Rashîd, who knew the Syrians were
not well-disposed towards his house, allowed the two
factions to weaken themselves by internal dissensions.
In the end he intervened, and with a firm hand put
a stop to their disorders.
War with But Rashîd's wars with the Byzantines are the most
the
interesting events of his reign. In 181 A.H. they broke
Byzantines the treaty concluded with Irene in Mahdi's time, and
invaded the Moslem territories. Their army was repulsed
with great slaughter, the cities of Matarah and Ancyra
were captured, Cyprus, which had thrown off the Sara-
cenic yoke in the civil wars, was reconquered, and Crete
was overrun . A fresh convention followed, and the
Greeks again bound themselves to pay regularly the
tribute fixed by the former treaty. An exchange of
prisoners took place, and there was every appearance
that the peace now concluded would last for some time.
182 Α.Η. In 182 A.H. the unprincipled and merciless Irene blinded
792 A.C. her young son, Constantine VI., and seized the throne
1 Ibn ul-Athîr. Ibn Khallikân gives her name as al- Fâria.
2 Yezîd bin Mazaid.
CH. XVII . WAR WITH NICEPHORUS 247

under the title of Augusta (Arabicised into Aatasa). 170-198

With the assistance of her favourite, the eunuch Ætius, A.H.
she held the reins of government for five years, when
the fickle Greeks rose against her. She was deposed
and exiled ; and her chancellor named Nicephorus ¹ was
invested with the purple. With characteristic want of
fidelity, he determined " to break the peace that had been
established between the Moslems and Irene, " 2 and sent
an insulting message to Rashid. " From Nicephorus, the
Roman Emperor, to Hârûn, Sovereign of the Arabs :
-Verily the Empress who preceded me gave thee the
rank of a rook and put herself in that of a pawn, and
conveyed to thee many loads of her wealth, and this
through the weakness of women and their folly. Now
when thou hast read this letter of mine, return what thou
hast received of her substance, otherwise the sword shall
decide between me and thee." " When Rashîd read
this letter, " says the historian, " he was so inflamed with
rage, that no one durst look upon his face, much less
speak to him, and his courtiers dispersed from fear, and
his ministers speechless forbore from counsel. "
Then he wrote on the back of the Greek's letter :
" From Hârûn, the Commander of the Faithful, to Nice-
phorus, the dog of a Roman :-Verily I have read thy
letter ; the answer thou shalt behold, not hear ! " And
he was as good as his word. He started the same day
with his army, and did not tarry on the way until he
reached Heraclea, one of the Byzantine strongholds.
1 Called by the Arabs, Nikfûr.
2 Ibn Khaldûn .
3 This had reference to the game of chess which Hârûn ar-Rashîd
had recently introduced into Western Asia.
4 Although the Arab historians mention Heraclea as the place
where this battle was fought, it has been suggested by a modern
writer that it was at Dorylæum on the Thymbris.
 248 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVII.

786-814 The boastful Greek met the Caliph at this place and
A.C.
sustained a heavy defeat.¹ " The warlike celerity of the
Arabs could only be checked by arts of deceit and a
show of repentance." Nicephorus implored for peace,
and engaged to pay an increased tribute, which he
promised solemnly to transmit every year. This was
accepted, and the victorious Caliph returned to Rakka.
Hardly had Rashîd taken up his quarters there than
Nicephorus, deeming it impossible the Caliph would take
the field again in that inclement season, violated his en-
gagement. But he mistook his adversary. The moment
Rashîd heard of the breach of faith, he retraced his steps.
" Nicephorus was astonished by the bold and rapid march
of the Commander of the Faithful, who repassed, in the
depth of winter, the snows of Mount Taurus : his strata-
gems of policy and war were exhausted ; and the per-
fidious Greek escaped with three wounds from a field of
battle overspread with forty thousand of his subjects." 2
188 A.H. Nicephorus again sued for peace, and his prayer was
granted. Knowing the Byzantine nature, Rashîd, before
leaving Phrygia, made such dispositions as would prevent
any fresh infraction of the treaty. But " over and again
when Hârûn was engaged elsewhere, Nicephorus broke
his treaty, and as often was beaten. " 3 In 189 A.H.
Rashîd proceeded to Rai (ancient Rhages) to bring back
to obedience a governor who had shown signs of refrac-
toriness. This was too good an opportunity for the
Greek to miss, and he accordingly attempted a fresh
inroad, but was met by Kâsim, Rashîd's son, whom the
Caliph had about this time invested with the command
of the Marches, and " devoted him to holy warfare in the
1 Suyûti calls it " a famous battle and a manifest victory. "
2 Gibbon.
3 Muir.
CH. XVII . TREACHERY OF NICEPHORUS 249

way of God." Again was the violation of the treaty 170-198

A. H.
forgiven by the Caliph.
Whilst at Rai, Rashîd received the Magian feudatories
of Deilem and Tabaristân. A liberal and considerate
treatment ensured their loyalty and won their attachment.
Rashîd then returned to Bagdad on his way to Rakka,
which had now become his permanent abode. From
here he could keep an eye over the movements of the
Greeks and the northern nomads, as well as the semi-
loyal Syrian tribes, and here the overworked and harassed
monarch came to enjoy a brief rest. But the faithless
Greek would allow him no peace. An insurrection in
Transoxiana gave Nicephorus the opportunity for which
he waited. He burst into the dominions of the Caliph , The trea-
and filled with devastation and havoc the frontier coun- chery of
Nice-
tries. Rashîd could brook this perfidy no longer. phorus.
Leaving Mâmûn as regent at Rakka with absolute con-
trol over the government he started for the north. It
was now, indeed, aJihad, a holy war for the preservation
of peace and the maintenance of a solemn treaty sealed
with the oath of the Greek. One hundred and thirty-
five thousand soldiers receiving stipends ¹ followed his
standard, besides volunteers whose names were not on
the military roll. They swept over the whole of Asia
Minor as far as Bithynia on the north, and Mysia and
Caria on the west. City after city opened its gates to
Rashîd's generals ; Kunîèh (Iconium) ² and Ephesus in
Lydia were captured by Yezîd bin Makhlad ; Sakâllya,
Thebasa (Dabsa), Malecopœa, Sideropolis, Andrasus and
Nicæa 3 were reduced by Shurabil, son of Maan bin
1 Murtazaka. These were the regulars.
2 This is the name given by Ibn Khaldûn ; the other historians
call it Malakunièh .
3 The last four cities according to Theophanes ; the Arab
historians only mention a few names.
 250 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS. CH . XVII.

786-814 Zaida. The conquering army then invested Heraclea

A.C. Pontica on the Black Sea. A force sent by Nicephorus
Short- suffered a disastrous defeat, and Heraclea was taken by
sighted storm. The Greek sued again for pardon, and the
magnani-
mity Caliph with shortsighted indulgence acceded to his
ofRashid. prayer. Far better would it have been for the peace
of the world and for civilisation, had a term been then
put on the Byzantine rule, and Constantinople been
taken by the Saracens. A fresh treaty was sworn to
by Nicephorus and the princes of his family, and the
grandees of his empire, by which he agreed to pay an
increased tribute besides a personal impost on himself
192A.H. and on each member of his house. But in 192 A.H. the
808 A.C.
Greeks again broke their faith, and raided into the
Moslem territories. " The end of it all," says Muir,
" the bitter end of all such wars, was to inflame religious
hate. " The disorders which broke out just then in
Khorâsân called Rashid away to the east, and he was
compelled to delay for a while the well-deserved punish-
ment. Leaving Kâsim at Rakka with an experienced
general, Khuzaima bin Khâzim, as his lieutenant, and
Amîn at Bagdad, the wearied monarch started for the
east. Mâmûn accompanied his father, but on entering
Persia after traversing the mountainous range, he was
sent in advance to Merv with a division of the troops,
whilst the Caliph journeyed slowly with the main army.
On arriving at a village named Sanabâd in the vicinity of
Tûs,¹ the illness from which he had been suffering ever
since he left Rakka, took a serious turn. Feeling that
his end was approaching, Rashîd sent for all the members
ofhis family (the Hashimides) who were in the army, and
addressed them thus : " All who are young will get old,
all who have come into the world will die. I give you
1 The birthplace of the poet Firdousi.
CH. XVII. CHARACTER AND RULE OF RASHID 251

three directions : observe faithfully your engagements, be 170-198

A.H.
faithful to your Imâms (the Caliphs), and united amongst
yourselves ; and take care of Mohammed and Abdullâh
(Amîn and Mâmûn) ; if one revolts against the other, sup-
press his rebellion and brand his disloyalty with infamy."
He then distributed considerable largesses among his at-
tendants and troops. Two days later the end came ;
Rashîd died in the prime of life on a Saturday the 4th of 193 А.Н.
809 A.C.
Jamâdi II., after a glorious reign of twenty-three years
and six months.
Weigh him as carefully as you like in the scale of Estimate
ofhis
historical criticism, Hârûn ar-Rashid will always take character
rank with the greatest sovereigns and rulers of the world. and rule.
It is a mistake to compare the present with the past, the
humanities and culture of the nineteenth century and
its accumulated legacy of civilisation, the gift of ages
of growth and development, with the harshness and
rigour of a thousand years ago. The defects in Rashîd's
character, his occasional outbursts of suspicion or temper
were the natural outcome of despotism. That he should,
with the unbounded power he possessed, be so self-
restrained, so devoted to the advancement of public
prosperity, so careful of the interests of his subjects, is a
credit to his genius. He never allowed himself the
smallest respite in the discharge of his duties : he
repeatedly travelled over his empire from the east to
the west to remedy evils, to redress wrongs, and to
acquaint himself personally with the condition of his
people. Nine times he himself led the caravan of
pilgrims to the Holy Cities, and thus brought the nations
under his sway to recognise and appreciate his personality,
and to value the advantages of Islâmic solidarity. His
court was the most brilliant of the time ; to it came the
learned and wise from every part of the world, who were
 252 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVII .

786-814 always entertained with munificent liberality. Unstinted

A.C.
patronage was extended to art and science, and every
branch of mental study. He was the first to elevate
music into a noble profession, establishing degrees and
honours, as in science and literature.
Hanafi It was in his reign that the Hanafi school of law began
school
of law. to acquire a systematic shape at the hands of the jurists,
headed by Abu Yusuf, the Chief Kâzi¹ of the empire.
Though called after Abu Hanifa, the Hanafi School is in
reality the product of Rashid's Chief Kâzi. Abu Yusuf
combined with the pliability of Cranmer much of Bacon's
greed. Owing either to the fact that it was in the vigour
and freshness of its infancy, or to the absence of oppos-
ing forces, the religio-legal system of which Abu Yusuf
was the founder, had not as yet acquired the rigidity of
later times. The insistence of a church upon conformity
varies in proportion to the forces with which it has to
contend. At this stage, however, in spite of a growing
tendency towards casuistry, the system possessed elas-
ticity, and evinced undoubted signs of development.
But the deference Rashîd paid to his legists, and the
weight he attached to their enunciations, paved the way
for the formation of a hierarchy whose preponderating
influence under weaker monarchs stifled growth and
barred all avenues of progress. Thus commenced the
superstructure of the great Sunni School, the foundations
of which were laid under Mansûr, although it was not
completed until the later Abbassides, shorn of their
temporal power, were compelled to devote themselves to
the preservation of their religious influence. The up-
holders of the doctrine that the consensus of the people
in the election of a chief possessed a sacramental efficacy,
and constituted the person so elected the spiritual leader
1 Kâzi ul- Kuzzât.
CH . XVII . SCIENCE AND LITERATURE 253

or Imâm of the Commonwealth, assumed now a distinc- 170 - 198

A. H.
tive designation. They called themselves Ahl us- Sunnat
wa'l Jamaat, or " the followers of traditions and (the
voice) of the universality of the people."
Rashîd enlarged the department founded by his grand- Science
and
father Mansûr for the translation of scientific work into
literature.
Arabic, and increased the staff, although it did not under
him acquire the stupendous scale it attained under
Mâmûn. Among the eminent men who flourished during
the whole or part of his reign, may be mentioned Asmaï
the grammarian, who was entrusted with the education
of his sons, Shafeï, Abdullah bin Idrîs, Îsa bin Yunus,
Sufiân bin Sûri, Ibrahim Mosuli the musician ; Gabriel,
son of Bakhtiashú the physician. Rashîd, says Ibn Khal-
dûn, followed in the footsteps of his grandfather except in
parsimony, for no Caliph exceeded him in liberality and
munificence. Himself a poet,¹ he was specially liberal to
poets. Communications were opened in his reign with
the West as well as the Far East, and he was the first to
receive at his Court embassies from the Faghfûr (emperor)
of China and from Charlemagne. An account is still
preserved of the magnificent presents sent to the latter,
which gives some indication of the state of culture
attained in the Caliphate. Among the presents sent
was a clock, which is described as a marvellous work of
art.2

1 Some of Rashîd's verses addressed to Helen are beautiful.

Whether Helen was a real or imaginary being, there is no doubt
that he was deeply in love with the daughter of a Roman patrician
whom he brought with him from Heraclea. He built for her a
palace several miles from Rafika on the borders of the Euphrates,
and called it Heraclea in honour of her former home, and surrounded
her with every luxury. The palace was in existence in the time of
Masûdi.
2 In this horologe the different hours were struck by means of
 254 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVII .

786-814 Of his surviving sons four are famous in history :

A.C.
Mohammed al-Amin, Abdullah al- Mâmûn, Kâsim al-
Motamin, and Abû Ishâk Mohammed al-Mutasim.
Moham- When Rashîd died Amin was at the capital ; Mâmûn
med, al-
Amin, was at Merv, which was the seat of the provincial govern-
193-198 ment; Kâsim was at his post at Kinnisrîn, whilst Zubaida,
Α.Η.; the Empress, was at Rakka. The news of the Caliph's
809-813
A.C. death was despatched to Bagdad by Hamawièh, the post-
master-general (Sahib ul-Barid), and on the following
day the imperial signet, sword and mantle were forwarded
to Amîn by his brother Sâlèh, who was with Rashîd at
the time of his decease. Amîn removed at once from
the Kasr ul-Khuld (the Paradise Palace), where he was
residing, to the Kasr ul-Khilafat (the Imperial Palace).
Next day he presided at the public prayers, and delivered
the pontifical sermon and received the usual oath of
fealty from the troops, the grandees, and the citizens.
Mâmûn also sent to his imperial brother his loyal
congratulations and presents. Immediately on receipt
of the news of Rashid's death, Zubaida left Rakka for
Bagdad, and was received by her son at Anbar with great
pomp and ceremony, and taken to the Imperial Palace,
where she abided until Amîn's unhappy death.
Character It will be interesting at this stage to note the differ-
of and
Amin ence in the character of the two brothers, who soon
Mâmûn. became rivals and enemies. Both had been carefully
brought up under the tuition of the most talented
scholars of the day ; Amîn in the charge of his mother
and maternal uncle Îsa ; Mâmûn, whose mother, a
Persian lady, had died when he was an infant, under the
balls falling on a plate of brass ; as the hour struck, a number of
horsemen (varying with the number of the hour) issued from a door
which opened suddenly, and as soon as the sound subsided they
re-entered the door, which closed behind them, (see Marigny. )
CH . XVII . AMIN AND MÂMÔN 255

guardianship of the unfortunate Vizier Jaafar. Both had 170-198

A. H.
received the same education ; they were sedulously in-
structed in the course of studies in vogue at the time-
rhetoric, belles lettres, jurisprudence, and traditions ; but
whilst Mâmûn's receptive mind imbibed and assimilated
knowledge that was imparted to him, it had no effect on
the volatile and pleasure-loving character of Amîn be-
yond giving him a superficial polish. In oratory, a
necessary accomplishment for an Arab prince, both stood
on an equal footing ; but Mâmûn was a jurist and a
philosopher as well. He knew the Koran by rote, and
excelled in its interpretation. Rashîd knew the differ-
ence in the character of his two sons, and probably
before his death foresaw the result of the arrangement
he had so carefully made for them. He had willed
that the army he had taken into Khorâsân with the
treasure that he carried should belong to Mâmûn. It
was a necessary measure for the defence of the Eastern
Provinces. And Amîn was already in possession of the
immense hoard left by his father at Bagdad. Amîn, who
probably never intended to abide by the covenant he
had made with his father, had, in anticipation of Rashîd's
demise, sent emissaries to tamper with the army. Fazl Treachery
bin Rabii, the chamberlain, who was with Rashid at the ofFazl
Rabiibin
.
time of his death, and was practically the prime minister
since Jaafar Barmeki's fall, took the side of Amîn. He
knew his weakness of character, and felt sure that with
him he would be the virtual ruler. He persuaded the
troops to abjure the oath Rashîd had made them take in
favour of Mâmûn, and to hurry back with him to the
capital. Taking with him the army and the treasure,
Fazl bin Rabii came to Amîn, who invested him at once
with the dignity of Vizier, and distributed two years' pay
in advance among the troops.
 256 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVII .

786-814 Deprived thus by the disloyalty of Fazl bin Rabii of

A.C.
both men and money, Mâmûn found himself in a diffi-
cult position, especially as the feudatories were beginning
to show signs of agitation ; but assisted by some able
counsellors he applied himself vigorously to conciliate
the chiefs and the people of his province. His principal
adviser in this crisis was a Persian named Fazl bin Sahl,
a man of great ability, but extremely jealous of his influ-
ence over the young prince. The famous Harsama,
and a rising soldier of the name of Tahir bin Hussain
(al-Khuzai), were also attached to his cause. Mâmûn
treated the notables with consideration and generosity,
and reduced the taxes. These and other measures won
the affections of the provincials, and they rallied round
him as " the son of their sister." His attitude all this
while towards his brother, the Caliph, was dutiful, loyal,
and circumspect.
Amîn's Whilst Mâmûn was thus engaged in organising the
extrava- principality that had been left to him, Amín was fast
gance.
driving to ruin the country subjected to his rule. To
secure the uncertain and mercenary loyalty of his
rapacious soldiery, who, like the daughters of the horse-
leech, cried for more as more was given, he wasted the
public wealth in magnificent largesses. Jugglers and
buffoons, astrologers and soothsayers were sent for from
all parts of the country ; and enormous sums were
lavished in securing the services of the most beautiful
danseuses, the most accomplished songstresses, or those
unhappy specimens of humanity with which the Byzan-
tine dominions abounded, and who were employed by
the patricians of new Rome, not only in guarding their
Acenic
Sara- women, but also in conducting the affairs of state. We
ballet. read of a real ballet in this reign arranged under Amîn's
personal direction. Ahundred beautiful girls, in splendid
CH. XVII . AMIN AND MÂMÛN 257

attire, decked with pearls and blazing with diamonds, 170-198

A. H.
danced in rhythmical unison to the soft harmony ofmusic,
advanced and retreated, waving palm-leaves ; then break- Acenic
Sara-
ing into groups often formed a labyrinthine maze, passing ballet.
and repassing, turning and bending-a fairy circle of light
and colour. For hisfêtes on the Tigris (Dajla) he caused
to be constructed five barges lavishly gilt and decorated
in the shape of a lion, elephant, eagle, serpent, and
horse. Spending his time in carousals and immersed
in pleasure, surrounded by danseuses, singers, and the
usual parasites borrowed from the effeminate Court of
Byzantium, Amîn left the entire government in the hands
of the ambitious but incompetent Fazl bin Rabii ; and
the enemies of Islâm waxed strong. Nicephorus was
killed in a war with the Bulgarians, and was succeeded
by his son Istibrâk (Stauracius). Upon his death after a
short reign, the Byzantines raised to the throne Michael
the son of George (Jurjis), who had married Istibrâk's
sister. Michael, however, was forced to resign the
throne in favour of Leo, one of his generals, and to
assume the cowl. No sooner did Leo ascend the throne
than he broke the terms of peace with the Moslems, and
commenced to make depredations upon them. But
Amîn had no ear for the wrongs of his subjects. Instead
of employing his energy or resources for the defence of
the empire, he involved himself in a war with his brother.
Fazl bin Rabii, afraid that if Mâmûn ever came to
the throne he would visit his treachery with condign
punishment, instigated Amîn to set his brother aside
from the succession. At first the young Caliph did
not lend a willing ear to the suggestion, but the per-
sistence with which Fazl applied himself to the task,
enforced by the counsel of another equally unprincipled
courtier named Ali bin Îsa bin Mâhân, induced Amîn
S
 258 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVII.

786-814 to take the fatal step. Mâmûn was summoned to

A.C. Bagdad ; he excused himself, saying that he could not
Breach be- safely leave the province. Amîn thereupon deposed
tween him from his government, and directed that his name
Amîn and
Mâmûn, should henceforth cease to be mentioned in the prayers
from the pulpits. Kâsim was also deprived of the
provinces that had been given to him by Rashîd.
195 Α.Η. In supersession of Mâmûn, Amîn nominated his infant
811 A.C. son Mûsa his successor to the throne under the high-
sounding title of Natik bil-Hakk,¹ and shortly after his
second son as heir-presumptive under the name of Kâim-
bi'l-Hakk. Mâmûn replied to this breach of faith by
drawing a cordon on his western frontier. No person
was allowed to enter the province without undergoing an
examination in order that the emissaries from Bagdad
might not tamper with his subjects. The breach be-
tween the brothers was now complete. Amîn sent for
the two covenants solemnly suspended in the Kaaba,
and tore them to pieces. An army, fifty thousand strong,
was despatched under Ali bin Îsa bin Mâhân, towards
Rai. Here they were met, and disastrously defeated, by
Tâhir bin Hussain, who held guard for Mâmûn. Ali
bin Îsawas killed, and his men either dispersed or joined
Tâhir. The message of Tahir, announcing his victory,
was almost as laconic as the one sent by Julius Cæsar
to the Roman senate. " The head of Ali bin Îsa, " he
wrote simply, " is before me ; his ring on me (i. e. on his
finger as a sign of victory) ; and his troops under me."
The message was carried over a distance of 250 farsangs
(750 miles) in three days.
Fazl bin Rabii now confiscated a sum of 100,000
dirhems presented to Mâmûn as a personal gift by his
1 " Proclaimer of the Truth."
2 " Firm in the Truth (of the Lord)."
CH. XVII. MÂMÛN ACCEPTED AS CALIPH 259

father and all his private property which had been left 170-198
A. H.
in charge of Naufal, the guardian of his two infant
sons. This high-handed act called forth a number of
lampoons against the weak Caliph and the rapacious
vizier. Amîn's parasites even suggested to him to hold
Mâmûn's sons as hostages, and if he did not submit, to
putthem to death, but this advice he not only reprobated,
but punished with imprisonment the persons who ventured
to give him the shameful counsel.
Several other armies despatched from Bagdad met with
the same fate as the first ; and Tâhir cleared the moun-
tainous tract, seized Kazwîn and reached Holwan, which
he made his head-quarters. From here he was sent to
Ahwaz, leaving Harsama in the north. Mâmûn now Mâmûn
assumed the title of Ameer ul-Mominin, " Commander of asaccepted
Caliph.
the Faithful," and the whole of Persia accepted him as
Caliph. Fazl bin Sahl was invested with supreme control
throughout the principality, " from Tibet to Hamadân,
from the Indian Ocean to the Caspian Sea." He com-
bined the offices of minister of war (Ameer ul- Harb) with
that of chancellor of the exchequer (Ameer ul-Khiraj).
Ali bin Hishâm was placed in charge of the War Office ;
whilst the department of revenue was presided over by
Nuaim bin Khâzim, assisted by Hassan bin Sahl as
secretary.
Whilst these events were happening in the east, Syria
was disturbed by a rising headed by a descendant of
Muawiyah I.,1 who invited the people to accept him as
Caliph. A rival claimant appeared at the same time in
the person of a grandson of the warrior Maslamah ; but
1 Ali bin Abdullah bin Khalid bin Yezîd bin Muawiyah, known as
Sufiâni . His mother's name was Nafisa, a grand-daughter of Abbas,
son of Ali, who fell with Hussain at Kerbela.
 260 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVII.

786-814 their supporters soon melted away, and the two pretenders
A.C.
disappeared as they had risen.
In the meantime, Mâmûn's general had reduced
Ahwaz, Yemâma, Bahrain, and Oman, and then making
a detour towards the north, had captured Wâsit. The
rapidity of his movement, and the submission of the
East Arabian sea-board, had its effect upon other places.
Abbâs, the son of Hadi, who was Amîn's governor at
Kûfa, acknowledged Mâmûn's authority. He was followed
by Mansûr, the son of Mahdi, governor of Bussorah, and
Dâûd, son of Îsa,¹ governor of the Holy Cities. They
were all treated with marked consideration, and con-
firmed in their appointments. Tâhir then turned towards
the north ; after capturing Madain, which was still a place
of importance, he arrived in the suburbs of Bagdad,
whilst Harsama moved down on the capital from the
Siege of north. Another general, named Zuhair, the son of
Bagdad. Musaib, arrived at the same time, and these three now
laid siege to Bagdad. Tâhir was stationed in a garden at
• 197 A.H. the Anbar Gate, whilst Harsama was posted at Noor-
813 A.C. bîn, one of the river exits. The siege lasted for several
months ; Amîn emptied the treasury for his soldiers and
the commonalty who rallied round him ; he ended by
melting down gold and silver plate, and distributing it
among his supporters. Great damage was done to
Bagdad in the course of the siege ; both sides pulled
down palaces and mansions, that stood in the way of
attack or defence ; half the city was laid in ruin, and the
sufferings of the people were heartrending. The notables
and leaders began deserting Amîn, but the rabble con-
tinued the struggle with great pertinacity. At last, Amîn
was driven to take refuge with his mother and family in
1 The Îsa whom Mansûr removed from the succession.
CH. XVII. MURDER OF AMIN 261

the citadel¹ built by Mansûr on the western bank of 170-198

Α.Η.
the river. Here also his position soon became unten-
able, and he was advised by the few counsellors that
still remained by his side to make a dash for Syria.
But his own inclinations chimed in with the suggestion
of a surrender on condition of being taken to Mâmûn,
for he knew and trusted his brother's fidelity. Negoti-
ations were opened accordingly ; but Tâhir insisted
that Amîn should deliver himself into his hands,
whilst the unlucky Caliph was equally obdurate in
refusing to place himself in the power of the one-eyed
man whom he distrusted, and whom he believed to be
personally inimical to him. He offered to surrender
himself to Harsama, his father's old and faithful general.
The matter at last was settled in this wise : Amîn was to
give himself up to Harsama, whilst the signet, the mantle,
and the sword were to be delivered to Tâhir. Both the
generals were thus to share the glory of his submission.
On the night of Sunday the 23rd of Moharram, 198 A.H., Murder of
Amîn issued after a pathetic parting with his children Amin,
23rd
to go on board Harsama's boat. He was received by Moharram,
198
the general with every mark of reverence and respect, 814A.C.
and the boatmen were ordered to row rapidly towards
Harsama's camp. Some of the Persian soldiers, cruel and
heartless, who were on the watch, commenced to throw
huge stones at the boat ; one of them hit the frail Tigris
gondola, which filled with water and capsized. Harsama
narrowly escaped drowning, being saved by one of his
boatmen ; Amîn and the Town Magistrate, who was in their
company, swam ashore. They were seized by the Persian
soldiery, and taken to a neighbouring blockhouse, where
1 Called the Medinatul-Mansûr; see chap. xxii.
2 Tahir had only one eye, but this physical defect, the historians
say, was made up by his being ambidexter.
 262 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVII .

786-814 they were confined. Amîn was shivering with cold, but
A.C. the Magistrate covered him with his mantle, and they
both lay down for a little rest. In the dead of night,
some of the Persians burst open the door, and rushed
upon the ill-fated Amîn. He tried to defend himself
with a pillow, but the murderers cut him down. Next
morning the assassins exhibited the head of the hapless
victim on the walls of Bagdad .
When Mâmûn received the news of his brother's
unhappy end, he was overwhelmed with grief. He had
never dreamt that the consequences of their differences
would have this disastrous result. He took immediate
steps to punish the murderers, and in order to make up
in some degree for the loss of their father, adopted the
sons of Amîn as his own ; they were confided to Zubaida's
care, and when they grew up were married to his
daughters. One of them died young. He also con-
firmed Amîn's family and servants in the enjoyment of
the property they possessed .
Thus died Amin in the twenty-eighth year of his age,
after a troublous reign of four years and eight months.
 CHAPTER XVIII

THE ABBASSIDES (continued)

198-232 Α.Η. , 813-847 А.С.
MÂMÛN THE GREAT-MUTASIM-WASIK.

Mâmûn at Merv-Disorders in Bagdad-Death of Imam Ali ar-

Raza-Mâmûn at Bagdad-War with the Greeks-Rationalism
Mâmûn's death-His character-Intellectual development of
the Saracens under Mâmûn-Accession of Mutasim-Change of
capital-Formation of the Turkish guard-Capture of Babek-
Defeat of the Greeks -Death of Mutasim-Accession of Wasik
-His character-His death.

HAD Mâmûn moved at once upon Bagdad, the disorders Mâmûn at

of the next few years would have been avoided. But he Merv.
relied on Fazl bin Sahl, his vizier, and was content to
leave to him the absolute and uncontrolled direction of
the government, spending his own time in philosophical
discussions with the savants and scholars who formed
his court. Fazl on his side was anxious to keep the
sovereign at Merv, where he was entirely under the
ambitious minister's influence. No information regarding
the real state of affairs in the west was allowed to reach
the Caliph, and he was thus kept in complete ignorance
of the events that were taking place in Irâk and Syria.
Shortly after Amîn's death a partisan of the Ommeyades Disorders
named Nasr¹ rose against Mâmûn in Mesopotamia, and inArabia.
Irâkand
defied the Imperial troops for over five years. In Irâk,
1 Son of Shabas of the tribe of Okail.
263
 264 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVIII .

813-847 the Bedouins, joined by all the bad characters of the

A.C.
neighbourhood, rose against Hassan bin Sahl, who had
been appointed by his brother as governor of Irâk. The
general confusion in the western provinces of the empire
was not without its effects on the more ambitious scions
of the House of Ali. They and some of the descendants
of his brother Jaafar, surnamed Tayyâr, who had hitherto
lived in comparative obscurity, perhaps felt that the time
had arrived when they would be restored to their rights.
Jamâdi II . An Alide commonly known as Ibn Tabâ-Tabâ appeared
199A.H. in Kûfa, and invited the people to take the oath of
814 A.C.
allegiance to the family of the Prophet. He was sup-
ported by Abû Saraya, a quondam freebooter. Com-
bining their forces they defeated Hassan bin Sahl,
and made themselves masters of the whole of Southern
Irâk. Ibn Taba-Taba was poisoned soon after by his
supporter, who chose in his place a young lad belonging
to the Alides.
Whilst these events were taking place on the banks of
the Tigris, in Hijaz a son of the Imâm Jaafar as-Sâdik
was elected Caliph. The whole country from the borders
of Persia to Yemen was thus involved in internecine
strife, and rapine and slaughter raged through the land.
But none of this news was allowed to reach Mâmûn. At
last the rising in Irâk assumed such formidable dimen-
sions that Fazl was compelled, in spite of his jealousy,
to send Harsama against Abû Sarâya. The rebel was
defeated and killed, and the young lad whom he had
elected as Caliph was sent to Merv, where he afterwards
became a protégé of Mâmûn. After he had quelled the
insurrection in Irâk, Harsama was ordered to go to
Egypt, but the old warrior refused to obey the vizier's
orders until he had opened the Caliph's eyes to the
dangers that surrounded him. He hurried to Merv,
CH . XVIII . IMAM ALI III . 265

and arrived suddenly in the royal presence. Hot words 198-232

Α.Η.
passed on both sides, and Harsama, with a soldierly
bluntness, told Mâmûn how the empire was drifting to
ruin. Hardly had he left the sovereign on his way to Harsama's
death .
his residence, than he was set upon by the vizier's
myrmidons, and so severely assaulted that he died of
his injuries a few days after. To Mâmûn's inquiries he
was represented as lying ill at home, and not until some
time after did the Caliph know how the state had lost an
invaluable servant. The news of Harsama's death caused
aviolent riot among the troops at Bagdad, with whom he
was extremely popular, and fighting commenced anew all
round. The people refused to obey Hassan bin Sahl, or
his brother Fazl, calling him " a Magian son of a Magian, " 1

and elected in Hassan's place as governor, Mansûr bin

Mahdi, who accepted the government provisionally on the
express condition that he would hold it until such time
as Mâmûn came himself or deputed somebody else.
In the year 200 A.H. Mâmûn commenced to put into 200 Α.Η.

execution his long-formed project of making over the 815 A.C.

Nomin-
Caliphate to the House of Mohammed. With this object ation of
he sent for the Fatimide Imam Ali III.,¹ son of Mûsa ar-Razd
Imâm Alias
al-Kâzim, from Medîna. He openly avowed that he had successor
searched for a successor in his own family, as well as tothe
in that of the Alides, and had found none so qualified Caliphate.
to fill the office of Pontiff as the son of Mûsa. 2nd
Accordingly on the second of Ramazân in the year 201, Ramazân,
201 Α.Η.
the oath of fealty was taken to him as the heir apparent to
the Caliphate, under the title of ar-Raza min Al-Moham-
med, " the acceptable among the children of Mohammed,"
-shortly ar-Raza, " the Acceptable." Henceforth he is
1 See ante, p. 243.
2 A census of the Abbassides taken at this time showed that they
amounted to thirty-three thousand men, women, and children.
 266 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XVIII .

813-847 called in history ar-Razâ.1 Mâmûn directed at the same

A. C.
time that black, the colour of his house, should be
abandoned and green, the colour of the Fatimides,
adopted as the imperial livery. The news of the
nomination of Ali ar-Razâ as successor to the Caliphate,
threw the Abbasside clan in Bagdad into frenzy. They
raised Ibrahim bin Mahdi to the throne, and expelled
Disorders Hassan's officers from the capital. The disorders in
in Bagdad. Bagdad and the neighbouring cities became frightful ;
there was absolutely no government, and the robbers and
bad characters indulged in rapine and violence in open
daylight. Matters at last became so serious that the
respectable classes were compelled to take measures for
their own safety. They formed vigilance committees for
the enforcement of law and the maintenance of order ;
and any ruffian caught in the commission of offence
against society promptly met his desert. These com-
mittees continued in working order until the arrival of
Mâmûn at Bagdad. In Southern Irâk and Hijaz the
condition of affairs was equally bad : neither Ibrâhim nor
Hassan bin Sahl exercised any authority, and riots
attended with murder and arson were rife in every city.
It seemed as if under the selfish mismanagement of the
Persian vizier, the empire of Mâmûn would fall to pieces.
In this crisis the Imam Ali ar-Razâ betook himself to
Mâmûn and acquainted him with the true state of affairs ;
he told him of the suppression of truth on the part of the
vizier, of Ibrahim's election, of the unpopularity amongst
the Abbassides of his own nomination as Mâmûn's suc-
cessor, and the whole history of events since the unfor-
tunate death of Amîn. The Caliph was staggered, and
naturally asked if any one else knew of the facts Razâ had
told him. The Imâm gave the names of some chiefs of
1 His descendants are called Razawî.
CH . XVIII . DEATH OF IMÂM ALI III . 267

the army; they were sent for, and on receiving a guarantee 198-232
A.H.
ofprotection against the vizier's revenge, they corroborated
every word the Imâm had said; they told him how the
Caliphate had lost in Harsama a faithful and tried servant
through Fazl's cruel vindictiveness, and that Ibrahim bin
Mahdi, far from being Mâmûn's deputy, as the vizier had
represented him to be, was recognised by the Banû
Abbas as the Sunni Caliph in contradistinction to
Mâmûn, whom they considered heretical. The scales
fell from the Caliph's eyes ; the order was issued for an
immediate march towards the west ; and the day following
Mâmûn started with his whole Court for Bagdad. Fazl Mâmûn
finding that his plot had miscarried, and unable to do marches
Bagdad.
to
any harm to the Imâm ar-Razâ, who was protected by
his position, wreaked his vengeance upon those who were
in some way subordinate to him. He had some flogged ;
others were thrown into prison ; whilst not a few had
their beards plucked out. The Imâm ar-Razâ again
went to Mâmûn and told him of the vizier's cruelties.
The Caliph replied that he could not at once deprive
Fazl of his powers, but must do so by slow degrees.
Mâmûn's resolve to dismiss Fazl was, however, antici-
pated by the host of irreconcilable enemies the Persian
had raised against himself, and he was assassinated in
his bath at Sarrakhs, a day's journey from Merv. The
murderers were caught, and together with the instigators
suffered the penalty of death .
At Tûs, Mâmûn tarried a while by his father's tomb. Safar 203
Here he lost his faithful friend and adviser, the Imâm A.H.
August,
ar-Razâ, who had practically saved his empire. The 818A.C.
Imâm died suddenly,¹ and was succeeded by his son Imâm
DeathAli
of
ar-Razâ .
1 The story that Mâmûn instigated the murder of Fazl, or had
the Imâm ar- Razâ poisoned , is a malicious fabrication, and does not
stand the scrutiny of facts or the slightest historical criticism.
 268 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVIII.

813-847 Mohammed, surnamed Jawwad (the generous) and Taki

A.C. (the pious) in the apostolical chair. Mâmûn mourned
for him with unaffected grief; and a mausoleum was
built over the grave, which has since become the resort
of Shiah pilgrims from all parts of the world, and is now
known as Meshed (Mash-had, or Mash-had Mukkaddas,
the holy sepulchre). After the obsequies of the Imâm
were over, the Caliph continued his march towards the
capital, stopping at every place of importance. The
length of the stay varied with the importance of the city.
At Nahrwân, where he stayed eight days, he was met by
the military chiefs, the notables of Bagdad, and the
members of his family (the Banû Abbas). Up to this
time everybody wore green ; at the request of Tâhir,
who had come from Rakka to wait on Mâmûn, and of
other principal men, the Abbasside colour was resumed.
204 Α.Η. Mâmûn's entry into Bagdad was of a triumphal
819 A.C. character. The streets were decorated, the people wore
Arrival of
Mâmûn at gala dress, and on every side was rejoicing at the
Bagdad. Caliph's return to the seat of government. With Mâ-
mûn's arrival all disorders ceased, and the vigilance
committees formed for the protection of the citizens were
dissolved. Mâmûn applied himself vigorously to the
work of reorganising the administration and repairing
the ravages committed in the city during the siege.
On one of his rounds of inspection, he was accom-
panied by his chamberlain Ahmed, son of Abû Khalid,¹
who described to him the general distress of the times.
Mâmûn observed in reply that there were three classes
of people in Bagdad, one the oppressed (Mazlûm), the
other the oppressors (Zalim), whilst a third were neither
the one nor the other, and that these latter were at the

1 Nicknamed Ahawal, " the squint-eyed." He afterwards became

Mâmûn's vizier.
CH. XVIII . CONQUEST OF CRETE 269

root of all mischief. And the historian remarks this 198-232

A. H.
was the real fact.1
The government of the Holy Cities was entrusted to an
Alide ; Kûfa and Bussorah were given to two brothers
of the Caliph, whilst the captaincy of the guard was
bestowed on Tâhir. The following year, Tâhir applied Tâhir
for and obtained the viceroyalty of the East, which he appointed
Viceroy of
held until his death, two years later. Talha, his son, theEast.
was then appointed in his place, and he governed the 205 Α.Η.
820 A.C.
province for seven years. Death of
Another son of Tahir, named Abdullah, equally Tâhir,
capable as a general, but a far more humane man, Jamâdi I.
207 Α.Η.
was entrusted with the government of Syria and Egypt, 822 A.C.
together with the task of reducing Nasr Okaili. After
some hard fighting the rebel was forced to sue for
quarter. His castle of Kaisân was rased to the ground
and he himself was sent to Court, where, with his usual
forbearance, Mâmûn pardoned him. After restoring
order in Mesopotamia, Abdullah bin Tâhir proceeded to
Egypt, where also an insurrection was in progress. He
crushed the rebels in a single battle. A large body of
Spanish Moslems expelled from Andalusia by the Om-
meyade sovereign of that country had arrived in Egypt
accompanied by their families, and by their unruly
conduct caused disturbances in Alexandria. Abdullâh
called upon them either to deliver up their arms or to
leave the province. They asked for permission to go to
Crete (Ikritash), which was at once accorded. These
unwelcome guests, on their departure, were furnished with
supplies and such assistance as they needed for the
In a well-regulated city every citizen is interested in the main-
tenance of order. The people who pharisaically stood aloof from
public affairs, gave to the disorderly classes an opportunity to break
the law with impunity.
 270 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVIII .

813-847 conquest of the island. They and a number of volun-

A. C. teers who joined in the enterprise sailed for Crete, where
Conquest they easily effected a landing ; after a short struggle the
ofCrete.
210 Α . Η .
bulk of the islanders submitted, and the invaders settled
825 A.C. themselves in their conquest, where they and their
descendants have dwelt ever since, and acquired as good
a title to be there as the Saxon colonists in England.
Conquest Two years previously Ziâdatullah Aghlab had brought
ofSicily.
208 Α.Η. the island of Sicily under the sway of the Caliph.
823 A.C. Rebellions in Yemen and Khorâsân were quelled
without difficulty, and in both cases the insurgents were
treated with exceptional leniency.
About this time Mâmûn was startled by the discovery
of a dangerous conspiracy for his assassination, headed
by several prominent Abbassides. The chiefconspirators
met with the just deserts of their crime, but the rank and
file received a complete pardon.
Ramazân In the Ramazân of this year Mâmûn married Khadija,
210 A.H. surnamed Bûrân, the beautiful daughter of his vizier
825-826 Hassan bin Sahl, and to whom he was betrothed whilst
A.C.

Marriage at Merv. The splendour of the nuptials gives some

with idea of the magnificence of the Court of Bagdad at this
Bûrân.
epoch.
The marriage was celebrated with great festivals and
rejoicings at a place called Fam us-Silh,¹ where Hassan
resided at the time. Here the vizier entertained the
whole company for seventeen days on a lavish and
gorgeous scale. Zubaida and her daughter with other
ladies of the imperial household were present at this
wedding ; their surpassing beauty and the magnificence
The mouth ofthe Silh. As-Silh was a large canal which joined
the Tigris some miles above Wasit. Fam us-Silh was situated on
the junction of the canal and the river.
2 The expenses of Hassan amounted to 50 million dirhems.
CH. XVIII . MARRIAGE WITH BÛRÂN 271

of their attire were sung by the poets invited on the 198-232

A. H.
occasion. But the most beauteous of them all was
the bride herself. At the ceremony her grandmother
showered upon the Caliph and his bride from a tray
of gold a thousand pearls of unique size and splendour ;
they were collected under his orders, made into a neck-
lace, and given to the young queen. The hymeneal apart-
ment was lighted by a candle of ambergris, weighing
eighty pounds, fixed in a candlestick of gold. When the
imperial party was departing the vizier presented the
chief officers of state with robes of honour, and showered
balls of musk upon the princes and chiefs who accom-
panied the Caliph . Each of these balls contained a
ticket on which was inscribed the name of an estate,
or a slave or a team of horses, or some such gift; the
recipient then took it to an agent who delivered to
him the property which had fallen to his lot. Among
the common people he scattered gold and silver coins,
balls of musk, and eggs of amber. In order to recoup
Hassan for his expenses, Mâmûn granted to him a year's
revenue of Fars and Ahwaz (ancient Susiana). Bûrân
is one of the most notable women in Islâm. By her
wit and beauty, joined to her accomplishments and
virtues, she succeeded in obtaining great influence over
her husband, which was always exercised for the welfare
of others. Her charity was profuse, and she was the
founder of several hospitals and seminaries for women
in Bagdad. She survived Mâmûn nearly fifty years, and
thus witnessed the empire not only in the height of its
glory, but also in the commencement of its decline.¹
Early in Mâmûn's reign, whilst the empire was con- 201 Α.Η.
vulsed by internecine struggle and warfare, a brigand of 816 A.C.
the name of Bâbek had made himself the master of a Bâbek the
Nihilist.
1 She died in 883 A.C.
 272 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVIII.

813-847 stronghold in one of the most inaccessible defiles of

A.C.
Mazendrân. He belonged to the Magian sect of Khur-
ramièh, who believed in metempsychosis, and recognised
none of the rules of morality enforced by Judaism, Chris-
tianity, or Islâm. From his mountain fortress he mer-
cilessly harried the surrounding country, slaughtered
the men and carried away the women, Christian and Mos-
lem, into loathsome captivity. Army after army was de-
spatched against him, but from his inaccessible position
he continued for several years to defy all efforts to crush
him. Hard pressed at one time by the imperial troops,
he entered into relations with the Greeks, and instigated
them to make a diversion in his favour by invading the
Moslem territories. The throne of Byzantium was occu-
pied by Theophilus, the son of Michael the Stammerer.¹
Joining hands with the nihilistic brigand, the Christian
Warwith emperor raided into the Saracenic dominions and mas-
thetines.
Byzan- sacred a large number of Moslems. To repel this gratui-
tous and treacherous attack Mâmûn took the field in
person, and in three successive campaigns so completely
crushed the enemy that he was obliged to sue for
peace. These incessant wars created a deadly hostility
between the Greeks and the Arabs, and left a legacy of
hatred and bitterness, the remains of which still linger
in the West. After beating the Greeks the Caliph pro-
ceeded to Egypt; and a Turkish general of the name of
Afshîn, who was now coming into prominence, reduced
1 Ibn ul-Athîr calls this Michael also the son of Jurjis, and says
he ruled for nine years. On his death, in 209 A. H., he was suc-
ceeded by his son Theophilus (Tôfil). We know from Byzantine
histories how Michael the Stammerer (the father of Theophilus)
came to the throne. He was a general of Leo the Armenian ; he
was ordered by him to be burnt alive in the furnace of the private
bath, but a short respite enabled the supporters of the condemned
general to murder the emperor and place Michael on the throne.
CH. XVIII . DEATH OF MÂMÛN 273

al-Ferma, the farthest part of Upper Egypt, where the 198-232

A. H.
insurgents, driven from the lower tracts, had found refuge.
To guard against the ever-recurring attacks of the Greeks,
and the better to hold them in check, Mâmûn began
the foundation of a strongly fortified military settlement
at Tyana, seventy miles north of Tarsus. It was hardly
finished when death overtook him. Encamped in the 18th Raj-
jab,
vicinity of a place called Bidândûn, not far from Tarsus, 21.H.
Mâmûn and his brother were sitting on a hot autumn 9th
August,
day by the banks of a river which gave the town its 833 A.C.
name, laving their feet in its icy cold water. The same
night they were attacked with violent fever. Mâmûn was
brought in that condition to Tarsus, where he died Death of
Mâmûn.
shortly after, and was buried within the gardens of a
faithful servant of his father. Mutasim recovered, and
was able to receive his brother's dying injunctions. With
his last breath Mâmûn enjoined his successor care-
fully to guard the interests of his subjects, to protect
them from oppression, to do justice, and never to trans-
gress the law in the punishment of offences. Mâmûn
was born in the year 170 of the Hegira on the very day
Hârûn, his father, ascended the throne, and reigned for
twenty years and six months, besides the period " when
prayers were offered for him in Mecca and Medina and His
Amîn was besieged in Bagdad." He is described as a character.
well-built, good-looking man of imposing appearance.
"He was the most distinguished of the House of
Abbas," says one of the annalists, " for his prudence,
his determination, his clemency and judgment, his
sagacity and awe-inspiring aspect, his intrepidity, majesty,
and liberality. He had many eminent qualities, and a
long series of memorable actions are recorded of him.
Of the House of Abbâs none wiser than he ever ruled
the Caliphate." T
 274 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XVIII .

813-847 Mâmûn's Caliphate constitutes the most glorious epoch

A.C. in Saracenic history, and has been justly called the
Civilisa- Augustan age of Islâm. The twenty years of his reign
culture. have left enduring monuments of the intellectual de-
tionand
velopment of the Moslems in all directions of thought.
Their achievements were not restricted to any par-
ticular branch of science or literature, but ranged over
the whole course of the domain of intellect ; specula-
tive philosophy and belles lettres were cultivated with
as much avidity as the exact sciences. Mathematics,
astronomy, the science of medicine, etc., all made
gigantic strides during this glorious period of Asiatic
civilisation ; its intellectual heritage passed both into
Saracenic Spain and Christian Constantinople, whence
it descended to modern Europe. Mâmûn considered
that the true happiness of his people consisted in
education and culture. He did not wish the progress
of knowledge to depend on the accidental munifi-
cence of individual Caliphs or nobles of the state, and
with a true regard for the dignity of letters, he made it
independent of casual gifts by creating permanent endow-
ments for its promotion and support. Schools and col-
leges were opened in all directions, and richly endowed.
" We see for the first time," says Oelsner, " perhaps in
the history of the world, a religious and despotic govern-
ment allied to philosophy, preparing and partaking in
its triumphs. " In his sagacious tolerance, Mâmûn
recognised no distinction of creed or race ; all his sub-
jects were declared eligible for public offices, and every
religious distinction was effaced. After the fall of
the republic and the establishment of an autocracy,
State the ministers were the only advisers of the sovereign.
Mâmûn.of Mâmûn established a regular Council of State, com-
Council
posed of representatives from all the communities under
CH . XVIII . RATIONALISM UNDER MÂMÛN 275

his sway. It thus included Moslems, Jews, Christians, 198-232

Sabæans, and Zoroastrians. Liberty of conscience and A.H.
freedom of worship had been always enjoyed by non-
Moslems under the Islâmic régime; any occasional
variation in this policy was due to the peculiar tempera-
ment of some local governor. Under Mâmûn, however,
the liberality towards other religions was large-hearted
and exemplary. In his reign we hear of eleven thousand
Christian churches besides hundreds of synagogues and
fire-temples. The patriarchs of Jerusalem and Antioch
were the heads of the Christian Church. After the
patriarch came the Jasûlik ( Catholicos), then the Metrân
(metropolitan), then the Iskaf (bishop), and lastly the
Kissis (the priest). They all retained the privileges and
immunities they had enjoyed under sovereigns of their
own creed.
With the eye of genius Mâmûn foresaw the trend of Rational-
the dogmas that were gradually coming into force in the ism under
Mâmûn.
Church of which he was the head ; the rigidity they were
acquiring with the efflux of time, and their ultimate conse-
quences on society and state. In his judgment, adher-
ence to those doctrines was worse than treason, for
their tendency was to stifle all political and social develop-
ment, and end in the destruction of the commonwealth.
He foresaw the effect of swathing the mind of man with
inflexible dogmas. He, therefore, applied himself vigor-
ously, during the last four years of his reign, to the task
of secularising the state, and of emancipating the human
intellect from the shackles which doctors and jurists were
beginning to place upon it. No one was better quali-
fied than he for this great work of reform. In his know-
ledge of the traditions and jurisprudence he excelled
most of the doctors of his time ; his study of the Koran
was profound and careful ; he was a disciple of the
 276 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XVIII .

813-847 apostolical Imâm ar-Razâ, from whom he imbibed his

A.C. love for philosophy and science and that liberalism
which forms a distinguishing feature in the teachings of
the philosophers of the House of Mohammed. The
first half of the second century had already witnessed
the Dissent of Wasil bin Aata.¹ Wasil was originally a
disciple of the Imâm Jaafar as-Sadik, from whom he
learnt the value of Human Reason. He afterwards at-
tended the lectures of Hassan al-Basri, from whom,
however, he seceded on a question of religious dogma.
His followers are, in consequence of his secession, called
Mazhab Mutazalas³ or Dissenters, and the system that he founded
ul-Itizal. was designated as the mazhab of Itizal, the Dissenting
The Dis-
senting Church. The Established Church inculcated several
Church. doctrines which Wasil considered as not only opposed
to human reason, but as in direct conflict with the teach-
ings of the Koran and of the Prophet. For example, it
taught that every human act was pre-ordained-in other
words, that man was not a free agent ; that in the Day of
Judgment there will be a corporeal resurrection, and that
God will be seen with the corporeal eye ; that the attri-
butes of God were distinct from His Essence, and
that the Koran was uncreated, existing from the begin-
ning, co-eternal with Him. From the latter opinion it
followed that every enunciation of a temporary character
called for by the requirements of a primitive and change-
able society must be converted into permanent immu-
table law.
The The Mutazalas, on the other hand, maintained in
Mutazalas. agreement with the apostolical Imâms that man was a
1 See ante, p. 207.
2 Ibid.
3 Weil terms the Mutazalites, the Protestants and Rationalists of
Islâm.
CH . XVIII . ISLAMIC RATIONALISM 277

free agent in the choice of good and evil ; that there 198-232
A. H.
would be no corporeal resurrection, nor could God be
seen by corporeal sight, for that would imply that He
Himself was a body ; that the attributes of the Deity are
not separate from His Essence, and that the Koran was
created. They affirmed further that there is no eternal
law as regards human actions ; that the Divine ordinances
which regulate the conduct of men are the results of
growth and development,¹ and are subject to the same
process of change to which the Creator has subjected the
universe at large. Mâmûn adopted the Mutazalite
doctrines and tried to introduce them in his dominions,
as he considered the safety of Islâm, and all hope of
progress, depended on their general adoption. In the
year 217 A.H. he sent a mandate to the governor of
Bagdad to summon the leading doctors, and to test
them on the essential doctrines 2 and to report their
answers. Most of the judges and doctors of Bagdad,
either from conviction or from policy, expressed their
agreement with the views of the Caliph. A few re-
mained unyielding and rebellious. Among them all
Ahmed bin Hanbal 3 proved the most reactionary. Had
Mâmûn lived longer, his personality, his genius and
erudition would have overborne the contumacious
opposition of the few who viewed with rancour or
alarm all signs of development. His two immediate Islâmic
successors followed in his footsteps, and tried to con- Rational
ism.
1 For a full account of the Mutazalite doctrines, see the Spirit of
Islam, pp. 609-620.
2 The rescript issued by him is a remarkable document, and
is worthy of serious study.
3 Imâm Ahmed bin Hanbal became the founder of the fourth school
of Sunni law. The fanaticism of Ibn Hanbal's followers was,
under the later Caliphs, the cause of incessant disorders, riots, and
bloodshed.
 278 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVIII .

813-847 tinue his work, but without his ability or the breadth
A.C. of his comprehension. Under them Rationalism ac-
quired a predominance such as it has perhaps not
gained even in modern times in European countries.
The Rationalists preached in the mosques and lec-
tured in the colleges ; they had the moulding of the
character of the nation's youth in their hands ; they
were the chief counsellors of the Caliphs, and it cannot
be gainsaid that they used their influence wisely. As
professors, preachers, scientists, physicians, viziers, or
provincial governors, they helped in the growth and
development of the Saracenic nation.
Science
and
Mâmûn's reign was unquestionably the most brilliant
Literature. and glorious of all in the history of Islâm. The
study and cultivation of humanitarian science is the
best index to a nation's development. Mâmûn's court
was crowded with men of science and letters ; with
poets, physicians, and philosophers from every part of
the civilised world and of divers creeds and nationalities.
To each comer was extended, without any racial differ-
ence, a lavish patronage which was shared equally by
historians, philologers, grammarians, and collectors of
traditions who had gathered in the capital. To use the
expression of a great French historian, whose sympathy
with the Arab genius is as marked as his appreciation of
their civilisation and intellectual achievements is keen
and true, Mâmûn gave his name to the century of which
he assured the literary glory. To the son of Hârûn
belongs the glory of completing the work commenced by
his grandfather, Mansûr. Mâmûn, surrounded by the
élite of savants and artists, collected afresh the writings of
the school of Alexandria, and by his connection with the
emperors of Constantinople secured from Athens the
best philosophical works of ancient Greece. As soon
CH. XVIII . SCIENCE AND LITERATURE 279

as they were brought to Bagdad they were translated by 198-232

competent scholars and issued to the public. The A.H.
translation of works from Greek, Syriac, and Chaldaic
was under the supervision of Costa the son of Luke ;
from ancient Persian, under Yahya bin Hârûn ; from
Sanscrit under Dûbân the Brahmin. Vast impetus was
also given to original research and production by the
establishment of special departments under qualified pro-
fessors for the promotion and prosecution of special
branches of study, and authorship was encouraged by
munificent allowances.
The astronomical observations made in Mâmûn's reign
in connection with the equinoxes, the eclipses, the appari-
tions of the comets and other celestial phenomena were
most important. The size of the earth was calculated
from the measurement of a degree on the shores of the
Red Sea-this at a time when Christian Europe was
asserting the flatness of the earth. Abu'l Hassan invented
the telescope, of which he speaks as " a tube to the
extremities of which were attached diopters. " These
" tubes" were improved and used afterwards in the
observatories of Maragha and Cairo with great success.
Innumerable works on arithmetic, geometry, philosophy,
astronomy, meteorology, optics, mechanics, medicine,
etc. , were compiled and issued to the public. Special
attention was devoted to the study of medicine, and
the number of distinguished physicians who figure as
the companions of the sovereign give some index to
the character of Mâmûn. The first observatory in Islâm
was established by Mâmûn at Shamâssia on the plains
of Tadmor. Afterwards several others were created at
Cultiva-
Wâsit, Apamea, etc. tion of
The Arab Conquest had naturally thrown into the Persian
background the language and literature of ancient Persia. Literature.
 280 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XVIII .

813-847 The people themselves in the pursuit of Arabic neglected

A.C.
their mother tongue. By an unstinted patronage, Mâmûn
revived the old learning and gave an impetus to the
cultivation of the Persian language, enriched as it was by
thousands of Arabic words. The poet Abbas (Marvazi),1
the founder of modern Persian poetry, flourished in this
reign.
Philo- Tuesdays were set apart for literary, philosophical, and
sophical scientific discussions. The scholars and savants attended
Reunions.
at the palace in the forenoon, where they were entertained
by the chamberlain at a royal breakfast. After the
repast they were ushered into the chamber set apart for
these reunions, at which the Caliph presided. The
assemblage took leave of the sovereign after the evening
prayers, when they were again entertained at supper. The
other days of the week were scrupulously devoted to the
business of the state ; no detail was missed, no account
passed unexamined, no petition overlooked. Excep-
tionally humane and forbearing, he never imposed
punishment unless compelled by the exigencies of
Mâmûn's government. The tact with which he once silenced a
tact.
zealot who, unbidden, had entered the royal presence,
shows Mâmûn's genius for governing the people over
whom he was placed. The Khâriji came fearlessly
towards the Caliph, but stopped near the edge of the
carpet and gave the usual salutation. Then he asked
the Caliph, " Tell me regarding this seat which thou
occupiest-dost thou sit there with the unanimous
consent of the people or by violence and force ? "
Mâmûn at once replied, " Neither the one nor the
other ; but one who governed the affairs of the Mos-
lems bequeathed it to me and to my brother, and

1 Of Marv ( Merv).
CH. XVIII . ACCESSION OF MUTASIM 281

when the authority devolved upon me I felt that I needed 198-232

A. H.
the unanimous consent of the people, but I saw that if I
abandoned the government, the security of Islâm would
be disturbed, the highways would be infested with
robbers, and public affairs would fall into confusion, and
there would be strife and disorder by which the Moslems
would be hindered from going on pilgrimage and doing
their duty, wherefore I arose in defence of the people,
until they should be of accord upon one man whom they
should approve, and I would then resign the government
to him : now when they agree upon a man, I will abdicate
in his favour. " The man replied, " Peace be to you and
the mercy of God and His blessing," and he departed.
Mâmûn sent one of his attendants to follow him. From
the report of the messenger it appeared that he was the
leader of a band of zealots who had gathered for the
purpose of a rising, but were completely disarmed by
Mâmûn's tact.

Shortly before his death Mâmûn had issued a rescript Aba Ishak
nominating his brother Abû Ishak Mohammed, surnamed Moham-
med,
al-Mutasim b'Illâh¹ (shortly Mutasim), his successor Mutasim
to the Caliphate. It is difficult to understand at this b'Illah.
distance of time the reasons which led Mâmûn to 218-227 A. H.
supersede his son Abbâs, who was popular with the 833-842 A.C.
army, certainly with the Arabian section. Possibly
he may have thought him impressionable and not
likely to pursue the policy he had laid down for the
guidance of the state. Perhaps he considered the stronger
and maturer character of Mutasim as more certain of
maintaining a continuity of action.
The soldiery were at first clamorous for the election of
Abbâs, but he, mindful of his father's dying wishes, took the
1 " He who is steadfast in the Lord." From this time the
Caliphs began to use titles of this kind.
 282 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVIII .

813-847 oath of fealty to his uncle, whereupon the troops withdrew

A.C. their demand and followed his example. Mutasim was
accordingly proclaimed¹ Caliph at Tarsus. With a short-
19th Raj- sightedness which is unintelligible, he stopped the build-
ab, 218 ing of Tyana and brought back to Tarsus the stores,
A. H.
10th Aug. provisions, and garrisons intended for that place. With
833 A.C. this exception he endeavoured to follow scrupulously in
the footsteps of his brother. His great mistake, how-
Formation ever, was the formation of a standing military corps com-
of the
Turkish
posed of Turks and other foreigners, which ultimately
Corps. proved the ruin of the Caliphate. This corps was
recruited by Turkish mamlukes³ and mercenaries from
Central Asia and the highlands of Yemen and Egypt.
Those who came from Transoxiana were called the
Feraghina, whilst the Africans and Yemenis were
named the Maghariba or westerns. They were com-
manded by their own officers who were directly under
the sovereign. They were thus completely separate from
the Arab and Persian troops. And it is not sur-
prising that before long they assumed the part of the
Prætorian guards of the Roman Empire, deposing and
setting up sovereigns at their own will and pleasure.
Dressed in splendid uniform they galloped recklessly
through the streets of Bagdad, knocking down everybody
in their way. There was a howl of rage in the capital.
The infatuated sovereign, apprehensive of a riot, removed
Change of with his favourite corps to a place called Sâmarra, several
capital. days' journey to the north-west of Bagdad. Sâmarra, or
1 Masûdi mentions the 17th Rajab as the date of his accession.
2 The Turks or Turkomans of those days must not be confounded
with the modern Ottomans. There is as much affinity between them
as between the Saxons of the eighth century and the Englishmen of
the present day.
3 Slaves .
4 From Ferghâna .
CH. XVIII . EXPEDITION AGAINST BABEK 283

Surra-man-Raa¹ as it now began to be called, became an 198-232

A.H.
Aldershot of Mutasim, who built for himself a palace
there, with barracks for two hundred and fifty thousand
soldiers and stables for a hundred and sixty thousand
horses. Portions of the city were allotted to the Turkish
chiefs, whose mansions vied in grandeur with the Caliph's
residence.
This reign is remarkable for the appearance on the The Jâts
in Irak.
banks of the Tigris, of the Indian tribe of Jâts, called by
the Arab historians Zatt. How they came there we are
not told, but it is said they numbered seventeen thousand
souls. Their depredations caused Mutasim to send a small
force against them, and they were brought in boats as
prisoners to Bagdad for the Caliph to see the costume of
their women. They were then settled on the frontiers of
Cilicia. Here, without any cause whatsoever, they were
attacked by the Greeks ; the bulk were massacred, the
survivors were taken away as captives and dispersed in
Thrace. In 835 A.C. the apostolical Imâm Moham-
med at-Taki died at Bagdad, whilst on a visit to Mutasim
with his wife Umm ul-Fazl, the daughter of Mâmûn. He
was succeeded by his son Ali.
The ravages of Babek had latterly spread in every
direction, and it became a matter of vital importance
to reduce him. Mutasim sent Afshîn, one of his best
Turkish generals, against the brigand. After a series
of carefully conducted operations Afshîn captured
Bâbek's stronghold. His son and other relatives sub-
mitted, and were sent to Bagdad, where they received
the royal pardon, and were treated with kindness. He
and his brother escaped to Armenia, where they were
1 Delighted was he who saw (it).
2 The Bohemians, the Zingaries, the gypsies, all seem to be the
descendants of these poor captives, the remnants of the Zatt.
 284 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XVIII .

813-847 seized by an Armenian chief and delivered to Afshin.

A. C.
They were brought to Bagdad; their crimes against
Capture humanity were too great and revolting for pardon. They
and death
of Babek . were first paraded in the streets on an elephant, and
then put to death.¹ Seven thousand women, Christian
and Moslem, were released by Afshîn, and restored to
their homes. The reception of the victorious general was
royal, and he was covered with honours and presents,
but his end was sorrowful.
Whilst Afshin was engaged in Mazendrân, the Byzan-
tine emperor, who was in alliance with Bâbek, attempted a
diversion in his favour. He invaded Cappadocia, devas-
tated the Moslem territories, sacked and burned their
cities, put the men to the sword, and carried away the
War with women and children into slavery. Zibatra (Zapetron),
thetines.
Byzan- Mutasim's birthplace, was reduced to ashes ; the
men were either killed or blinded with red-hot irons ;
others were subjected to mutilation. The news of these
barbarities threw Mutasim into a furious rage, and he
swore dire vengeance. Rapidly collecting his army, he
marched against the treacherous and brutal Greeks. His
vanguard met Theophilus beyond Ancyra, and inflicted
on him a terrible defeat. The Caliph then marched on
Amorium, the birthplace of Theophilus. After a siege
of fifty days it was carried by storm, and rased to the
ground ; thirty thousand men were put to the sword, the
rest were carried away to Bagdad with Batis (Ætius),
the Greek commander. Mutasim now directed his march
towards the Propontis and Bosphorus with the object of
striking a final blow at the Greek power. But the dis-
covery of a dangerous plot within his own camp withheld
1 As we descend into later times, the punishments approach
gradually the character of those inflicted by the Byzantines,
amputation of the limbs, blinding, etc.
CH . XVIII . DEATH OF MUTASIM 285

him. Some of the Arab generals, jealous of the influence 198-232

A. H.
possessed by the Turks, and disgusted with the way in
which they were treated by the Caliph, entered into a
conspiracy with the young and misguided Abbas to
assassinate Mutasim. The plot was discovered by chance ,
and appeared to be so extensive, that it upset the Caliph's
plans. Abbâs and his fellow-conspirators were executed,
and Mutasim marched back to Sâmarra after concluding
a convention with Theophilus, whom the capture of
Amorium had thoroughly cowed.
In the year 224 A.H. the Magian prince of Tabaristân, 839 A.C.
named Mâziâr, raised the standard of revolt. Under
the impression that Abdullah bin Tâhir would not be
able to suppress Mâziâr's revolt, and that Mutasim would
be compelled to appoint him as Viceroy of the East in
place of Abdullâh, Afshîn secretly instigated the Magian
chief to fight to the bitter end. But Mâziâr was captured
by Abdullah and sent to Bagdad. In the Caliph's
presence, he exposed Afshîn's treachery, and showed
the letters he had received. Mâziâr was executed, and
Afshîn was imprisoned in his own house and starved to
death. This Turkish chief was apparently a man of
culture, for the story that he possessed books written in
strange characters, and that his house was full of idols,
seems to show that he was rather in advance of the
times, and liked to surround himself with literature and Mutasim's
curiosities gathered from different parts. Mutasim was death, 19th
Rabi I.
seized with a fatal illness shortly after, and died on 227 A.H.
the 19th of Rabi I. 227 A.H. January 5,
842 A.C.
Mutasim is said to have promoted agriculture, and
taken a great interest in the development of the natural
resources of the empire. Though fiery in temper and
somewhat hard of heart, the influence of the chief
 286 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS . CH . XVIII .

813-847 judge, Ahmed, the son of Abû Duwâd, saved him from
A. C.
many cruel acts. The Kâzi's advice often neutralised
the evil counsels of Mutasim's vizier. " Ahmed," says
،،
Masûdi, was one of those privileged men on whom
God bestows His gifts of nature, one of those whom He
directs in the right path, and inspires with the love of
truth and practice of virtue." Ahmed, son of Abû
Duwâd, was a leader of the Mutazalites.1
AbirJaa- Mutasim was succeeded on the throne by his son, Abû
far Jaafar Hârûn, Wasik b'Illah. Wasik's character has been
Hârûn,
al-Wasik grossly misrepresented by some of the orthodox writers.
d'Illah. In reality, he was an excellent sovereign,-generous,
227-232
A. H. " forbearing and patient under annoyance. " His ad-
842-849 ministration was firm and enlightened. Although fond
A. C.
of good cheer, his private life was above reproach. He
patronised literature and science, and encouraged in-
dustry and commerce. With a literary turn of mind
he joined great proficiency in music, and is said to have
composed a hundred airs and melodies. His charity
was unbounded, and under his government there was not
a single mendicant within the empire. In this reign
an interchange of prisoners on an extensive scale took
place between the Greeks and the Saracens.
Wâsik continued the fatal mistake made by his father,
of aggrandising the Turks at the expense of the Arabs
and Persians. He appointed Ashnâs the Sultan or
lieutenant of the empire, and decorated him with a
jewelled girdle and sword. Wasik tried hard to diffuse
the Rationalistic doctrines among the people, but his
endeavours were counteracted by the reactionary jurists,
who secretly worked against him. His premature death
1 Suyûti, in his orthodoxy, anathematises Ahmed's memory.
2 " He who is trustful in (the help of) the Lord."
CH . XVIII. DEATH OF WASIK 287

was an irreparable calamity, for with him ended the 198-232

A.H.
glory of the Abbassides. For the next two centuries
their history presents a confused picture of sovereigns Death of
coming to the throne without power, and descending to Wasik,
11th
the grave without regret. Wasik died at Surraman-ar- August,
Raa on the 24th Zu'l Hijja, 232 А.Н. 847 A.C.
 CHAPTER XIX

THE ABBASSIDES-(continued)
232-454 Α.Η. , 847-1063 A.C.
MUTAWWAKIL TO KAIM

Mutawwakil , the Nero of the Arabs-The Decline of the Empire-

Muntassir--Mustaîn--Mutazz-The Negro Insurrection-The
Suffârides- Muhtadi -Mutamid -The Negro Insurrection sup-
pressed-Mutazid-The Rise of the Fatimides-The Carmathians
-Their devastations-Muktafi- Restoration of Egypt to the
Caliphate-The Sâmânides -Muktadir---Kâhir-Razi---Muttaki
-The Buyides-The Mayors of the Palace-Mustakfi- The
Ghaznevides - Mutii – Tâii-Kadir – Kâim-The Seljukides-
Tughril Beg.
Abu'l Fazl On the death of Wasik, the chief Kâzi, the vizier and
Jaafar, most of the other courtiers desired to raise his young
Mutawwa-
kil aala son to the throne ; but Wassîf the Turk objected, " as the
Illah. crown, the robes, and the sceptre were much too big for
232-247
A.H. 847 the lad." Accordingly they elected Jaafar, a brother of
-861 A.C. Wasik, with the title of al-Mutawwakil aala Illah. This
" Nero of the Arabs" ruled for fifteen years, and under
him commenced the decline of the empire. Sunk in
debauchery and habitually drunk, he allowed the govern-
ment to drift to ruin. Nevertheless he was keen for
the restoration of orthodoxy. A rescript was issued
1 " He that putteth his trust in the Lord."
288
CH. XIX. PERSECUTION OF THE RATIONALISTS 289

placing Rationalism under the ban, and proclaiming 232-454

the re-establishment of the old doctrines in their fullest A. H.

rigour. The Rationalists were expelled from public

offices, and lectures on science and philosophy were inter-
dicted. Kâzi Abû Duwâd and his son, prominent Muta- His perse-
cution of
zalites, were thrown into prison, and their property was the
confiscated. But Mutawwakil's persecution was not con- Ration-
fined to the Rationalists. Non- Moslems too suffered alists.

from his frantic zeal. They also were excluded from the
employment of the state, and subjected to other galling
disabilities.
In his unaccountable rancour against the Caliph Ali
and his descendants, he rased to the ground the mauso-
leum of the martyr Hussain, and had a water-course
turned over it. Pilgrimages to the consecrated spot
were prohibited under the severest penalties, and the
property of Fadak was re-confiscated. Ibn Zayyât, ¹ the
Vizier of Wasik, was put to death for not having
shown sufficient deference to the tyrant before he came
to the throne. The Greeks took advantage of the
general confusion to resume their raids. They burnt
Damietta in Egypt, and devastated Cilicia, carrying
away 20,000 prisoners, 12,000 of whom were put to death
with the cruellest torture, by the Empress Theodora.
Those alone who accepted Christianity were spared. The
conduct of Mutawwakil became at last so outrageous
that his Turkish guards conspired to put him to death.

1 Ibn Zayyât was a cruel minister, but under Wasik his cruelty
was kept within bounds by Abu Duwâd. Ibn Zayyat had invented
an instrument of torture for the punishment of criminals and ene-
mies ; and he was put into this by Mutawwakil. Ibn Zayyât's
machine had the same object as the instrument invented in the
fifteenth century by Sir W. Skevington, called after him " the
Scavenger's Daughter " ; the one burnt, the other crushed.
U
 290 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XIX .

847-1063 It is said that his son Muntassir, who abhorred his

A.C. cruelties, approved of the design. And accordingly one
His death. night, as the Arab Nero lay sunk in the stupor of drink, the
conspirators entered his apartments and despatched him.
Abû Upon Mutawwakil's death Muntassir b'Illah¹ was pro-
Jaafar,
Ahmed claimed Caliph. He is described as a pious and just
Muntassir sovereign, forbearing and generous in character, possessed
b'Illah. of a keen intellect and honestly desirous for the welfare of
247-248
A.H. 861 his subjects. He rebuilt the desecrated mausolea of Ali
862 A.C. and Hussain, restored to their descendants the property
that had been confiscated by Mutawwakil, and withdrew
Rabi II. all the disabilities and restrictions that had been placed
248 A. H.
by his father upon non-Moslems. But unfortunately he
died after a reign of barely six months.2
Abu'l The Turkoman chiefs, who were at this time the
Abbas virtual arbiters of the fate of the Caliphate, raised to the
Ahmed, throne another grandson of Mutasim, under the title of
Mustaîn
bIllah. Mustaîn b'Illah, but allowed him no power or authority.
In the convulsions that followed the death of Muntassir,
the provincial governors gradually converted themselves
into feudatories, and the supremacy of the Caliphs
dwindled into a more or less nominal suzerainty.4
The Abdullah bin Tâhir, who had died in the reign of
Tâhirides. Mutasim, left his province in the hands of his son Tâhir,
who received the investiture as of right. His adminis-
tration, like that of his father, was enlightened, just, and
liberal. The Tâhirides held their court at Nishapur,
1 " Victorious by the help of the Lord."
2 Muntassir is the first Abbasside Caliph over whose grave a
tomb was built .
3 " He who seeks the assistance of the Lord."
4 The history of the dynasties that appeared in the Arab empire
between the death of Wasik and the year 1055 A.C. , resembles that
ofthe powerful families who, in France, have occupied the duchies
of Normandy, Burgundy, and Guienne.
CH. XIX . ACCESSION OF MUTAZZ 291

which was the capital of Khorâsân. Tâhir died in 862 232-454

A. H.
A.C., and was succeeded by his son Mohammed, who
governed the province until 873 A.C. The power exer-
cised by the Tâhirides encouraged others, and the whole
of the East soon escaped from the hands of the Banû
Abbâs.
Unable to stand the tyranny of his Turkish guards, Mustain
Mustaîn escaped to Bagdad, where he expected the escapes to
Bagdad.
support of the Arab and Persian soldiery. The Turks
failing to induce him to return, proclaimed the second
son of Mutawwakil as Caliph, under the title of al- Abu Ab-
dullah
Mutazz billah,¹ and proceeded to besiege Bagdad. Moham-
Mustaîn was persuaded to abdicate on the solemn med, al-
engagement that he should be allowed to reside peace- Mutazz
b'Illâh.
ably at Medîna, but at Wâsit, on the route to Hijâz, the
deposed sovereign was treacherously murdered by an Mustaîn's
murder.
emissary of Mutazz.
The Turkomans now commenced to quarrel amongst
themselves. Two of the chief actors in the late scenes,
Wasif and Bughâ, were murdered by their rivals, and one
Bâbikiâl seized the vizierate. He obtained from the
worthless Caliph the viceroyalty of Egypt, and appointed
the celebrated Ahmed bin Tûlûn as his deputy. On
the murder of Babikiâl shortly after, Ahmed bin Tûlûn
virtually became the independent ruler of Egypt. He Jamâdi II.
proved himself an able, honest, and just administrator.2 June
264 A.H.
868
The Imâm Ali (an-Naki) died in the year 868 A.c., and A.C.
was succeeded by his son Hassan, surnamed al-Aaskari.
Mutazz occupied the throne for nearly three years. In 255 A.H.
June869
1 " He who is prepared with (the blessing of) the Lord." A. C.

2 He left some splendid architectural monuments, the remains of

which exist to the present day.
* This title was given him because he was born and died at the
camp at Sâmarra, which was called al-Aaskar or the camp.
 292 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIX.

847-1063 255 A.H. the troops became clamorous for their pay, and
A.C. as Mutazz expressed himself unable to comply with their
Abdica- demands, they dragged him out of the palace, subjected
tionof
Mutazz .
him to various indignities, and forced him to abdicate.
He was then thrown into prison, where he was assassin-
His assas- ated. To this condition had the descendants of Mansûr
sination. and Rashîd now fallen !
Abû Ab- Upon the abdication of Mutazz, the Turkoman chiefs
dullah
Moham-
raised to the throne a son of Wâsik, under the title of
med, al. Muhtadi bIllah. He was a man of strong character,
Muhtadi
b'Illah.
virtuous, just, and anxious to do his duty. In happier
26th Raj. times he would have proved himself a capable ruler. He
jab, 255 expelled from the palace the singers, musicians, dancing-
A. H.
women, and other parasites, and tried to rule the state
according to law. This soon brought him into collision
with the Turks. He met them bravely with a handful
of men. Deserted by his supporters, he was seized by
the insurgents, and after considerable ill-treatment was
forced to abdicate. He was then thrown into confine-
ment, where he died in a very short time.
256 A.H. The eldest surviving son of Mutawwakil, who was living
870 A.C.
Abu'l at Sâmarra, was then proclaimed Caliph, under the name
Abbas
of Mutamid aalallah. He was weak, unstable, and fond
Ahmed, of pleasure.
Mutamid But his brother, Abû Ahmed, surnamed
aala'llah. Muwaffik, a man of ability and great military talent, in
reality governed the empire, and proved the mainstay of
the Caliphate until his death, shortly before that of
Mutamid. Partly owing to Muwaffik's personality and
partly to the fact that the Court was now again at Bagdad,
where it was supported by national patriotism, during
this and the two succeeding reigns, the Turkish guards
1 " The directed by the Lord."
2 " Confiding in the Lord."
3 " He who prospers in the Lord."
CH. XIX. THE SÂMÂNIDES 293

were kept in check, and there were gleams of returning 232-454

A. H.
vigour and prosperity in the dismembered empire of
Mâmûn. Tabaristân had broken away in 864 A.C. A
descendant of Ali, named Hassan bin Zaid, converted
the inhabitants to Islâm and made himself sovereign of
that country. In 870 A.C. the famous Yâkûb, son of Rise of the
Lais the coppersmith,¹ the founder of the Suffâride Vâkûb,
Suffârides.
the
dynasty, who had commenced life as a common soldier, sonofLais.
conquered Sijistân from the Tâhirides, and gradually
extended his power over the whole of modern Persia. In
873 he drove Mohammed, the grandson of Tâhir, out of
Khorâsân, and shortly after annexed Tabaristân. His
success so inflamed his pride that he invaded Irâk, but
was met near Wasit by Muwaffik, and defeated with
heavy loss. Yâkûb then retired to his dominions. The
following year, having repaired his losses, he again
threatened the Caliph, when death surprised him at
Jundisapur. His brother and successor, Amr bin Lais, 879 A.C.
made peace with Mutamid, and obtained by letters patent
the free possession of all the country he occupied.
Transoxiana, cut off from the seat of the empire by the The
Suffâride principality, became virtually independent under Sâmân-
ides.
its governor, Ismail the Sâmânide. Sâmân was an owner
of camels and leader of caravans ; his family owed their rise
to Mâmûn, who in 819 A.C. appointed Sâmân's grand-
son Ahmed to the governorship of Ferghana. Ahmed
was succeeded in the office by Nasr, his son. Nasr died
in 892 A.C., when Ismail, his brother, became the ruler
of the province. Ismail was a man of great ability and
strength of character. He neglected no measure for the
consolidation of his power. He drove beyond the
Jaxartes the Turkoman hordes who were pressing on
1 Suffâr .
 294 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIX.

847-1063 Transoxiana, won the attachment of his subjects by a

A.C. wise, liberal, and just administration, and placed his
dynasty by these means on a solid foundation. As in the
case of Amr bin Lais, the Caliph invested him with the
government of the province, which was made hereditary
in his family, subject to the payment of a nominal
tribute.1
The Ahmed bin Tûlûn possessed Egypt and Syria. Ahmed
Tûlûnides. died in 884 A.C., and was succeeded by his son Khu-
mârwièh, who established his residence at Damascus,
The rise of these independent dynasties, though it
weakened the empire, was not without benefit to the
people of the countries over which they ruled, for they
proved themselves liberal patrons of art and literature and
promoted commerce and industry.
The Negro The Negro Revolt in Chaldæa, which commenced in
Revolt. the reign of Mutazz, was most disastrous. It was headed
by a Persian, who allowed the wildest licence to his
followers, and thus acquired the name of Khabis (Repro-
bate). Negro slaves from all parts of the country flocked
to his standard, and he made himself master of Chaldæa
and Ahwaz, and for several years defied all efforts to
reduce him. In 882 A.C. he was attacked and
annihilated by Muwaffik. His stronghold was destroyed,
his followers were dispersed, and he himself was killed.
In 882 A.C. the Caliph's dominion extended over Arabia,
Mesopotamia, Babylonia and Chaldæa (Irâk Arab), Irak
Ajam, Azarbijan, and Armenia, and the provinces border-
ing on the Indian Ocean. Still a vast empire worthy of
being cherished and preserved.
The Byzantines took advantage of the troubles that
beset the Caliphate and made several inroads into Moslem

1 For the names of the Sâmânide princes, see Gen. Table.

CH. XIX. THE LAST IMÂM OF THE SHIAHS 295

territory. At first they carried everything before them, 232-454

A. H.
but when Syria fell into the hands of Ahmed bin Tûlûn
they were opposed by the Tûlûnide governor of Tarsus,
and defeated in a series of battles.
The apostolical Imâm Hassan al-Aaskari died in the 874 A.C.
The last
year 260 A.H., during the reign of Mutamid. Upon Imâm
his death the Imâmate devolved upon his son Moham- ofthe

med, surnamed al-Mahdi (the Conducted), the last Imâm Shiahs.

of the Shiahs. The story of these Imâms of the House
of Mohammed is intensely pathetic. The father of
Hassan was deported from Medina to Sâmarra by the
tyrant Mutawwakil, and detained there until his death.
Similarly, Hassan was kept a prisoner by the jealousy of
Mutawwakil's successors. His infant son, barely five
years of age, pining for his father, entered in search of him 265 A.H.
878 A.C.
a cavern not far from their dwelling. From this cavern
the child never returned. The pathos of this calamity
culminated in the hope-the expectation-which fills the
hearts of Hassan's followers, that the child may return
to relieve a sorrowing and sinful world of its burden of
sin and oppression. So late as the fourteenth century,
when Ibn Khaldûn was writing his great work,
the Shiahs were wont to assemble at eventide at the
entrance of the cavern and supplicate the missing child
to return to them. After waiting for a considerable time,
they departed to their homes, disappointed and sorrowful.
This, says Ibn Khaldûn, was a daily occurrence. When
they were told it was hardly possible he could be alive,
they answered that as the prophet Khizr was alive, why
should not their Imâm be alive too? Upon this, Ibn
Khaldûn remarks that the belief about Khizr being alive
was an irrational superstition. This Imâm is therefore
called the Muntazzar, the Expected One,-the Hujja or
the Proof (of the Truth), and the Kaim, the living.
 296 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIX.

847-1063 Muwaffik died in 278 A.H., and was shortly followed

A. C.
by the Caliph his brother. Mutamid was succeeded by
891 A.C. his nephew Ahmed, the son of Muwaffik, under the
Rajab
A. H.279 title of Mutazid b'Illah. During this and the succeeding
September reign there was no further dismemberment of the empire.
892 A.C. On the contrary, a combination of favourable circum-
Abu'l
Abbas stances contributed to strengthen the power of the
al-Mutazid Caliphs, who succeeded in reuniting to their dominions
Ahmed,
b'Illah. several of the detached provinces. Mutazid is called
Saffâh the Second, as he is supposed to have restored the
power of the House of Abbas, which had become weak
The and effete. He is described as a bold and active man,
character
of
Mutazid. a vigorous and wise administrator, and a capital soldier.
Merciless like his ancestor, the first Saffâh, he seems to
have kept in check the spirit of disorderliness among the
people ; and the awe and dread which he inspired lulled
all dissensions.
He was successful in his wars with the Byzantines, and
several cities were either recovered or taken from them.
He drove the Kurds out of Mesopotamia, and repressed
with firmness the insurrection of the Ameer Hamdân of
Mosul, who had attempted to make himself independent.
Restora-
tion of
But his greatest achievement consisted in peacefully
Egypt. obtaining the practical restoration of Egypt to the
Caliphate. Khumârwièh, the son and successor of
Ahmed bin Tûlûn, of his own accord, solicited investiture
as viceroy of Egypt upon payment of an annual tribute
of a million pieces of gold. This willing submission was
282 A.C. further strengthened by the marriage of his daughter
Katr-un-nadâ (" the Dewdrop ") to Mutazid.
Mutazid's rule was on the whole vigorous and firm,
and some of his measures were undoubtedly beneficent.
1 " One who recurs to the assistance of the Lord."
 CH. XIX. REFORMS OF MUTAZID 297

He expelled from the city vagabonds and bad characters, 232-454

A.H.
who in the day sat by the wayside plying the trade of
story and fortune-telling, and at night indulged in rob-
bery. But the reform which, more than anything,
obtained for him the benedictions of the people was one
connected with the law of intestate succession. Under the Reform of
old Arabian custom, relatives connected to a deceased the Lawof
Inherit-
person through a female, such as daughter's or sister's ance.

children, were excluded from inheritance, and this

archaic rule was at first embodied in the Sunni law.
Accordingly, on failure of agnatic relatives, the property
escheated to the state. Mutazid abolished the escheat
office, and directed that relations in the female line
should take after the agnates. Up to this time the
beginning of the solar year was celebrated with the same
festivities as among the ancient Persians. On the New The New
Year's Day, called the nairôz¹ khâssa, the Caliph held an Year's
Day.
audience, received presents, and bestowed gifts. The
people interchanged visits, sent round presents of
coloured eggs,2 delicate pastry and sweets, and amused
themselves with letting off fireworks, and sprinkling on
each other coloured or perfumed water. As the sprink-
ling of water was sometimes carried to the verge of
scandal, and promiscuous fireworks were dangerous,
Mutazid prohibited both the customs. The prohibition
regarding the sale of philosophical works by booksellers
was, however, of problematical benefit. He also altered
the New Year's Day from March to the Syrian month of
1 Persian nourôz .
2 The egg is the emblem of the fecundity of the earth awakened
by the rays of the sun. Does not the Western custom of Easter eggs
and Easter offerings owe its origin to the same idea ?
3 Like the Hindoos on the occasion of the Bassant or Holi
festival.
 298 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIX.

847-1063 Huzairân (June). It was thenceforth called Mutazid's

A. C.
New Year's Day.1
The rise of the Fatimides 2 in Africa, and the appear-
3
ance of the communistic Carmathians (the Karâmita),
who soon filled with rapine and carnage the whole of
Arabia, Syria, and Irâk, and ultimately brought ruin and
disaster on the Moslem world, occurred in this reign.
The Car- The Carmathians appeared first in the neighbourhood of
mathians.
278 Α.Η.
Kufa. Their doctrines were carried to al-Bahrain, the
891-892 refuge of all the free-lances and revolutionaries of Islâm,
A.C. and here, under the leadership of the notorious Abû Saîd
Abu Said al-Jannabi (i. e. of Jannaba), they gained such strength
al-Jannabi.
900A.C. that
inflictin a287disastrous
A.H. theydefeat
were able to invade
on the troops Chaldæa and
of Mutazid.
Two years later they entered Syria, and devastated the
903-904 province. In 301 A.H., upon Abû Saîd's assassination,
A.C. his son Abû Tâhir became their leader. Under him

they seized Bussorah, and laid waste with fire and sword
the countries within their reach. They continued in
this course, defeating army after army, until in the year
317 of the Hegira (in the reign of Muktadir), they
suddenly swooped down upon Mecca during the most
important day of the Hajj, slaughtered the pilgrims,
desecrated the Kaaba, and carried away the Black Stone.
The cup of their iniquity was now full. The Moslems
on all sides combined to destroy these enemies of
humanity, and a cruel, sanguinary war, which lasted for
nearly fifteen years, ended with the annihilation of this
pestilential sect. However, the disastrous consequences
of their rising were never effaced. Arabia and a great
An-Nairûz- ul-Mutazidi. The reason of the alteration will be
shown in the retrospect.
2 Seepost.
3 The followers of Karmath ; see The Spirit ofIslam, p. 495.
CH . XIX. ACCESSION OF MUKTADIR 299

portion of Syria and Chaldæa were converted into a 232-454 A.H.

wilderness. The arm of the Caliphate, at the moment
when it was recovering its strength, was paralysed. And
the Byzantines, the natural enemies of the empire, were
thus enabled to ravage Moslem territories with absolute
impunity.
Mutazid died in the year 299 A.H., and was suc- 22nd Rabi
II. 299
ceeded by his son Abû Mohammed Ali, under the title A.H. 5th
of Muktafi b'Illah. Muktafi proved a wise, generous, April, 902
A. C.
and just ruler. He was at Rakka at the time of his Accession
father's death, and the oath of fealty was taken for him ofAbiûMo-
by the Vizier Kâsim, son of Obaidullah, an honest and hammed
Ali,
capable minister. Muktafi arrived at Bagdad in a ship al-Muktafi
which sailed down the Tigris amid the acclamations of billah.
the people. On his arrival he destroyed the under-
ground prisons of his father, and converted them into
places of worship. He restored to the rightful owners
the lands and gardens that had been acquired by
Mutazid for building his palace. He thus won the love
of the people, who had been inspired with fear by his
father.

In spite of the Karmathian scourge, which kept the

arms of the Caliphate incessantly occupied in Irâk,
Hijaz, and Southern Syria, Muktafi had been able
to bring Egypt under his direct control and to beat
back the Byzantines and inflict some punishment
on them. Antâlia (Adalia 2), one of their most im-
portant cities, was taken by storm, and Thessalonica
was sacked.
Muktafi unfortunately died after a short reign of five
years, and was succeeded by his brother Jaafar, a lad of
thirteen years, under the title of Muktadir b'Illah.3
1 " Restrained by the Lord." 2 On the gulf of that name.
3 " The Powerful in the Lord ."
 300 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIX.

847-1063 Не occupied the throne for nearly twenty-five years .

A. C.
The virtues and ability of the viziers,¹ who held the
12th Zu'l real power, maintained the dignity of the empire in
Kaada, the beginning of this reign, but towards the end it
295 Α.Η.
13th declined rapidly, owing to the sovereign's recklessness.
August,
907 A.C.
The Fatimide sovereign, Obaidullah al-Mahdi, conquered
Abu'lFazl the whole of Northern Africa, and drove out Ziâdatullâh
Jaafar, al- bin Aghlab, the last Aghlabite prince of Ifrikia, who
Muktadir
bIllah. fled to Egypt and thence to Irâk.
The Deilemites, who inhabited the northernmost part
of ancient Media, were about this time converted
to Islâm by a descendant of Ali named Hassan, also
called al-Utrûsh (the deaf), who conquered Tabaristân
305 A.H. and Ghilân from the Sâmânides. In the year 305 A.H.
we read of the arrival at Bagdad of an embassy from the
Byzantine emperor, which was received with great pomp
and ceremony, and of the opening in the following year
of the great Muktadirièh hospital, for the maintenance
of which an annual allowance of 7000 dinars was set
apart.
Towards the end of Muktadir's reign, the actual govern-
ment was in the hands of his mother, a woman of character
and ability. She issued edicts and ordinances under her
own hand, and on Fridays, surrounded by the Kâzis and
nobles, held audiences to receive petitions and complaints.
The reactionary Hanbalites acquired great influence in
Muktadir's time. Their unruly fanaticism led to fre-
quent riots in Bagdad. Encouraged by the weakness
of the government, they assumed the position of public
Such as Ibn Furât and others.
2 They carried their bigotry to the extent of not allowing the
historian Tibri (Tabari) to be buried, because he had not praised
Ahmed bin Hanbal in his great history. Tibri was consequently
buried secretly by his friends.
CH. XIX. ABASEMENT OF THE CALIPHATE 301

censors. They invaded the privacy of houses, and, 232-454

A. H.
in these domiciliary visits, forcibly took and destroyed
whatever offended their fanatical tastes. Their special
hatred was directed against philosophical and scientific
works, which they seized in the shops of booksellers
and publicly burnt.
In 320 A.H. Muktadir was killed in the course of a 31st
fight with one of his insurgent nobles. Another son of 932
October,
A.C.
Mutazid, named Abû Mansûr Mohammed, was there- Abû

upon raised to the throne with the title of al-Kahir Mansûr

Moham-
b'Illah. He was cruel and depraved in disposition, med,
and those who had proclaimed him Caliph themselves al-Kâhir
b'Illah.
deposed and blinded him. In his reign Egypt again 6th Jamâdi
became independent under its famous governor, Ikshîd I. 322A.H.
the Turk.2 25th April,
734 A.C.
The Turkish nobles then placed on the throne a son
of Muktadir named Abu'l Abbas Mohammed, and called
him ar-Razi b' Illah. With him vanished the last vestiges Abu'l
Abbas
of power or dignity that had been left to the Caliphs. Moham-
Soon after his accession, Mohammed bin Râik, governor med,
ar-Râzi
of Wâsit and Bussorah, seized the supreme power, and b Illah.
was invested by the helpless Râzi with the title of
Ameer ul- Omara, a dignity specially created for him.
With the exception of Bagdad and its environs, nothing
now remained in the hands ofthe phantom Caliph ; the
governor of each province assumed an independent
rôle. Hitherto the Ommeyades of Spain had scrupu-
lously abstained from the assumption of the titles of
1 " The Commander by the Lord ."
2 The founder of the Ikshidite dynasty.
3 " Satisfied in the Lord. "
4 Ameer ofthe Ameers. The Ameer ul-Omara was, in fact, the
mayor of the palace, and exercised absolute authority in the name
of the Caliph.
 302 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIX.

847-1063 Caliph and Commander of the Faithful. But the de-

A.C. gradation and practical effacement of the Abbasside
sovereignty at this epoch led Abdur Rahmân III. to
assume the dignity and insignia of the Caliphate.
Mohammed bin Râik was overthrown by his Turkish
general Bajkam, who was then invested with the title
and authority of Ameer ul- Omara.
940 A.C. Upon the death of Râzi in 329 A.H., Abû Ishak Ibrâ-
hîm, another son of Muktadir was proclaimed Caliph
329 A.H. under the title of al-Muttaki bIllah. He was a mere
940 A.C. puppet in the hands of Bajkam's secretary. Shortly
Abû Ishak
Ibrahîm, after Bajkam was slain, and another Turk succeeded
al-Muttaki
b'Illah.
him in power, but he was routed by Ibn Râik, who
again became the Ameer ul-Omara. Attacked by another
Turkoman chief, Ibn Râik fled to Mosul, carrying
the puppet Caliph with him. Here the grandsons
of Ameer Hamdân, the Lords of Mosul and Tikrit,
were holding at bay the Greeks, and making such head
against Byzantine depredations as their limited resources
could enable them to do. Ibn Râik was assassinated, and
the two Hamdanite princes, Hassan and Ali, under the
title of Nasir ud-Dowla and Saif ud-Dowla respectively,
became the guardians of the Caliph. Carrying Muttaki
with them, they entered Bagdad in state, and again in-
stalled him on his throne. Another outbreak, headed
by a Turkish general named Tûzûn, compelled them to
leave Bagdad. Muttaki now fell into the hands of Tûzûn.
Once he escaped to Rakka, but was induced by treacher-
ous promises to return, when he was blinded and de-
posed. In this reign the Greeks raided as far as Edessa
(Rohâ), slaughtering the Moslems on all sides. Edessa
was saved only by the surrender of the reputed napkin
1 " The Pious in the Lord."
 CH. XIX. THE BUVIDES 303

of Jesus, which was preserved in the cathedral of the 232-454

A. H.
city.
Tûzûn then installed Muttaki's brother, Abul Kasim Safar, 333
Abdullah, as the Caliph, under the title of al-Mustaki Otober,
b-Illah.¹ Tuzûn died shortly after Mustakfi's accession, 944 A.C.
and was succeeded in the office of Ameer ul-Omara by Abul Ka
sim
his secretary, Jaafar bin Shirzâd. The Deilemite princes, Abdullah,
the sons of Buwaih, now began to press upon Irak. In al-

order to win their favour and support, Mustakfi con- Mustakfi

b'Illah.
ferred the title of Muiz ud-Dowla on Ahmed the eldest,
that of Imâd ud-Dowla on his brother Ali, and of Rukn The
ud-Dowla on Hassan. Muiz ud-Dowla soon made him- Buyides.
self master of Bagdad and of the Pontiff. He received the Mayors of
title of Sultan, and his name was inscribed on the coin- the Palace.
age and recited in the Cathedral services along with the
Caliph's. His position was like that of Charles Martel
under the Merovingian kings of France, for he was the
virtual sovereign, whilst the Caliph was merely his de-
pendent, receiving a daily allowance of 5000 dinars from
the public treasury. Muiz ud-Dowla, although a patron of
arts and literature, was cruel by nature. He was a Shiah ;
and it was he who established the 10th day of the Mo- 341 Α.Η.
harram as a day of mourning in commemoration of the 952 A.C.
massacre of Kerbela. The Byzantines carried their arms
everywhere, and the distracted empire of Islâm was
powerless to oppose their progress or prevent their
depredations .
Suspecting Mustakfi of conspiring against his power. 324 A. H.
Muiz ud-Dowla deposed and blinded him in January 946, Abu'l46 А.С.
Abul Kasim al-Fazl, another son of Muktadir, was then Kâsim
al-Fazl,
installed as Caliph under the title of al-Mutii b'Illah. al-Mutii
b'Illah.
1 " He who is contented with the Lord."
2
'Obedient to the Lord."
 304 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIX.

847-1063 The Buyides held the power for nearly a century almost
without a rival to contest their title. The Turkish mili-
tary element was annihilated, the Hamdanites were driven
out of Mosul, and the whole of Mesopotamia, Irâk Arab,
and Western Persia became subject to their rule. Some
of them were undoubtedly cruel, but on the whole their
mayoralty conduced to the prosperity of the people and
the cultivation of literature and science.
Muiz ud-Dowla died in 356 A.H., and was succeeded in
the office of Ameer ul-Omara by his son Bakhtyâr, who
received the title of Izz ud-Dowla. Seven years later
Mutii (the Caliph), struck with paralysis, abdicated on
the requisition of the Buyide prince in favour of his
13th Zu'l son Abu Bakr Abdul Karim, who was installed on the
Kaada, pontifical throne under the title of at-Taii b'Illah.
363 A. H. The
5thAugust munificence of the Hamdanite and Buyide princes, and
974 A.C.
Abu Bakr their patronage of arts and letters, are shown by the
Abdul number of eminent men who flourished at this time.
Karîm,
at- Tâii
Masûdi the historian, Abu Nasr Farabi the philosopher,
b'Illah. Mutannabi the poet, Abu'l Faraj the author of the Kitâb
ul-Aghani, Abu'l Kâsim at-Tanûkhi, ad-Dinâwari the
rhetorician, and a host of others-philosophers, scientists,
poets, jurists-were contemporaries of Mutii b'Illâh.
The accession of Tâii b'Illâh was coeval with the con-
quest of Syria and Hijaz by the Fatimide Caliph, the
363 A. H. great al-Muiz li-dîn Illâh, in whose name prayers were
974 A.C.
recited in the Holy Cities.
Shortly after, Izz ud-Dowla was deposed by his uncle
Aazd ud-Dowla, and the impotent Caliph was compelled
not only to invest him with the insignia of office, but to
allow him regal honours, with the title of Taj ul-Millat
1 " Obedient to the Lord."
* Such as the beating of the drums at the gate of his palace in the
morning, at sunset, and at nightfall.
CH. XIX . ACCESSION OF KADIR 305

("Crown of the Faith"). Aazd ud-Dowla died in 372 A.H., 232-454

A. H.
and was succeeded by his son Samsâm ud-Dowla, ¹ who
received the title of Shams ul-Millat (" Sun of the Faith"). 372 Α.Η.
Samsâm ud-Dowla was deposed by his brother Sharf ud- 982 A.C.
Dowla, who held the office for nearly four years. He died
in 379 A.H., and was succeeded by his son Abu Nasr, 376 А.Н.
who received the title of Bahâ ud-Dowla and Ziya ul- 985 A.C.
Millat (" Glory of the State" and " Lustre of the Faith").
Both Aazd ud-Dowla and Sharf ud-Dowla (949-989 379 A.H.
A.C.) re-animated the taste for letters and revived the 989 A.C.
School of Bagdad, which had suffered during the revolu-
tions of the Caliphate. Among the scientists whom they
patronised I may mention Ibn us-Salâm, Abdur Rahmân
Sûfi, and the celebrated astronomer and geometrician
Abu'l Wafâ. Besides supporting poets and savants, Aazd
ud-Dowla undertook works of public utility. Engineers
of the highest merit were charged with the task of deepen-
ing the channels of the river Bendemir, and making it
navigable to ships as far as Shiraz. This when completed
had the effect of stopping the periodical inundations
hitherto so destructive to the surrounding districts. He
also built a magnificent hospital and several colleges at
Bagdad.
Tâii was deposed by Bahâ ud-Dowla, and forced to 19th Shâ-
abdicate in favour of his brother, Abu'l Abbas Ahmed, bân,
381 A.H.
who was placed on the throne under the title of al-Kadir Ist Nov. ,
b'Illâh. Tâii resided in the palace of his brother, and 991 A.C.
Abu'l
appears to have been treated with great consideration Abbas
and respect-an unusual circumstance for the times. He al-Kadir
Ahmed,
b'Illah.
1 " The Sword of the Empire."
2 Sharf ud-Dowla induced the Caliph to bestow on him the
mighty title of Shah in-Shah, King of Kings.
3 Near Shiraz.
4 66

Strong in the Lord. "

X
 306 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIX.

847-1063 died in the year 373 A.H. (1002 A.C.). Kadir b'Illâh is
A. C.
described as a virtuous man, distinguished for his piety
and rectitude. He spent most of his nights in devotion,
and gave a large portion of his income in charity. It can-
not be denied, however, that he was narrow in his sym-
pathies and bigoted in his views, and the circumstances
of the times forced him to assume a strong reactionary
attitude towards all development. The Fatimides were
extending their power in every direction. Azîz, the
successor of al-Muiz, had made himself the master of
Emessa, Hamâh, and Aleppo, and his sovereignty was
acknowledged in Mesopotamia. Mutazalaism also was
making great progress. Kadir, who himself was a jurist
of some eminence, deprived of all temporal authority,
now devoted himself to the consolidation of the spiritual
authority and prestige of the Abbasside Caliphate.
Synods of doctors were held, at which he presided as
the Pontiff of the Church; anathemas were drawn up
and fulminated against the Fatimides ; Rationalism was
condemned, and " conformity " was insisted upon as
essential to orthodoxy. He himself wrote pamphlets
against the Mutazalites, declaring Rationalism to be
heresy. The consequence of all this was to inflame
sectarian bitterness ; and to impart a rigidity to the
dogmas of the Church that has made the work of
reform so difficult in later times.
The Ghaz- The Sâmânides, who had ruled Transoxiana and
navides. Khorâsân with such brilliant success, disappeared at
999 A.C.
this epoch, and their place was taken by another dynasty.
Their rule had lasted from 874 to 999 A.C. A Turkish
soldier who had commenced life as a mamluke, had by
his merits attained a high position in the service of his
sovereign. Incurring the displeasure of the succeeding
prince, Alptagîn escaped from Bokhara and established
CH . XIX. SULTAN MAHMÛD OF GHAZNI 307

himself in the mountainous regions of Afghanistan. 232-454

His seat of government was Ghazni, and here for sixteen A. H.
years he defied all endeavours to subjugate him. On
his death in 995 A.C., his power descended to his son-in-
law, Subaktagîn, who by his wise and vigorous administra-
tion won the love of his subjects and the respect of his
neighbours. His power and authority were recognised
by the Caliph, which gave to his rule the coveted
legitimacy. The title of Nasir ud-Dowla, with the
standard and customary robes of honour, was conferred on
him from Bagdad, and Subaktagîn became the legitimate
founder of the Ghaznavide dynasty. He carried his
arms across the Hindoo Kush into the Punjab, and founded
the cities of Bost and Kusdar. As the faithful ally of
Nûh, the Sâmânide prince, he defended Transoxiana
against the incursions of the Turkoman hordes. On his
death there was a struggle for power between his sons
Mahmûd and Ismail. Mahmûd was willing to share the Sultan
dominion with his brother, but the latter desired to rule Mahmûd.
alone. Mahmûd was successful in the fight, but treated
Ismail with great generosity and kindness. The Sâmâ-
nide power now broke to pieces, and in 1000 A.C. the
Ghaznavide sovereign made himself the master of
Khorâsân. The Caliph sent him the usual diploma of
investiture, with the title of Yemîn ud-Dowla ( "the Right
Hand of the Empire "), andAmîn ul-Millat (“ Custodian of
the Faith "). Sultan Mahmûd's reign was one of the most
brilliant in the history of Asia. He beautified Ghazni,
and might have said, like the first emperor of Rome, that
he found his capital a town of huts and left it a city of
marble palaces. He was a patron of learning and arts ;
and although his generosity was sometimes marred by
ill-timed parsimony and narrowness of views, his court
was the resort of famous scholars and savants. Al-
 308 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIX .

847--- and poetsFirdousi,

A.C.1063 Beirûni, flourished reign.many other philosophers
in his and
Dakîki,

Sultan Mahmûd entered India several times, but did

not make any permanent conquest beyond the confines
of the Punjab. Whilst Mahmûd was employed in the
East, a large body of Turkomans from the Khirgiz
steppes crossed the Jaxartes and settled themselves in
Transoxiana. The Ghaznavide Sultan made the fatal
mistake of leaving them in possession of this province,
contenting himself with a nominal tribute and acknow-
ledgment of fealty. With the object of weakening them
as he thought, he deported into Khorâsân one of the
tribes, under their leader Seljuk.¹ Here the Seljuks
waxed in strength and number, until they were able
successfully to measure swords with their former
masters .

Sultan Sultan Mahmûd died in 1030 A.C., leaving a glorious

Masûd. empire to his son and successor Masûd. He tried to
remove from Khorâsân the redoubtable subjects whom
a mistaken policy had implanted in the very heart of the
The kingdom. In a memorable battle near Herat, Masûd
Seljukides. was vanquished, and the Seljukian power rose on the
wreck of the Ghaznavide. Sultan Masûd's dominions
were now confined to Afghanistan proper and the Punjab
to the east , on his death the throne was occupied by
several princes, in rapid succession , one after another.
The affairs of the Ghaznavide dynasty remained in dis-
order until the accession of Sultan Ibrahim, the friend
and patron of the poet-philosopher, Hakîm Sanâï, who
concluded a peace with the Seljukian prince of Khorâsân,
1 After whom the tribe was named.
2 See the Atesh Kadch.
CH. XIX. THE SELJUKIDES 309

and directed his efforts solely to the consolidation of his 232-454

A. H.
power in the direction of India.
After the defeat of Sultan Masûd, the Seljuks had Tughril
elected Tughril Beg, the grandson of the chieftain Beg .
whose name they bore, to the over-lordship of the tribe.
Tughril Beg is described by Ibn ul-Athîr as a wise
sovereign, forbearing and generous, virtuous and simple
in his life, and devoted to learning. Tughril rapidly
reduced under his sway Jorjan, the Persian Irâk,
Khwârism, and other important provinces to the west.
He soon found himself in presence of the Buyide princes
in Northern Persia, who were either driven from their
principalities or compelled to acknowledge the suzerainty
of the Seljukian chieftain. Whenever Tughril took a
city, he established a mosque and a school in commemo-
ration of his victory, and the fame of his piety enhanced
and accelerated his success over his opponents .
Whilst the power of Tughril was overshadowing that
of the Buyides in Persia, the old orthodox Caliph, Kâdir
b'Illâh, was breathing his last. He died in 422 A.H., at 11th Zu'l
the age of 87, after having occupied the pontifical throne 422
Hijja,
Α. Η.
for over forty-one years. Many eminent scholars who 29th
have left a lasting impression on the history of Islâm November,
1031 A.C.
flourished in his time, such as the Kâzi Abdul Jubbâr,
the Mutazalite doctor, and his opponent, Abû Ishâk
al-Isfaraini the Ashaarite ; the Allamah Shaikh Mufîd, the
most learned of the Shiah legists ; the poet Abû Omar
bin Darrâj ; the jurists Dâr Kutni and Ibn Shahin, and
others.
On Kadir b'Illâh's death, his son, AbûJaafar Abdullah, Abû

was installed on the throne, under the title of al-Kaimbi- Abdullah,

Jaafar
amr-Illâh. He is described as virtuous, pious, devout, and al-Kaim
bi-amr-
Illah.
1 " Who stands by the order of the Lord ."
 310 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XIX.

847-1063 learned, full of trust and faith in God, and charitable and
A.C.
patient. " He was assiduous in the cultivation of learn-
ing," says the annalist, " skilled in writing, and prompt to
do justice and benevolence." He seems to have played
quietly, for nearly twenty-four years, the part of a Pontiff
without power, under the tutelage of the Buyides. In
466 A.H., a Turkish chief, Arslân al-Basâsîri, seized the
supreme power, and practically displaced Malik Rahîm,
the Buyide,from the office of Ameer ul-Omara, or Mayor
of the Palace. At this juncture, Kâim invoked the
assistance of the Seljukian sovereign. Tughril hurried
to Bagdad, and on his approach, Basâsîri retired to
Mosul. The moment, however, Tughril left Bagdad to
suppress a revolt in Persia, Basâsîri returned to the
capital, deposed the Abbasside Pontiff, and proclaimed
in his place the Fatimide Caliph, al- Mustansir b'Illâh,
the spiritual Head of Islâm. The mantle, sceptre, and
pulpit were sent to Egypt, and prayers were recited for
Mustansir in every mosque in Irak. Tughril hurried
back to Bagdad, Basâsîri was defeated and slain, and
Tughril Kaim was replaced on the throne of his ancestors. The
Beg
Sultan.
grateful Pontiff invested the Turkish sovereign with the
supreme temporal power over the dominions of Islâm
that still recognised the spiritual sway of the Abbassides.
The ceremony of investiture took place in Bagdad. The
Caliph himself placed two crowns on Tughril's head as
the symbol of power over the Arabs and Persians, and
invested him with seven robes emblematical of the seven
countries of Islâm. The heralds then proclaimed
Tughril Sultan of the East and the West.
TO
ROAD
THE
GATES
.ON
SHIRAZ
 CHAPTER XX

THE ABBASSIDES-(continued)
KAIM TO MUSTAZHIR

455-503 Α.Η., 1063-1110 А.С.

THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE CRUSADES

Kâim bi -amr- Illâh, the Caliph-Tughril Beg-War with the Byzan-

tines-Tughril's death-Accession of Alp Arslân-The Roman
Invasion-Battle of Malâz Kard-Roman defeat-Diogenes
Romanus made prisoner Treaty of peace-Diogenes Romanus
blinded and killed by his subjects-Death of Alp Arslân-Ac-
cession of Malik Shah
--Death of Kâim-Accession of Muktadi
bi-amr- Illâh as Caliph-Malik Shah's glorious reign-The Rise
of the Assassins-Hassan Sabah--Assassination of Nizâm ul-
Mulk-Death of Malik Shah-Disputes among his sons-Death
of Caliph Muktadi-Accession of Mustazhir b'Illah- The begin-
ning of the Crusades-Siege of Antioch-Its capture-Slaughter
of the Moslems-Destruction of Maraa't un-Nomân-Butchery
in Jerusalem -Sack of Tripoli.
UNDER Tughril the Seljuks became the dominant 455-503
nation in Asia. This tribe formed a branch of the A.H.
1063-
great Turkish or Scythian race, and derived their 1110A.C.
eponym from the chieftain under whom they had
entered Transoxiana, and afterwards Khorâsân. Although The
the Turks and Mongols belonged to the same stock, Seljuks.
there was this great difference between them, that whilst
the latter lived and still live at the eastern extremity of
Asia in a state of semi-barbarism verging on savagery,
the western tribes had been much influenced by con-
311
 312 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XX.

1063- tact with the civilisation of the Arabs. The Seljuks,

1110A.C. who were the most advanced of them all, adopted
Islâm with fervour and enthusiasm , and became its ardent
champions. While the Arabs were cultivating the arts
of peace, they devoted themselves to the extension of
the power of Islâm. The latter half of the eleventh
century forms the most glorious epoch of their history.
During this period they recognised the over-lordship of
one supreme monarch ; the feudal vassals were united
amongst themselves and faithful to the suzerain.
The Greeks had taken advantage of the growing weak-
ness of the Caliphate to extend their power in Asia ;
the treacherous raids of former times had developed
under some vigorous monarchs into attempts at con-
quest; and at the close of the tenth century of the
Christian era, the Byzantine dominions extended as far
as Antioch to the south and the boundaries of Armenia
Proper to the east.
Death of In the year 1060 A.C., Tughril declared war against
Tughril
Beg.
the Byzantines and swept them out of Cappadocia and
Accession Phrygia ; but a permanent conquest of those regions
ofAlp was reserved for the reign of his brilliant nephew and
Arslân.
455 A.H. successor, Alp Arslan 1 (" the valiant Lion "), who, upon
1063 A.C. the death of his uncle without male issue, succeeded
to the over-lordship of the Seljuks, and was invested
by the Caliph with the title and prerogatives of Sultan.2
Alp Arslân is described by Ibn ul-Athîr as a noble,
benevolent, just, and wise ruler ; pure, pious, and de-
vout in his life ; humane of heart, charitable, and a
friend of the poor ; never indulging in anything repre-
hensible, and withal brave and chivalrous. After
1 His father's name wasJigri Beg Dâûd.
2 He received the title of Aazd ud-Dowla.
CH. XX. BATTLE OF MALAZ KARD 313

achieving the final conquest of Georgia and Armenia, he 455-503

A.H.
had retired to Khoi, in Azerbijân, when he received
news that Diogenes Romanus (called Armânûs by the
Arabs), who had been raised from the scaffold to the
throne by the favour of the Empress Eudocia, had
burst into Asia Minor with an overwhelming force of
over 200,000 men, with the avowed object of destroy-
ing Bagdad and reducing the whole of Western Asia
under the Roman sway. A better equipped and more
numerous army had never issued from Constantinople
for conquest or plunder. As the Romans advanced, the
Moslems fell back until they arrived at Malâz Kard,¹ an
important fortress lying midway between the modern
cities of Erzerum and Van. Here the Saracens were
joined by the Sultan, and here the battle was fought
which virtually destroyed the Byzantine power in Asia.
The Moslems were out-numbered, but after a desperate Battle of
and prolonged struggle they succeeded in inflicting a Malâz
Kard.
crushing defeat on the Roman army. The Emperor, with
his patricians, was taken prisoner, and carried to the
Sultan's camp, where he was treated with the kindness
and courtesy due to his rank.
After protracted negotiations, a treaty of peace was
concluded between the Sultan and Romanus, by which
the latter agreed to marry his daughters to the sons of
Alp Arslân, to pay a ransom of a million, and an annual
tribute of three hundred and sixty thousand pieces of
gold, and to surrender all prisoners of war. The Emperor
and his nobles then took leave of their captor, and
attended by a guard furnished by the Sultan, proceeded
towards Constantinople, but on the way learnt that he
had been deposed by his ungrateful subjects. The

1 Ibn ul-Athîr : Mirkhond calls it Malâz Jard.

 314 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. xx .

1063- Sultan prepared to support him by arms, but before

1110 A.C. he could come to his assistance, Romanus was seized
and blinded, and afterwards put to death, by the Greeks.
After the battle of Malâz Kard, Asia Minor was be-
465 A.H. stowed as an appanage upon Sulaimân, the son of
1072 A.C.
Kutlumish, a cousin, who held it as a feudatory of the
Sultan. Sulaiman proved himself a wise ruler and a
brave soldier. He extended his dominions to the Hel-
lespont on the north, and to the Mediterranean on the
west, and exacted tribute from the rulers of Byzantium.
He established his capital at Nice in Bithynia, where
it remained until the Crusades. On the capture of that
place by the Crusaders, the seat of government was
removed to Iconium. Asia Minor continued under his
descendants until they were overthrown by the Tartars.
They are commonly known as the sovereigns of Rûm,¹
and have left many monuments of their power and
civilisation.
Death of
Alp Arslân died of a wound inflicted by a rebel whom
Alp
A
Arslan. he had sentenced to death. His rule was beneficent,
wise, and just. During the whole of his reign he
had as vizier the great Khwaja Hassan, surnamed Nizâm
466 A.H. ul-Mulk, in whom was vested the absolute control of the
1073 A.C. civil administration. Alp Arslân was succeeded by his
son, Malik Shah, who was invested with the Sultanate
under the title of Jalal ud-Dowla (" Glory of the
Empire ").
Accession The Caliph Kâim died three years later, and was
ofMalik
Shah . succeeded on the pontifical throne by his grandson,
Abul Kasim Abdullah, under the title of Muktadi bi-
1 For a list of the sovereigns of this dynasty see Genealogical
Table. Aalâ ud-dîn, the fourteenth sovereign, was the friend,
patron, and disciple of the celebrated mystic and poet Moulâna
Jalâl ud-din Rumi (of Rûm).
CH. XX . NIZAM UL- MULK 315

amr-Illah.¹ Muktadi was only nineteen at the time of 455-503

A.H.
his accession, but had already given proof of his strength
of character. He is described as pious, virtuous, and The
resolute, “ magnanimous, and one of the noblest of the Caliph
Kâim's
House of Abbas. " He administered his private do- death ;
mains with care; he expelled from the capital all the 13th Sha-
bân,
bad characters, and took other measures for promoting 467 A.H.
public decency and suppressing immorality. The fanati- 2nd April,
cal Hanbalites were, however, a source of constant 1075.A.C.
Abu'l
trouble, and riots between them and the Ashaarias (the Kâsim
Abdullah,
Hanafîs) often led to heavy loss of life on both sides. al-Mukta-
But the interest of the Moslem world centred at this di bi-amr-
Illah.
epoch not in the Caliph or his court, but in the great
Sultan, the ruler of Asia.
The beginning of Malik Shah's reign was disturbed Malik
Shah's
by some insurrections, one headed by his own brother. reign.
The character of the Sultan is best indicated by an
incident which occurred at Tûs. After his devotions at
the mausoleum of the Imam Ali ar-Raza, Malik Shah
informed his vizier that he had implored the Lord to
give his brother the victory if he was more worthy than
himself to rule over the Moslems. Wise, noble, and
just, Malik Shah's renown as a ruler has been equalled
by few sovereigns. He retained Khwaja Hassan, Nizâm Nizâm ul-
ul-Mulk, in the office of vizierate, and invested him with Vizier
Mulk,of
absolute authority under the title of Atâbek 2 ( " Prince Malik
Shah .
Governor ") . Nizâm ul- Mulk was probably, after Yahya
Barmeki, the ablest minister and administrator Asia has
ever produced. His work on administration and govern-
ment forms an enduring monument of his genius and
capacity. Peace reigned throughout the vast dominions
1
" Directing himself by the command of the Lord. "
2 Turkish , Atâbeg, arabicised into Atâbek.
3 Siasat Nâmdh (in Persian) .
 316 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XX.

1063- of the Sultan, which extended from the confines of

1110A.C. China to the Mediterranean on the west, from Georgia
on the north to Yemen in the south. Twelve times he
traversed the wide extent of his dominions, and person-
ally examined the condition and requirements of each
province. Like Rashîd and Mâmûn, he established
resting-places and guard-houses along all the trade and
pilgrim routes for the protection of merchants and
travellers. Hunting was the Sultan's passion, but in
the pursuit of his pleasure he never forgot the poor or
the peasant ; and after a battue he distributed heavy
largesses among the indigent inhabitants of the district
Malik where he hunted. Malik Shah's reign, in its grandeur
Shah's
benign and magnificence, and in the prosperity of the people,
reign, rivalled the best period of Roman or Arabian domination.
Commerce and industry flourished ; arts and literature
were fostered by a lavish patronage ; an unprecedented
impetus was given to the cultivation of the Persian
language ; the cities of Asia were adorned with colleges,
hospitals, mosques, and palaces, and the empire was
covered with roads and canals to facilitate traffic and to
Reforma- fertilise the soil. The reformation of the Calendar, at the
tionofthe
Calendar. instance of the Sultan or his great vizier, was of im-
portance to the world at large. A committee of
scientists, under the presidency of the astronomer-royal,
the celebrated poet Omar Khayyâm, was entrusted with
the task. This assemblage of astronomers corrected
all errors by a computation of time " which," says
Gibbon, " surpasses the Julian and approaches the accu-
racy of the Gregorian." The new year's day was fixed
at the first point of the sun's entry into Aries instead of,
as heretofore, at the meridian of his passage through
Pisces. The reformed era received, after the Sultan, the
name Jalâlian.
CH. XX . THE ASSASSINS 317

Sulaiman, the feudatory ruler of Rûm, had extended 455-503

A. H.
the Seljukian dominions up to the confines of Caria,
and reduced many of the islands. Nicephorus Botaniates,
who ascended the throne of Byzantium on the abdica-
tion of the son of Constantine Ducas, and Alexius
Comnenus his successor, acknowledged Malik Shah as
their suzerain, and paid him tribute. In the year 467 A.H. , Conquest
of
Sulaiman drove the Greeks from the principality Antioch,
of Antioch and reconquered the city in the name of 467 A.H.
the Sultan. This conquest was, however, counter-
balanced by the loss, seven years later, of Sicily. In
the year 1061 A.C. the island had been invaded by the
Normans, whose progress was favoured by internecine
disorders among the Saracens. And yet the struggle was Loss of

protracted and sanguinary. After a long war, which 109I

Sicily.
A.C.
extended over thirty years, the Norman Count Roger
brought the island into his power.
Towards the close of Malik Shah's reign, the Assassins,¹ The Rise
ofthe
the Nihilists of Islâm, made their appearance in the inac- Assassins.
cessible defiles of Mazendrân, which had at one time
harboured Bâbek and his confederates. This sanguinary
fraternity, which was afterwards imitated with such
remarkable success both in Europe and Asia, was
founded by Hassan Sabah, a school-fellow of Nizam ul- Hassan
Mulk, who, baulked in his ambition to play a part in the Sabah.
Seljukian empire, aimed at the destruction of legitimate
authority by poison and the dagger. Becoming a
follower of the Fatimide Caliphs of Egypt, he was
appointed by them their nuncio in the East, with
authority to make proselytes to the Ismailia doctrines. The

Hitherto, the Ismailites had only masters and fellows ; Ismailias.

1 The word Assassin is either a corruption of Hassani (a follower
of Hassan) or Hashishîn, hashish-taker.
 318 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. xx.

1063- namely, the Dâïs or emissaries, who, being initiated into

IIIO A.C. all the grades of the secret doctrine, enlisted proselytes ;
and the Rafik, who, gradually entrusted with its princi-
ples, formed the bulk of the secret society. Hassan saw
at once that for the purpose of carrying out his project
with security and energy, a third class was needed,
composed of agents, who would be mere blind and
fanatical tools in the hands of their superiors, who would
yield implicit obedience to the master's orders without
regard to consequences ; these agents were called Fedâïs
(i. e. the Devoted).
The grand-master of this murderous brotherhood was
called " our lord," Syedna or Sidna (the Sidney of the
Crusaders), and commonly Shaikh ul- Jabal, “ the Old
" The Old Man (or Lord) of the Mountain." And the Fedâis formed
Manofthe
Moun- his body-guard, and were the executioners of his deadly
tain." orders.1
The differ-
Immediately under the grand-master came the Dâï ul-
entdegrees
of the Kabir, the grand-prior, and each of the three provinces
Order. to which the power of the Order extended, namely Jabâl,
Kuhistân, and Syria, was ruled by one of the grand-
priors. Beneath them were the initiated masters, Dâïs,
who acted as nuncios, and enlisted proselytes. The
fellows or companions (Rafik) were those who were
advancing to the mastership, through the several grades
of initiation into the secret doctrine. The devoted
murderers (the Fedâis) came last, and the Lasik
(aspirants) seem to have been the novices or lay
brethren. From the uninitiated subjects of the Order,
strict observance of the religious duties of Islâm was
expected ; from the devoted satellites was demanded
1 The curious student of history will perceive the extraordinary
analogy between this sanguinary Brotherhood of murderers, and the
various Orders which sprang up afterwards in Europe.
CH. XX. DEATH OF MALIK SHAH 319

only blind subjection. The initiated worked with their 455-503

Α.Η.
heads, and led the arms of the Fedâis in execution of
the orders of the Shaikh, who with his pen guided the
daggers. These nihilists received the name of Mulâhida
or the Impious. In 483 A.H. , Hassan Sabah obtained
possession, partly by force and partly by treachery, of the
inaccessible castle of Alamût (" the Eagle's Nest ") on
the mountains of Mazendrân, and from there commenced
his attacks on constituted society. Two expeditions
were directed by Malik Shah against the Assassins, but
death overtook him before he could root out the hateful
fraternity. In 1091 A.C., Nizam ul-Mulk was murdered Assassina-
tion of
by one of the emissaries of Hassan Sabah. " He was Nizâm ul-
universally beloved," says Ibn ul-Athîr, ¹ " by the com- Mulk.
monalty as well as the great, for his noble qualities and
his spirit of justice." He left three sons, Muwayyid ul-
Mulk, Fakhr ul-Mulk, and Izz ul-Mulk, who afterwards
became the viziers of Malik Shah's successors. After the
death of his great minister, the Sultan came to Bagdad.
A marriage had been arranged between Malik Shah and Death of
a daughter of Alexius Comnenus, but death prevented a Shah
Malik

union from which great results were expected, both for 15thShaw-
the East and the West. Malik Shah died at the age wâl, 485
A. H. , 18th
of thirty-nine, after a reign of about twenty-one years. November,
The greatness and unity of the Seljukian empire 1092 A.C.
expired in the person of Malik Shah. At the instance of
his wife Turkhân, surnamed Khâtûn ul-Jalalich (the
glorious Lady), his infant son Mahmûd was invested by
the Caliph with the dignity of the Sultanate, under the
high-sounding title of Nasir ud-dunia w'ad-din. But the
1 In his History of the Atâbeks of Mosul.
2 Gibbon thinks that the lady must have been Anna Comnena
herself.
3 ،،Helper of the world and religion."
 320 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XX.

1063- little child had to make way for his eldest brother
1110 A. C. Barkyarûk,¹ who seized the supreme power, and received
Accession the title of Rukn ud-din.2 Shortly after, another com-
ofBark-
yarûk.
petitor arose in the person of Mohammed, the second
son of Malik Shâh. The civil war between the brothers
Barkyarûk and Mohammed, concerning the territories of
Irâk and Khorâsân, facilitated the execution of Hassan
Sabâh's ambitious designs, and " in the bloody hotbed of
intestine discord, the poisonous plant of murder and
sedition flourished."
The Assassins by degrees made themselves master of
some of the strongest fortresses in the mountainous
tracts of Northern Persia, Irak, and Syria, and pursued
the best men of Islâm with their daggers.
15th Mo- The Caliph Muktadi died in 487 A.H. , and was suc-
harram,
487 ceeded by his son Abu'l Abbas Ahmed, under the title
A.H. , Feb- of al-Mustazhir b'Illah. He was only sixteen years of
1094
ruaryAb age at the time. Ibn ul-Athîr describes him as humane,
Abbas virtuous, and liberal, of generous disposition and gentle
Ahmed, al-
Mustazhir
manners, zealous in good works, and a patron of the
b'Illah. learned. Had he lived in more favourable times, he
would probably have made some figure in history. But
the resources at his command were too inadequate to
enable him to play an important part.
The Cru- It was at this period that the storm of savage fanaticism
sades.
491 Α.Η.
which in the annals of Christendom is called " the Holy
1097-8 Wars," burst in all its fury over Western Asia. In
A.C.
European histories the Crusades are surrounded with
the halo of romance, and every knight or soldier engaged
in it is regarded as the beau ideal of chivalry. It shall
be my duty, in the interest of truth, to raise the veil
1 Or Bek-Yâruk, " the brilliant Bey."
2 " The pillar of religion. "
8 " Imploring help of the Lord."
CH . xx . THE CRUSADES 321

from this picture, and to reveal in the short space at 455-503

A.H.
my command the ghastliness of these wars, the cruel,
savage, and treacherous character of those who were
engaged in them, and the dire miseries they inflicted
upon Western Asia. " The Crusades form," says a clever
writer, " one of the maddest episodes in history. Christi-
anity hurled itself at Mohammedanism in expedition
after expedition for nearly three centuries, until failure
brought lassitude, and superstition itself was undermined
by its own labours. Europe was drained of men and
money, and threatened with social bankruptcy, if not
with annihilation. Millions perished in battle, hunger,
or disease, and every atrocity the imagination can
conceive disgraced the warriors of the Cross. "
Ever since the establishment of the Islâmic power, Condition
of the
the Christians had enjoyed the utmost toleration; Christians
they were protected in the practice of their religion, and under the
Islâmic
in the enjoyment of their civil rights and privileges. régime.
They were allowed to move freely about the empire, to
hold communication with princes of their own creed in
foreign countries, and to acquire lands and property
under the same conditions as the Moslems. Public
offices (excepting under some tyrannical governors) were
open to them equally with the Moslems. Christian
convents and churches existed everywhere, and Christian
pilgrims from the most distant parts were permitted to
enter Palestine without hindrance. In fact, pilgrimage
to the Holy Land had been stimulated, rather than sup-
pressed, by the conquest of the Arabs, and the Saracens
contented themselves with maintaining order among the
rival sects of Christianity, who would have torn each
other to pieces in the very sepulchre they professed to
worship. In Jerusalem, which was regarded as holy by
the followers of both religions, a special quarter was set
Y
 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. xx.
322

1063- apart for the Patriarch and his clergy, which was invio-
1110 A.C. lable on the part of the Moslems. When Palestine
and Syria passed into the hands of the Fatimides in the
year 969 A.C., the change of supremacy was to the advan-
tage of the Christians, for the Egyptian sovereigns
encouraged Christian trade and patronised the Christians.
But no amount of toleration would conciliate the fanatics,
who looked upon the presence of the Moslem in Jeru-
salem as an abomination. The pilgrims came under
the protection of the Saracens, they enjoyed Saracen
hospitality, and they carried away in their hearts a bitter
hatred. Towards the end of the tenth century, the
Millennium was believed to be at hand. Enormous
crowds from the Latin world began to pour into the
Holy Land ; and in the eleventh century they increased
to an appalling extent. About this time Palestine came
into the possession of the Turkoman family of Ortok,
who acknowledged a lax obedience to the Seljukian
sovereign or his Syrian feudatory. The large influx
of strangers and their furious zeal were equally unin-
telligible to the rude Turkomans, and the pilgrims were
occasionally exposed to ill-treatment and robbery, just as
Moslem pilgrims in the present day are often robbed
and ill-treated by their Moslem brothers of the desert.
The tales of ill-treatment, as usual grossly exaggerated,
brought to a head the long-pent-up animosity of the
Councils of Franks. Pope Urban II. summoned a council at Placentia
Placentia
and in March 1095, and another at Clermont in November
Clermont, of the same year. Here the Pope commanded a crusade
March and against the " infidels who were in possession of Christ's
November,
1095. sepulchre, and promised a remission of sins to those
who joined it, and paradise to those who fell in battle."
Religious fanaticism was the chief motive of this Crusade,
but it was mixed with others, such as a desire of carving
CH. XX. THE CRUSADES 323

out new kingdoms or acquiring riches ; and " sensuality 455-503

Α. Η.
was allured by the fabulous flavour of Oriental wines
and the magical beauty of Grecian women. " " Avarice,
ambition, and lust " thus co-operated with faith in exciting
a religious outburst.
66
" Every means," says Hallam, was used to excite
an epidemical frenzy. " During the time that a

Crusader bore the Cross, he was free from suits

for debts and exempt from taxes, and his person
was under the protection of the Church. To these
material advantages were joined the remission of
penances, the abolition of all sins, and the assurance
of eternal felicity. " None doubted that such as
perished in the war unfailingly received the reward of
martyrdom. "
The first band, led by Walter (Gauthier) the Penniless, 1096 A.C.
was massacred by the Christian Bulgarians. Peter the Peter the
Hermit.
Hermit led the second host of forty thousand men,
women, and children of all nations and languages.
" Arriving at Malleville, they avenged their precursors
by assaulting the town, slaying seven thousand of the
inhabitants, and abandoning themselves to every species
of grossness and libertinism." Hungary and Bulgaria
became a desert before Peter's horde. Alexius shipped
them across the Bosphorus without admitting them into
the city. In Asia they recommenced their excesses.
Michaud says that they " committed crimes which made
nature shudder. " They killed children at the breast,
scattered their limbs in the air, and carried their ravages
to the very walls of Nice. But the Sultan attacked them
with fifteen thousand men.
Their leader, Reginald, with
some companions, embraced Islâm. The rest were
exterminated.
The third wave, comprised of " the most stupid and
 324 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS . CH . xx .

1063- savage refuse of the people," 1 was commanded by

1110 A.C. Godeschal, a German monk. " They mingled with their
devotion a brutal licence of rapine, prostitution, and
drunkenness. " According to Michaud, they gave them-
selves up to intemperance ; they forgot Constantinople
and Jerusalem " in tumultuous scenes of debauchery, "
and " pillage, violation, and murder was everywhere left
on the traces of their passage." The Hungarians rose
in arms against them; the plains of Belgrade were
covered with the Crusaders' bones, and only a few of
Godeschal's rabble escaped to tell the tale. The fourth
wave issued from England, France, Flanders, and
Lorraine. Mills calls them " another herd of wild and
desperate savages. " The Turks being far off, they took
to murdering the Jews. Thousands of Jews were
massacred and pillaged at Cologne, and in other towns
on the banks of the Rhine and the Moselle. Seven
hundred were slaughtered at Mayence alone.
" The infernal multitude hurried on to the south in
their usual career of carnage and rapine; " 2 but at
Memsburg they were destroyed by a Hungarian army.
1097 A.C. In the following year a more systematic onslaught
was organised by the princes of feudal Europe. Their
passage towards the East was attended by the same atroci-
ties. Under the leadership of Godfrey of Bouillon, the
Crusaders arrived at Constantinople. With considerable
dexterity Alexius diverted their attack on Constantinople,
and shipped the unwelcome visitors across the Bosphorus,
and in May 1097 A.C. the Crusaders mustered on the
plains of Nice, seven hundred thousand strong, an
enormous host sufficient to sweep from the field any
army the Seljuks could bring against them.

1Gibbon. 2 Mills .
CH. XX . SIEGE OF ANTIOCH 325

Nice, the capital of the Sultan, was invested and 455-503

threatened with destruction. But Alexius induced the A.H.
Seljuk sovereign to deliver the place to him. The sight
of his standard flying over the castle threw the fanatical
horde into a frenzy. But the city was saved. From
Nice the Crusaders marched to Antioch. Slaughter, Siege of
rapıne, and outrage marked their progress through Asia. Oct.
Antioch.
1097
The siege of Antioch lasted nine months. Provisions -June
became scarce, and the soldiers of the Cross actually 1098.
resorted to cannibalism. " Carrion was openly dressed,"
says Mills, " and human flesh was eaten in secret." 1
Mutilation of the dead was indulged in as a sport.
The heads of two thousand Turks, who fell in a sortie
from Antioch, were cut off; some were exhibited as
trophies, others were fixed on stakes round the camp,
and others shot into the town. On another occasion
they dragged the corpses of the Saracens from their
sepulchres, and exposed fifteen hundred heads to the
weeping citizens. " The son of the Seljuk Ameer com-
manding at Antioch," says Michaud, " fell into the hands
of the Crusaders, and they tried to induce his family to
deliver up the city as his ransom. On their demand
being refused, they subjected their young captive to
the most barbarous treatment. His cruel tortures were
renewed each day for a month. At last they conducted
him to the foot of the rampart, and there immolated
him in the sight of his parents and fellow-citizens. " 2
Brutality often goes hand-in-hand with reckless indul-
gence, and the invaders gave the rein to their wildest
passions. One author remarks that " seldom does the
1 According to Von Sybel, Mills, and many other writers, canni-
balism was openly practised among the lower ranks of the Crusaders,
especially the camp followers.
2 Vol. i. p. 462.
 326 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XX.

1063- history ofprofane wars display such scenes of intemperance

1110 A.C. and debauchery. "
And Michaud says, " if contemporary accounts are
to be credited, all the vices of the infamous Babylon
prevailed among the liberators of Sion. "
Captureof An attempt at relief failed owing to the incapacity of
Antioch the Seljukian general ( Kerbogha) and his ill-treatment of
bythe
Crusaders. the princes and ameers who had joined him. Antioch
at last fell by treachery. An Armenian traitor named
June 1098. Firûz, or as the Arabs call him Behrûz, lowered ropes
in the night by means of which the Crusaders scaled
the walls. Some towers were seized and the guards
slain. A gate was then opened, and the whole army
poured into the city shouting “ Dieu le veut," and then
commenced a frightful butchery. " The dignity of age,
the helplessness of youth, and the beauty of the weaker
sex, were disregarded by the Latin savages. Houses
were no sanctuaries, and the sight of a mosque added
new virulence to cruelty." 1
Every habitation, from the marble palace to the
meanest hovel, was converted into a shamble ; the
narrow streets and the spacious squares all alike ran with
human blood. The lowest estimate puts the people
massacred in Antioch at ten thousand souls.
After butchering the Saracens, the invaders abandoned
themselves to the worst excesses. From Antioch they
Massacre proceeded to Marra't un-Nomân, one of the most popu-
at Marra't lous and flourishing cities of Syria, which they captured.
un-Nomân.
Here they slaughtered one hundred thousand people.
" The streets ran with blood until ferocity was tired out."
Bohemond then reviewed his prisoners. " They who
were vigorous or beautiful," says Mills, " were reserved

1 Mills, vol . i. p. 179.

CH. XX. MASSACRE AT JERUSALEM 327

for the slave-market at Antioch, but the aged and infirm 455--503
A. H.
were immolated at the altar of cruelty." At Marra also
cannibalism was rampant, " and it is even said that The cap-
ture of
human flesh was publicly exposed for sale in the Jerusalem.
Christian camp. " From Marra the soldiers of the Cross Butchery
bythe
marched upon Jerusalem,¹ which they took by storm. Crusaders.
Michaud gives a graphic account of the massacre.
" The Saracens were massacred in the streets and in the 23 Shâbân,
492 Α.Η.
houses. Jerusalem had no refuge for the vanquished. 15th July,
Some fled from death by precipitating themselves from 1099A.C.
the ramparts ; others crowded for shelter into the palaces,
the towers, and above all into their mosques, where they
could not conceal themselves from the pursuit of the
Christians. The Crusaders, masters of the Mosque of
Omar, where the Saracens defended themselves for some
time, renewed there the deplorable scenes which disgraced
the conquest of Titus. The infantry and cavalry rushed
pell-mell among the fugitives. Amid the most horrid
tumult, nothing was heard but the groans and cries of
death ; the victors trod over heaps of corpses in pursuing
those who vainly attempted to escape. Raymond
d'Agiles, who was an eye-witness, says, ' that under the
portico of the mosque, the blood was knee-deep, and
reached the horses' bridles. " 2
There was a short lull in the work of slaughter whilst
the Crusaders returned thanks to heaven for their
success ; but it recommenced immediately the prayers
were over. " All the captives whom the lassitude of
carnage had at first spared, all those who had been
1 There is an extremely interesting description of Jerusalem as it
existed at this epoch in the Safarnâmèh of Nasir Khusrû. It had
been re-taken by the Fatimides shortly before its capture by the
Franks.
2 Vol. i. p. 236.
 328 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS . CH. XX .

1063- saved in the hope of a rich ransom, were butchered

IIIO A.C. in cold blood. The Saracens were forced to throw
themselves from the tops of towers and houses ; they
were burnt alive ; they were dragged from their subter-
ranean retreats, they were haled to the public places, and
immolated on piles of the dead. Neither the tears of
women, nor the cries of little children, nor the sight of
the place where Jesus Christ forgave his executioners,
could mollify the victors' passion. " 1
Another writer adds : " It was resolved that no pity
should be shown to the Mussulmans. The subjugated
people were therefore dragged into the public places,
and slain as victims. Women with children at the breast,
girls and boys, all were slaughtered. The squares, the
streets, and even the uninhabited places of Jerusalem,
again were strewed with the dead bodies of men and
women, and the mangled limbs of children. No heart
melted into compassion, or expanded into benevo-
lence. " 2 Over seventy thousand people perished in the
city!
Treatment As special objects of malevolence, the Jews were
ofthe
Jews.
reserved for a worse fate. Their synagogues, into which
they were driven, were set on fire and they all perished
in the flames. " Contemporary Christian historians,"
says Michaud, "describe these frightful scenes with
perfect equanimity." Even amid recitals of the most
disgusting details, they " never allow a single expression
of horror or pity to escape them."
Godfreyde Godfrey of Bouillon was made King of Jerusalem.
Bouillon. He was succeeded a year later by Baldwin, who laid
siege to Cæsarea. After a brave resistance, the garrison
1 Michaud, vol . i. p. 239.
2 Mills, vol. i. p. 278. Michaud adds, " The carnage lasted for
a week. The few who escaped were reduced to horrible servitude. "
CH. XX. SACK OF TRIPOLI 329

proposed to surrender on honourable terms, which were 455-503

A. H.
accepted. The gates were accordingly thrown open ; but
the Franks, once in the town, " paid no respect to the
capitulation, and massacred without pity a disarmed and
defenceless people." Tripoli, Tyre, and Sidon shared
more or less the same fate. At this period the towns on
the Phœnician sea-board were at the zenith of their
prosperity. Nasir Khusrû describes the first-named city
as a beautiful place ; its suburbs and surrounding villages
covered with fields of waving corn, smiling vineyards,
luxuriant sugar-plantations, and gardens of orange, citron,
dates, and other fruit-trees. The town itself was mag-
nificent and populous, with houses " four, five, and even
six stories " in height, with shops which looked like
palaces, and markets stocked with every article of luxury
and food. Fountains played in the public square and
streets. Its cathedral mosque was a splendid structure
of marble, " well adorned and decorated." It possessed
besides a rich public library, a famous college, and a
paper manufactory, which turned out paper " as good as
that of Samarkand." In the year 1109 A.C., the
Crusaders, under Tancred, assisted by a Pisan fleet, Sack of
besieged this place. After a heroic defence, lasting Tripoli.
several months, it was captured and sacked ; the inhabit-
ants were put to the sword, and the library, college, and
manufactory were reduced to ashes.
Palestine and a part of Syria thus fell into the hands
of the Franks, who introduced into their new possessions
the feudal institutions of their native land. The Moslem
population was reduced to serfdom or villenage ; judicial
investigation gave place to trial by battle or ordeal ; and,
as in Europe at that time, slaves chained in gangs were
hawked about the streets. Ameer Osâma, who visited
Jerusalem some years later, ransomed a number of these
 330 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XX.

1063- poor wretches. The Templars appear, from his de-

1110 A.C.
scription, to have acquired a certain degree of polish,
but the new- comers were uncouth barbarians ; whilst
his description of the laxity of morals among the
Crusaders reveals a picture of unmitigated coarseness
and depravity.
 CHAPTER XXI

THE ABBASSIDES (continued)

MUSTAZHIR-MUKTAFI-MUSTANJID

492-569 Α.Η. , 1099-1174 A.C.

THE CRUSADES

Caliph Mustazhir-Sultan Barkyarûk-His wars with Tutûsh, his

uncle, and his brother Mohammed-Death of Barkyarûk-Acces-
sion of Mohammed to the Sultanate-Discord among the vassals
-The progress of the Crusaders- Death of Sultan Mohammed-
Death of the Caliph Mustazhir-Accession of the Caliph Mustar-
shid-Sultan Sanjar, Sultan of the East-Sultan Mahmûd, of
Irak and Syria-Rise of Imâd ud-dîn Zangi (Sanguin)-Death of
Mahmûd-Accession of Sultan Masûd-Assassination of Mustar-
shid-Election of Rashid as Caliph-Deposed by Masûd-Acces-
sion of Muktafi as Caliph-War of Zangi with the Crusaders-
His victories-The death of Zangi-The accession of Nûr ud-dîn
Mahmûd-His successes against the Crusaders-Death of Muk-
tafi and accession of Caliph Mustanjid-The dispatch of Shirkûh
to Egypt-Annexation of Egypt-Rise of Saladin-Death of
Mustanjid-Accession of Caliph Mustazii---Death of Nûr ud-dîn
Mahmûd .

WHETHER it was by design or by accident, Christendom 492-569

A.H.
could not have chosen a better opportunity to hurl itself 1099-
on Asia. Feudalism sapped the foundations of the 1174A.C.
mighty empire of the Seljuk just as it had that of the
Carlovingians. Alp Arslân had bestowed Asia Minor Feudalism
on his cousin Sulaimân ; Malik Shah gave Syria to his in Asia.
331
 332 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXI .

1099- brother Tutûsh. Both these princes acknowledged the

1174 A.C.
suzerainty of the Sultan. But besides these two king-
doms, Mesopotamia, Syria, and Palestine were parcelled
among a number of vassal lords, whose sole duty to the
suzerain was to render him military service. So long
as the genius of Nizâm ul-Mulk and the grand personality
of Malik Shah pervaded the empire, the chiefs and
princes rendered a willing homage to the sovereign.
State
the
of The moment they ceased to breathe, dissensions sprang
Seljukide up on all sides ; and peace and concord gave place to
Empire. war and strife. First there was a struggle between
Turkhân Khâtûn, on behalf of her son Mahmûd, and
Barkyarûk. Mahmûd died shortly after, and Barkyarûk
was thereupon acknowledged the over-lord of the Seljuks,
and was invested by the Caliph Muktadi with the title of
Sultan. Then followed a struggle between Barkyarûk
and his uncle Tutûsh, who also aimed at supreme power.
The defeat and death of Tutûsh did not bring peace to
the distracted empire, for Barkyarûk became involved in
a war with his brother Mohammed, which lasted several
years.
The stream of fugitives fleeing from the Crusaders
poured into Bagdad. It was the month of Ramazân, the
season of fasting. The tale of horror told by the hapless
few who had escaped slaughter or slavery plunged the
city into sorrow. The fast was forgotten ; the people
assembled in the cathedral mosque and wept.2 The
Caliph Mustazhir b'Illâh hurried off three eminent men
of his court to Barkyarûk and Mohammed, who were
encamped at Holwan, to entreat them to settle their
1 Surnamed Tâj ud- Dowla, “ Crown of the Empire."
2 One of the poets of the day, al- Muzzafar al-Abiwardi, expressed
the universal grief in an elegy which has been preserved by Ibn ul-
Athîr and Abu'l Fedâ .
CH. XXI . PROGRESS OF THE CRUSADERS 333

quarrels and march against the common enemy. The 492-569

Α. Η.
appeal proved fruitless, for the brothers were soon again at
each other's throat in consequence of the assassination
of Barkyarûk's vizier. The historian pathetically adds,
" the discord among the Sultans enabled the Franks to
establish themselves in the countries of Islâm ."
On Barkyarûk's death in 498 A.H. ( 1104 A.C.), MO- Accession
hammed ¹ succeeded to the Sultanate, which he held ofMo-
Sultan
for fourteen years. He is described as valiant, virtuous, hammed.
just, and generous, and his charity to the orphan and
indigent have been praised by the poets of the time.
But the political condition of the empire was unfavour-
able to any united action against the common foe. The
various chiefs who held the appanages of Syria and
Mesopotamia were divided by mutual jealousies. The
prince of Aleppo (Rizwân, the son of Tutûsh) was a
traitor ; whilst the others, though willing enough to obey
the Sultan, were more devoted to the advancement of
their personal ambitions than to the furtherance of the
national cause. The utter disorganisation of the Fatimide The

Caliphate, to which the Syrian sea-board and Palestine Caliphate.

Fatimide
belonged at this period, rendered the assistance of the
towns attacked by the enemy difficult or impossible.
1 The celebrated philosopher and mystic Imâm Abû Hâmid al-
Ghazzâli was a contemporary of Sultan Mohammed, by whom he was
held in high esteem. One of the Sultan's daughters, named Fâtima,
was married to the Caliph Muktadi. She is said to have been a
womanof education and considerable political talent. She resided
in the Dargah-i-Khâtûn, “ the Hall of the Princess."
2 Under the title of Ghyas ud-dunia wad-din (“ Redresser of
Wrongs in the World and in Religion ").
3 Tutûsh left two sons, Rizwan and Dakkâk. Rizwân took
possession of Aleppo and Dakkâk of Damascus. One of Dakkâk's
sons was ousted by Toghtakin, surnamed Zahir ud-dîn, who was
subsequently confirmed in his position by the Sultan.
 334 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXI .

1099- The Fatimide Caliph (Mustaali) was wholly incompetent,

1174 A.C. whilst the Commander-in-Chief, who held the reins of
government, instead of organising the military resources
of the empire, and taking vigorous action, dallied in
Cairo, or spent his time in intrigues against his rivals.
First Once or twice at the instance of the Sultan Mohammed
Battle of the chiefs sunk their differences and joined hands to oppose
Tiberias.
the invaders. Atthe beginning of 1113 A.C., Baldwin,¹ the
13th Moh- King of Jerusalem, raided into the seigniory of Damascus.
arram,
Α.Η.
507 Unable to oppose him single-handed, Toghtakîn, the
July 1113 Lord of Damascus, invoked the assistance of Moudûd
A.C.
of Mosul. In July 1113 the combined forces of the
Lords of Mosul, Damascus, Sinjar, and Mâridîn
marched into Palestine. In a battle near Tiberias, the
Franks were routed with terrible loss, and a large num-
ber of them were. drowned in the lake and in the Jordan.
Battle of In June 1119 they were again defeated at a place called
al-Balât.
June 1119 al-Balât by Îlgazi, the Lord of Maridîn. Even the
A. C. Egyptians won some successes on the sea-coast. But the
Crusaders had the whole of Europe at their back; the
reinforcements which poured in for them from all parts
of Christendom, the assassination of Moudûd, who was
stabbed by a nihilist after the battle of Tiberias, and
the division of the chiefs, all helped them to recover
their ground.
The Crusaders went on thus extending their power,
capturing city after city, devastating the country,
slaughtering the inhabitants or reducing them to slavery.
15th Zu'l Sultan Mohammed died in 511 A.H., and was followed
Hijja, SH to the grave the year after by the Caliph Mustazhir.
A.H. 18th
April, This Caliph had occupied the pontifical throne for
1118 A.C.
16th Rabi
II. 512 1 Called by Ibn ul-Athîr, Baghdawîn ; by others, Bardivîl.
A. H. 2 Tamîrik.
CH. XXI . THE RISE OF ZANGI 335

twenty-five years, and was succeeded by his son, Abú 492-569

A. H.
Mansûr al-Fazl, under the title of al-Mustarshid
b'Illah.
The death of Sultan Mohammed was not without 6th Aug.
1118 A.C.
effect on the fortunes of the Moslems and Christians. He Abû
was succeeded in the over-lordship by his brother Sanjar,2 Mansûr al-
the last hero of a heroic race, and in the succession of Fazl,
Mus- al-
his private dominions by his son Mahmûd. Under Sultan tarshid
bIllah.
Mahmûd arose the first champion of Islâm, who not only
withstood the shock of the Franks, but drove them inch
by inch from their possessions. Imâd ud-dîn Zangi, the
Sanguin of the Christian writers, was the son of one of
the principal chiefs of Sultan Malik Shah, named Ak-
Sunkar 4 (Kasim ud-Dowla), who played an important
part in the history of the troublous times that followed
the death of his great master. Ak-Sunkar had died leav-
ing his son Zangi, a lad of fourteen, to succeed him in
the seigniory, but his vassals and retainers rallied round
the youth and upheld him in his position, and he him-
self showed early the signs of an indomitable will, great
energy of character, and administrative and military
1 " Taking the Lord for a guide."
2 The friend and patron of the poet Anwarî.
3 The Persian student must not confound this Zangi with the
father of Atâbeg Saad, of Fars, the patron of the poet Shaikh
Maslah ud-dîn Saadi, the author ofthe Gulistan ( " the Rose-garden "
ofPersia).
4 " The White Falcon. " He was chamberlain or Hajib to the
Sultan . Ak -Sunkar was an able soldier and a wise administrator.
Perfect justice reigned throughout his seigniory, the markets were
moderate, the roads absolutely safe, and order prevailed in all parts.
His policy of making a district pay for a misdeed occurring within its
boundaries is not unknown in modern times. Ifa caravan happened
to be plundered, the nearest villages had to make good the loss, and
thus the whole population were interested in the protection of the
travellers and the preservation of order.
 336 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXI .

1099- capacity of a high order. In 516 A.H., Zangi obtained

1174 A.C. from Sultan Mahmûd the city of Wasit as an appanage,
1122-1123 and the post of Commissary (Shahna) ¹ at Bussorah.
A.C.

Ramazân, Four years later the government of Mosul and Upper

521 A. H. Mesopotamia was conferred on him, with the title of
Sept.
1127-Oct.
A.C. Atabek (" Prince Tutor "2), and he was confirmed in
Zangi this dignity by the letters patent of the Caliph. Imâd
appointed
Atabek of ud-dîn Zangi became the founder of the long line of
Mosul. the Atâbeks of Mosul. Ibn ul-Athîr describes most
graphically the state of weakness among the Mussulmans
at this epoch, and the strength of " the Polytheists."
" Their army was numerous, their violence and depreda-
tions increased every day, and they committed every
enormity without any fear of punishment. Their terri-
tories extended from Mâridîn in Upper Mesopotamia to
the city of Aarîsh on the borders of Egypt ; Harrân and
Rakka were subjected to the greatest humiliations ; their
devastations were carried to the very gates of Nisibîn ;
they cut all the roads to Damascus save the desert route
past Rahba ; they levied tribute on towns without
number, and blackmailed Aleppo to the half of its
revenue, even to the profits of the mill that stands by the
Garden Gate. They spared no one, neither those who
believed in the unity of God nor those who denied it."
Zangi set himself vigorously to the task of improving
the government and organising his army ; and before
long he was able to take the field in sufficient force to
drive the Franks out of Mesopotamia. The conquest of
522 A.H. Membij (ancient Bambace) and Bizaa or Buzaa made
1128 A.C. him the undisputed ruler of the vast principality of Mosul.
Occupa- In 1128 A.C., on the invitation of the people of Aleppo,
tionof
Aleppo. who had suffered terribly from the depredations of the
1 See post.
2 Or " Prince-governor. "
CH. XXI . ACCESSION OF MUKTAFI 337

Crusaders, ¹ he took possession of their city. Hamâh 492-569

followed the example of Aleppo. The following year A.H.
Zangi routed the Crusaders under the walls of al-Asârib,
and captured the castle after a stout resistance. A short
truce between Joscelin, the Count of Edessa, " the greatest
demon of them all," 2 enabled Zangi to take part in the
inevitable civil war which broke out on the death of Sultan
Sultan Mahmûd. Mahmûd was succeeded by his brother Mahmûd's
death.
Masûd, but the succession was disputed by another 525 Α.Η.
brother named Seljuk Shah. After a short struggle, they 1030-1031
A.C.
made up their quarrel and marched against their uncle
Sanjar, but were defeated at Damarj. Sanjar treated the Battle of
rebels with kindness and confirmed them in their Damarj ,
Rajab
possessions. War then broke out between the Caliph 526 A.H.
Mustarshid and Masûd. Mustarshid was taken prisoner, MayA. C.1132
and whilst in Masûd's camp was assassinated by the TheCaliph
emissaries of the nihilists. Mustarshid was succeeded by Mustarshid
assassin-
his son, Abû Jaafar Mansûr, under the title of Rashid ated, 16th
b'Illah. Rashid, however, did not occupy the pontifical Zu'l Kaada
throne beyond a few months. Differences between him 529 A.H.
28thAug. ,
and Sultan Masûd compelled him to leave Bagdad for 1135
Abû
A.C.
Mosul. Masûd thereupon assembled the jurists and Jaafar
Kâzis, and after reciting Râshid's breach of faith, induced Mansûr,
them to depose him. Upon Râshid's deposition, Abû ar-Râshid
b'Illah.
Abdullah, son of Mustazhir, was elected Caliph under the
title of al-Muktafi li'amr Illah. As the power of the Abû Ab-
dullah
Seljuk sovereigns declined, Muktafi's influence propor- Moham-
tionately increased in Irâk and Chaldæa, and in the end med al-
he succeeded in recovering his temporal authority in the Muktafi
liamr
home provinces. Illah.

1 Ibn ul -Athîr calls them " the Demons of the Cross."

2 Âazim ush- Shiûtîn, Ibn ul-Athîr.
3 " Following the right path by the grace of the Lord. "
4 " Resting on the commands of the Lord."
Z
 338 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXI .

1099- Atâbek Zangi did not long concern himself with the
1174 A.C. troubles in the East. His great work lay in Syria. The
Crusaders were again in a ferment ; they had received
large reinforcements from Europe, and had been joined
by a Greek contingent under the personal command of the
Emperor John Comnenus, They captured Buzaa, put to
the sword all the male inhabitants, and carried into
Shâbân captivity the women and children. They then marched
April-Mayupon Shaizar (Cæsarea), a day's journey from Hamâh.
1138 A.C. The castle of Shaizar, the birthplace of Osâma, ¹ was
almost impregnable. Built on a rock, it could be
approached only by a horse-path cut in the side of
the mountains. This narrow road first spanned the
dashing Orontes, then tunnelled through the rock, and
finally ran across a deep ditch over a wooden bridge.
The bridge once cut, nobody could approach the
castle. Since the beginning of the fifth century of the
Hegira, this place had belonged to the Banû Munkiz
(Munkidh), of the Arab tribe of Kinâna, and they were
the hereditary lords of the fortress and the surrounding
district. Its strong situation, in close proximity to
Hamâh as well as the crusading centres, made it impor-
tant to both the Franks and the Saracens. No sooner,
therefore, did Zangi receive the appeal of Abû Asâkir
Sultan, who was at that time the Lord of Shaizar, than
he hastened to the relief of the place. On the approach
of the Atâbek, the Franks and Greeks raised the siege and
retreated, the Greeks returning to their country. Zangi
lost no time in pursuing his advantage. The fortress of
Arka, situated in the territories of the Count of Tripoli,
1 Ameer Muwayyid ud- Dowla Osâma was one ofthe heroes ofthe
early Crusades. His memoirs, called Kitâb ul-Itibar, published in
1884, in Paris, are extremely interesting.
2 Uncle of Osâma.
CH. XXI . CONQUEST OF EDESSA 339

was carried by assault and rased to the ground. Baalbek 492-569

A. H.
was captured and placed under the command of Najm
ud-din Ayûb, the father of Saladin. So long, however, as
the principality of Damascus was held by an independent
chief, it was impossible for the Atâbek to drive the Franks
out of Syria.
In 534 A.H. he routed the Franks in the neighbour- 1139 A.C.
hood of Barîn (Mont-Ferrand), which fell into his hands.
It was one of the strongest fortresses held by the
Crusaders, and formed the centre of their marauding
excursions into the countries between Hamâh and
Aleppo. His greatest conquest, however, was achieved Conquest
in the year 539 A.H. , when he captured Edessa (Rohâ), of Edessa.
which belonged to Joscelin, " their hero and demon." Jamâdi II.
539 Α.Η.
" It was in truth the conquest of conquests. " " Rohâ December
was regarded by the Christians as one of the noblest of 1144 A.C.
cities, for it formed one of their bishoprics, the most
eminent of which was that of Jerusalem ; after Jerusalem
came in order Antioch, Rome, Constantinople, and Rohâ.
It was in effect the eye of Mesopotamia. Its possession
had enabled them to reduce the surrounding districts, and
they possessed strong fortresses along the line of march." 1
On his approach he offered the inhabitants safety of
life and property, but they rejected his terms with indig-
nation. The city was carried by assault. He had thought
of inflicting a terrible punishment in revenge for all that
had taken place in Jerusalem and at Antioch, but his
humanity overbore his anger. Save and except the
fighting men and the monks and priests, who were found
exciting the Frankish soldiery, none were killed. The
men, women, and children who had fallen into the
hands of the victors were set at liberty, and their
goods and chattels were restored to them out of free
grace.
1 Ibn ul -Athîr.
 340 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXI .

1099- Leaving a strong garrison, the Atâbek pursued his

1174 A. C. victorious course. He reduced in succession Serûj, al-
Bira, and the other castles held by the Crusaders. Whilst
Imâd ud- engaged in the siege of Kalât-Jabir, Imâd ud-dîn was
dîn Zangi's murdered in his sleep by some of his own Mamlukes, who
assassina-
tion. were instigated to the foul deed by his enemies. Thus
5th Rabi perished one of the greatest heroes of the age.1 Just,
II. 541
A.H. 14th generous, and wise, the Atâbek Zangi was a father to his
September people. When he assumed the government of Meso-
1146 A.C.
potamia, a considerable portion of that province, as well
as of Syria, was lying uncultivated ; the peasantry and
citizens were ruined; and owing to the depredations of
the Franks, commerce had ceased. Zangi devoted
immense pains to revive agriculture and to restore the
country to prosperity ; the tillers of the soil flocked back
to their lands ; the ruined cities were rebuilt and re-em-
bellished ; disorders and brigandage were repressed with
severity, and as the Frankish marauders and cut-throats
were driven back towards the littoral, commerce resumed
life. He was scrupulously guardful of women's safety,
and any insult or outrage to them brought down the
severest punishment. His charity was lavish. Every
Friday he gave away " openly " a hundred dinârs in alms ;
on other days he distributed large sums in secret by the
hands of a confidential servant. He was a faithful friend
and considerate master ; in camp, a strict disciplinarian.
" His administration in the abundance of its resources,
in the prompt dispatch of business, in its numerous
personnel-compared with that of the Sultan. " He was
a friend of the learned, and his vizier Jamâl ud-dîn, sur-
named al-Jawwâd (" the Bountiful "), supported him as
zealously in the patronage of learning as in the govern-

1 Ibn ul-Athîr throughout calls him the Shahîd, " the Martyr."
CH. XXI . NÛR UD-DÎN MAHMUD 341

ment of the kingdom. Jamal ud-dîn¹ held the office of 492-569

A. H.
Inspector-General (Mushrif) of the principality and Presi-
dent of the Council of State. It was Zangi who said
of himself that he loved the back of a saddle better than
a silken bed, the din of battle better than the most
enchanting music, the clash of arms more than the
blandishments of a sweetheart. The great Atâbek left
four sons, Saifud-dîn Ghazi the eldest, who succeeded to
the principality of Mosul ; Nûrud-dîn Mahmûd (Noradinus Nûr
ud-dîn
of William of Tyre), on whom devolved the " heritage of Mahmûd.
championship, " with the principality of Aleppo for his
appanage ; Kutb ud-dîn Moudûd and Nusrat ud-dîn Ameer
Mirân . Both Saif ud-dîn and Nur ud-dîn were trained in
their father's camp. But the latter was not merely a
soldier ; he was a jurist2 and a scholar as well, and a
liberal patron of arts and learning. He founded colleges
and hospitals in every part of his kingdom, and was the
munificent patron of scholars and savants, who flocked
to his court. He was the first to establish a regular
High Court of Justice, called the Dâr ul-aadl. " The
true praise of kings," says Gibbon, with his usual acu-
1 Abû Jaafar Mohammed surnamed Jamal ud-dîn ( “ the beauty of
religion ") . Amongst the numerous monuments which he left of his
beneficence, Ibn Khallikân mentions the aqueduct by which water
was brought from a great distance to Arafât during the days of the
Hajj , the stairs leading from the foot to the summit of that moun-
tain, and the wall around Medîna. Every twelvemonth he sent
to Mecca and Medina money and clothing sufficient for the wants
of the poor and destitute during the year. He had a special register
for the persons to whom he granted pensions or who applied for
pecuniary assistance. During a famine which afflicted Mosul, he
spent all he possessed in alleviating the misery of the people.
2 His collection of the traditions of the Prophet relating to
justice, alms, and piety, called the Fakhr un-Nûrî, formed the
ground - work of his policy, morals, and discipline, during a long and
glorious reign of twenty-eight years.
 342 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXI .

1099- men, " is after their death and from the mouth of
1174 A. C. their enemies." William, Bishop of Tyre, whilst calling
His him the greatest persecutor of the Christian name and
character. faith, is forced to admit that he was " a just ruler,
energetic, prudent, and religious, according to the tra-
ditions of his people." The prosperity of his people
was the sole object and aim of his life, and his subjects
adored him for his justice, his clemency, and his moder-
ation. Soon after Nûr ud-dîn's accession to the throne
of Aleppo, the Christians of Edessa, assisted by a large
body of Franks under Joscelin, treacherously rose against
the garrison, and massacred the soldiers and Moslem
inhabitants in the city. Nûr ud-dîn swooped down upon
the devoted town, which this time felt the full weight of
a justly indignant sovereign. The soldiers of Joscelin,
and the traitors who had assisted him, were put to the
sword. The Armenians, who were the chief promoters
of treasonable communications with the Crusaders, were
expelled, and the walls were pulled down.
The The double fall of Edessa created a great commotion
Second in Europe, and St. Bernard of Clairvaux preached a
Crusade.
542 Α.Η. fresh crusade against Islâm. In 1147 A.C. Conrad III.,
1147 A.C. Emperor of Germany, and Louis VII. undertook this
" Holy War " to support " the failing fortunes of the
Latins." Contemporaneous history records that they led
over 900,000 men under their united banners for the
help of their brethren in Syria and Palestine. Louis VII.
was accompanied by his wife, Eleanor of Guienne, who
afterwards married Henry II. of England, and her
example attracted a number of women to join the ill-
fated expedition. A considerable troop of women,
armed with spears and shields, rode among the Germans.
Nor were the French behind in this mixture of sexes,
which naturally led to much depravity of morals. The
CH. XXI. END OF THE SECOND CRUSADE 343

fate of the two armies is well known. Both sovereigns 492-569

suffered disastrous defeats on their march towards Syria ; A.H.
a large portion of Conrad's army was annihilated in the
neighbourhood of Laodicea, whilst the forces of Louis,
whose route lay along the sea-coast, were overwhelmed
and destroyed by the Seljuks on the heights of the
Cadmus, now called Baba-Dâgh. When Louis arrived
in the principality of Antioch, which was held by Ray-
mond of Poictiers, an uncle of Eleanor, he had lost
three-fourths of his army. The voluptuous city con-
tained at this time within its walls the Countess of
Toulouse, the Countess of Blois, Sybille of Flanders,
Maurille, countess of Roussy, Talcquerry, duchess of
Bouillon, and many other ladies celebrated for their
birth or their beauty. But the queen of them all was
Eleanor of Guienne. In Antioch the warriors of the 6th Rabi
Cross abandoned themselves to unbridled licence, whilst I. 543A. H.
25th July,
thefêtes of Raymond degenerated into orgies, and Queen 1148A.C.
Eleanor scandalised everybody by her freedom of
manners . After the Crusaders had sufficiently refreshed
themselves in Antioch, their united forces marched upon
Damascus, which they held in leaguer for several months ;
but the approach of Saif ud-din Ghazi¹ and Nûr ud-dîn
Mahmûd to the relief of the city, compelled them to
raise the siege and hurriedly to retreat towards Palestine. End of
Conrad and Louis then left for Europe, and thus the the Second
Crusade.
Second Crusade ended.
Nûr ud-dîn Mahmûd now commenced his career of
conquest against the Franks. He captured the castle
of al-Aareima, one of their strongest fortresses on the
borders of Syria, and a few months later inflicted on
1 Saif ud-dîn Ghazi died in Jamâdi II. 544 A. H. (November 1149
A.C. ), and leaving no male issue was succeeded in the Atâbekship
ofMosul by his brother, Kutb ud-din Moudûd.
 344 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXI .

1099- them a heavy defeat at Zaghrâ, in the neighbourhood of

1174 A.C. Antioch. In a battle under the walls of Anneb (ancient
1148- Nepa), the proud Raymond of Poictiers, prince of
1149 A.C. Antioch, was killed, and his troops routed with great
slaughter. He left a young son named Bohemond (called
by the Arabs, Beemend), under the guardianship of his
wife. This ladydid not, however, remain long a widow, but
the fate of her second husband was almost as disastrous
as that of Raymond, for he fell into Nûr ud-dîn's hands in
a skirmish, in which the Franks were again discomfited.
Capture of In 544 A.H. he reduced the important fortress of
Apameas.
544 Α.Η. Apameas (Afâmièh), about a day's journey from Hamah.
1149-50 Two years later Nûr ud-din suffered a defeat at the
A.C. hands of Joscelin. This reverse was soon compensated
Nûr ud-dîn
Mahmûd's by the capture of Joscelin, which was regarded by the
defeat. Saracens as a splendid success ; " for," says Ibn ul-Athîr,
546 A.H.
1151-52 " Joscelin was one of the most bigoted demons among
A.C. the Franks, and surpassed all others in his hatred
Capture of
Joscelin. against the Moslems. Whenever the Franks undertook
any expedition they confided the command to him, as
they appreciated his bravery, his prudence, his animosity
against Islâm, and the hardness of his heart against its
professors." The capture of this redoubtable foe
facilitated the task of Nûr ud-dîn, and he rapidly reduced
a number of cities and fortresses belonging to the
Crusaders, such as Tell-Bâsher, Ain-Tâb, Nahr ul-jazz,
Burj ur-Rassas, etc.
Battle of Another battle at Dulûk, which was equally disastrous
Dulûk. to the Franks, led to the subjugation of the greater part
of the principality of Antioch.
Sultan Masûd died in 547 Α.Η. (1152-53 A.C.), and
was succeeded on the throne by Malik Shah, a son of his
brother, Sultan Mahmûd. He was the last of his family
who was recognised as a Sultan.
CH . XXI , ACCESSION OF MUSTANJID 345

But so long as Damascus was held by an independent 492-569

A. H.
prince, whose fidelity was by no means certain, Nûr ud-
dîn, like his father, experienced great difficulties in his Loss of
Ascalon.
operations against the Crusaders. These, on their side, Nûr ud-dîn
emboldened by the successful capture of Ascalon on Mahmûd
takes
the sea-coast, resumed their design of conquering the possession
capital of Syria.¹ In this crisis, the inhabitants of of
Damascus appealed to Nûr ud-dîn, who immediately Damascus. 10th Safar,
responded to their call. The prince2 of that city re- 549 Α.Η.
ceived for his appanage the city of Emessa, and the son 26thApril,
of the great Zangi was installed as the sovereign of 1154 A.C.
Damascus, amidst the acclamation of the citizens.
This peaceful but important conquest obtained for him The
from the Caliph the title of al-Malik ul-Aadil (" the Muktafi's
Caliph
Just King "), which he fully deserved. There was a short death.

peace between Nûr ud-dîn and the Crusaders, which 2nd Rabi I.
555 A.H.
enabled him to repair the havoc caused by the earth- 12thMarch
quake that about this time afflicted Syria and ruined so 1160 A.C.
Abu'l
many monuments of antiquity. Muzzaffar
Yusuf,
The Caliph Muktafi died in the year 1160, and was al-Mus-
succeeded in the pontificate by his son Abu'l Muzzaffar tanjid
Yusuf, under the title of al-Mustanjid b'Illah.3 bIllâh.

Six years later Nûr ud-dîn sent the memorable expedi-

In the time of Toghtakin the Crusaders had entered into a
coalition with the Assassins and attacked Damascus, but were
disastrously repulsed.
2 Mujîr ud-dîn Abak. He entered afterwards into treasonable
communications with the Franks, and was removed from Hems to
Balès, which he held up to his death. Toghtakin was succeeded by
his son, Tâj ul- Mulûk Bûri, as the Lord of Damascus. Bûri was
succeeded by his son Shams ul- Mulûk Ismail. Upon his assassin-
ation the seigniory fell into the hands of his brother, Shihab ud-dîn
Mahmûd. Mujîr ud-dîn was Shihab ud-dîn's son. The govern-
ment was practically in the hands of Muîn ud-dîn Anâr, the friend
of Osâma, with whom he visited Jerusalem .
3 " Seeking victory from the Lord. "
 346 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXI .

1099- tion to Egypt, which bore such important results for both
1174 A. C. Franks and Saracens. The Fatimide dynasty was
tottering to its fall. The last Caliph of this race, al-
Aâzid li'dîn Illâh, was a confirmed valetudinarian, and
all the power of the state rested in the hands of his
minister, Shâwer as-Saadi. Ousted from office by a
cabal, Shâwer betook himself to the Prince of Damascus,
Jamâdi I. and sought his assistance, promising in return the
559 Α.Η. support of the Egyptian troops against the Crusaders,
April 1164
A.C. cession of certain territories, and a large subsidy. After
some hesitation, Nûr ud-dîn acceded to his prayer, and
sent him back to Egypt with an escort under the com-
mand of Asad ud-din Shirkûh (" the Lion of the Moun-
tain "), the uncle of the famous Saladin. No sooner did
the traitor recover his power, than, joining hands with
the Franks, he called upon Shirkûh to evacuate Egypt.
The small force under Shirkûh's command offered a
stout resistance to the allies at Bilbais or Bilbîs (ancient
Pelusium) ; but in the end was forced to evacuate the
place with all the honours of war.
559 Α.Η. In the Ramazân of 559 A.H. , Nûr ud-dîn was attacked
August by the united armies of the Franks and Greeks. The
1164 A.C.
battle, which took place under the walls of Harim, was
one of the severest of the Crusades ; the Franks suffered
a terrible defeat, and most of their chieftains, such as
Bohemond, Prince of Antioch, Raymond of Tripoli,
Joscelin II . , and the Greek general, Duke of Calamar,
were taken prisoners. As the fruit of this splendid
victory, Nûr ud-dîn captured Hârim, Paneas, al-Mone-
Rabi II . tara (al- Munaitira), etc.
562 A.H. In 562 A.H. Shirkûh again entered Egypt, and again
Jan- Shâwer called in the Franks to his assistance. Amaury,
uary- who now occupied the throne of Jerusalem, hoping to
February
1167 A.C. obtain possession of the country on his own account,
CH. XXI . SHIRKUH IN EGYPT 347

hurried off an army to the help of Shawer. The marches 492-569

Α. Η .
and counter-marches of Shirkûh, and his final victory
at Bâbain, over the allies, " show," says Michaud, " mili- Battle of
Bâbain.
tary capacity of the highest order." " Never has history, "
remarks Ibn ul-Athîr enthusiastically, " recorded a more
extraordinary event than the rout of the Egyptain forces
and the Franks of the littoral, by only a thousand cava-
liers." After this brilliant success, Shirkûh captured
Alexandria and installed himself there. Subsequently
a peace was concluded between the Egyptians and the
Franks on one side, and the lieutenant of Nûr ud-dîn on
the other, by which Amaury agreed to withdraw his
troops from Egypt, and to refrain from all interference
in its affairs ; Shirkûh, to evacuate Alexandria on pay-
ment of 50,000 pieces of gold, and to return to Syria.
But the Franks, by a secret convention with Shawer,
obtained the right of keeping a resident at Cairo, of
occupying some of the cities by their troops, and receiv-
ing an annual subsidy of 100,000 pieces of gold. This
was in direct breach of the terms of peace with Shirkûh.
At last, the conduct of the Crusaders who occupied
Cairo and other places became so overbearing, and
their tyranny so great, that al-Aâzid himself appealed for
help to Nûr ud-dîn. In response, Nûr ud-dîn again sent
Shirkûh to Egypt with a sufficiently large force to make
head against the Franks. On Shirkûh's approach the 7thII. Rabi
Crusaders hurriedly left the country with all their spoil. 564 A.H.
On the 8th of January, 1169 A.C., Shirkûh re-entered 8thary,
Janu-
Cairo, and was welcomed by the people and the Fatimide 1169 A.C.
Caliph as the saviour of Egypt. Shawer was put to
deathbyhis enraged sovereign, and Shirkûh was appointed
in his place as prime minister and commander-in-chief.1
Shirkûh, dying two months after, was succeeded in the
1 Ameer ul-
juyûsh.
 348 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXI.

1099- office by his famous nephew, Salah ud-din Yusuf (the

1174 A.C.
great Saladin), with the title of al-Malik un-Nasir.
22nd Jam-
âdi II .
Whilst purporting to hold the vizierate of al-Aâzid,
564 A. H. Saladin regarded himself in reality the lieutenant of
23rd Nûr ud-dîn, who always addressed him as al-Ameer
March,
1169 A. C. al-Isfah Salar 2 (Ameer, General-in-Chief).
Saladin won all hearts by his liberality and justice.
Al-Aâzid was dying, and during his mortal illness,
Saladin, who was a strict Hanafi, quietly restored in
Egypt the spiritual authority of the Abbasside Caliph.
In the year 1170 A.C., the Caliph al- Mustanjid died,
and was succeeded by his son, Abû Mohammed Hassan,
under the title of al- Mustazii bi - amr Illâh.3
9th Rabi Mustanjid is described by Ibn ul-Athîr as the best of
II. 506 the Caliphs in his conduct towards his subjects. He
A. H. 21st

December ruled them with justice and treated them with generosity ;
of he abolished all oppressive and illegal imposts within
1170A.C.
Death
al-Mustan-his territories, and maintained order and peace with
jid. Ac- firmness.
cession of
Abû Mo- In 565 A.H. (1170 A.C.) died Kutb ud-din Moudûd,
hammed the third son of Zangi, and was succeeded in the Atâbek-
Hassan, al-
Mustazii ship by his son, Saif ud-dîn Ghâzi II .
bi -amr
Under Saif ud-dîn Ghazi II. the affairs of Mosul fell
Illah .
into disorder. Nûr ud-dîn hastened to his nephew's
dominions, re-organised the state, and replaced Saif ud-dîn
on the throne of Mosul, keeping the control of the army
in his own hands.
In the Moharram 567 A.H. died the last of the
Fatimides, and Egypt was restored to the spiritual
control of the Caliphs of Bagdad. From this time
1 " The victorious king. "
2 Arabicised form of the Persian Sipah Sâlâr .
3 " Seeking illumination from the Lord."
+ Their rule extended over 266 years.
CH. XXI. DEATH OF NUR UD- DÎN MAHMÛD 349

Saladin became the virtual master of Egypt, ruling until 492-569

Α.Η.
the death of Nûr ud-dîn Mahmûd as his viceroy and
lieutenant, and afterwards as an independent sovereign.
He was then about thirty-five years of age.1 His father,
Najm ud-dîn Ayûb, son of Shadi, was, like his brother
Shirkûh, a trusted officer of Zangi, as well as of Nûr ud-
dîn Mahmûd. Saladin himself held various offices
under this monarch before he proceeded to Egypt with
his uncle. He is described by his biographer 2 as a
chivalrous, just, generous, and high-minded sovereign ;
most tender-hearted, pious in his life, never indulging in
anything reprehensible or unseemly, and devoted to the
promotion of his people's welfare.
In 569 A.H. he sent, with the sanction of his suzerain, 569 A. H.
1173-74
his brother Turân Shâh to reduce Yemen, which was A.C.

successfully accomplished. And the death of Nûr ud-dîn 11th

soon after enabled Saladin to consolidate his independent Shawwâl,

569 A.H.
authority over the whole of Egypt, part of Nubia, and 15th May,
Hijaz and Yemen. Nûr ud-dîn left an only son, named 1174 A.C.
Ismâîl (al-Malik us-Sâleh), barely eleven years of age at
the time.

1 Saladin was born in 1137-38 A.C. ( 532 A.H. ).

2 Kâzi Bahâ ud-dîn Abu'l Mahasin Yusuf, generally known as
Ibn Shaddâd, Saladin's Kâzi ul-aasker and privy councillor.
3 " The good king."
 CHAPTER XXII

THE ABBASSIDES (continued)

576-589 Α.Η. , 1181-1193 A.C.
THE CRUSADES

The Caliph Nasir-Malik Saleh Ismail, Prince of Damascus-

Saladin invited to Damascus---War between Saladin and Malik
Sâlèh-Saladin ruler of Syria-Invested with the title of Sultan
-Malik Sâlèh's death-Saladin's power-The kingdom of Jeru-
salem-The Crusaders break the truce-Battle of Tiberias-
Rout of the Crusaders-Conquest of Acre, Naplus, Jericho, etc.
-Siege of Jerusalem-Its capitulation-Humanity of Saladin-
The Third Crusade-Siege of Acre Heroic defence-The
Crusaders' defeats-Death of Frederick Barbarossa-Arrival of
the Kings of France and England-Acre taken-Cruelty of
Richard Cœur de Lion-Ascalon rased to the ground by Saladin
-Peace with Richard-Death of Saladin-His character.

Malik IMMEDIATELY on learning of the death of his patron and

Sâlèh,
son of master, Saladin sent his condolences to Malik Sâlèh with
Nûr ud-dîn the customary presents, offering his services and express-
Mahmûd. ing his devotion. He continued the prayers and the
coinage, the chief tokens of suzerainty, in the name of
Nûr ud-dîn's successor. But the minority of Malik Sâlèh
encouraged the ambitions of his father's vassals and
courtiers, and each tried to aggrandise himself at the
expense of the young king. Their intrigues compelled
Saladin to write in stern language, warning them against
350
CH. XXII . SALADIN 351

treachery, and threatening that if matters did not mend, 576-589

A. H.
he himself would come to Damascus to look after his
sovereign. On this one of the Ameers (Gumushtagîn)
hurried off Malik Sâlèh to Aleppo, leaving Damascus
exposed to a Frankish attack. The Crusaders would
not forego the opportunity, and laid siege to the city,
which was only raised on the payment of a large ransom.
Enraged at this and invited by some of the chief men,
Saladin hurried to Damascus with seven hundred horse
and took possession of the city. He did not enter the
palace of Nûr ud-dîn, but abode in his own house where
his father, Najm ud-dîn Ayûb, lived whilst at Damascus.
From here he wrote to the young Atâbek a respectful
letter, containing his homage, and the assurance that
he had come to Syria only for his suzerain's protection.
The answer which was drawn up by his enemies con-
tained, instead of thanks, accusations of ingratitude and
disobedience. Provoked at this he marched towards
Aleppo, with the object of having a personal interview
with Malik Sâlèh. The young lad, instigated by Gumu-
shtagîn, did not look upon him with friendly eyes.
When Saladin approached the northern city, the son of
Nûr ud-dîn, although only twelve years of age, came
riding into the market-place and reminded the people of
the gratitude they owed to his father, and called upon
them to help him against " the ungrateful man outside."
The Aleppins issued in arms against Saladin. "God is
my witness," exclaimed he, " that I wish it not to come
to arms, but since ye will have it so, they shall decide."
The troops of Aleppo were defeated and fled in disorder
into the city. Finding himself helpless, Gumushtagîn
unsheathed against Saladin the daggers of the Assassins.
Their attack failed, and the unworthy guardian of young
Malik Sâlèh appealed for help to the Crusaders and to
 352 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXII .

1181- Saif ud-dîn Ghazi II., Atabek of Mosul.¹ The former

1193 A.C. laid siege to Emessa, but fell back on the approach of
Saladin, who once more attempted to come to an
amicable arrangement with the son of Nûr ud-dîn. He
offered him, in a respectful letter, the restoration of
Hamâ, Emessa, and Baalbek, on condition of holding
Damascus and Egypt as Malik Sâlèh's lieutenant. His
offers were haughtily refused. In a battle under the
walls of the city, Malik Sâlèh's troops were again defeated
and Aleppo was besieged in earnest. Gumushtagîn and
Saif ud-dîn Ghâzi were compelled to sue for peace ; they
sent the young daughter of Nûr ud-dîn, a mere child, to
the camp of Saladin to excite his pity and to obtain
favourable terms. Saladin received the maiden with the
greatest kindness, covered her with presents, and at her
request gave back all the cities he had taken in the princi-
pality of Aleppo. By the treaty, Damascus was definitely
made over to him. From this time Malik Sâlèh's name
Saladin was removed from the Khutba in Syria, Hijâz, and
invested Egypt; and the Caliph, the fountain of all legitimate
with the
title of authority, ratified Saladin's assumption of independent
Sultan.
power by the usual investiture and the title of Sultan.
Malik In 579 A.H. Malik Sâlèh died at the age of nineteen,
Sâlèh's leaving his principality to his cousin Izz ud-dîn, who had
death.
1181-82 succeeded Saif ud-dîn in the Atabekship of Mosul.
A.C.
Izz ud-dîn exchanged with his brother Imâd ud-dîn the
principality of Aleppo for the seigniory of Sinjar. After
a while Imâd ud-dîn accepted Saladin as his suzerain, and,
in return for some valuable fiefs, made over Aleppo to
the great monarch of Egypt. Mosul followed suit, and
the Atâbek was guaranteed in his riverain territories lying
between the Tigris and the Euphrates. By the end
of 1182 A.C. the authority of Saladin was acknowledged
1 Cousin of Malik Sâlèh .
CH . XXII. SALADIN
353

by all the sovereigns of Western Asia, including the 576-589

Α. Η.
Sultan of Iconium and the Prince of Greater Armenia,¹
and he was entitled to call upon them in any emergency The power
ofSaladin .
to take the field with him .
But the Frankish kingdom of Jerusalem drew its sup- The king-
dom of
plies of men and materials from all parts of Europe ; Jerusalem.
knights in quest of glory, adventurers in search of riches,
fanatics anxious to war against the " infidels," criminals
escaping from justice, all flocked to the Syrian coasts.
Amaury had died about this time, leaving the throne to
his son Baldwin IV., but this poor youth was afflicted
with a fell disease 2 which soon made him a pitiable object
and prevented his taking any part in the government of
his kingdom. His sister Sybilla was married to the
Marquis of Montferrat, by whom she had a child, also
named Baldwin. On Montferrat's death she married
Guyde Lusignan, and him Baldwin appointed as Regent.
Shortly after, he deposed Guy de Lusignan from the
Regency and entrusted it to Raymond, Count of Tripoli.
At the same time he resigned the throne in favour of
his nephew, Baldwin V., who was then only five years
of age. The infant king is supposed to have been
murdered by, or with the connivance of, his own un- Sybilla
natural mother. Whether that be true or not, on his de andGuy
Lusig-
death Sybilla was accepted as the Queen of Jerusalem, nan,Queen
and she herself placed the crown on her husband's head. and King
ofJeru-
Thus in the year 1187 A.C. the throne of Palestine came salem,
A.C.
1187
to be occupied by Sybilla and Guy de Lusignan.
In the time of Baldwin the Leper, a truce had been
concluded between the Sultan and the Franks. " It is
worthy of remark," says Michaud, " that the Mussulmans
1 Whose capital was Khilât. It was ruled by a Mussulman
sovereign.
2 He was a leper.
AA
 354 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXII .

1181- respected their pledged faith, whilst the Christians gave

1193 A.C. the signal for a new war." Renaud, or Reginald, of
Chatillon,¹ who married Constance the widow of Ray-
mond of Poictiers, was for a long time a prisoner in the
hands of Nûr ud-dîn Mahmûd. Malik Sâlèh gave him
his freedom. He then married the widow of Humphrey
of Thorun, from whom he obtained the seigniories of
Karak2 and Montreal. In the year 1186, in violation
of the truce existing between the Christians and Moslems,
Breach of he attacked a rich caravan passing by his castle, massacred
the treaty a number of the people, and pillaged their goods. The
bythe
Franks, enraged Sultan demanded redress from the King of Jeru-
1186 A.C. salem; on its refusal, Saladin himself took in hand the
work of punishment. Karak was besieged, whilst a small
force under Ali, surnamed al-Malik ul-Afzal (Saladin's
eldest son), was sent towards Galilee to keep an eye on
the Franks. No sooner, however, did they learn of the
siege of Karak, and of the advance of al-Malik ul-Afzal,
than uniting their forces they marched against him. The
Sultan on his side hastened to the support of his son.
The two armies were equally matched ; the Franks had
gathered on the plains of Safûria or Sepphoris, but by
a skilful manœuvre, Saladin drew them into an enclosed
valley among the mountains in the neighbourhood of
Tiberias near the hill of Hittin.4 The Franks came

1 Called Arnât by the Arabs.

2 Karak lies to the east of the south-eastern extremity of the
Dead Sea .
3 Ancient Diocæsarea was one of the principal villages of Galilee
in the Roman times.
4 The southern slope of the chain of hills, of which Hittin is the
highest, formed the battle-field of Tiberias. It is a vast plateau
covered with grass, at an hour's distance from the Lake of Tiberias,
between three valleys, that of Bâtûf to the west, of Hittîn to the
north, of Hâma to the south-east. The exact spot where the battle
took place has for its boundaries the angle formed by the hill of
CH. XXII . BATTLE OF TIBERIAS 355

down the hills " like mountains in movement," with 576-589

their face towards the Lake of Tiberias, whilst the A.H.
Sultan's force was posted in front of the lake, thus
cutting off the Crusaders from the water. It was the 23rd and
evening of Thursday, the 2nd of July, as the two armies 24th Rabi
II. , 583
stood face to face. The Sultan was up the whole night A.H., 2nd
making his dispositions for the fateful fight of the next and 3rd
July, 1187
morning. The battle of Friday, the 24th Rabi II. , 583 A. C.
A.H. (3rd July, 1187 A.C. ), gave the death-blow to Guy de
Lusignan's kingdom. A hotly-contested fight ended in Battle of
Tiberias,
a terrible rout ; ten thousand Crusaders fell on the field, or Hittîn,
and their principal leaders were either killed or taken 3rd July,
prisoner. Among the latter were Guy de Lusignan, his 1187 A.C.
brother Geoffrey, Renaud of Chatillon (the main cause
of the war), the son of Humphrey of Thorun, Count
Hugh of Tabail, the son of the Lord of Tiberiade, and
the grand-masters of the two orders. The only persons
who escaped were Count Raymond of Tripoli, the Lord
of Tiberiade, Renaud, Lord of Sidon, and the son of the
Prince of Antioch. These evaded pursuit and managed
to reach the coast. Guy de Lusignan was well treated,
but Renaud of Chatillon and several others, who like him
had violated the treaty and massacred the Moslems during
the truce, were put to death. The Sultan did not allow
the enemy time to recover from his defeat, and rapidly
followed up the victory of Hittîn. The castle of Tiberiade
was captured, and the wife of Raymond of Tripoli fell into
the hands of the Sultan ; she was sent to her husband
with every courtesy and respect ; no woman was insulted
or child hurt. Soon Ptolemais ¹ saw him under its ram-

Hittîn to the north, the hill of " the Multiplication of Pains " to the
north-east, the steep horn of the lake towards the east, and the
village of Lubia to the south.- ( Michaud. )
1 St. Jean d'Acre, or shortly Acre ; called Akka by the Arabs.
 356 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXII .

1181- parts. This city, which had resisted the most formidable
1193 A.C. armies of Christendom for two years, fell into Saladin's
hands in two days. Naplus, Jericho, Ramlah, Cæsarea,
Arsûf, Jaffa, Beyrut, and a number of other cities opened
their gates without any opposition. On the sea-coast,
Tyre, Tripoli, and Ascalon alone remained in the hands
of the Crusaders. Ascalon submitted after a short siege,
and received generous terms.
Jerusalem. The Sultan then turned his attention towards
Jerusalem, which contained within its walls over sixty
thousand soldiers, besides an immense civil population.
On approaching the city he sent for the principal
inhabitants and spoke to them in the following
terms-" I know, as you do, that Jerusalem is a holy
place.¹ I do not wish to profane it by the effusion of
blood ; abandon your ramparts, and I shall give you
a part of my treasures and as much land as you can
cultivate. " With characteristic fanaticism the Crusaders
refused this generous and humane offer. Irritated by
their refusal, Saladin vowed he would avenge on the
city the butchery committed by the comrades and
soldiers of Godfrey de Bouillon. After the siege had
lasted a while, the Crusaders lost heart, and appealed for
mercy " in the name of the common Father of mankind."
The Sultan's kindness of heart conquered his desire for
Capitula- punishment. The Greeks and Syrian Christians within
tionof
Jerusalem; Jerusalem received permission to abide in the Sultan's
the dominions in the full enjoyment of their civil rights,
humanity and the Franks and Latins who wished to settle in
ofSaladin.
Palestine as subjects of the Sultan were permitted to do
SO. All the combatants within the city were to leave
with their women and children within forty days, under
the safe-conduct of the Sultan's soldiers and betake
1 Lit. " The house of God."
CH. XXII . THE HUMANITY OF SALADIN 357

themselves either to Tyre or Tripoli. Their ransom was 576-589

A.H.
fixed at ten Syrian dinârs for each man, five for each
woman, and one for each child. On failure to pay the The
stipulated ransom, they were to remain in bondage. But of
humanity
this was a mere nominal provision. The Sultan himself
paid the ransom for ten thousand people, whilst his
brother Saif ud-din¹ (the Saphadin of the Christians)
released seven thousand more. Several thousand were
dismissed by Saladin's clemency without any ransom.
The clergy and the people carried away all their
treasures and valuables without the smallest molestation.
Several Christians were seen carrying on their shoulders
their feeble and aged parents or friends. Touched by
the spectacle, the Sultan distributed a goodly sum to
them in charity, and even provided them with mules
to carry their burdens. When Sybilla, the Queen of
Jerusalem, accompanied by the principal matrons and
knights, took leave of him, he respected her unhappi-
ness, and spoke to her with the utmost tenderness. She
was followed by a number of weeping women, carrying
their children in their arms. Several of them approached
the Sultan and addressed him as follows-" You see us
on foot, the wives, mothers, and daughters of warriors
who are your prisoners ; we are quitting for ever this
country ; they aided us in our lives, in losing them we
lose our last hope ; if you will give them to us, they
can alleviate our miseries and we shall not be without
support on earth. " Saladin, touched by their prayers, at
once restored to the mothers their sons, to the wives
their husbands, and promised to treat whoever remained
in his power with kindness. He distributed liberal alms
among the orphans and widows, and allowed the Knights
Hospitallers, although they had been in arms against
1 Saif ud-dîn Abu Bakr, surnamed al- Malik ul-Aâdil.
 358 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXII .

1181- him, to continue their work of tending the sick and

1193 A.C. wounded and looking after the Christian pilgrims.
Saladin's humanity was in striking contrast with the
brutality of the nearest Christian prince. " Many of the
Christians who left Jerusalem," says Mills, " went to
Antioch, but Bohemond not only denied them hospi-
tality, but even stripped them. They marched into the
Saracenian country, and were well received. " Michaud
gives some striking details of Christian inhumanity to
the exiles from Jerusalem. Repulsed by their brethren
of the East, they wandered miserably about Syria, many
dying of grief and hunger. Tripoli shut its gates against
them, and " one woman, urged by despair, cast her
infant into the sea, cursing the Christians who refused
them succour. " Out of respect for the feelings of the
vanquished, the Sultan had abstained from entering the
city until all the Crusaders had left. On Friday, the
27th of Rajab,¹ 583 A.H., attended by the princes and
lords and the dignitaries of the empire who had arrived
in camp to congratulate him on his victory, he entered
Jerusalem. The ravages of war were repaired on all
sides, the mosques and colleges that had been de-
molished by the Franks were either restored or rebuilt,
and a liberal and wise administration was introduced in
the government of the country, quite different from the
rude tyranny of the Crusaders .
From Jerusalem Saladin marched upon Tyre, where
somewhat unwisely the Crusaders whom his humanity
had liberated had been allowed to betake themselves.
The garrison of Tyre, thus enforced from every direction,
prepared for an obstinate defence. It was commanded
by Conrad, Marquis of Montferrat, a man of ability
1 The anniversary of the Vision of the Ascension of the Prophet.
2 Called by the Arabs simply Markîs or Markîs.
CH. XXII . THE THIRD CRUSADE 359

and great cunning. He refused to obey the summons of 576-589

A.H.
the Sultan to surrender the city, alleging that he was
under the commands of a sovereign over the seas.
Without wasting time upon the siege of Tyre, Saladin
turned aside for a while, and marching along the
northern sea-board, reduced successively Laodicea, Ja-
bala, Saihûn, Becas, Bozair, Derbersâk, and other strong
places still held by the Franks. He set at liberty Guy
de Lusignan on his solemn word of honour that he
would immediately leave for Europe. No sooner, how-
ever, did this Christian knight recover his freedom
than he broke his pledged word, and collecting a large
army from the débris of the crusading forces and new
arrivals from the west, laid siege to Ptolemais. And it
was now round this place that the interest of three
continents became centred for the next two years.
The fall of Jerusalem threw Christendom into violent The Third
commotion, and every effort was made by the eccle- Crusade.
siastics to rouse the frenzy of the people and induce the
sovereigns and princes of Europe to embark on another
crusade. Their efforts were crowned with complete
success. Reinforcements poured into Tyre as well as
the camp before Acre, and the three principal sovereigns
of Christendom, Frederick Barbarossa, the Emperor of
Germany, Philip Augustus, King of France, and Richard
Cœur de Lion, King of England, engaged in the enter-
prise. Had Saladin at this juncture, with his usual
perspicacity and foresight, united the fleets of Egypt and
Syria, and established a strict blockade of the Phœnician
sea-board, he would have crippled the Crusaders in
Palestine, and prevented the landing of the strong con-
tingents that soon arrived from Europe. He forgot
that the safety of Phoenicia lay in immunity from naval
incursions, and that no victory on land could ensure
 360 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXII.

1181- against an influx from beyond the sea. As it was, the

1193 A.C. Pisans, the Genoese, and the Venetians brought daily,
with provisions and munitions of war, enormous acces-
sions to the Crusaders. The following passages relating
to the memorable siege, in the course of which the two
personalities of Saladin and Richard of England stand
forth in such bold relief, are drawn from the narratives
of Ibn ul-Athîr and of Ibn Shaddad, and are to some
extent in their own words. " Whenever Salâh ud-dîn took
a city or fortress, he spared the lives of the inhabitants,
and the Franks hastened to Tyre with all their riches,
their women and children. Thus a large body of the
enemy collected at this place, and they continually re-
ceived reinforcements from beyond the sea." 1 Every
means, he goes on to add, were taken to rouse the
fanaticism of the people of Europe. The Patriarch of
Jerusalem, whom Saladin had treated with such kind-
ness, perambulated the Frankish cities with the figure of
the Messiah wounded by an Arab, and thus excited the
indignation of the Christians to the wildest pitch ; in
this manner he collected large armies for the help of the
Franks in Palestine. Even women enrolled themselves
for the war. A young Christian prisoner, the sole child
of a widowed mother, whose only possession was a
Com-
small house, told the historian how she sold the house,
mence- equipped him for the war, and sent him forth to fight
ment of with the Saracens. " The Franks came from all direc-
the siege
ofAcre tions by land and by sea with all their forces," and when
bythe they were all united at Tyre, they thought first of attack-
Crusaders,
15thRajab, ing Sidon, but eventually determined on reconquering
585 A.H. Acre. They accordingly marched upon this place, an
29th enormous host, their route along the sea-coast, and their
August,
1189A.C. ships keeping alongside of them. The sea in fact was
1 Ibn ul-Athîr.
CH. XXII. THE SIEGE OF ACRE 361

their great auxiliary, for it brought them materials, pro- 576-589

A. H.
visions, and help from their native countries. They
arrived before Acre on the 15th Rajab, 585 A.H., and at
once laid siege to the city.
As soon as Salâh ud-dîn heard of the movement of the
Franks, he held a council of war. His own opinion was
to attack them en route ; but he was dissuaded by his
ameers, who advised an attack on the open ground
before Acre. When Salah ud-dîn reached the place, he
found the Crusaders encamped round Acre with their
wings resting on the sea, thus closely encircling the city The siege
ofAcre.
and cutting off all communications landward. Had, says
the historian, Salâh ud-dîn acted according to his own
opinion and attacked the Franks before they had taken
up position before Acre, he would have saved the city,
" but when God wills a thing He provides means there-
for. " The Sultan encamped in front of the Crusaders,
and established his tent on the hill of Kaisân (Tell-
Kaisân). His right wing stretched to the Tell-Ayâzia,
and the left wing rested on the river Belus.¹ He was
now joined by some reinforcements which arrived from
Mosul, Diâr-Bakr, Sinjâr, and Harrân. Whilst the
Moslems were thus reinforced on the land side, succour
poured in for the Franks from over the seas. At the 1st Shâbân,
beginning of Shâbân 585 A.H., Saladin attacked the 14th
585A.H.
Sept. ,
Crusaders. Takî ud-dîn, his nephew, delivered a terrific 1189 A.C.
charge, drove them from their positions, and restored
communication with Acre. " Had the Mussulmans,"
says Ibn ul-Athîr, " continued the fight up to the night,
they would have completely attained their object, but
after gaining half the positions of the Franks, they rested
to resume the battle next day." Saladin now changed the
1 The Nahr ul-
Jari (the flowing river) of Ibn ul-Athîr, the Nahr
ul-Halw (the river of sweet waters) of Ibn Shaddad.
 362 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXII .

1181- garrison and re-provisioned Acre. Among the ameers

1193 A.C. whom he sent into the city was Husâm ud-dîn (Abu'l
19th Sept. , Haija, nicknamed as-Samin, or the Stout). On the 6th
1189 A.C.
of Shâbân the battle was begun by the Franks, who
issued from behind their entrenchments and vigorously
attacked the Saracens. They were repulsed with fright-
ful slaughter and compelled to retreat behind their
trenches.
At this time, Saladin's forces were dispersed all over
the country ; one army watched Bohemond, Prince of
Antioch ; another was stationed at Emessa, in front of
Tripoli, for the defence of that frontier ; a third watched
Tyre, and a fourth held Damietta, Alexandria, etc. , to
guard against Frankish incursions from the sea. In
spite, therefore, of the reinforcements he had received,
the Sultan's force was numerically weaker than that of
the Crusaders, and they, wanting to crush him before he
received any further accession, delivered another attack,
which, partially successful in the beginning, ended in a
fearful rout. The number of Crusaders killed in this
battle amounted to 10,000 men. In spite of Saladin's
endeavours to keep the place clean and to throw the
dead bodies into the sea, the exhalations from the
numerous unburied corpses poisoned the atmosphere,
and a deadly pestilence broke out. The Sultan himself
was affected, and under the advice of the doctors and
generals the camp was broken up, and Saladin and the
4th Rama- troops moved to the neighbourhood ofal- Kharûba.¹ When
zân, the Saracens had departed, the Franks " recovered their
585 A.H.
16thOct. , tranquillity," and resumed the siege of Acre. And in
1189 A.C. order to protect themselves against Saladin's attacks,

1 Al- Kharûba is a fortress on the Mediterranean, three miles to

the south of Kaïta on Mount Carmel.
CH. XXII . FREDERICK BARBAROSSA 363

they made a deep ditch round their camp, and raised a 576-589
A.H.
high wall behind which they could shelter themselves
when defeated.
Safar
Saladin spent the winter at al-Kharûba. In the spring
of 1190 he descended again into the plains of Acre, and 586A.H.
10th
took up his former position. The Franks had con- March,
structed huge towers of wood filled with men in armour 1190 A.C.
for attacking the ramparts of the city ; the besieged,
under the direction of a Damascene engineer, threw
grenades filled with naphtha and Greek fire, which set
fire to the movable towers, and they were burnt to the
ground. About this time the Sultan was joined by
some troops from the side of Mesopotamia. The
Egyptian flotilla also arrived with provisions and muni-
tions of war for the garrison of Acre. In a naval engage-
ment, the Franks were worsted, and the Egyptian ships
entered the harbour. The Saracen camp was, however,
greatly disquieted by the news which came just then that
Frederick Barbarossa, the Emperor of Germany (Malik Frederick
ul-Almân), was marching upon Palestine with an enormous Barbarossa
horde. He was harassed on the way by the Ouj Turko-
mans, who hung on his flanks, but he succeeded in
crossing into Upper Cilicia (Bilad ul-Arman), held by
Lafûn (Leo), the son of Istefân (Stephen). The Sultan
hurried off messengers to his allies for assistance ; he
even sent an embassy to Yâkûb al-Mansûr, the Sultan
of Morocco, but they all showed themselves lukewarm
in his support. Saladin was thus thrown upon his own
resources to make head against the combined forces His death
of Europe. The emperor, however, was never fated to Ioth June,
1190 A.C.
reach his goal ; he was drowned in the river Salaf (ancient
Calycadnus) near Seleucia. Discord then broke out
among his men ; a large number returned home,
whilst a small body under his son (the Duke of Swabia)
 364 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXII .

1181- came to Antioch, and thence to Palestine. They finally

1193 A.C. took ship for home, but were wrecked on the way, and
many were drowned.
20thJamâ- On the 20th of Jamâdi II. 586, the Franks issued from
di II., their entrenchments and gave battle. They suffered a
586 A.H.
25th July, heavy and murderous defeat, and the field was covered
1190 A.C. with their slain and wounded. The Crusaders now lost
heart. Two days later a formidable contingent arrived
for them from beyond the seas under the command of
Arrival of al-Kond Heri (Count Henry of Champagne). This
Count
Henry, young manwas the son of a half-sister of the King of
England, and was also connected with the King of
France. He landed his troops without difficulty in the
neighbourhood of Acre, and formed a junction with the
Crusaders already encamped there. He strongly fortified
the camp, and concentrating his forces, announced his
27th Jamâ- intention of attacking the Sultan. Saladin thereupon
diII.,
586 A.H. moved his troops back to al-Kharûba so as to have
Ist Aug., more space for the deployment of his army, and to avoid
1190 A.C. the terrible stench before Acre. The withdrawal of the
Sultan's troops enabled the Crusaders to press the siege
with vigour, but the Saracens confined within the city
supported the horrors of this fierce attack with a heroic
constancy. The ameers Karakûsh and Husâm ud-dîn
ceaselessly animated the courage of the soldiers. Vigilant,
present everywhere, employing every force and every
artifice, they allowed no occasion to escape either to
surprise the Franks or to defeat their assaults. They
burnt the machines of the besiegers, and in several
" sorties drove the enemy back into their camp." Count
Henry thereupon turned the siege into a blockade. But
the Sultan relieved the garrison by sending provisions by
the sea from Beyrut.
1 Michaud.
GENERAL
VIEW
ISPAHAN
.OF
CH. XXII . SIEGE OF ACRE 365

The Franks then addressed a letter to the Pope 576-589

A. H.
(Arabic, Bâbâ), " the sovereign of Rome the great," 1 " who
is their (religious) head, and whose words among them Siege of
Acre.
have the same authority as the directions of the Prophet
among us. " And at his instance help arrived for them
from every quarter. When these reinforcements had
joined Count Henry, he issued from his entrenchments
to give battle to the Sultan, who met them " with an
army ranged in good order. " His sons Ali, Khizr, and
Ghâzi commanded in the centre, whilst his brother
Saif ud-dîn with the Egyptian troops was on the right ;
the princes of Hamah, of Sinjar, and other feudatories
commanded on the left. Unfortunately Saladin himself
was ill that day with a disorder to which he was subject,
and could only watch the battle from a small tent pitched
on a hill from which he could overlook the field. The
battle continued for a long time ; eventually the Franks
were driven back to their defences with great loss.
" Had Salah ud-dîn not been indisposed that day, the
fight would have been decisive." " The Franks now
began to suffer from famine, and the approach of winter
compelled them to send off their ships for shelter to the
neighbouring isles of Greece." Saif ud-dîn Ali, son of
Ahmed al-Mashtûb, was placed in command of the city,
but unfortunately the weakened garrison was not changed,
nor, in spite of the Sultan's order, was the opportunity
taken by the ameers to re-provision the place.
With the spring the Frankish vessels of war returned
in enormous numbers and again interrupted communi-
cation with the garrison of Acre. Only a diver with
letters could reach the Sultan's camp. On the 12th 9th April,
of Rabi I., 587 A.H., fresh help arrived for the Franks 1191 A.С.
encamped before Acre. " The King of the French,
1 Rûm ul- Kubrâ.
 366 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXII .

1181 -

Filîb (Philip Augustus), one of the noblest of their

1193 A.C. monarchs, although his dominions are not extensive, "
landed with an immense army. Salâh ud-dîn, who was
then encamped at Shafra-aam,¹ sent for reinforcements
to his feudatories, but before these could reach him
the Crusaders received great accessions to their strength
Arrival of by the arrival of Malik Ankiltâr 2 (the King of England)
the King with twenty ship-loads of fighting men and munitions of
ofEng-
land. war. The Crusaders were now in overwhelming force,
13th Ja- and in consequence the evil they caused to the Moslems
mâdiΑ.Η.
587 I., redoubled; "for Malik Ankiltâr was noted in his time
8th June, for bravery, deceit, activity, and endurance." When
1191 A.C. Salah ud-dîn received news of his coming, he ordered
that a ship filled with provisions should be sent to Acre
from Beyrut. This vessel was attacked by the Crusaders
before it could run into harbour ; its commandant, Yâkûb
al-Halebi (i. e. of Aleppo), one of the captains of the
corps d'élite, finding that his ship would fall into the
hands of the enemy, went into the hold and scuttled
the vessel. It was engulfed with all on board.
The siege of Acre was now conducted with the greatest
violence. For a time the garrison maintained a stout
defence and drove back all assaults. The assistance
promised by the feudatories had not arrived yet, and,
in spite of repeated battles, the Sultan found himself
unable to force the Crusaders to raise the siege. En-
feebled by war, pestilence, and famine, the defenders
began to feel the pinch of a struggle which had lasted two
years. In their extremity, Mashtûb, the commandant of
1 A village three miles from Acre ; Mujam ul- Buldân.
2 Roi d'Angleterre.
3 The Jândâr. Soon after their arrival, the Kings of England
and France fell ill of fever. Saladin, on hearing of their illness,
sent them the snow of Lebanon, and cooling drinks, and fresh fruit
during the whole time they were ill.
CH. XXII . BUTCHERY OF THE SARACENS 367

the city, betook himself to Philip Augustus and said to 576-589

him, " We have been masters of this city for four years. Α.Η.
When we took Ptolemais, we allowed all the inhabitants
perfect freedom to go where they listed with all their
goods and families ; to-day we offer the city to you, and
ask for the same conditions that we accorded to the
Christians." The King of France refused to spare a
single one of the inhabitants or garrison of Acre unless
the Saracens restored Jerusalem and all the cities taken
from the Crusaders since the battle of Tiberias. The
Saracen ameer returned to the city bent on fighting to
the last and burying himself under the ruins of the city.
For a time the hopeless struggle continued, but famine
was fast decimating the defenders, whilst the Sultan's
army lay crippled for want of reinforcements. At last
the Saracens within the city capitulated on the solemn
condition that no life should be sacrificed by the
Franks ; that the Moslems on their side should restore
the wood of the true Cross with 1600 prisoners, and
give 200,000 pieces of gold to the chiefs of the Crusaders .
Some delay occurred in the payment of the ransom; Butchery ofthe
the lion-hearted King of England took out from the city Saracens.
the garrison, and butchered them in cold blood within
sight of their brethren.
The capture of Ptolemais cost the Crusaders 60,000
lives.
" The victorious Crusaders, " says Michaud, " enjoyed
at last in Ptolemais a repose which they had not known
since their arrival in Syria. The pleasures of peace, the
abundance of food, the wine of Cyprus, the women who
arrived from the neighbouring isles, made them forget
for the moment the object of their enterprise. " After
refreshing themselves in the usual way, they marched
under Richard's command upon Ascalon. Saladin
 368 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXII .

1181- marched alongside, and the 150 miles were signalised

1193 A. C.
by eleven Homeric battles. At the battle of Arsûf,
Saladin lost 8000 of his bravest men. Finding his
troops too weak to prevent the strongest place in Pales-
tine from falling into the hands of the Crusaders, he
hurried on to Ascalon, removed the inhabitants, and
rased it to the ground. When Richard arrived, he saw
the uninhabitable ruins of a great fortress and city. And
he saw more. He saw opposed to him a man of indomit-
able will and unceasing energy. Impressed with the
personality of Saladin, Richard became anxious for peace.
He himself was tired of the fruitless, harassing, and deci-
mating struggle, and was anxious to return to his disturbed
dominions. He accordingly sent messengers to demand a
conference with the Sultan's brother, Saif ud-dîn (al-Malik
Richard's
desire for ul-Aâdil).
(Humphrey The two princes
of Thorun) actingmet,
as anthe son of Hunferi
interpreter. Richard1
peace.
dilated on his desire for peace, and mentioned the con-
ditions he proposed, which were, however, found to be
impossible, and nothing came of the interview. The Mar-
quis of Montferrat, disgusted with the conduct of Richard,
sent an envoy to the Sultan to make peace on his own
account, on condition of obtaining Sidon and Beyrut.
The Sultan agreed to his terms, provided he first carried
out his part of the compact. Fresh messengers arrived
from the King of England with proposals of peace and
letters to " his brother and friend," al-Malik ul-Aâdil, and
to the Sultan. This time the sole conditions asked were
that the Crusaders should be allowed to retain the cities
they possessed on the littoral, and that Jerusalem, with
the wood of the true Cross, should be restored to them.

1 " I saw him," says Bahâ ud-dîn ibn Shaddad, " on the day the
peace was concluded ; he was really good-looking, but had his
beard shaved according to their custom. "
CH. XXII. RICHARD'S APPEAL FOR PEACE 369

The Sultan emphatically rejected the demand for the 576-589

A.H.
retrocession of Jerusalem, but expressed his willingness
to give back the wood of the Cross, provided peace was
made according to his wishes. The King of England
renewed his overtures to al-Malik ul-Aâdil, and came Negotia-
tions.
to an agreement subject to the sanction of the Sultan
and his council. The terms were that the sister of
Richard, the widow of the King of Sicily, should be
married to al- Malik ul-Aâdil, that Richard should give
for her dowry the cities held by him on the sea-coast ;
that the Sultan should give to his brother the cities he
had conquered ; that Jerusalem should be possessed by
husband and wife as a neutral city free to the followers
of both religions ; a general exchange of prisoners, re-
storation of the Cross to the Christians, and the Hospit-
allers and Templars to maintain their privileges. The
Sultan saw in these proposals the means of restoring
peace between the two creeds so long arrayed against
each other in sanguinary combat, and at once acceded
to them. Had Richard's priests allowed the treaty to
be concluded, probably it might have been the means
of bridging the gulf that still divides Christendom from
Islâm. They raised an outcry against the idea of a
Christian princess marrying a brave and chivalrous
knight like Saif ud-din ; they threatened Richard with
excommunication ; they played on the religious fears
and superstition of the ex-Queen of Sicily. Richard,
alarmed at their threats, sent envoys to " his brother and
friend " requesting him to change his faith. This sug-
gestion was, of course, declined. In the meantime Assassina-
tion of
fresh messengers arrived from the Marquis. The King Conrad.
of England thereupon entered into relations with the
chief of the Assassins at Massiat to rid him of his IstMay,
inconvenient ally, and Conrad was set upon by 1192 A.C.
BB
 370 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXII .

1181- two fedâis and assassinated on the 16th of Rabi II. ,

1193 A. C. 588 A.H.1
An expedition against Jerusalem, commanded by
Richard in person, ended in absolute failure, and this
strengthened his desire to leave Palestine. He sent
envoys to the Sultan with fresh proposals, in which all
the previous demands were withdrawn. " I desire your
affection and friendship," was the message of the King
of England to the Sultan ; " I have no wish to dominate
over this land. I know you must be as unwilling to lose
more of your people as I am of losing mine. I have
given to Count Henry, the son of my sister, the country
I hold, and now I commend him to you, and he will
obey you and accompany you in your expeditions to the
East. And I ask of you the Church (in Jerusalem)."
The Sultan, with the advice of his council, who saw the
necessity of giving peace to the land and rest to the
army, returned a favourable answer. The same envoy,
accompanied by the son of Count Humphrey, again
arrived in the Sultan's camp with presents from the King
of England, definitively abandoning all pretensions to
Jerusalem, but asking for the three cities of Ascalon,
Dârûm, and Gazza in good condition and a general peace.
The Sultan replied that with the Prince of Antioch he
would make peace separately, and that instead of Ascalon
he was willing to give Richard Lydda, but not the other
cities. Learning that the Crusaders were marching on
Beyrut, Saladin broke up his camp and took the field
again. Jaffa was taken by assault, but the citadel was

1 Von Hammer, in his History of the Assassins, proves con-

clusively that the assassination of Conrad, Marquis of Montferrat,
was due to the instigation of Richard of England.
2 Of Champagne. On the death of Guy de Lusignan, Sybilla
married this Count, and he thus acquired the kingdom ofJerusalem.
CH. XXII . FINAL CONCLUSION OF PEACE 371

relieved by Richard. The King of England again asked 576-589

A. H.
for a conference with delegates from al-Malik ul-Aâdil.
On their arrival in his camp, he spoke enthusiastically of
the Sultan. He then asked the chief ameer to implore
the Sultan, " in the name of God to make peace. " In
response to this appeal, the Sultan offered to Richard
the sea-coast from Tyre to Cæsarea. Richard asked for
Jaffa and Ascalon. Saladin expressed his willingness to
give Jaffa, but refused Ascalon on any condition. At Peace con-
cluded.
last the King of England renounced the demand for 22nd Shâ-
Ascalon, and the terms of peace were concluded on bân, 588
both sides. " A proclamation was then issued, announc- A. H. 2nd
September
ing that peace was at last established between the Moslems 1192 A.C.
and Christians, and declaring that the territories of both
should equally enjoy repose and security ; that persons
of either nation might go into the territory of the other
and return again, without molestation or fear. That
day crowds assembled to hear the news, and the joy felt
on both sides was extreme. The troops which were
arriving from distant countries for the purpose of rein-
forcing the army, received permission to return home,
and departed." Richard left soon after for his home.
The sequel is known to every student of English history.
Thus ended the Third Crusade, in which an enormous End of the
Third
number of human beings perished, thousands of homes Crusade .
both in the East and the West were rendered desolate ;
Germany ingloriously lost one of its greatest emperors,
and France and England the flower of their chivalry.
Their only gain was the capture of Acre !
On the departure of Richard, Saladin rested a while
at Jerusalem and then proceeded with an escort of
cavalry to the sea-coast to examine the state of the
maritime fortresses and to put them in repair. At Jeru-
salem he built a hospital and college under the direction
 372 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXII .

1181- of his secretary and biographer. He then returned to

1193 A.C. Damascus and remained with his family until his death
Death of on Wednesday, the 27th of Safar, 589 A.H. "The day
Saladin, ofhis death," says a Moslem writer, " was, for Islâm and
4thMarch ,
1193 A.C. the Mussulmans, a misfortune such as they never suffered
since they were deprived of the first four Caliphs. The
palace, the empire, and the world were overwhelmed
with grief, the whole city was plunged in sorrow, and
followed his bier weeping and crying. "
His Thus died one of the greatest and most chivalrous
character. monarchs the world has produced. Before his death he
distributed large sums in charity among the poor, irre-
spective of any distinction of creed. The messenger
who took the news of Saladin's death to Bagdad arrived
there with the Sultan's coat of mail, his charger and one
dînar and thirty-six dirhems, which was all the property
he left. His character can be judged by the accounts of
his contemporaries, who describe him as tender-hearted,
kind, condescending and affable, full of patience and
indulgence. " He befriended the learned and the
virtuous, admitted them into his society, and treated
them with beneficence." No man with any talent ever
left his court without some mark of recognition. He
covered his empire with colleges and hospitals. The
Sultan's vizier, al-Kâzi ul-Fazil,¹ who held office under
three sovereigns of the Ayûbide dynasty, vied with his
master in the patronage of learning and arts. Saladin's
council was composed not only of warriors like Karâ-
kush, Husâm ud-dîn, Mashtûb, but men of letters like
the Kâzi, the Kâtib Imâd ud-dîn, surnamed Alûh (the
1 Abu Ali Abdu'r Rahîm , surnamed Majîr ud-din, “ protector of
religion," and al-Kazi ul-Fazil, “ the learned Kâzi. " He was a pure
Arab of the tribe of Lakhm, and was born at Ascalon, a member of
a family ofjudges.
CH. XXII. SALADIN'S CHARACTER 373

Eagle), who was the Sultan's Secretary of State, the 576-589

A. H.
jurist al-Hakkari, who often exchanged the flowing robes
of his profession for a soldier's uniform, and many
others.1

1 The famous traveller, Abdul Latîf, who saw Saladin after the
peace with Richard, speaks of him in the most enthusiastic terms as a
great sovereign, whose countenance " inspired love and respect in
every heart. " " The first evening I spent in his company," he con-
tinues, " I found him surrounded with learned men who discoursed
on every branch of learning. He listened to them with pleasure,
and frequently joined in the discussion himself. He was engaged
just then in building the walls and a moat round Jerusalem. He
superintended the work personally, and often carried the stones
on his own shoulders. He went to the place before sunrise, and
returned for breakfast at noon, after which he rested. At Aasr he
rode again to the spot and returned only by torch-light. He spent
the great part of the night in transacting the business of the next
day. " The same writer describes the solicitude of Saladin for his
soldiers, and says that at the camp before Acre the market occupied
a vast space of ground, and contained over seven thousand shops
besides booths and tents for farriers, and one thousand baths kept by
the maghribins.
 CHAPTER XXIII

THE ABBASSIDES (continued)

589-661 A.H. , 1193-1268 A.C.
THE ERUPTION OF THE TARTARS

Saladin's sons-Rise of al- Malik ul-Aâdil-The Fourth Crusade-

The sons of al-Malik ul-Aâdil-General review of the Islâmic
world in the East-The Caliphate-Caliph Az -Zahir-The Caliph
Mustansir-The Caliph Mustaasim-Eruption of the Tartars -
Fall of Bagdad-Destruction of Islâmic civilisation.

The sons UNFORTUNATELY, Saladin made no provision before his

of Saladin. death to regulate the succession, and this want of fore-
The divi- sight proved the ruin of his empire, which now split
sion of the
Empire.
up into three independent monarchies under his three
elder sons. Ali, al-Malik ul-Afzal (Abu'l Hassan,
Nûr ud-din), obtained Syria and Palestine ; and the pos-
session of Damascus, the capital of the empire, gave
him pre-eminence over his brothers. Osman, al-Malik
Afzal ul-Aziz (Abu'l Fath, Imad ud-din), who held in his
Azîz.
Zahir.
father's lifetime the command in Egypt, was proclaimed
sovereign of that country ; whilst Ghazi, al-Malik uz-
Zahir (Ghyas ud-din), obtained the principality of Aleppo .
Al-Malik ul-Aadil (Saif ud-dîn, Abu Bakr), Lord of
Karak and Shaubek and brother of Saladin, who was most
popular with the army, held part of Mesopotamia and
374
CH . XXIII . RISE OF AADIL 375

several cities in the neighbourhood of the Euphrates. The 589-661

Α.Η.
children of Shirkûh were established at Emessa, and other
important fiefs were held by other cadets of the family.
Yemen was ruled by another brother of Saladin. Had
the sons of the great Sultan remained united, probably
in spite of the division of the empire they would have
been able to hand down the power to their descendants.
Their dissensions and incapacity helped al-Aâdil to
acquire the dominions of his brother. The quarrels
which broke out between Afzal and Azîz led to the
former being driven from Damascus, which was then
given to Aâdil, Afzal resting content with the city of
Sarkhad. On the death of Azîz, leaving a minor son, ¹
Afzal was called to undertake his tutorship. Dissensions
then broke out between Afzal and Aâdil, who thereupon
expelled both Afzal and his nephew Mansûr from Egypt.
They received some fiefs in Mesopotamia, where they Accession
and their descendants abode. Aadil established himself ofAadil.
2nd
in Cairo on the 16th of the Rabi II. 596 А.Н. Soon February,
after he obtained possession of Syria, Eastern Mesopo- 1200 A.C.
tamia, Khilât, and Greater Armenia, and in 612 A.H. 1207-8
A.C.
became master of Yemen, to which country he de-
spatched (as governor) his grandson Yusuf.2 Saif ud-dîn 1215-16
(al-Malik ul-Aâdil) is described as a sovereign possessing A. C.
great knowledge and foresight, and gifted with consum-
mate prudence, always animated with the best inten-
tions, virtuous in his conduct, and resolute in his under-
takings. Like his brother he was a patron of learning.
Al-Aâdil now became supreme sovereign of Syria,
Upper Mesopotamia, Egypt, and Arabia, with an empire
almost as extensive as that of his great brother. The
1 Al-Malik ul-Mansûr Mohammed.
2 Surnamed al-Malik ul-Masûd ( " the fortunate prince "), Salâh
ud -dîn Abu'l Muzzaffar.
 376 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIII .

1193- Khutba was recited in his name from all the pulpits, and
1268 A. H. the coins bore his seal.1
The Two years after the death of Saladin, Pope Celestine
Fourth III . inflamed another Crusade. But with the conflict
Crusade.
between Saladin and Richard, the wars of the giants
had ended. Henceforth the struggles between Islâm
and Christendom were comparatively weak and spas-
modic. In spite of the division that prevailed in the
Moslem camp, this onslaught of the Franks proved as
abortive as its predecessors. "All the powers of the
West, " says Michaud, " miscarried in an attempt upon
a little fortress in Syria. " In flagrant breach of the
treaty concluded with Saladin, which had been solemnly
sworn to by all the Christian princes then in Syria,
a large force of Crusaders landed on the Phœnician
coast and seized Beyrut. At this time, the sons of
Saladin still held their kingdoms, but al-Malik ul-Aâdil,
as the most experienced champion of Islâm, hastened
from his principality to resist the Franks. He carried
Siege
Tibnîn.of Jaffa
Tibnîn.by storm, whilst the in
Crusaders werefailure,
besieging
The siege ended disastrous and
594 A. H. they were compelled to sue for peace. A truce of
1197-98 three years was accordingly concluded. This Crusade
A.C.

too was marked by the wildest excesses on the part of

1200 A.C. the soldiers of the Cross.
Three years later Innocent III., " who simply wanted
to raise money," says an European writer, " for the
The Fifth gratification of his luxury and avarice," proclaimed
Crusade. another Crusade, and invited the princes of Christendom
to engage in it. Richard of England refused to pay any
heed to the exhortations of the Pope, " You advise
me, " he said in wrath to the emissaries of the Roman
Pontiff, " to dismiss my three daughters, pride, avarice,
1 Abu'l Fedâ.
CH . XXIII . THE FIFTH CRUSADE 377

and incontinence. I bequeath them to the most deserv- 589-661

A. H.
ing-my pride to the Knights Templars, my avarice to
the monks of Cisteaux, and my incontinence to the
prelates." But the other princes of Europe were not so
wise, and an immense force sprang up for a fresh in-
vasion of the East. Luckily for Islâm, instead of
marching against Syria, they turned their arms against
Constantinople. Ibn ul-Athîr's account of this Crusade
agrees wonderfully with that given by European his-
torians. He tells briefly how the usurper blinded his
brother,¹ and threw him into prison; how the young
son2 of the latter escaped to the horde that had been
collected for the invasion of Palestine; how they turned
aside on his appeal to the assistance of the blind and
deposed sovereign of Byzantium; he describes in a few
graphic sentences the surrender of the city, its con-
flagration, and the subsequent atrocities committed by
the warriors of the Cross on a Christian city. The
conflagration, " which reduced to ashes one fourth of
Constantinople," 3 began with the bigotry of some Flemish
pilgrims, who were scandalised by the aspect of a
mosque or a synagogue in which one God was wor-
shipped, without a partner or a son. Their effectual
mode of controversy was to attack the infidels with the
sword, and their habitation with fire, but the infidels
and some Christian neighbours presumed to defend
their lives and properties, and the flames which bigotry
had kindled consumed the most orthodox and innocent
structures. During eight days and nights the conflagra-
tion spread above a league in front, from the harbour to
the Propontis, over the thickest and most populous
regions of the city." 4
1 Isaac Angelus. 2 Alexius .
3 Ibn ul -Athîr. 4 Gibbon.
 378 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIII .

1193- When the Crusaders took the city by force, they put
1268 A.C to the sword every Greek they met. " It was a horrible
spectacle, " says old Villehardouin, " to see women and
young children running distractedly here and there,
trembling and half dead with fright, lamenting piteously
and begging for mercy. " According to Mills and
Gibbon, the atrocities perpetrated by the pilgrims were
bitterly lamented by Pope Innocent III ., atrocities too
horrible to describe. The Crusaders were insensible to
pity. For several days they enacted the worst scenes
of outrage and spoliation, within and without the walls
of Constantinople. " Villages, churches, and country
houses," says Michaud, "were all devastated and given
over to pillage. A distracted crowd covered the roads
and wandered about at hazard, pursued by fear, bending
under fatigue, and uttering cries of despair. " Nicetas,
the Byzantine historian, whose daughter was with diffi-
culty preserved from harm, reproaches the Crusaders
with having surpassed " the Turks " in barbarity. He
reminds them of the example of Saladin's soldiers, who,
when masters of Jerusalem, neither violated the modesty
of matrons and virgins, nor subjected the Christians to
fire, sword, hunger, and nakedness.¹
"After stripping the gems and pearls, they converted
the chalices into drinking cups; their tables, on which
they gamed and feasted, were covered with pictures of
Christ and the saints, and they trampled underfoot the
most venerable objects of the Christian worship. In the
Cathedral of St. Sophia, the ample veil of the sanctuary
was rent asunder for the sake of the golden fringe, and
the altar, a monument of art and riches, was broken in
pieces and shared among the captors. Their mules
and horses were laden with the wrought silver and
1 Michaud, vol. ii. p. 295.
CH . XXIII . THE SIXTH CRUSADE 379

gilt carvings which they tore down from doors and 589-661 A.H.
pulpits ; and if the beasts stumbled under the burden,
they were stabbed by their impatient drivers, and the
holy pavement streamed with their impure blood. ' A
follower of the demon and a priestess of the furies ' was
seated on the throne of the patriarch, and the daughter
of Belial, as she is styled, sang and danced in the church
to ridicule the hymns and processions of the Orientals. "
In 1216-17 A.C., Innocent III. preached the Sixth The Sixth
Crusade. " Women, children, the old, the blind, the lame, Crusade,
1216-17
the leprous, all were enrolled in the sacred militia. The A.C.
King of Hungary, the Dukes of Austria and Bavaria,
and all the potentates of Lower Germany, united their
forces for the projected invasion of the East." Two
hundred and fifty thousand men, chiefly Germans, landed
first in Syria, and after devastating portions of the sea-
coast, turned their attention towards Egypt. Arrived
at the eastern mouth of the Nile, they laid siege to
Damietta. Al- Malik ul-Aâdil was hurrying from Northern Death of
Syria to Egypt, but died in the neighbourhood of ul-Aâdil,
al-Malik
Damascus. His reign of nearly twenty years was by no 7th Jam-
means inglorious. He had repeatedly defeated the adi, 615
A.H.
Franks, and foiled their attacks by land and sea. His 21stAug.,
empire was divided by his sons. Mohammed, surnamed 1218 A.C.
al-Malik ul-Kâmil (Abưl Maali, Nasir ud-din), ¹ obtained
Egypt. The second son Îsa, surnamed al-Malik ul- The sons
ofAâdil .
Muazzam (Sharf ud-din 2), received the kingdom of Syria,
extending from Emessa to al-Aarish on the Egyptian
frontier, and including Palestine, Jerusalem, al-Karak,
etc.; whilst Mûsa, al-Malik ul-Ashraf (Muzzaffar ud-din³),
held the principality of Aleppo.
1
" The perfect king, helper of the Faith."
2 " The mighty prince, nobleness of religion. "
3 " Noble prince, the victor of the Faith."
 380 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIII.

1193- After a siege of eighteen months, Damietta fell into

1268 A.C. the hands of the Crusaders, and they entered the city
Siege of with the same ruthless feelings as had maddened the
Damietta,
Ioth Ram- early Crusaders, when they first leaped on the battle-
azân, 616 ments of Jerusalem. But revenge sought its victims in
A.H. vain. Damietta was one vast charnel-house ; of a popu-
19th No-
vember, lation which at the beginning of the siege consisted of
1219 A.C. more than seventy thousand souls, three thousand only
remained to tell the story of their sufferings. Even this
awful sight did not dismay or excite the pity of the
Crusaders, and they massacred the famished survivors
without mercy. They then marched upon Cairo ; Kâmil,
although reinforced by his brothers, felt himself unequal
to contend successfully with the overwhelming forces
of the Crusaders. He accordingly offered to restore
to them all the conquests of Saladin, provided they
gave up Damietta. Feeling certain of the conquest of
Egypt they refused Kâmil's offer. The Nile was just
beginning to rise, and the Saracens opened the dykes
and suddenly inundated the country. The Crusaders
found themselves now entirely cut off from their base ; a
convoy bringing up provisions was surprised, and famine
The defeat began to stalk in their camp. At the same time the
ofthe
Franks.
Moslem troops kept up an incessant attack. The Franks
were forced to sue for peace, hostages were exchanged,
19th Ra- and finally a treaty was concluded by which the Crusaders
jab,619
A. H.
agreed to evacuate Damietta on condition of a safe re-
8th Sept. , treat to the sea-coast, some concessions to the pilgrims, and
1221 A.C. the restoration of " the doubtful relic " of the true Cross.
No sooner had the Christians left than quarrels broke
out between the brothers ; al-Malik ul- Muazzam entered
into an alliance with the ambitious Jalâl ud-dîn, son of
Aala ud-dîn Khwârism Shah,¹ with the object of ousting
1 See post.
CH . XXIII . DEATH OF KAMIL 381

Kâmil, who on his side opened negotiations with 589-661

A. H.
Frederick II., Emperor of Germany, just then preparing
a Crusade on his own account, against the wishes of
the Pope.
Al-Malik ul-Muazzam died in 1227, leaving the princi- alDeath of
Malik ul-
pality of Damascus to his son al-Malik un-Nasir Dâûd ; Muazzam.
Kâmil and Ashraf then combined to seize Damascus, and Zu'l Kada,
to give to Nasir in return Harrân, Rôha (Edessa), and Oct.
624A. H.
-Nov. ,
Rakka. Damascus was accordingly taken from him, and 1227 A.C.
he had to content himself with the three cities his uncles
agreed to give him. In the year 1229 A.C. (629 A.H. ), 4th Feb. ,
Frederick (called by the Arabs the Anberûr or Anbertûr 1) 1229 A.C.
arrived in Syria. There were many communications
between him and Kâmil ; finally a treaty was concluded
between the two for ten years six months and ten days,
by which Frederick obtained the peaceful retrocession
of Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Nazareth, and all the cities
situated between the route from Jaffa to Acre. The only
privilege reserved for the Moslems was the free exercise
of their religion in the ceded towns. In Jerusalem, they
were allowed to retain the Mosque of Omar. This treaty
was approved neither by Moslems nor by Christians ; it
was grievous to the former, because they lost by it almost
all that had been won by Saladin ; to the Christians,
because the Moslems were permitted the free exercise of
their religion ! Frederick returned soon after to Europe
to defend his dominions against papal aggressions.
Kâmil died on the 8th of March 1238. The ameers Death al
of
-Malik
1
Abu'l Fedâ gives the name as " Ferderîk," and says that he ul-Kâmil,
learnt from Kâzi Jamal ud-dîn, who had been sent on a mission to 21st Ra-
Europe by Sultan Baibers, that " the Anberûr was distinguished jab,A. H.
635
among all the kings of the Franks by his learning, and his taste for
philosophy, logic, and medicine ; he was fond of the company of
Mussulmans, as he had been educated in Sicily, where most of the
inhabitants were Moslems."
 382 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIII ,

1193- thereupon raised to the throne his son Abu Bakr, al-
1268 A.C. Malik ul-Aâdil, a young man ofweak character and given
Zu'l Kada, to pleasure. He was deposed by his brother Ayûb,
637 A.H.
1240 A.C.
al-Malik us- Salèh, who was better fitted to deal with
the unruly military mamlukes who now formed the
aristocracy of Egypt. In 637 A.H. (1239-40), Abû Nasr
Jerusalem Dâûd, the Lord of Harrân, re took Jerusalem from the
re-taken. Christians and demolished its walls.
State of At this time Western Asia was in a state of chaos ; the
Asia.
territories held by the Caliph alone seemed to enjoy
peace and repose. In order to understand the events
that now rapidly follow one another, and the causes of
the fast approaching catastrophe which engulfed Sara-
cenic civilisation, it is necessary to retrace our steps for
a while.
Under Muktafi, Mustanjid, and Mustazii, the Caliphs
had succeeded in regaining their temporal power over
Irâk, Lower Mesopotamia, Fars, Ahwaz, and the Deltaic
province. Their spiritual authority was more powerful
than at any time since the death of Wasik.
Death of Mustazii died in 575 A.H. , and was succeeded by his
Mustazii, son Ahmed Abu'l Abbas, under the title of an-Nasir li
1179-80
A.C. din-Illah. He is described as an able and successful
Ahmed ruler. According to az-Zahabi, his long reign of forty-
Abu'l Ab- seven years was glorious and blessed with splendour. He
bâs, an-
Nasir li created a powerful army, and seems to have been re-
dîn-Illah. spected and feared by all the neighbouring princes ; his
622 Α.Η. dominions enjoyed perfect repose, and peace and pros-
1225 A.C. perity reigned everywhere. Upon his death his son
Abu Nasr
Moham- Abu Nasr Mohammed ascended the throne under the
med, az- title of az-Zahir bi-amr-Illah. Ibn ul-Athîr says he
Zahir bi-
amr- Illah. was a just, mild, and benevolent sovereign, recalling the
1 " The helper of the religion of the Lord. "
2 " Pre-eminent by the decree of the Lord."
CH . XXIII . CHENGIZ THE TARTAR 383

days of Omar bin Abdul Aziz. He died after a reign of 589-661

A.H.
barely a year.
His son AbûJaafar Mansûr, who ascended the throne 13th Ra-
under the title of al-Mustansir b'Illâh,¹ maintained the jab, 623
A. H.

power and grandeur of the Caliphate. The historians roth July,

1226 A.C.
speak of him as a brave and chivalrous man, and a just, AbûJaa-
wise, and pious ruler. He established on the eastern farMan-
sûr, al-
bank of the Tigris, a college which was richly endowed Mustansir
and furnished with every requisite for the comfort and bIllah.
instruction of the students ; and organised a large army
for the defence of his dominions against the Tartars.
The vast steppes of Mongolia, or the tract commonly The erup-
tion of the
known as Chinese Tartary, stretching from the eastern Tartars.
borders of Ferghana far away to the Amur, were then,
as now, inhabited, if one may use the expression, by
savage hordes of nomades bearing different names, but
springing from one stock. Abdul Latif, who was
almost an eye-witness of the harrowing scenes enacted
by these savages in the various seats of civilisation,
describes them thus : " Their women fight as well as
their men; their principal weapons are arrows, and
their food any flesh they can get, and there is no excep-
tion or quarter in their massacre, for they slay even
women and children. They are accustomed to cross
deep rivers with bladders or else holding on to the manes
and tails of their shaggy horses as they swim, knowing
no fatigue, reckless of death, and pitiless to others."
Towards the close of the twelfth century of the Christian
era, these wild and teeming hordes of Tartars were united, Rise of
as they probably may be again, under one banner by Chengîz,
"the

Chengîz or Jingis, the Devastator,the veritable " Scourge of Scourge

God." Chengîz, whose real name was Temujin, was born ofGod."
in 1155 A.C. , and was proclaimed Khâkân, or the over-lord
1 " Seeking the help of the Lord. "
 384 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIII.

1193- of the hordes, in 1189 A.C., and from this time commenced
1268 A.C. his march towards the south and the west. By the year
1219 he had conquered China and the whole of Tartary.
At this period the Moslem world was ruled by several new
dynasties. The Seljukian empire of Persia had passed
away. After a glorious reign of nearly half a century the
great Sultan Sanjar was defeated and taken prisoner with
his queen, Turkhân Khâtûn, by a rebellious tribe of
Turkomans called Oghuz. These marauders, after their
unexpected victory over their sovereign, sacked Merv
and Nishapur, but the work of destruction was left to be
completed by the Tartars. For four years Sanjar re-
Sultan mained a prisoner in the hands of the Oghuz. After the
Sanjar's
unhappy death of his wife, whom he did not like to leave in cap-
end. tivity, Sanjar escaped from his captors and arrived at
Nishapur only to find his capital a wreck and his empire
552 A.H. ruined. He died shortly after of a broken heart. Upon
1157 A.C. his death a nephew, who bore the name of Tughril, was
End of the
Seljukide raised to the throne, but he was assassinated, and his
dynasty. kingdom seized by one of the nobles of the court.
545 Α.Η. About the year 1150 A.C. a new dynasty had risen in
1150 A.C. Eastern Afghanistan, which displaced and eventually de-
Aalâ stroyed the Ghaznavides. Aalâ ud-dîn Hussain Jehânsûz
ud-dîn (" the burner of the world "), the founder of the Ghori
Hussain
(Ghori). dynasty, sacked Ghazni in 550 A.H. , and forced the
scions of the house of Subaktagin to retire to Lahore,
The where they soon became domesticated Indian sovereigns.
Ghoride Aalâ ud-din Hussain's ambitions westward were restrained
dynasty.
by Sanjar, then in the plenitude of his power ; and he
was compelled to find a vent for his energy in the direc-
tion of India. In 1156 A.C. Aalâ ud-dîn was succeeded
by his son Saif ud-dîn, who died shortly after. The
throne then went to his cousin Ghyâs ud-dîn. In 569
1163 A.C. A.H. Ghazni was finally annexed to the Ghorian king-
CH . XXIII . HINDUSTAN-QUEEN RAZIA 385

dom. In 571 A.H. Ghyas ud-dîn's brother Shihab 589-661

A. H.
ud-dîn,¹ who acted as his generalissimo in the East,
conquered Multan, and in 582 A.H. Khusrû Malik, the 1175 A.C.
last of the Ghaznavides, was seized by stratagem and put 1187 A.C.
to death. In 589 A.H. he defeated the combined armies 1193 A.C.
of India on the memorable field of Narâin, on the banks
of the Saraswati. By this single victory the Moslems
became the virtual masters of Hindustan. In 599 A.H.
Shihab ud-dîn succeeded his brother Ghyâs ud-dîn.
Upon his assassination in 602 A.H., without leaving any 1206 A.C.
issue, his mamluke Kutb ud-din (Aibek) obtained Hin- Hindustan
dustan ; whilst Ilduz, another slave or retainer, received 1206-1210
A.C.
the principality of Ghazni. Aïbek was succeeded by his
son Abu'l Muzaffar Arâm, but after a short reign of
barely a year he was ousted by his brother-in-law Altamsh
(Shams ud-din), who ruled Hindustan for twenty-five
years. He was the first of the Indo-Mahommedan 1210-35
A. C.
sovereigns who received the coveted diploma of investi-
ture from the Pontifical Court of Bagdad. The kingdom
was held by his children up to the year 1265 A.C. The

celebrated Queen Regnant of Moslem India, Razia, the

daughter of Altamsh, was raised to the throne in accord-
ance with her father's wishes in 634 A.H. , and Eastern 1236-39
A.C.
eyes beheld for the first time the spectacle of an unveiled
and diademed empress. The commencement of Razia's
reign was attended with considerable danger and difficulty,
caused chiefly by the refractory governors, who hesitated
in conceding their allegiance. Eventually, however, quiet
was established throughout the empire, and Razia's sway
was acknowledged " from Daibal to Lakhnauti." 3 Her
end was unfortunate. In attempting to quell a rebellion
1 Known in history as Muiz ud-dîn Mohammed bin Sâm.
3
2 The brilliant " bek," or chief ; Aï-Khatûn, brilliant lady.
Minhaj us-Siraj.
CC
 386 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIII ,

1193- she was taken prisoner and afterwards assassinated by

1268 A.C. the Hindoos .
Khwârism, The principality of Khwârism (modern Khiva) had
been bestowed as a fief by Sultan Malik Shah upon
his cupbearer, ¹ or chamberlain, Nushtagîn. He was
succeeded by his son Kutb ud-din Mohammed, who
obtained from Sanjar the title of Khwârism Shah. Atsiz,
his son and successor, rebelled against his sovereign, and
towards the end of Sultan Sanjar's reign became virtually
independent. The grandson of Atsiz added Irâk Ajam
to his dominions, and on the murder of the last Seljuk
ruler, Tughril, the nephew of Sanjar, he was invested by
the Caliph with the sovereignty of Persia, Khwârism, and
Khorâsân. Takish was succeeded by his son Aalâ ud-dîn
Mohammed. By the conquest of Balkh and Herat he
completed the subjugation of Khorâsân, and added to
his dominions Mazendrân, Kermân, Ghazni, and finally
Transoxiana, which was held by a lieutenant of the Khan
of the Kara Khitai horde. In 1214 A.C. he marched
against the Caliph, but was stopped by a snowstorm
which overtook his troops on the mountains of Asa-
dabâd, near Hamadân. He then retraced his steps
towards his capital. Four years later he was over-
whelmed by the Mongolian avalanche, owing chiefly to
his own cruel and savage folly.
Mosul. At the time of the Mongolian eruption the great
Zangi's dynasty had passed away from the rulership
of Mosul. The last Atâbek had left an infant son
named Masûd under the guardianship of his faithful
mamluke Badr ud-dîn Lûlû. Masûd died in 1218 A.C.,
1 Tashtdår.
2 The road by Hamadân and Kermanshah is to this day in winter
the terror of travellers.
8 Nur ud-dîn Arslân Shah.
CH. XXIII . THE EIGHTH CRUSADE 387

and was within a short space of time followed to the 589-661

grave by his son. Badr ud-dîn Lûlû then became the A.H.
Atâbek of Mosul. He had held the principality for
thirty-seven years when the Mongols invaded the
country.
The throne of Iconium in the year 1235-37 , when Rûm,
1243-44
the Mongols made their first raid into Asia Minor, was A.C.
occupied by (Aalâ ud-dîn) Kai Kobâd, the seventh in
descent from Sultan Sulaimân. In 641 A.H. they de-
feated Kai Kobâd's son and successor Ghyâs ud-dîn
Kaikhusrû, and compelled him to pay tribute and receive
a resident at his court, who was called a Perwânah.
I have already mentioned how Malik us-Sâlèh Ayûb Egypt,
1240-41
made himself master of Egypt in 638 A.H. He gradually A.C.

extended his power over Syria, and compelled the princes

of the Ayûbide dynasty, who held sway in that country,
to acknowledge his suzerainty. Whilst he was endeavour-
ing to introduce peace and order in his dominions, the
troops of Mohammed Khwârism Shah, flying before the
Mongols, entered Syria and plunged it into disorder.
They took service first under one chief and then another.
They finally threw off allegiance to the princes of Syria,
and gave themselves up to slaughter and rapine. After 1246-47
A.C.
a series of battles they were finally destroyed in 644 A.H.
Whilst al-Malik us-Sâlèh was engaged in Syria, the The
Franks launched the eighth Crusade. This was headed Crusade,
Eighth
by Louis VII. of France, called by the Arab historians 647 А.Н.
Rîdafrans (Roi de France). Louis landed at Damietta, 1249-50
A.C.
which was evacuated by the Moslems, turned the mosques
into churches, and fixed his residence there. Once in
possession of Damietta the Crusaders fell into their usual
habits of life. The barons emulated each other in the
splendour of their banquets, and the commonalty
abandoned themselves to the lowest vices. " So general
 388 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIII .

1193- was the immorality, that the king could not stop the
1268 A.C. foul and noxious torrent."
" The passion," says Michaud, " for gaming had got
entire possession of the leaders and soldiers : after losing
their fortune they risked even their horses and arms.
Beneath the shadow of the standard of Christ the
Crusaders gave themselves up to all the excesses of de-
bauchery ; the contagion of the most odious vices per-
vaded all ranks." " To satisfy the boundless taste for
luxury and pleasure, recourse was had to all sorts of
violent means. The leaders of the army pillaged the
traders that provisioned the camp and the city; they
imposed enormous tributes upon them, and this assisted
greatly in bringing on scarcity. The most ardent made
distant excursions, surprised caravans, devastated towns
and plains, and drove away Mussulman women, whom
they brought in triumph to Damietta." Joinville says
that " the common soldiers indulged in the wildest
15th Sha- violence towards matrons and maidens." Al-Malik us-
bân, 647 Sâlèh Ayub died whilst the Franks were still at Damietta,
A. H.
23rdNov. , after a reign of nearly ten years. He is described as
1249 A.C. taciturn, just, and upright in his conduct, faithful in his
words, and martial and imposing in his character. He
never took any action without consulting his generals and
councillors. He organised the military corps of Bahrite
Mamlukes.2
Ayûb left him surviving one son named Tûrân Shah
(al-Malik ul-Muazzam " the grand prince "), who was
absent on the borders of Syria. Shajr ud-Durr, the wife
of Ayûb, a woman of great capacity and courage, con-
cealed the Sultan's death until the principal officers had
1 He was surnamed Najm ud-din, “ the star of religion."
2 So called from their barracks being over the river Nile-Bahr-
un-Nîl.
CH. XXIII . THE LAST OF THE AYÛBIDES 389

taken the oath of allegiance to Tûrân Shah. On the 589-661

death of Ayûb the Franks issued from Damietta for the Α.Η.
conquest of Egypt, but they were defeated with great
slaughter, and Louis and his principal noblemen fell into
the hands of the Moslems. Tûrân Shah's favouritism
towards the rival military corps (the Burjites) led to his
assassination by the Bahrite Mamlukes. They then raised
to the throne Shajr ud-Durr. The Khutba was recited
in her name, and the coins were inscribed with her title,
al-Mustaasimich (the servant of the Caliph al-Mustaasim,
who ruled then at Bagdad), us-Sâlèha (the wife of
us-Sâlèh Ayûb), al-Malikat ul-Muslimin (Queen of the
Moslems), mother of al-Malik ul-Mansûr Khalil. With
her was associated as commander-in-chief, the Chash-
nigîr, Muiz ud-dîn Aïbek. Before long the commander-
in-chief deposed the princess, and constituted himself
the virtual sovereign. But the ameers were not satisfied, 1250 A.C.
and wishing to raise to the throne a descendant of the
royal blood, their choice fell on a young lad named
Mûsa, a great-grandson of al-Malik ul-Kâmil. He was
associated with Aïbek under the title of al-Malik ul- 5th August
Ashraf. At this time an-Nâsir Yusuf was the sovereign 1250 A.C.
of Damascus and Aleppo, and virtually of the whole of
Syria. By the mediation of the Caliph a peace was con- 651 A.H.
cluded between an-Nâsir Yusuf and Aïbek, by which the 1253-54
A. C.
country up to the Jordan was left in the hands of the
Egyptians. In the following year Aïbek seized the
sovereignty, and sent al-Malik ul-Ashraf back to his rela- The last
the
tives in Yemen. This lad was the last of the Ayubides Ayubides.
in whose name the Khutba was read in Egypt. The
Bahrite Mamlukes, persecuted by Aïbek, fled to Syria,
and war broke out afresh between an-Nâsir and Aïbek.

1 She had a son named Khalil, whom she lost in infancy.

2 Atabek ul-Aasakir. 3 The taster (to the prince).
 390 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIII .

1193- Again the Caliph interfered, and peace was patched up by

1268 A.C. which an-Nâsir extended his territories to al-Aarish on
the frontiers of Egypt. Two years later Aïbek was
assassinated, and his son Nur ud-dîn Ali was placed on
the throne, with the title of al-Malik ul-Mansûr. After
the death of Aïbek, the Caliph sent al- Malik un-Nâsir
Yusuf the diploma and pelisse of Sultanate for which he
Syria. had long prayed. Although he was master of Syria from
the Euphrates to the borders of Egypt, there were several
petty princes within its borders who, before his aggran-
disement, were doubtless his peers, and who belonged
to the Ayûbide family. Emessa was held at the time
of the Mongolian eruption by al-Malik ul-Ashraf Mûsa,
a grandson of Shirkûh. He was deprived of his princi-
pality by Nâsir about 1248, and received in exchange the
district of Tell-Bashir. Ashraf was reinstated by the
Mongols, and became their deputy in Syria. Hamâh was
held by the descendants of Tâkî ud-dîn Omar, the
nephew of the great Saladin, by whom he was appointed
Lord of Hamâh. His son Mohammed, al-Malik ul-
Mansûr I., had gained considerable renown in the
war with the Crusaders, and by his patronage of the
learned. His grandson Mansûr II. held Hamâh when
the Mongols invaded Syria.1 Karak and Shaubek were
held by the descendants of Aadil (Saif ud-dîn Abû
Bakr), the brother of Saladin. His great-grandson
al-Malik ul-Mughîs Taki ud-dîn Omar ruled over the
principality at the invasion of the Mongols. Besides
their possessions in Syria, the Ayûbides still retained a
small portion of Saladin's dominions in Mesopotamia.
This consisted of the principality of Mayâfârikîn. It
1 The historian Abu'l Fedâ, Prince of Hamah (al-Malik ul-
Muwayyid, Imad ud-din Ismail), was a descendant of Takî ud-din
Omar (al- Malik ul-Muzzafar), being fifth in descent.
CH . XXIII . THE TARTARIC INVASION 391

was governed by a dynasty descended from another 589-661

Α.Η.
son of al-Aâdil. At the time of Hulâku's invasion it
was subject to Malik Kâmil, who was its fifth ruler. He
was killed by the Mongols.
Such was the position of the Moslem sovereigns Barbarous
and princes at the time of the Mongol invasion. In Khwârism
follyof
1218 A.C., the dominions of Chengîz were contermi- Shah .
nous with those of Mohammed, the Shah of Khwârism .
An interchange of courtesies between the barbarian
lord of several millions of armed nomades, and the
reckless and haughty Turkoman sovereign of Trans-
oxiana, was followed by an act of cruelty on the part
of the latter which unloosed upon Islâm the whirl-
wind of savagery that converted Western Asia in the
course of a few years into a vast charnel-house. A body
of traders who had arrived from Mongolia were put to
death and their goods seized by the Khwarismian governor
of a frontier town, on the pretence that they were spies.
The Mongol asked for the surrender of the guilty
governor ; the Khwarismian king replied to the demand
by killing the envoy. Upon receipt of the news of this
outrage upon humanity and international courtesy, the The
Tartaric
Mongol issued from the steppes with a savage following invasion.
of a million, and moved upon Ferghana. It was in the
year 615 A.H. that the storm burst. At the time of the 1218 A.C.
Mongol eruption, in spite of the frequent wars of which
the plains of Transoxiana, Khorâsân, and Persia had been
the theatre, these countries were most flourishing ; the
people were prosperous ; literature, arts, and crafts of
every kind were cultivated, encouraged, and patronised ;
the cities were populous, and embellished with fine
public and private structures, the outcome of centuries
of prosperity and civilisation. Herat and Balkh each
 392 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIII.

1193- had a population of a million ; in Bokhara¹ and Samar-

1268 A.C. kand it far exceeded that number. The forces of
Khwârism Shah were simply swept away as by a torrent.
Leaving out the minor cities and towns, it is enough to
describe what happened in the principal centres of civili-
sation and trade. Khojand was rased to the ground,
Bokhara and its inhabitants passed under the sword. Bokhara
reduced to
ashes. was reduced to ashes. Ibn ul-Athîr's account of the
sack of this seat of learning depicts in vivid terms the
terrible cruelties inflicted by the savages upon the help-
less inhabitants ; space, however, does not permit my
June quoting his description. Advancing along the beautiful
1219 A.C. valley of the Soghd, " The Scourge of God " arrived at
Samarkand, which was not only the capital of Trans-
oxiana, but also one of the greatest entrepôts of com-
merce in the world. It was three miles in circumference,
and surrounded by a wall pierced by twelve iron gates,
with castles at intervals. Its garrison consisted of
110,000 men, of whom 60,000 were Turkomans and
Kankalis and 50,000 Tâjiks or Persians. The three
armies that had overrun Northern Transoxiana now
converged upon the doomed town, and an immense
body of men invested it. The Turkish mercenaries,
who thought they would be treated as compatriots by
the Mongols, deserted in a body with their families
and goods, and were immediately put to death.
Upon this the Imâms and the notables issued and
offered to surrender. In spite of their submission the
Samar-
kand were was
city sacked,
killed; 30,000and an immense
artisans number
were assigned of people
by Chengîz as
destroyed.
slaves to his several sons ; an equal number were set aside

1 Bokhara, which was studded with palaces, parks, and gardens,

stretched for miles on both sides of the river Soghd, which traversed
its suburbs.
CH. XXIII . SACK OF HERAT 393

for military works, transport service, etc. Of its million 589-661

inhabitants, 50,000 alone remained to tell the fate of the Α.Η.
ruined city. Warned by the fate of Bokhara and Samar-
kand, the citizens of Balkh sent him presents and offered
their submission, but he was afraid to leave it behind
him. On pretence of counting its inhabitants, he
enticed them out of the city, and then slaughtered them ;
the town itself was reduced to ashes. In May 1220 A.C.
the savage horde captured Urganj (old Khiva), after a
desperate fight, which was followed by a general massacre.
They then destroyed the city by opening the dykes of
the Oxus. At Nessa they made a hecatomb of over
70,000 people ; men, women, and children were told to
lie down side by side, they were then tied by cords and
destroyed by arrows. Nishapur, the capital of the
Tahirides, and the Persian Seljukides, was destroyed in
April 1221 A.C. It was rased to the ground, and its site
was sown with barley ; only 400 artisans escaped, and
they were transported to the north. According to
Mirkhond 1,747,000 men lost their lives in the massacre
at Nishapur and the surrounding districts. In Herat, Massacre
and its environs, they killed, burnt, and destroyed for a in Herat.
week, and it is said that 1,600,000 people were killed ;
the place was entirely depopulated, and the neighbour-
hood turned into a desert. Rai, Dinâwar, and Hamadan Rai and
were sacked, and a large portion of the population put Hamadan
sacked.
to the sword. The Mongols then marched upon Irâk,
which belonged to the Caliph, but were beaten back by
Mustansir's troops.
Whilst his empire was being thus devastated, and his
people destroyed, Mohammed, the primary author of
1 It is said that after the retreat of the Mongols, forty persons
assembled in the charred remains of the Cathedral Mosque-the
miserable remnants of Herat's once teeming population.
 394 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIII .

1193 these calamities, was hunted from place to place ; no

1268 A.C. heroism could make headway against the numbers that
Death of fell upon him. He was pursued, his family were
Khwârism
Shah. captured by the Mongols, and all the males were put to
death ; only three sons escaped, one of whom alone was
22nd Zu'l able to offer any resistance to the savage invaders. Mo-
Hijja,
617 Α.Η. hammed took refuge in an island on the Caspian Sea,
1220 A.C. where he died of pleurisy, alone and abandoned-a
poor atonement for the disasters he had brought on
Islâm. His heroic son Jalâl ud-dîn was pursued by the
Tartars with ruthless bloodhound pertinacity. He re-
treated by Khwârism, Herat, and Ghazni, collected fresh
forces, and succeeded in two successful actions in inflict-
ing considerable losses on the Mongols, Chengîz himself
pursued Jalâl ud-dîn with tremendous impetuosity across
the Bamian and Kabul, past Ghazni. Hurrying on, by
forced marches, he overtook the fugitive prince on the
western banks of the Indus, and attacked him furiously.
Jalâl ud-dîn fought with his accustomed bravery. He
rushed upon the Mongols again and again, until he was
driven into a corner. Two horses had already been killed
under him ; he sprang on to a third, with which he plunged
from the bank, some thirty feet high, into the waters of
the Indus, and succeeded in reaching the opposite shore
in safety. The appearance of the troops of Sultan
Bulban, who then ruled India, prevented Chengîz from
crossing the Indus, and he withdrew his men towards the
west.

In Transoxiana and Khorâsân the civilisation of

centuries was completely destroyed, and the people were
plunged into a depth of barbarism in which the remem-
brance of their former greatness and their whole future
were alike engulfed. The great high-roads of Central
Asia, by which the products of China and India were
CH. XXIII . ACCESSION OF MUSTAASIM 395

conveyed to Western Asia, and to Europe, were deserted ; 589-661

A. H.
the tracts well known for their fertility lay barren and
neglected, or finally destroyed ; the arts and manu-
factures, so celebrated throughout Islâm, decayed for
ever. The towns were in ruins, the peasants either
murdered or compulsorily enrolled in the Mongolian
army, and the artisans sent off by thousands to the
farthest east to adorn and beautify the home of the
barbarian conqueror.
The Mongolian eruption put an end to the intellectual
life of Central Asia, for although Persia and the west
gradually recovered from their misfortunes, Bokhara and
Samarkand never regained their former mental activity,
and their intellectual labours were henceforth entirely
devoted to casuistry and mysticism. After converting
Central Asia and Persia into a desert Chengîz retreated
to the steppes, where he subsequently died. Jalâl
ud-dîn was thus able to reconquer some portion of
his patrimony. But the Mongols were soon upon his
track again before he had time to organise an army. He
was obliged to take refuge in the mountains of Kurdistan, Death of
where he was treacherously murdered by one of the Jalal
dîn.ud-
inhabitants.
The Caliph Mustansir died in 1242 A.C., at the most Death of
critical period in the destiny of his house and of Saracenic Mustansir.
Caliph
civilisation. He was succeeded by his son Abû Ahmed 10thJamâ-
Abdullâh, who received the title of al-Mustaasim b'Illâh.1 di II . ,
640 A. H.
Weak, vacillating, and fond of pleasure, his reign was one 5th Dec.,
continuous record of disturbance and disorder at home 1242 A.C.
Accession
and disaster abroad, culminating in his destruction and ofAbû
that of his family. The quarrels of the Hanafis with the Ahmed
Hanbalites, who were the source of constant trouble in Abdullah,
al-Mus-
Bagdad; of the Sunnis with the Shiahs who inhabited taasim
b'Illah.
" Strong in the Lord. "
 396 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIII .

1193- the western suburb of Karkh, and most of all the quarrels
1268 A.C. of the rabble and the budmashes with the monied classes
and the aristocracy, made Mustaasim's life a burden. And
he accentuated these disorders by disbanding his father's
army, and directing them to take to trade and husbandry.
A riot between the Shiahs and the Sunnis led him to
give an order to his son, Abu Bakr, and his secretary to
demolish the suburb of Karkh, and reduce the Shiahs
to slavery. Muwayyid ud-din Mohammed bin al-Kami,
the vizier, who was a Shiah, was grieved at this, and is
said to have invited the Tartars to come to Bagdad.
The Arab historians, Ibn Khaldûn, Abu'l Fedâ, Makrîsi,
and Suyûti, all describe the Vizier as a traitor ; in this
they are supported by Mirkhond and Wassâf, who wrote
under one of the Mongols. Rashîd ud-dîn¹ alone
describes him as a faithful servant anxious to save the
dynasty from the impending ruin, but helpless under
the imbecility and vacillation of the nerveless pontiff.
However it be, Halâku, who was acting in Persia as
the lieutenant-general of his brother Mangu Khan, after
exterminating the Assassins and destroying their castles,
marched towards Tabriz, whence he sent some envoys
Haláku to Mustaasim with the following message : "When we
marches
upon went out against Rudbâr, we sent ambassadors to thee,
Bagdad. desiring aid; thou didst promise it, but sentest not a
Rabi I. , man. Now, we request that thou wouldst change thy
555 Α.Η.
conduct, and refrain from thy contumacy, which will
only bring about the loss of thy empire and thy
treasures. " The misguided Caliph, without an army,
with half-hearted councillors and a city torn by in-
testine dissensions, instead of bowing to the storm,
returned a haughty reply, and the rabble insulted the
departing Mongols. This threw the heathen savage into
Jamaa ut- Tawårîkh.
CH. XXIII . SACK OF BAGDAD 397

a rage. Halâku advanced on the capital of the Abbas- 589-661

A. H.
sides with a force which could beleaguer the city all
round. The Caliph's troops attempted to make some
stand against the invaders before they arrived in the
neighbourhood of Bagdad. But divided counsels led on
one occasion to a disastrous repulse, and on another
to a fruitless loss of life. The Mongols now resolved on
blockading Bagdad. On all the heights without the city,
and on all the towers and palaces which commanded it,
were placed projectiles and engines, throwing masses of
rock and flaming naphtha, which breached the walls, and
set the buildings on fire. After the siege had lasted forty
days, the vacillating Caliph commenced a parley with
the savage. His messages of submission were, however,
fruitless. Halâku then inveigled into his camp the
principal officers of Mustaasim, who were massacred on
a slight pretext along with their retainers and followers.
Mustaasim's position was now hopeless. At last he was Mustaasim
persuaded to save his life and the lives of his people by surrenders
himself.
a surrender. He repaired to the Mongol camp, attended 4th Safar,
by his brother and his two sons, together with a suite of 656 A.H.
nearly three thousand persons-kázis, shaikhs, imâms,
and other notables ; only the Caliph and the three
princes, his brother and two sons, together with three of
the suite, were admitted to an audience. The savage
chief concealed the perfidy of his designs under the mask
of smooth words and a most friendly reception. He
requested the Caliph to send word into the city that the
armed inhabitants should throw away their weapons, and
assemble before the gates, in order that a general census
might be taken. At the order of the Caliph the city
poured out its unarmed defenders, who were immediately
Sack of
secured. The next day, at sunrise, Halâku issued com-
Bagdad.
mands for the sack of the devoted city and the massacre
 398 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIII .

1193- of its inhabitants. The destruction of Bagdad requires

1268 A.C. the pen of a master like Gibbon. The women and
Universal children who came out of their houses with the Koran
massacre.
in their hands, imploring quarter, were trampled to
death. Delicately nurtured ladies who had never braved
the sight of crowds were dragged into the open streets
and subjected to the grossest brutalities ; the artistic and
literary treasures, collected with such labour and industry
by sovereign after sovereign, with the remains of the old
Persian civilisation, were destroyed in the course of a few
hours. For three days the streets ran with blood, and
the water of the Tigris was dyed red for miles along its
course. The horrors of rapine, slaughter, and outraged
humanity lasted for six weeks. The palaces, mosques,
and mausolea were destroyed by fire or levelled to the
earth for their golden domes. The patients in the
hospitals, and the students and professors in the colleges,
were put to the sword. In the mausolea the mortal
remains of the shaikhs and pious imâms, and in the
academies the immortal works of great and learned men,
were consumed to ashes ; books were thrown into the
fire, or, where the Tigris was near, buried in its waters.
The accumulated treasures of five centuries were thus
for ever lost to humanity, and the flower of the nation
Death of was completely destroyed. After the carnage had lasted
Mus-
taasim. four days, Mustaasim was beaten to death, together with
20thMo- his sons and the principal members of his family. A
harram, few obscure scions of the house of Abbas alone
651 A.H.
27thJan. , escaped the destruction. Bagdad, the abode of learning,
1258 A.C. the seat of culture, the eye and centre of the Saracenic
world, was ruined for ever. The population before the
sack was over two millions ; according to Ibn Khaldun,
one million six hundred thousand people perished in the
slaughter of six weeks. With the destruction of Bagdad
,SAMARKAND
TAMARLANE
OF
.TOMB
CH. XXIII. RUIN OF SARACENIC CIVILISATION 399

the gloom of night settled on Western Asia ! The Arab 589-661

Α. Η.
and Persian authors speak in harrowing strains of the
havoc and ruin caused by the myriads of savages and
heathens who swept over the Islamic world in the
middle of the thirteenth century, and none but a fanatic
can help shedding a tear over the fearful loss of human
life and the destruction of intellectual treasure, or the
carnage and atrocities committed by the Mongols. " The
invasion of the Tartars," says Ibn ul-Athîr, " was one of
the greatest of calamities and the most terrible of visit-
ations which fell upon the world in general and the
Moslems in particular, the like of which succeeding ages
have failed to bring forth, for if one were to say that the
world, since God created it to the present time, was never
so afflicted, one would speak truly, for history has nothing
which approaches it." Abdul Latif calls the Mongol
eruption " a misfortune that reduces to insignificance all
other misfortunes." Juwaini, the author of the Jahân
Kusha, who was in the service of Chengîz about this time,
says, " the revolution which has overwhelmed the world,
has destroyed learning and the learned, especially in
Khorâsân, which was the focus of light and the rendezvous
of the learned. The men of learning have become the
victims of the sword. This is a period of famine for
science and virtue."

After destroying Bagdad, the savage horde crossed the

Euphrates and passed into Mesopotamia, carrying havoc
and slaughter wherever they went. The inhabitants of
Edessa, Harrân, and Nasibin were put to the sword. In
Aleppo, fifty thousand people were massacred, and ten
thousand women and children were sold as slaves. Harrân
surrendered on a promise that the city would be spared; 9th Safar,
but the savages destroyed the inhabitants-even to the 25th
658 А.Н.
Jan. ,
children at the breast. The Mongols marched thus west- 1260A.C.
 400 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIII .

1193- ward, carrying destruction everywhere, assisted in their

1268 A.C.
progress bythe divisions prevailing among the Mussulmans
15th Ram- themselves, until they were met at Ain Jalût, a town below
azân,
658 A.H. Nazareth in Palestine, by the celebrated Sultan Baibers,
1260 A.C. who afterwards became the sovereign of Egypt, and were
defeated with terrible slaughter. Baibers pursued the
25th Ram- Mongols beyond Aleppo, and cleared Syria and Mesopo-
azân ,
658 A. H. tamia of their loathsome presence. At this time the son
3rd Sep. , of Aïbek had been deposed by one of his generals named
1260 A.C. Saif ud-dîn Kotûz, who had assumed the sovereignty.
Kotûz was assassinated shortly after the battle of Ain
October Jalût, when Baibers was raised to the throne under the
1260 A. C. title of al-Malik uz-Zahir.
For two years the Sunni world felt keenly and in
sorrow the want of a spiritual head-a want which has
been pathetically voiced by Suyûti.¹ Baibers appreciated
Revival of the necessity of reviving the Caliphate, and he invited to
the
Caliphate.
Cairo Ahmed (Abul Kasim), a scion of the house of
Abbâs who had escaped the massacre of his family.
On the arrival of the young prince in the environs of
Cairo, the Sultan went forth to meet him with the Kâzis
and officers of state. After his descent had been formally
proved before the Chief Kâzi, he was acknowledged as
Caliph under the title of al- Mustansir b'Illah.
The first to take the oath of allegiance was the
Sultan ; next came the Chief Kâzi Tâj ud-dîn, the
principal shaikhs, and lastly the nobles, according to their
13th rank. This occurred on the 13th of Rajab (12th of May,
Rajab, 1261), and the new Caliph's name was impressed on the
659 A. H.
May coinage and recited in the Khutba. The following Friday
1261 A.C. (17th Rajab) he rode to the mosque in procession,
wearing the black mantle, and delivered the pontifical
1 " Thus began the year 657, and the world without a Caliph.
The year 658 began, and the age still without a Caliph ."
CH. XXIII . REVIVAL OF THE CALIPHATE 401

sermon. Having been formally installed the Caliph of 589-661

Α. Η.
the Faithful, he proceeded to invest the Sultan with the
robe and diploma so essential in the eyes of the orthodox
for legitimate authority.
Thus was revived at Cairo the Abbasside Caliphate
under the auspices of the warrior Sultan. Henceforth it
is a purely spiritual office. In the sixteenth century
Sultan Selîm, the great Osmanli conqueror, obtained a
renunciation of the office in his favour from the last
Caliph. Since then the Osmanli sovereigns have assumed
the title of Caliph, and have been recognised by the
bulk of the Sunni world as their legitimate Pontiffs.

DD
 CHAPTER XXIV

RETROSPECT

The Caliphate-Nominally elective-The Oath of Allegiance-Its

sacramental character-Government-The political machinery-
Policy-Administration - The Governorships - Provincial di-
visions-The Vizier-The Departments of State-Courts of
Justice-Agriculture-Manufacture-Revenues of the Empire-
The Army-Military tactics-The Navy.
We have already seen how since the time of Hajjaj, with
a slight intermission during the reign of Omar II., the
Syrian Arabs had monopolised the high offices of state,
and how sedulously they had excluded outsiders from all
avenues to posts of emolument and honour. This selfish
policy, based on material force, was successful so long as
the subject nationalities had not learnt their strength.
The revolution which wrested the supreme power from
the Ommeyades and transferred it to their rivals broke
their monopoly. Henceforth the non-Arabs, as common
subjects of a great and civilised empire, assumed their
proper place as citizens of Islâm, were admitted to the
highest employment of state, and enjoyed equal consider-
ation with the Arabs. A greater revolution than this has
scarcely been witnessed either in ancient or modern
times ; it gave practical effect to the democratic enunci-
ation of the equality and brotherhood of man. To this
mainly is due the extraordinary vitality of the Abbasside
402
CH. XXIV . THE CALIPHATE 403

Caliphate and the permanence of its spiritual supremacy, The

Abbasside
even after it had lost its temporal authority. The accept- chipisid.
ance of this fundamental principle of racial equality among
all their subjects helped the early sovereigns of the house
of Abbas to build up a fabric which endured without a
rival for over five centuries, and fell only before a
barbarian attack from without.
The Caliph was not merely a secular sovereign ; he was
the spiritual head of a church and a commonwealth, the
actual representative of divine government. The honours
that were paid to some of the Pontiffs, even when they
were puppets in the hands of their mayors, and the halo
that surrounded their personality, show the genius of
Mansûr in devising the system which constituted the
Caliph the divinely-appointed Imâm or leader of the
great Sunni congregation .
As under the Ommeyades, the ruling Pontiff almost Mode of
nomi-
invariably nominated his successor in his lifetime. When nating a
the nomination had been made, the chief dignitaries of successor.

the empire, including the Kâzis, the generals of the

army, the subordinate civil and military officers, were
called upon to take the oath of allegiance to the heir
designate. This was called the biat ; the person taking
the oath placed his hands in those of the Prince and
swore that he would be loyal and faithful. The high
functionaries and the grandees of the empire took the
oath to the heir designate in person ; with the rank and
file, he was generally represented by a proxy. To impart
greater validity to the Imperial title, the biat was renewed
upon the decease of the reigning sovereign. The Spanish
historian 1 gives a graphic account of the ceremonial
observed on these occasions in Cordova, which in most
particulars copied the etiquette of the Caliph's court at
1 Makkarî.
 404 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIV.

Bagdad. The Caliph sat enthroned under the gilded

pavilion called the Tâj, whilst the neighbouring apart-
ments were filled with public functionaries and courtiers
who had a right to be present at such ceremonies. The
ceremony commenced by the princes of the royal blood
approaching the throne, and reading the formula of in-
auguration, after which they took the oath of allegiance,
" with all its sanctions and restrictions. " They were
followed by the viziers and their sons, the body-guard,
and the servants of the palace. This done, the brothers
of the Caliph, the viziers, and the nobles, ranged them-
selves in a circle on each side of the throne, and the
Chamberlain, who stood in one corner of the hall, swore
in the people as they entered.
The The oath of allegiance to the elected Caliph possessed
Caliphate. a sacramental virtue, and imparted a sacredness to his
personality of which we, in these times and living under
such different conditions, can have but little conception.
And this sacredness was enhanced and accentuated by
prayers offered for the accepted Pontiff in the mosques of
Medîna and Mecca. It was a fresh enunciation of the
saying, vox populi vox Dei. The sacramental virtue
attached to the biat was based upon the following idea.
All the rules and ordinances which regulate the conduct
of the general body of Moslems are the utterances of
the voice of God. This is in substance the Ijmâa ul-
Ummat, " the consensus of the people," and when they
unanimously, or almost unanimously, choose a spiritual
leader and head of the congregation of Islâm, a divine
sanction is imparted to his spiritual authority ; he becomes
the source and channel of legitimate government, and he
alone has the right of " ordaining " deputies entitled to
rule, decide, or to lead at prayers. It was due to this
conception of the sacramental character of the Caliph's
CH. XXIV . POLITICAL MACHINERY 405

election that long after he had lost every vestige of

temporal power, conquerors and chieftains like Mahmûd
of Ghazni solicited from him the consecration of their
power. The Caliph's confirmation legitimised their
authority, vested in them the lawful government of their
states, and made every popular rising against them illegal
and impious. This ordination was effected by the grant
of a formal diploma which was invariably accompanied
by a pelisse of honour (tashrif), often by a turban studded
with jewels, swords and banners.
The political machinery which existed under the The
Abbasside Caliphate, and was afterwards adopted either machinery.
political
wholly, or with some modifications by the states that came
into existence on the break-up of the Arab empire, was
founded by Mansûr, and derived its character from his
genius. During the Ommeyade rule the government of
the Caliphs was a pure autocracy tempered by the freedom
of speech possessed by the desert Arabs and the learned
or holy which enabled them, often by a phrase or verse
from the Koran or from the poets, to change the mood
of the sovereign. Under the first five Caliphs of the
Abbasside dynasty also the government continued to be
more or less autocratic, although the departmental
ministers and prominent members of the family formed a
body of unauthorised councillors. The Caliph was the
fountain of all power, and all orders relating to the
administration of the state emanated from him. The
vizier was practically the lieutenant of the Caliph, and
wielded in his name the full authority of the empire. He
could appoint and displace the functionaries ; he supervised
the taxation and the receipt and disbursement of revenues ;
all the state correspondence was in his hands, and he
acted as the mandatary of the sovereign and united in
his person the civil and military administration, besides
 HISTOR
Y NS
406 OF THE SARACE CH . XXIV .

the ordinary duties of counselling and helping the Caliph.

Such were the viziers who held the office under the early
Abbassides ; they derived their authority from the Caliphs
and purported to carry out his mandates. In time it was
found that the duties were too heavy for one man to
discharge, and it became necessary to appoint some
minor functionaries for the work of the various depart-
Constitu- ments in subordination to the vizier. Under the great
tionalism
under Mâmûn government by the will of one man gave way to
Mâmûn. constitutionalism. A regular council of state, represent-
ing every community owning allegiance to the Caliph,
was for the first time established in his reign. The
representatives of the people enjoyed perfect freedom in
the expression of their opinions, and do not seem ever to
have been hampered in their discussions. The Caliph's
council in later times, when they had lost their temporal
authority, and their influence rested on their spiritual
prestige, turned into a synod of divines and doctors of
law. But the Buyides, the Sâmânides, the Seljukides,
and the Ayûbides, all had their councils in which the
people were more or less represented. Saladin's council
met regularly, either under his presidency or that of the
vizier (al-Kâzi ul-Fâzil), for the transaction of business,
and seems to have followed the Sultan in his campaigns.
With the exception of the ill-fated Amîn, the first eight
sovereigns of the Abbasside dynasty were men of excep-
tional ability, who, like the Tudors, maintained a tight
hold on their governors. It was a settled policy never to
keep a governor too long in any province ; confidential
messengers were stationed at each provincial capital to
keep the Court at Bagdad fully acquainted with the
events transpiring from day to day in their respective
provinces. Sometimes the head of the post offices 1
1Also called the Sahib ul-Khabar.
CH . XXIV. SECRET AGENTS 407

(Sahib ul-Barîd) acted as the official newsagent, so to

speak, of the Caliph. Besides these recognised agents
and commissaries, there existed a large body of secret
police or detectives in all parts of the empire, who kept
a strict watch over all conditions of people. They even
extended their operations to foreign countries, for under
Mahdi, Rashîd, Mâmûn, and Mutasim, secret agents
were maintained at Byzantium, and other important
places, to keep the Caliph informed of every movement
of the Byzantine emperors. These detectives were of
both sexes, and seem to have done their duty with
remarkable fidelity and success. It is probable that
during the ascendency of the Turkish guards, and the
mayoralty of the Buyides, when the Caliphs were either
prisoners or in tutelage, the system fell into abeyance
or desuetude. But with the partial recovery of their
temporal power, they re-employed the old machinery for
obtaining information. It is stated that an-Nâsir li-dîn-
Illâh¹ kept himself so well posted in everything which
transpired, either within his own dominions, or in neigh-
bouring countries, that people believed " he was minis-
tered to by the Jinns. " 2 As in modern times, unofficial
agency was frequently resorted to for these purposes, and
spies were chosen from all classes, especially merchants,
pedlars, and such like, who kept the Caliph informed of
every occurrence, however trivial. When the provincial
governors became feudatories of the empire, and the
sovereignty of the Caliph dwindled into a more or less
effective suzerainty, the confidential messengers were
turned into legates of the Pontiff, and acted as his resident
agents in the Courts of Nishapur, Merv, Mosul, Damas-
cus, etc. Like the Papal legates in the later mediæval
1 Ante, p. 382.
" Az -Zahabi.
 Y NS
408 HISTOR OF THE SARACE CH . XXIV .

times in Europe, they accompanied the sovereigns to

whom they were accredited in their military marches.
We find them not only in the camps of Alp Arslân and
Malik Shah, but also in those of Nûr ud-dîn Mahmûd and
Saladin, ever active, and sometimes meddlesome ; occa-
sionally, as under the later Ayûbides, reconciling contend-
ing princes, and settling fratricidal strifes.¹
Each sovereign on his side maintained a commissary
called Shahna, at the Pontifical Court, charged with the
duty of keenly watching the moves of the game on the
part of his rivals, for the struggle for predominating
influence over the source of all legitimate authority was
as great at Bagdad as in papal Rome. Shahnas2 were
usually stationed, besides the capital, in places like Wâsit,
Bussorah, Tikrit, etc.
Policy. One great object of the early Abbassides was the con-
solidation of the empire ; and in order to attain this
end, aggressive enterprises and foreign conquests were
abandoned. The advance into Upper Egypt, and the
countries of Deilem and Cabul, were due to the turbu-
lence of the wild and savage tribes inhabiting these
regions, whilst the frequent wars with the Byzantines
were always the result of inroads and violations of treaty-
pledges on their part.
The ad- The administration was conducted on definite lines
ministra-
tion. analogous to modern civilised systems ; in some direc-
tions it may be said to have been in advance of our own
times. All offices of state, as under the Ottoman Empire
in the present day, were equally open to Moslems, Jews,
Christians, and Hindoos. Nothing marks so distinctly
the difference between the Ommeyade and Abbasside
1 The Caliph's envoy, says Abu'l Fedâ, settled the dispute between
the sons of al- Malik ul-Muazzam .
2 This word has now come to mean a watchman.
CH. XXIV. ADMINISTRATION 409

rule, as the complicated machinery for the conduct of

government which came into existence under the Caliphs
of the house of Abbâs, and which were afterwards
copied by all the succeeding Moslem states.
The provincial administration was, as under the last The
dynasty, conducted by governors appointed by the Governors.
Caliph, but their powers and jurisdiction were consider-
ably circumscribed. Mansûr never kept a governor in one
province for any length of time. On being relieved of
office he was required to give a full account of his
administration, and the smallest suspicion of breach of
trust led to confiscation of his properties. Under Mansûr
the office of a provincial governor was by no means a
sinecure. Their position was more satisfactory under
his successors, although their powers of initiation were
equally limited. They were merely the administrative
and military heads of the provinces entrusted to their
charge, liable to dismissal at pleasure of the sovereign.
The judicial authority was entrusted to the provincial
Kâzi, who was assisted by a number of deputies, stationed
in the different towns. The governors of certain pro-
vinces, however, gained for themselves special privileges
by services rendered to the state by liberal aid from the
territories under their charge, or by special loyalty.
Western Africa beyond the Libyan Desert, together with
Sicily, formed one government, and was held in Saffâh's The
time by Abdur Rahman bin Habib, whilst Egypt was several
Governor
entrusted to the faithful Abû Ayûn. The Jazîra (Meso- ships.
potamia), Azarbijân, and Armenia ; Medina, Mecca, and
Yemâma (Western and Central Arabia) ; Yemen or
Southern Arabia ; Kûfa and its neighbourhood (the Sawâd,
the great Euphrates valley) ; Bussorah with the Delta,
Bahrain, and Oman ; the Persian Irâk, Khorâsân, and
Transoxiana ; Sind and the Punjab ; Ahwaz (Susiana)
410 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIV.

and Southern Persia ; the principality of Mosul; and

lastly Syria with the Phœnician littoral, formed the
remaining governments. Saffah afterwards separated
Palestine from Syria and placed it under a separate
governor. Rashîd in some measure recast the previous
divisions ; he separated the marches of Syria and Cilicia
from the governorship of Mesopotamia and Kinnisrin,
and formed them into a separate governorship under the
name of Awâsim.¹ When the office was entrusted to a
prince of the royal blood, a military officer of high rank
was always associated with him as his adviser and lieu-
tenant. The governor of the Aawâsim was in fact the
warden of the marches, and was charged with the duty
of guarding the frontiers and the mountain passes.
Tarsus, in Cilicia, which was built and fortified by
Rashîd, was made the capital of this important gover-
norship. Like his grandfather, Rashid was a great
builder of cities ; Mansûr had rebuilt Massisia (ancient
Mopsuesta) ; Rashid built Tarsus, Adana, Maraash (Ger-
manicia), and a number of other places which were
strongly fortified and garrisoned by the regular soldiers
of the Caliphate.
The Although the office of vizier 3 existed among the
Vizier.
Persians, and was known to the Arabs, it was not until
the Abbassides came into power that any functionary
actually held office under that name. With the loss of
the Caliph's actual authority, the vizier lost his pre-
dominant position, and his place was taken by the
Ameer ul-Omara, or general-in-chief. The Buyides after
1 It means the marches.
2 The Persian word marzbân has the same signification.
3 The word " vizier " means " the bearer of a burden." Abù
Salmah was the first who bore this title.
4 See ante, p. 301 .
CH. XXIV . THE TITLE OF SULTAN 411

wards transferred the title to their own ministers, leaving

to the Pontiff only a secretary who bore the name of Raîs
ur-Ruasa. When the Caliphs under the Seljuk Sultans
resumed their temporal power, they again nominated
their viziers, and the office of cabinet-secretary and the
vizierate were combined in one person.2
The Ustâd ud-dâr or intendant of the palace was The Ustad
another important personage. Under the weaker ud-dar.
sovereigns, the Ameer ul-Omara was also the Ustâd ud-
dâr, and the Buyide princes did not hesitate to distin-
guish themselves by this title. When they lost their
power, the office of Ustâd ud-dâr became reduced to
what its name really implies, viz. maître d'hôtel. Under
the Caliph al-Mustanjid, Abdullah (Aazd ud-dîn) ibn
ul-Muzzaffar, and after him his son Abdul Fârigh Moham-
med (Imâd ud-dîn), a grandson of the Raîs ur-Ruasâ,
acted as maîtres d'hôtel.
The title of Sultan 4 was for the first time bestowed The Sul-
tan.
by Wasik upon Ashnâs, the commandant of the Turkish
guards, who was decorated with a jewelled crown and
double girdle. It seems virtually to have remained in
abeyance until the Buyides rose to power, when it was
conferred on those princes. The investiture was at-
tended with great pomp and ceremony. The recipient
of the title was first dressed in royal robes, a jewelled
crown was placed on his head, a collar round his neck,
a bracelet on his arm, and a sword was buckled round
his waist. Finally, to mark the combination of both
civil and military powers, two banners were handed to
1 i. e. Chief of the chiefs.
2 In the reign of al-Kaim (p. 309) the vizier Ali bin Ahmed bin
Maslamah bore the title of Raîs ur-Ruasa.
3 See ante, p. 345.
4 An Arabic word meaning a ruler .
 412 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIV .

him by the Caliph personally, " one ornamented with

silver, fashioned as is customary among the nobles, and
the other with gold in the manner of those given to the
successors designate to the Caliph." The diploma was
then read out in the presence of the assembled multitude,
after which the Sultan kissed the Caliph's hand.
The title of Sultan was not, however, confined to the
Buyide princes. It was conferred on mighty conquerors
like Mahmûd of Ghazni, Tughril, Alp Arslân, Malik
Shah, Saladin, etc. Practically once assumed or conferred
it became hereditary in the family, although on each
succession, a formal investiture was applied for, and
almost as a matter of course granted with the usual robes
of honour.
The Later, another title was created, that of Malik,¹ or king,
Malik.
which, sometimes jointly with the designation of Sultan
and sometimes separately, but always with a qualifying
phrase, was bestowed on ruling princes. The first to
obtain this honour was the great Nûr ud-dîn Mahmûd,
the son of Zangi, who received from the Caliph the title
of al-Malik ul-Aûdil, the just king.
The Viz- Regarding the position of viziers under the Abbassides,
ierate.
the Moslem legists and writers on political economy
recognise two grades of vizierate: ( 1 ) the unlimited (vizârat
ut-tafwîz), (2) the limited (vizârat ut-tanfiz). To viziers of
the first class the sovereign " delegated " all his powers ;
they were vested with absolute and unfettered discretion
in all matters concerning the state. They could make
any disposition and report it afterwards to their master.
Under Saffâh, Mansûr or Mahdi, there were no such
viziers ; under Rashîd, Jaafar Barmeki, and under Mâmûn,
Fazl bin Sahl alone held the delegated authority.
The viziers of the second class did not possess such
1 An Arabic word analogous to the Latin Rex.
CH . XXIV. THE VIZIER 413

wide powers. They could not act of their own initiative,

but were authorised to carry out the orders of the
sovereign. The viziers were required to have a thorough
knowledge of administration and taxation, of the local
circumstances of the provinces, and their several needs
and requirements. Non-Moslems were eligible for the
office, although their appointment might not have been
viewed with approval by the orthodox.¹
The manner of the vizier's appointment is not without
interest. The person on whom the imperial choice fell was
summoned to the palace by a Mutâlia (a notification or
official letter), which was delivered to him by two of the
prominent grandees (Ameers) of the empire. On his
arrival at the door of the Hujra (the Caliph's cabinet) he
was introduced into the presence by the Chamberlain.
After he had made his obeisance, the Pontiff held a short
conversation with him ; he was then led to another room,
to be robed in the usual dress of honour (tashrif). Return-
ing to the Caliph's presence he kissed the hand and
withdrew. On arrival at the gate a richly-caparisoned
horse was brought to him. He then rode to his office
at the Diwân, preceded by the great functionaries, the
officers of the empire, the Ameers attached to the Court,
the Caliph's servants, and the chamberlains of the Diwân.
At the office he dismounted with great ceremony, and
after he had taken his seat the proclamation of appoint-
ment was read.2

1 This feeling was not peculiar to the Saracens. The Buyide Aazd
ud-Dowla's Christian vizier (Nasr bin Hârûn) wielded great influence.
The Fatimides of Egypt had frequently Hebrew and Christian
viziers.
2 Among the most noted viziers may be mentioned Abû Ayûb
al-Muriyâni and Rabî bin Yunus of Mansûr, Jaafar of Rashîd, Fazl
and Hassan of Mâmûn, Fakhr ud-Dowla bin Tahir of Muktadi and
 414 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIV,

The government of the Caliph was called ad-Diwân ul-

Aziz or the August Board, as the government of Turkey
is called now al-Babul-Aâli, the Sublime Porte. The
grand vizier presided over the Board and received the de-
The signation of al- Vizier ud-Diwân il-Aziz. The adminis-
Diwân
ul-Azîz .
trative machinery under the Abbassides, in its effective
distribution of work and its control of detail, ranks
The with the best modern systems. The following were the
Depart principal departments of state :-the Diwân ul-Kharaj
ments of
State. (Central Office of Taxes) or Department of Finance;
the Diwân ud- Dia ( Office of the Crown Property) ; the
Diwân uz-Zimâm ( Audit or Accounts Office) ; the Diwân
ul-
Jund (War Office) ; the Diwân ul-Mawâliwa'l Ghilmân
(Office for the Protection of Clients and Slaves), in which a
register was kept of the freedmen and slaves of the Caliph,
and whence their support was assigned to them ; the
Diwân ul-Barîd (the Post Office) ; the Diwân uz-Zimâm
an-Nafakât (Household Expense Office) ; the Diwân ur-
Rasail (Board of Correspondence or Chancery Office) ;
the Diwân ut-Toukia (Board of Requests) ; the Diwân
aan-nazr fi'l Mazalim (Board for the Inspection of
Grievances) ; Diwân ul-Ahdas w'ash-Shurta (Militia and
Police Office) ; and the Diwân ul-Aatâ (Donation Office),
analogous to the paymaster-general's department, charged
with the payment of the regular troops. The protection

Kâim, Rudawari of al-Muhtadi, Ibn Hobaira of Mustanjid, al-Amid

al-Kunduri of Tughril Beg, Nizâm ul- Mulk of Alp Arslân and
Malik Shah, and al-Kâzi ul- Fazil of Saladin.
1 The chiefs of the various departments were sometimes designated
viziers or ministers, but they were always in subordination to the
principal vizier, who was practically at the head of the administration.
The principal or Prime Minister received the title of grand vizier,
al- Vizier ul-adzam or as- Sadr ul-aâzam .
2 In the reign of Mansûr the president of this department was one
Habib bin Abdullah bin Raghabân.
CH. XXIV. DEPARTMENTS OF STATE 415

of the interests of non- Moslems was entrusted to a

special office, the head of which was called the Katib ul-
Jihbazèh.¹
Besides these principal departments of state there were
a few minor ones, administrative, political, and judicial.
Among these, the Board of Government Grants, Diwân
ul-Mukâtiât, and the one charged with the supervision of
canals, aqueducts, and irrigation works (Diwân ul-Akriha)
deserve special notice. With all these offices there was
far less bureaucratism and officialdom, if I may use the
expression, under the Caliphs than in the Byzantine
Empire, and the government carried its policy of non-
interference with the concerns of separate communities
sometimes to the extremest verge, to the detriment of its
own interests. Each village, each town administered its
own affairs, and the government only interfered when
disturbances arose, or the taxes were not paid. It,
however, maintained a close and strict supervision upon
all matters which concerned agriculture. It superin-
tended the construction and repairs of the canals and
all irrigation works, upon which depended the crops and
the revenues of the state. Abu Yusuf, the Chief Kâzi
of the empire under Rashîd, in a letter addressed to the
Caliph, emphasises the duty of government to build new
canals at its own cost for the promotion of agriculture,
and to cleanse and keep in repair the existing ones, the
expense of maintenance and of distributing the waters
being shared by the state and the recipients. He dwells
on the necessity of an efficient river police, and of remov-
ing all hindrances to navigation upon the large rivers,
particularly on the Tigris and Euphrates.
One of the most effective arrangements for improved Diwân uz-
administration was the introduction by the Caliph Zimâm.
1 In Spain this officer was called the Katib uz-Zimâm.
416 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIV.

Mahdi of the Audit or Accounts Office (Diwan uz-Zi-

mâm) in the large centres. As under the Ommeyades
the Central Taxation Office ( Diwân ul-Kharaj) formed the
most important Department of State. Its duty was to
collect the taxes of the whole of Irâk, the richest pro-
vince of the empire, and to keep an account of the
taxes in other provinces. The collection of the pay-
ments in kind (Maawin) was also included in its
duties.
The Diwân ur-Rasail, or Chancery Office, was another
important institution. The duties of the president of
this bureau, who may be regarded as one of the principal
Secretaries of State, was to draw up the imperial man-
dates, diplomas, letters patent, and political correspond-
ence generally, and after these had been approved by
the sovereign, or the vizier, to seal them in red wax with
the pontifical seal bearing the Caliph's device. He also
revised and corrected official letters, and sealed them
himself. He attended the public audiences, where the
Caliph heard the complaints or petitions of the people,
and took down the royal decision on the paper presented
by the suitor ; often in such cases a copy was given to
the complainant whilst the original was kept in the state
archives . From the nature of the work transacted in
this office, and the style of the writing which was and
has always been elaborately elegant, the secretaries and
clerks were necessarily selected from among men of
talent and education belonging to the higher classes of
society. The next office in importance was the Diwân
ut-Toukia, or Board of Requests. In this office, called
under the Ommeyades the office of the Seal of State, the
answers to memorials presented to the sovereign were
drawn up ; they were registered, marked with the royal
letters, and sealed ; and the motto of the Caliph, or a
CH . XXIV. POSTAL DEPARTMENT 417

verse from the Koran generally written on them before

despatch.
In each provincial capital a postmaster (as-Sahib ul- Postal De-
Barîd) was charged with the control of the postal establish- partment.
ment. He not only superintended the regular despatch of
the imperial mails, but also kept the Caliph informed of
all important occurrences. He was in fact a direct confi-
dential agent of the central government, and periodically
submitted confidential reports on the condition of the
province, the working of the administration, the state of
the peasantry and agriculture, the attitude of the local
authorities, the condition of the mint and the amount
of gold and silver coined. He also had to be present
at the mustering and paying of the troops. Private
letters were carried with the government despatches
and safely delivered to the addressees, but it is diffi-
cult to say what private individuals had to pay for this
boon. In Persia relays of horses and mules, in Arabia
and Syria camels, were used for the conveyance of
the mails. There were 930 stages in the whole empire,
and the relays of animals at each stage must have been
very numerous, as they were available upon proper
payment for public use. A governor with all his retinue
would travel to his appointed province by stages, and
even troops were conveyed in that manner. The
imperial mail horses bore distinctive marks, and could
not be mistaken for private ones. The cost of feeding
the animals, the purchase of new ones, the salary of the
postmen and postal officials for Irâk alone amounted to
154,000 dinars, about 23 million francs. Under the
Ommeyade Caliph Hisham the postal expenditure in the
province of Irâk had amounted to four million dirhems.
The Sahib ul-Barid, head of the postal department,
had to lay the reports of the postmasters and other
EE
 418 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIV .

officers before the Caliph, and sometimes to make ex-

tracts from them. Besides this, he had in his hands the
appointment of the postal officials in all the provincial
towns, their general superintendence, and the payment of
their salaries. Accurate postal directories containing the
name of every station and their distance from one
another were kept in the government offices. It is stated
that the employment of pigeons for carrying news was
known to the Greeks and the Romans; but the earliest
authentic record is found in the reign of Mutasim, when
the news of the capture of Bâbek was carried to Bagdad
by a carrier pigeon. After this pigeons were employed
for regular postal work. In the reign of the Caliph Nâsir
li dîn-Illâh they seem to have been in great requisition,
and Nûr ud-dîn Mahmûd had regular establishments of
carrier pigeons for military purposes in every important
station.
Another department, but apparently connected with
or subordinate to the war office, was the Diwân ul-
Military Aarz, or military inspection office. The arsenals were
Inspection
Office. under a special officer who was called the Mushrif
us-Sanâat bi'l Makhzan. Each government office was
presided over by a director who was designated the
Rais, or Sadr, and the practical work of control and
supervision was carried on by inspectors, called Mush-
rifs, or Nazirs. The inspector of agriculture and
irrigation bore the designation of Mushrif ul-Akriha ;
of taxes paid in kind, Mushrif ul-ikamat il-Makhzania ,

1 It is said that Taurosthenes announced to his father his victory

at the Olympic games by sending to him at Ægina a pigeon stained
with purple, and that Hirtius and Brutus corresponded by means of
pigeons at the siege of Modena.
2 Masûdi.
3 Inspector of the manufactory at the magazine.
CH. XXIV . THE POLICE 419

of the government stores, Mushrif bi'l Makhzan ; of the

board of government grants, Nazir ud-Diwân il-Muka-
tiât. The sub-director of the account and audit office
was called the Naib aan-Diwân iz-Zimâm.¹
Besides these and other officers, there was a general
controller, whose duty it was periodically to inspect the
government offices and report in detail to the sovereign.
He was called the Mushrif ul-Mumlikat. The order of
precedence among the different dignitaries seems to have
been as follows ; first came the Vizier, then the Hajib, or
Lord High Chamberlain, the presidents of the various
boards, the Chief Kâzi, the chief of the guards, the
several secretaries, etc. The Hajib introduced foreign
ambassadors, princes, and nobles into the imperial
presence, and naturally exercised great influence.
Each city had its own special police, called the Shurta, The

under a chief who was designated the Sahib ush-Shurta. police.

As under the Ommeyades, the Shurta, or city guards,
were distinct from the municipal police, and were divided
into groups according to the urban districts. To
them was entrusted the protection of the person and
property of the citizens, and they patrolled the city at
night under the divisional commandants. The Shurta
held military rank, and being always well paid were honest
and zealous in their work. The office of commissary of
police at Bagdad ranked almost as a governorship.
Under Mâmûn the general Tâhir held the post for some
time until he sought for, and obtained the governorship
of Khorâsân . In later times the Sahib ush- Shurta
occasionally assumed the position of vizier.
1 Abû Ghalib al-Asbâghi, surnamed Taj ur-Ruasa ( “ crown of
the raises " ), held this office in the reign of the Caliph al-Muktadi.
The Katibs of Irâk " drew up the public accounts after the system
introduced by him."
2 In Spain, the Hajib was practically the vizier.
 420 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIV.

The The municipal police was under a special officer called

Muhtasib. the Muhtasib. This useful and important office was
created by the Caliph Mahdi, and has existed ever since
in Islâmic countries. The Muhtasib was both superin-
tendent of the markets and a public censor. He went
through the city daily, accompanied by a detachment of
subordinates, and assured himself of the due execution
of the police orders, inspected the provisions, tested the
weights and measures used by tradespeople, and sup-
pressed nuisances. Any attempt to cheat led to imme-
diate punishment. Abu'l Hassan al- Mawardi, " the
Hugo Grotius of Islâmic public law," after describing ¹ the
extent and limits of judicial and executive authority, says
that the police (hisbat) stand half-way between judicial
utterances and the application of executive force. " The
duties of the police," says he, " are circumscribed within
the limits imposed by law, to enforce what is incumbent
and to prevent from committing what is forbidden when
it comes into prominence."
Corpora- A responsible syndicate was constituted from among
tionof
merchants.
the merchants themselves to supervise commercial trans-
actions and repress frauds. The syndicate was either a
corporation of merchants, or was composed of repre-
sentatives from among their body. It was always pre-
sided over by one of their most influential and respected
members, who was called ar-Raîs ut-Tujjar. The
syndics of the corporation were called Amîns. Not only
did each centre of commerce possess its corporation of
merchants, but most cities of importance had their town
councils (Diwân ush-Shûra) composed of the notables
of the place, and sometimes of nominees of the governor
or sovereign, and presided over by an elected Sadr.
1 In his Ahkam us-Sultâniyèh.
2 " The chief of the merchants. "
CH . XXIV. LOCAL SELF - GOVERNMENT 421

Self-government was specially fostered, and municipal

institutions were protected and encouraged. The histo-
rian of Culture under the Caliphs justly observes that
" fortunately the Moslem world had no absolute bureau-
cracy. The administration was as simple as possible and
left entirely to the community ; the only thing that the
supreme power exacted was the correct payment of the
taxes. " To this I may add the preservation of irrigation
works. As an example of this non-interference I would
refer to the system pursued in Persia. Each town with
its dependencies administered its own affairs, levied its
own taxes, and paid the fixed revenue to the state. The
governors were consulted when there arose any question
of new taxation or dispute between a neighbouring town.
These cities thus formed so many semi-independent
principalities. Their position was almost similar to that
of the free cities of Europe. Balkh, with its dependency,
extended over ten leagues, and was defended by earth
works thrown up all round it. Soghd, Samarkand,
Herat, Bokhara, Khwârism, ¹ Rai, Hamadân, and other
townships were as extensive. These municipalities had
thus a great influence upon the culture of the nation.
The central government merely nominated the deputy
governor, generally chosen from the local patrician
family, and the judges and other dignitaries. The office
of deputy governor in these free towns was of such
importance that sometimes it was given to princes of the
royal blood.
I have already mentioned how the Caliphs built
caravanserais and rest-houses, and made cisterns along
the whole route from Bagdad to Mecca and from Bagdad
to other important centres, so that the pilgrims and
caravans should find shelter in bad weather and get relief
1 Medînat ul-Fil (city of the elephant).
 422 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIV .

from the sufferings of thirst. In order to protect pilgrims

from the depredations and attacks of the Bedouins, they
also established the important office of a superintendent
Ameer ul- of the Hajis (Ameer ul-Hajj), whose duty it was to
Hajj . accompany the pilgrims with a body of troops.
The management and control of the nomadic tribes
was entrusted to some prominent chief, who was called
the Ameer ul-Arab,¹ and was responsible for their good
conduct.
The The administration of justice was a subject of extreme
adminis-
tration of importance. All questions relating to civil rights among
justice. non-Moslems were left to the decision of their own
religious heads or magistrates ; among Moslems, to the
Kâzis. Each city had its own Kâzi ; and in large towns
there were several naib (deputy) Kâzis. The Chief Kâzi
of Bagdad was called the Kâzi ul-Kuzzât, and was in fact
the chief judiciary of the empire. In order to assist the
Kâzis in the administration of justice, another class of
officers was established analogous to the notaries public
of modern times, who were called aadls.
Criminal justice was apparently in the hands of magis-
trates called Sahib ul-Mazalim. But the highest tribunal
was the " Board for the inspection of grievances," ad-
Diwân aan-Nazr fi'l Mazalim, which was presided over
by the sovereign himself, or in his absence by one of his
chief officers. The other members of this Board were
the Chief Kâzi, the Hajib, the principal secretaries of
state, and some of the Muftis or jurisconsults especially
invited to attend. The establishment of this Court was
rendered necessary by the difficulty of executing the
decrees of the Kâzi when the defendant was of high
1 He was the phylarch of the Roman and Byzantine times.
2 The first person to hold this office was Abû Yusuf, appointed by
Rashîd.
CH. XXIV. AGRICULTURE 423

rank or employed in the service of government. None

dared disobey a citation before this Court, and none
were powerful enough to escape its severity.
A regular High Court of Justice, however, was not
established until the time of Nûr ud-dîn Mahmûd.¹ He
instituted for the first time the Dâr ul-Aadl, locating
in one place the different Courts, and organised and
improved the judiciary, which had seriously deteriorated
in the decline of the Caliphate.
In Courts of Justice nobody could give evidence or
witness any document unless he bore a good character.
This wise provision, like all others framed by human
ingenuity, often miscarried.
The province between the Euphrates and Tigris was Agricul-
ture.
the richest and most important in the whole empire, and
being under the direct administration of the supreme
government, particular attention was devoted to its
agricultural development and prosperity. A network of
canals lent fertility to the soil, and a complicated system
of drainage works drained the marshy tracts. Mahdi
built a canal in the Wasit district, which brought into
cultivation a vast area of land. The Îsa canal, built by
an uncle of Mansûr, extended from the Euphrates at
Anbâr to Bagdad, and ran into the Tigris in the western
part of the town ; it was navigable to big ships all the
way. The Dujail 2 canal, which branched from the main
stream at Tikrit and had many off-shoots, was used for
the purpose of irrigating the districts to the north of
Bagdad. The districts east of the Tigris enjoyed the
same agricultural facilities. These were not confined to
any particular province ; all over the empire the work of
promoting agriculture and horticulture was regarded as a

1 See ante, p. 341.

2 Dujail is the diminutive of Dajla, the Tigris.
 424 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIV.

religious duty. In those days Irak and Southern Persia

presented, say the annalists, the appearance of a veritable
garden, and the whole country, especially between Bagdad
and Kûfa, was covered with prosperous towns, flourish-
ing villages, and fine villas. The mineral resources of the
empire too were carefully examined and utilised. The
iron mines of Khorâsân, and the lead and silver mines in
Kermân, were worked under competent overseers. Porce-
lain and marble were obtained from Tabriz ; rock-salt
and sulphur from Northern Persia ; bitumen and naphtha
Manu- from Georgia. Manufacture of every kind was fostered
factures.
and encouraged. The glass and soap manufactories of
Bussorah were famous all over the civilised world ; under
Mutasim these manufactures acquired fresh impetus, for
he opened new workshops at Bagdad, Sâmarra, and other
important cities. He also established paper manufactories
at different places, for which workmen and foremen were
brought from Egypt, where the art of paper-making had
flourished from ancient times. Royal factories for gold
embroidery existed in all the principal towns of Persia,
and the manufacture of silk, satin, brocade, carpets, etc.,
was maintained at a high standard by distinctive marks.
In fact, the industrial progress of the Saracens is attested
by the exquisite fabrics that were turned out from the
innumerable looms of Persia, Irâk, and Syria. Kûfa was
famous for its silk and half-silk kerchiefs for the head,
which are still used in Western Asia and known as
Kuffiyeh. Khuzistân (ancient Susiana) was also noted for
its textile fabrics. The beautiful brocades of Tostar, the
rich carpets of Korkub, and the silks and satins of Sus
were in request all over the world. The other provinces
were equally famous for their splendid manufactures.
Susangird contained a royal factory for the gold em-
broidery of damask, camel-hair fabrics, and carpets. It
CH. XXIV, MANUFACTURES 425

also produced embroidered curtains made of spun silk

(kazz) for the Sultan, and raw silk and camel and goat
hair materials. Here were manufactured splendid cloaks
of spun silk, considered superior to the striped woollen
cloaks of Shiraz. The wealthy cities of Khorâsân were
active in the production of brocades, carpets, rugs, hang-
ings, coverings for cushions, and woollen fabrics of all
kinds. In short, every city in the empire had its own
particular manufacture in metal, glass, wool, silk, or linen.¹
Syria was famous for its manufacture of glass, and as
early as the second century of the Hegira parti-coloured
and enamelled glass was produced. The art of orna-
menting it with gold and other colours was carried to
perfection, and many famous pieces of ornamental crystal
are mentioned by the old writers. One particular goblet
from the treasury of the Fatimides was sold for 360
dinârs.2 Sconces of glass with enamelled inscriptions in
white and blue were hung up in the mosques and palaces,
and vessels of every shape and description were in
demand as articles of use or luxury.
The country was equally rich in raw produce ; barley,
wheat, rice, dates, and fruit of all kinds, also cotton,
were grown in large quantities all over the empire. Fruit
culture was pursued as a science with remarkably pro-
ductive results. Ahwaz and Fârs were noted for their
sugar plantations and manufacture. The numerous

1 Kazerûn was noted for its linen fabrics.

2 Makrîsi.
3 Nasir Khusrû's vivid account of the flourishing state of culti-
vation in the various countries through which he passed, gives some
idea of their agricultural conditionin the palmydays of the Caliphate.
In the neighbourhoods of Mayâfârikîn, Khilât, Aleppo, Tyre, Sidon,
Beyrut, etc. , he saw miles of waving corn, vast fields of sugar plan-
tations, groves upon groves of fruit trees, citron, olive, date,
orange, etc.
 426 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIV.

refineries and factories which existed in these provinces

supplied not only a great part of Asia but also Europe.
Jundisapûr was in those days the seat of the world-
famed college of natural sciences, and the home of the
most eminent physicists of the time. It is probable
that this college gave an impetus to industry and com-
merce. The knowledge of sugar-refining certainly origin-
ated in that city, and was first applied and started in a
commercial manner in Khuzistân itself, and from there,
like many other arts, carried to Spain. The ordinary
articles of export were barley, wheat, rice, fruit, the
famous flowers of Mazendrân, sugar, glass and hard-
ware, silk, woollen and linen stuffs, oil and perfumes
of all kinds, such as rose-water, saffron and lily-water,
a perfume made of date blossoms, aromatic pomades,
grape syrup, oil of violets, etc. The imports consisted
of spices and drugs from India and the Archipelago,
sandalwood, precious stones and jewellery, bamboo,
ebony, and ivory.
Farsistân was rich in minerals ; it had salt, silver, iron,
lead, sulphur, and naphtha mines. Silver was also found
in the neighbourhood of Yezd.
The The revenues of the empire were derived from ( 1 ) the
Revenues. land tax ; (2) tithes or income tax (ushr, zakât, sadakât) ;
(3) the fifth of the produce of mines and pasturage ; (4)
the tax on non- Moslems (in lieu of military service) ; ( 5)
customs dues; (6) salt and fishery tax; (7) tax paid by
shopkeepers for the use of public places, in other words,
for erecting shops or putting up stalls in the streets and
squares ; (8) tax upon mills and factories ; (9) tax upon
conveyances and luxuries; and (10) tax upon imports.
Wasik, however, abolished the tax upon imports with a
view to reviving maritime trade.
" All this proves, " says von Kremer, " that the financiers
CH . XXIV. ΤΑΧΑΤΙON 427

of those days were no fools, as one might think." The

peasantry were an object of great solicitude to the Abbas-
side sovereigns, and every effort was made to lighten their
burdens. Mansûr abolished the payment of the wheat and
oat tax in money, and introduced the Mukâsimèh system,
viz. of paying the taxes in kind according to a certain per-
centage of the crop. Upon the less important cultivations
and for date palms and fruit trees, the old system of
levying the tax in money was continued. As this led to
extortion on the part of the revenue collectors, Mahdi
extended the application of the rule introduced by his
father, and directed that in every case the tax should be
levied in proportion to the actual out-turn. If the lands
were peculiarly fertile and required no labour, the culti-
vator gave to the government half the crops ; if the
watering of the ground was difficult and expensive, one-
third ; where it was still harder only one-fourth, and
sometimes even one-fifth. In taxing vineyards, date-
groves, orchards, and such like, the crops were valued in
money, and the rates calculated at half or one-third the
sum. This system of taxation was called the productive rate
system (Mukasimèh),¹ in contradistinction to the older
system which was based upon measurement (Muhasibèh).
In the year 204 A.H. (819-20 A.C.) Mâmûn introduced
a further reduction in the land tax, by which even in case
of the most fertile lands the produce-rates were fixed at
two-fifths of the whole instead of half. But in Babylonia,
Chaldæa, Irâk, Mesopotamia, and Persia there were
numerous landowners and peasant freeholders whose
rents were permanently fixed upon the basis of agreements
entered into at the time of the Conquest. No variation
could be made in the tax leviable from them, and they
were thus protected from all harassment. The same
1 The term is still in use in India.
 428 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIV .

boon was enjoyed by the village communities of Northern

Persia and Khorâsân. There were thus three methods
of taxing the land :-Ist, by measurement (Muhasibèh)
with fixed amounts in money or kind or both ; 2nd,
according to the produce, payment being made in kind
(Mukasimèh) ; 3rd, according to a fixed settlement based
upon leases or agreements between the government and
private people (called Mukâtich). The last class con-
tained most of the crown-lands. Remissions of taxes
were frequent even under the hardest reigns. For
example, Mutazid remitted a quarter's tax by postponing
the financial year¹ from the middle of March to June
17 ( 11th of Rabi I.). Later, a further remission appears
to have been granted by a fresh postponement to July
21. When we bear in mind the flourishing state of the
empire, the prosperous condition of the peasantry, the
briskness of trade and commerce, we do not feel surprised
at the account that the annual revenue of Rashîd was
272 million dirhems and four and a half millions of
dinârs, or that Mâmûn's daily expense was 6000 dinârs.
Military Simultaneously with the annexation of Syria, the
organisa-
tion.
Saracens had to take steps to guard the northern frontiers
of the acquired territories against the destructive inroads
of the Byzantines. The work was begun in the Caliph
Omar's time and was continued throughout the Om-
meyade rule ; but it was only systematically undertaken
when Mansûr ascended the throne. The most important
strategical points, such as Tarsus, Adana, Massisia
1 As there was no fixity in the lunar year and it bore no relation
to the seasons, the financial year of the Saracens proceeded on the
basis of the (Persian) solar year, which before the reform of Malik
Shah began at the meridian of the sun's passage through Pisces. As
we have already seen, in his reign the commencement of the solar
year was put at the first point of the sun's entry into Aries, which
coincides with March 21 .
CH. XXIV. MILITARY ORGANISATION 429

(Mopsuesta), Maraash (Germanicia), Malatia (Melitene),

which were situated at the junction of high-roads or at
the end of mountain passes through which alone large
forces could debouch, were occupied and held by strong
garrisons. In 133 A.H. (750-51 A.C.) Malatia was rased
to the ground by the Byzantines. In 139 A.H. Mansûr
rebuilt the place and garrisoned it with 4000 men who
occupied commodious barracks and received special pay,
every soldier receiving besides rations 10 dinârs over and
above his usual allowance of 100 dinârs a year. Mansûr
built castles at Hadat in Cilicia, at Zibatra (the Zapetron
of the Byzantines), at Laodicia, and several other places in
Phrygia and Cappadocia. Rashîd fortified Maraash and
raised Tarsus, the ancient town on the Cydnus, from its
ruins, and placed strong garrisons there. In the neigh-
bourhood of Maraash he erected the castle of Harûnièh ;
whilst the Empress Zubaida rebuilt Iskanderûn (Alex-
andretta). One of the measures adopted by Rashîd for
the security of the frontiers has been already described.¹
He constituted the marches that had formerly belonged to
the military district of Kinnisrin into a separate province
which comprised Antioch, Membij (Bambace or Hier-
apolis), Dulûk (Doleche), Kuris (Cyrrhoes), etc., and
organised it on a military basis ; troops were placed at all
the important points, and numerous new fortifications and
block-houses were erected. The troops stationed in these
parts, besides their fixed pay, received rations and gratui-
ties. They were required to keep their arms, accoutre-
ments, and horses in good order. Often plots of land
were allotted to them and their families for cultivation.
This system was continued by Mâmûn and Mutasim.
In order to revivify the tracts laid waste and depopulated
by the continuous raids of the Greeks, and to strengthen
1 See ante, p. 410.
 430 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIV.

the Moslem population, whole tribes were transplanted

from the distant provinces to this border-land.
The history of the border towns clearly represents the
changeable phases in the development of these two
powers, which were for centuries engaged in a deadly
strife. There is perhaps no place in the world, not even
excepting the borders of the Rhine, or the plains of
Lombardy, where every spot has been so saturated with
blood, every foot of which has been so bitterly quarrelled
over as these marches between Syria and Asia Minor.
Under the more vigorous and capable sovereigns of the
Ommeyade dynasty the Arabs had spread their sway and
carried their arms into the interior of Cilicia and Cappa-
docia. Under Yezîd II. and his feeble successors the
Byzantines had recovered their lost ground. Upon the
accession of the Abbassides the empire gained fresh
strength and they soon won back the border towns.
Byzantine raids and violations of treaty compelled the
Caliphs every summer to set in motion a large army.
Sometimes these annual movements (as-Saifèh) de-
veloped into campaigns ; at other times they simply
remained as annual manœuvres. But the system of
fortified watch-posts (ribât) was not confined to Cilicia
or the Syrian borders. In Transoxiana, Georgia, and
Armenia the same system was pursued, and block-
houses were maintained in every defensible position.
The army. On active service the army consisted of two classes of
soldiers, the regulars,¹ who were in the pay of govern-
ment, and volunteers, who joined from a sense of duty
and who only received rations whilst in the field. During
their absence from home, their women and children
received gratuities either in kind or in money. The
1 The Murtazikèh.
2 The Mutatawwièh.
CH. XXIV. THE ARMY 431

regulars included different classes of arms. The infantry

(Harbièh) were armed with lance, spears, swords and
shields ; the archers (Râmich) had swords and shields,
as well as bows and arrows. The foot- soldiers wore
helmets and breast-plates, and their arms and legs were
protected by iron sheaths. To each corps was attached
a body of naphtha-firemen (Naffatin) ,who shot at the
enemy with naphtha or Greek-fire, or with fire-balls
specially prepared ; and a company of sappers who carried
spades in addition to their swords and shields. The
firemen were protected, it is said, with fire-proof suits in
which they could penetrate with impunity into the burning
ruins of the enemy's strongholds. A corps was generally
composed of 10,000 men, and was commanded by an
Ameer or general. The Kâid was at the head of a
battalion of 1000 men ; whilst the captain of a company
of 100 soldiers was called a Nakib (centurion) ; over ten
men was the Aarif(decurion). The troops were uniformed
according to their corps and arms. Under Mutawwakil
all the regulars were given light brown cloaks, and
were required to wear their sword according to Persian
fashion buckled round the waist.¹
A special corps, composed principally of foreign soldiers,
formed the imperial guard. They received higher pay
and wore splendid uniforms. Mutasim arrayed his body-
guard in damask with gold girdles.
Besides the imperial guard there was another body of
men occupying apparently a somewhat inferior position,
3
who were called the household troops. In later times
the corps d'élite received the name of Jândâr.

The Arabs wore their sword slung from the shoulder.

2 They bore the name of ar-Rajâl ul-Musâfiat. After the death
of Muntassir they in fact played the part of the Prætorian guards.
3 Al-Manûat. Under Mutasim a Turkoman of the name of
 432 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIV.

The aides-de-camp were called, under the Abbassides,

al-ghilmân ul-hujaria ( " boys of the chamber ").1 They
were the Caliph's pages, but those who were grown up
also acted as aides-de-camp. These youths received
their education at Court, and after a careful training in
military exercises, they were taken into service. They
had separate barracks, where they lived under a discipline,
partly conventual and partly military.
Engineers. A selected staff of engineers 2 accompanied the army
in all its movements ; and a number of these officers
were stationed at every fortress and city. The
chief of the engineers was called the Ameer ul- Man-
janîkîn. They generally commenced their career in
the regular army (Jund), and afterwards were posted to
their own special corps, or stationed at places to which
they were appointed. One of the ablest of these engin-
eers was Yâkûb bin Sabir al-Manjanîkî (the engineer).
He, like the others, commenced his career by serving in
the regular army, and became chief of the engineers
stationed at Bagdad. He was noted both for his studies
and his military exercises, and won renown by his
pen as well as his sword. He composed a work on
engineering which is called Umdat ul-Masalik. Of this
work, Ibn Khallikân speaks thus : " It treats of every-
thing relating to war-the order of battle, the taking of
fortresses, the building of castles, horsemanship, engin
Itâkh was in command of these troops. When Mutawwakil came
to the throne, Itâkh was raised to the highest positions, and at one
time held the post of general of the Maghribîn and Turkish guards,
grand treasurer, postmaster-general, and grand chamberlain. It
will thus be seen that plurality was not unknown to the Arabs !
1 Under the Fatimides they were called Sibyân ul- Hujâr,
" Youths of the Chamber . "
2 Called Manjanîkîn.
3 Its full title is Umdat ul- Masâlik fi siâsat ul- Mamâlik.
CH. XXIV. FIELD HOSPITALS 433

eering, the blockading of strongholds, of sieges, eques-

trian exercises, war-horses, the management of all sorts
of arms, the construction of military engines, close
fighting, the different sorts of cavalry, and the qualities
of horses ."
During operations in the field the army was accom- Field hos-
panied by a staff of physicians and a well-supplied pitals
ambu-and
hospital, to which were attached ambulances for the lances.
wounded in the shape of litters carried by camels. The
field-hospital of Rashid and Mâmûn required a large
number of camels and mules for the carriage of tents,
stores, and medicines. Even in later times, under less
important sovereigns, such as Sultan Mahmûd the Seljuk,
the army hospital requisites amounted to forty camel-
loads.

Depôts of arms and arsenals¹ for their manufacture

were established in every important station. These were
frequently inspected by officers 2 of experience and
position. The cavalry had the same equipment as
under the Ommeyades, viz. swords, battle-axes, and
lances, and were almost always clad in mail with iron
helmets. To each corps was attached a body of mounted
archers, either Khorâsâni, or North Persian, who were
noted in ancient times for shooting from horseback.3
Iron stirrups were introduced as early as the time of
Abdul Malik by the famous al-Muhallib.4
As I have already mentioned every able-bodied Arab
was liable to military duty. In the majority of cases
the reservists joined their colours, not only willingly, but
1 Dâr us-sand. The word arsenal is, in fact, derived from the
Arabic.
2 Called Nazirs.
3 The Parthians were famous for this accomplishment.
* See ante, p. 96.
FF
 434 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIV.

with alacrity, but when that failed, conscription was

resorted to, and Hajjaj once made wholesale use of this
at Bussorah .
Decline of The decline of the military power of the Saracens
the
Saracenic really commenced in the reign of Muktadir, and was
military brought about principally by a change in the system of
power. payment to the soldiers. Henceforth the troops did not
receive their pay directly from the Imperial treasury, but
from the governors, or divisional commanders, to whom
certain provinces were assigned for the purpose. This
change was, in fact, due to the depleted state of the
exchequer. Some of the provinces yielded no revenue ;
others only a fraction of what they had previously con-
tributed. With an extravagant and luxurious Court, it was
impossible to meet the state expenditure with the normal
receipts. Muktadir accordingly conferred provinces on
his nobles on condition that they should collect the
whole income on their own account, discharge therewith
the expenses of administration, pay the troops, and remit
a certain sum annually to the Court at Bagdad. These
grants were called Iktiût. This insane policy had its
natural result in the rapid dissolution of the empire.
The Buyides instead of pay gave the soldiers land.
These military grants were free from every tax, and the
produce belonged to the grantees, i. e. the officers and
soldiers. " The consequence of this was, that civilisation
receded, and the richest and the most productive
provinces were soon impoverished and depopulated.
The Arabian nation was gradually ejected from the
possession of the land by foreigners." Just before the
commencement of the Crusades, the political and social
condition of Western Asia was identical in many respects
with that of Europe. It was divided into a number of
small states and feudal principalities which acknowledged
CH. XXIV. MILITARY FEUDAL SYSTEM
435

the Caliph as their religious head, as the Pope was

accepted in the West. Without any solidarity of interest,
frequently opposed to each other, they weakened the
empire by their selfish rivalries and ambitions.
Under the Seljuks the military feudal system developed Military
feudal
still further. Every member of the ruling family, every system.
Ameer, received a grant of a town or district over which
he ruled with absolute power, and exercised all the func-
tions of a feudal lord (Sahib ul-Maakâl). The seignior
paid the Sultan a yearly tribute, and in time of war marched
into the field under the Sultan's banner with a fixed
number of soldiers, which he equipped and supported at
his own expense. In Irâk alone there were forty such
seigniories. Few were held by Arab families.¹ This
military feudal system was introduced wherever the Turks
and Tartars, who now figured as the conquering and ruling
nation throughout Western Asia, unfurled their victorious
flag-into Egypt and Western Africa, into Persia and
India, and finally even across the Bosphorus into Eastern
Europe. In Turkey it fell into disuse after the reforms
of Sultan Mahmûd and the establishment of a regular
army.
Under the Ommeyades the average pay of an infantry Pay of the
soldier was 1000 dirhems (about £40) a year. Saffah soldiery.
seems to have reduced this to eighty dirhems a month.
The cavalry soldier received double this amount, with
periodical gratuities like his brother-in-arms. But the
pay of the troops seems to have varied according to the
provinces where they were stationed. For example,
Mâmûn gave to his foot-soldiers in Irâk 2 twenty dirhems
1 The family of Dubais held Hillah, and the Munkiz ruled over
Shaizar. Besides these there were a few others.
2 The army of occupation in Irâk in Mâmûn's time (201 A. H. or
816-17 A.C. ) amounted to 125,000 men.
 436 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIV.

a month, besides rations ; to the mounted soldiers, forty

dirhems and the usual allowances ; whilst in the military
division of Damascus they received forty and one hun-
dred dirhems respectively. The causes which led to a re-
duction in the pay of the soldiery in the later times were
of a twofold character ; first, the appreciation of gold,¹
and second, the vast recruiting grounds which the wide
extension of the empire placed at the disposal of the
Caliph. The great democratic principle that every alien
who embraced Islâm was placed on the same level as
the pure-bred Arab in the enjoyment of political and
civil rights, helped in the diffusion of the faith. Another
method of attaching members of the conquered races to
the ruling nation was equally effective. It was the
Clientage. system of wala, or clientage. A Persian, Greek, Berber,
or Sclavonian was immediately, upon the adoption of
Islâm, received into the confederacy of some one of the
great Arabian tribes, or became a client of some promi-
nent man, or even perhaps of the reigning family, and
according to the principle of wala, came to stand in
direct relation to the patron. Hence the later Caliphs
were not restricted for their fighting materials to the
military clans of the Peninsula. Varangians, Franks,
Persians, Greeks, Africans, Berbers, attracted by the love
of pay, flocked to their standard. But this, whilst it
opened a large field for recruiting, destroyed the old
esprit de corps.
These mercenaries were unreliable, and the dissolving
influence of their presence in the army made itself felt
under the weaker sovereigns. Under Mansûr the army
consisted of three large divisions : (1) the Modharites,
1 In the Caliph Omar's time a dinâr was worth 10 dirhems. In
Mâmûn's time it was worth 15. A dinâr was about 13s. 6d. in
value.
CH. XXIV . THE MILITARY FORMATION 437

(2) the Himyarites, and (3) the Persians. To these Muta-

sim added a fourth corps, composed of Turkomans and
Africans. From the earliest times the army in the field,
as on the march, was composed of five divisions ; (1) the Military
centre (Kalb), where the general in commandwas usually formation.
posted ; (2) the right wing (Maisarèh) ; (3) the left wing
(Maimanèh) ; (4) the vanguard (Talièh), and (5) the rear-
guard (Sakèh). In marching, the vanguard, consisting
of light cavalry in gleaming coats of mail and shining
helmets of steel, with their long lances surmounted by
bunches of black ostrich feathers, was always several
miles ahead of the main body. Scouting was well
known. Koteiba¹ employed his scouts not only for
reconnoitring, but also for making maps of the countries
on the line of advance ; and this became the practice
from his time. Every general either prepared his own
maps by means of the scouts, or obtained them from
head-quarters.
The sight of an Arab army, winding its way across the
*enemy's territory in endless columns, must have been
overwhelmingly grand. In front marched the heavy
cavalry, flanked by large bodies of archers, who ran
almost as fast as the others rode. Behind them came
the infantry moving in dense masses and with splendid
regularity. In their midst went the long rows of camels,
carrying provisions, tents, and ammunition, while the
ambulances or stretchers for the sick and wounded, and
the war machinery, such as mangonels, catapults, etc.,
packed on camels, mules, and horses, followed in the
rear. If the Caliph, or one of the princes, happened to
bewith the army the scene was still more imposing. The
bright uniforms of the body-guard, the standards with
the imperial device embroidered in gold, the generals
1 Ante, p. 103.
 438 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIV .

and chiefs in their magnificent attire, made a brilliant

picture. The vanguard, immediately on arrival at the
appointed place of encampment, threw up entrench-
ments, for an Arab army never encamped at any place
without taking every precaution against sudden attacks.
When the main army arrived tents were put up in
regular order with streets, markets, and squares as
in an ordinary town. There was no confusion and no
disorder ; rations were distributed, camp-fires were soon
alight, kettles boiled, and after the simple evening meal,
and the Isha prayers, led by the Caliph, or, in his ab-
sence, the Kâzi ul-Aaskar, the people formed rings,
and listened to stories of war and adventure, or to
the recitations of their ancient poems, accompanied by
flute or violin. Not till the stars were beginning to set
did stillness and rest spread over the camp and its
inhabitants.
Formation The oldest formation of the Arabian troops was in
ofthe lines, the troops being closely ranged in simple or double
troops.
lines, both for purposes of attack and defence. By the
time of Merwân II. a great development had taken place
in the system of fighting, and attacks were delivered and
received in solid, compact bodies. This was the mode
adopted on both sides at the battle of the Zâb. The
next great battle, of which a description is given by Ibn
ul-Athîr, took place on the field of Nasibîn, in which
Tactics. Abû Muslim crushed Abdullah bin Ali.2 The tactical
skill of the Khorâsâni general on this occasion, and the
manner in which he employed his troops show the mili-
tary advance of the Saracenic nation. Posted on an
eminence, he watched the fight, giving orders, remedying
defects, making dispositions by means of messengers
1 The army judge.
Ante, p. 214.
CH . XXIV. MILITARY TACTICS 439

or aides-de-camp, who were constantly going to and fro

between him and the divisional officers. When receiving
an attack, squares were formed by the infantry ; they
planted their long lances in front inclined towards the
enemy, and knelt on one knee, with the shield before
them resting on the ground, and waited thus behind the
improvised chevaux de frise, ready to receive the enemy
with the thrusting spears. The position of the archers
was just behind the heavy infantry, whilst at the back
and on the flanks were posted the cavalry. On the
approach of the enemy, the archers delivered tremen-
dous volleys of arrows, whilst the infantry, immovable in
their places, used their spears. At the same time, the
cavalry burst forth through the intermediate space, and
charged the advancing foe. The victories of the Saracens
were often won in this way. The moment the enemy
was perceived to be falling back, the thrust was carried
home by a forward movement of the main force or re-
serves. The pursuit was always conducted by the cavalry
and mounted archers. In an attack similar formation
and tactics were observed.
The great superiority of the Saracens over the neigh-
bouring nations consisted not only in their military
organisation, but also in the celerity of their movements.
Whilst the Greeks dragged their baggage and commis-
sariat in wagons drawn by mules, donkeys, and horses, the
Arabs mostly employed camels. Hence marches were
made, and troops, provisions, baggage, ammunition, etc.
were transported with surprising rapidity. In fact,
remarks a modern historian, the Arabs conquered Syria
by the camel. When long distances were to be traversed,
the infantry were also provided with horses or camels ;
1 At Kâdessia, Saad bin Wakkas directed the movements by
written orders.
440 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIV.

often on short, forced marches each horseman took

a foot-soldier up behind him. We have an in-
teresting account of the military tactics of the Sara-
cens from an enemy. Leo VI.,¹ surnamed the Wise,
a contemporary of Mutamid, Mutazid, Muktafi, and
Muktadir, when the Arab empire had already lost its
greatness and strength, speaks with some degree of
admiration of " the barbarians," whom he professes to
despise. Their battle-order, he says, was invariably a
long square, and consequently difficult to attack, and
affording the greatest advantages for defence. This
order was strictly preserved, both on the march as
well as in battle. The Saracens held their position
firmly and unshakably, so that they should not be
tempted to attack hastily, nor to end quickly a fight once
commenced. They generally preferred to wait for attack,
but as soon as they saw the first attack was repulsed,
they advanced with all forces. They employed these
means both by land and sea. First they shot at the
enemy with spears and arrows, then closed their shields
tightly one against the other, and in serried ranks com-
menced the attack. In warfare the Saracens distin-
guished themselves above all nations for their circum-
spection and excellent arrangement. They went to war
of their own free will, not forced by conscription. The
rich joined to fight for their country and to die for it; the
poor for booty's sake. Their countrymen gave them
arms, and men as well as women eagerly contributed
towards providing the poor and indigent with weapons.
The historian of Culture under the Caliphs 2 remarks
upon this that " the emperor evidently did not think
the Saracens, whom he calls barbarians and unbelievers,
1 Died in 912 A.C.
2 Von Kremer, to whom I am largely indebted on this subject.
CH . XXIV. MILITARY TACTICS 441

were far above the decayed Byzantines in culture, that,

at that time, they represented progress and civilisation."
And he goes on to add, " many things prove how much
more the Byzantines deserved the name of barbarians,
which they gave to others. We learn from Leo, that
they shot at the Saracens, especially at the cavalry,
with poisoned arrows, and as the latter loved their horses
more than their own lives, they frequently preferred
retreat to allowing their horses to be killed with poisoned
shafts. Pillaging and burning the enemy's villages was
a Byzantine regulation, whilst the Arabs permitted it with
great restriction." "With regard to booty the Byzantines
possessed no regulations, but the religious laws of the
Moslems had prescribed rigid principles, which were
generally strictly observed so long as the old rules were
not shaken. The moral superiority of the Arabs over the
Greeks is evidenced by the foregoing passage respecting
the voluntary military service of the Saracens." The use
of zarebas was by no means infrequent, when the general
had only light cavalry under his command. The troops
formed a zareba of baggage, and if the first charge
failed, generally retreated behind this defence to reform
and make a fresh attack on the enemy.
In mountain warfare the Saracens were great adepts.
The operations of Afshin, in the campaign against Bâbek,
appear to have been planned with care and conducted
with skill. The rebels knew the use of breastworks and
stone sangars, and they hurled huge rocks on their
assailants from the mountain-tops. Afshîn cleared the
heights by his archers and stones thrown from the
mangonels ; and afterwards occupied them with his
troops, and thus gradually advanced into the heart of the
enemy's country. The siege machinery of the Saracens
consisted of the ballista and catapults (manjanîk), and
 442 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIV.

the tortoise (testudo, dabbabah), with which the walls were

battered. They made the thrusting-machine so strong
that the blocks of rock thrown flew in a straight line
against the walls and penetrated them.
About the middle of the thirteenth century the Arabs
introduced the use of gunpowder, and Sultan Baibars,
who overthrew the Tartars at Ain-Jalût, had a body of
arquebusiers in his army.
The Navy. With the conquest of Syria and Egypt a long stretch
of sea-board had come into the Saracenic power ; and
the creation and maintenance of a navy for the protec-
tion of the maritime ports as well as for meeting the
enemy became a matter of vital importance. Great
attention was therefore paid to the manning and equip-
ment of the fleet (asâtil). The sailors were at first
drawn from the Phoenician towns, whose inhabitants
were famous for their daring voyages. Afterwards they
were recruited from Syria, Egypt, and the coasts of Asia
Minor. In 28 A.H. Cyprus was occupied by troops
landed by a fleet ; and in 34 A.H. the governor of Egypt,
with a fleet of 200 ships, defeated the Byzantines, who
had borne down on him as he lay on the Lycian coast
with an array of 600 vessels. The Saracens accepted
the fight unflinchingly, but seeing that they would
succumb if they fought ship by ship, they hastened to
bring about a hand-to-hand fight between the men.
They caught the enemy's vessels with grappling-irons,
drew them up alongside, and rushed upon the Greeks
with spear and sword. A sanguinary struggle was fol-
lowed by a brilliant victory. The Byzantine fleet was
shattered, and the prince, who was in command, barely
escaped with his life. From this time the naval tactics
of the Saracens were to avoid all manœuvring and close
with the enemy as soon as possible. Ship-building was
CH . XXIV. THE NAVY 443

carried on in the dockyards of almost all the Syrian and

Egyptian sea-ports, as also at Obolla and Bushire on the
Persian Gulf. The Arabian ships were of a larger size
than the Byzantine, but probably not so fast in sailing
capacity.
The mercantile navy was equally efficient, and
maritime trade was fostered and encouraged. Almost
every sea-port possessed a lighthouse, called Khashâb.
It appears that the fleet consisted not only of ships
that the government had built for war purposes, but
every province or sea-port was bound to produce a
certain number of crafts when the state issued the order.
This was especially the case under the Fatimides in
Egypt, and the same practice was followed by Saladin.
The fleet of the Spanish Caliphs was similarly collected
from all the ports of the empire. Each warship was
commanded by a captain (kâid or mukaddam), who was
in command of the marines on board, and looked after
their exercise and equipment ; while a second officer,
called a rais, exclusively devoted himself to the naviga-
tion. The general in command of the fleet was called
the Ameer ul-Mâ, or Ameer ul-Bahr, from which the
word " admiral " is derived.
 CHAPTER XXV

RETROSPECT (continued)
Bagdad- Its structures-Architecture-The Caliph's Court-Social
life-Dress- Women-Their position -Music- Literature-
Philosophy- Science and Arts-Rationalism-The Ikhwan us-
Safa (the Brothers of Purity).

BAGDAD was the centre of the great civil and military

organisation described in the preceding pages. It was
"the capital of Islâm, the eye of Irak, the seat of
empire, the centre of beauty, culture, and arts. " 1
The city Yâkût in his geographical encyclopædia 2 says that
ofMansûr. Mansûr planned the city of a circular shape, surrounded
by a strong wall and a deep moat, pierced by four gates
with massive iron doors. Each gate was surmounted by
a gilt cupola, and was of sufficient height to allow the
passage of a horseman holding aloft his lance. Inside,
and at some distance from the ceinture of the city, came
the inner walls, within which arose majestically the
imperial palace of Khuld with its golden gate (Bâb uz-
zahab). Not far from the residence of the Caliph, and
within the enclosure, stood the Cathedral Mosque, the
mansions of the princes and nobles, the arsenal, the
treasury, and other government offices. This enclosure,
which formed a city in itself, was called the Medinat ul

1 Yâkût ( Shihab ud-din Abû Abdullah).

2 Mujam ul-Buldân.
444
CH. XXV . BAGDAD 445

Mansûr. As a matter of fact, after the completion of

the Mahdièh, the city formed two vast semi-circles on
the right and left banks of the Tigris, twelve miles in
diameter. The numerous suburbs, covered with parks,
gardens, villas, and beautiful promenades, and plenti-
fully supplied with rich bazaars and finely-built
mosques and baths, stretched to a considerable dis-
tance on both sides of the river. In the days of its
prosperity the population of Bagdad and its suburbs
amounted to over two millions ! The Mahdièh was,
if possible, more magnificent than the city on the
western bank. The palace of the Caliph (Kasr ul-
Khilafat) stood in the midst of a vast park " several
hours in circumference," which, besides a menagerie and
aviary, comprised an enclosure for wild animals reserved
for the chase. The palace grounds were laid out in
gardens, and adorned in exquisite taste with plants,
flowers, and trees, reservoirs and fountains, surrounded
by sculptured figures. On this side stood the palaces
of the Tâhirides and other great nobles. Immense
streets, none less than forty cubits wide, traversed the
city on both sides of the river, from one end to the other,
dividing it into blocks or quarters, each under the control
of an overseer, or supervisor, who looked after the clean-
liness, sanitation, and the comfort of its inhabitants.
At the corner of each street were posted sentries (ashâb
ul-arbuu) to maintain order. One of the principal streets
or quarters was called the Mamûnich. " It was of great
breadth, and extended from the canal (al-Mualla) to the
gate of al-Azaj." 1
Among the numerous gates which gave access The city
to the western city, the most important were : ( 1) gates.
the Bâb ush-Shamassia ; (2 ) the Bâb ul-Kazz (the Gate
1 The Mardsid ul- Itilad.
 446 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXV .

of Silk) ; (3) the Bussorah Gate ; (4) the Bab ud-Dair

(the Convent Gate) ; (5) the Bâb ush-Shâm (the Gate of
Syria) ; (6) the Bab ul-Bustân (the Garden Gate) ; ( 7)
the Bab ut- Tak (the Gate of the Pavilion) ; (8) the
Shiraz Gate ; (9) the Khaizurân Gate ; ( 10) the Bab us-
Sibyân (the Gate of Boys) ; ( 11) the Bab ut-tin (the
Gate of Figs) ; ( 12) the Bab ul-Azaj. On the Mahdieh
side there were five, the names of which have been pre-
served : ( 1) the Bâb ul- Gharabeh (the Gate of the Willow) ;
(2 ) the Bâb sûk ut-tamar (Gate of the Date Market) ; ( 3)
the Bâb un-Nûbi (Gate of the Nubians), where the thres-
hold was which the ambassadors were expected to kiss ;
(4) the Bab ul-Aâmmah (the People's Gate) ; and (5)
the Bab ul-Marâtib (the Gate of Steps).
The water exits, both on the north and the south,
were, like the city gates, guarded night and day by
relays of soldiers stationed in the watch-towers on both
sides of the river. Every household was plentifully
supplied with water " at all seasons " by the numerous
aqueducts which intersected the town ; the streets,
gardens, and parks were regularly swept and watered,
and no refuse was allowed to remain within the walls.
The hall (aiwan) of the Kasr ul-Khuld was surmounted
by a green dome eighty cubits high, which was " the
crown of Bagdad, the emblem of the city and a memorial
of the house of Abbas." Over the cupola was the
statue of a horseman with a spear in its hand.1
The
An immense square in front of the imperial palace,
Square.
1 There was a legend that the statue gave warning to the Caliph
of any rebellion by pointing the spear in the direction in which it
broke out. Vâkût characterises it as a gross superstition and
" distinct falsehood." The summit of this dome together with the
statue succumbed in a night of rain and thunder in the reign of
Muttaki (329 A. H. -940 А.С. ), after having stood about 190 years.-
Mujam ul-Buldân, vol. i. p. 684.
 1001

INTERIOR OF A SARACENIC PALACE.

CH. XXV. THE PALACES 447

called the Murabbaa, was used for reviews, military

inspections, tournaments, and races ; at night the square
and the streets were lighted by lamps. Mansûr reviewed
his troops in full military attire, either standing on a daïs or
seated on a throne, whilst Rashîd, Mâmûn, and Mutasim
always rode, and frequently took part in military tourna-
ments. Horse-racing has always been a passion with
the Arabs, ¹ and was so in Bagdad, as in Damascus.
The Persian game of polo (choukân), of which Rashîd
set the fashion, was also played on the Murabbaa.
On the Mahdièh side also there was a vast open
space (Maidân), where the troops whose barracks lay on
the left bank of the river were paraded daily. The
long, wide estrades at the different gates of the city were
used by the citizens for gossip and recreation, or for
watching the flow of travellers and country folk into
the capital. The different nationalities in the capital
had each a head officer to represent their interests with
the government, and to whom the stranger could appeal
for counsel or help. These officers were also responsible
for the good conduct of their compatriots.
Bagdad was a veritable City of Palaces, not made The
of stucco and mortar, but of marble. The buildings, Bagdad.
Palaces of
1 Betting on horses is the only form of gambling permissible
(mustahal) under the Moslem ecclesiastic law.
2 In Persian, chougân. An officer called the choukândar was in
charge of the polo establishment of the Caliph and the other
sovereigns. The Greek name Τζυχάνιον shows the source from
which the Byzantines borrowed this game. The French received it
from Cordova, and called it the game of chicane. The modern
English words “ chicane" and " chicanery " are derived from chou-
kân, the turning and twisting of the game furnishing the idea of
fraud.
3 Every city had its maidan (hippodrome) for practising archery,
horse-racing, and the games of polo, jerid, etc. , and here the
citizens with their families took their evening recreation.
 Y NS
448 HISTOR OF THE SARACE CH. XXV .

although not different in structure or style from those

in Damascus, were usually of several stories, and the
influence of Persian taste was distinctly visible in the
decorations. The palaces and mansions were lavishly
gilt and decorated, and hung with beautiful tapestry and
hangings of brocade or silk. The rooms were lightly
and tastefully furnished with luxurious diwâns, costly
tables, unique Chinese vases, and gold and silver orna-
ments. The imperial Kasrs were resplendent with inlaid
jewels ; and the interminable halls bore distinctive names
according to their ornamentation. The special feature
of one was a tree made entirely of gold, with birds
perched on its branches made also of gold and studded
with gems. Another, the Hall of Paradise (Aiwân ul-
Firdous), with its magnificent chandeliers, its inlaid jewels
on the walls and ceiling, its colouring and adornments,
was a perfect fairy sight. Both sides of the river were
for miles fronted by the palaces, kiosks, gardens, and
parks of the grandees and nobles ; 1 marble steps led
down to the water's edge, and the scene on the river
was animated by thousands of gondolas called zourak,
decked with little flags dancing like sunbeams on the
water, and carrying the pleasure-seeking Bagdadi from
one part of the city to the other. All along the quays,
which stretched for miles along the river-banks, lay
whole fleets at anchor, sea and river craft of all sizes and
kinds, from the Chinese junk to the old Assyrian raft
resting on inflated skins. Among these towered the war-
ships of the Caliph, interspersed with police boats
The
(Shazawat). The cathedral mosques were magnificent
Mosques. structures, and in the beauty of their design, the im-
1 The river-banks down to Obolla, says Nasir Khusrû (see post),
were covered with mansions, kiosks, gardens, and parks, and this
in the eleventh century !
CH. XXV. THE COLLEGES OF BAGDAD 449

mensity of their conception, and the excellence of their

finish rivalled, if they did not surpass, the grand
mosque of Walid at Damascus. Besides the Masjid
ul-Jamaa, each quarter of the city had its own special
place of worship, and every town throughout the
empire had a finely-constructed cathedral mosque of its
own.1
In the capital as well as in the provincial towns were Colleges
and
numerous richly-endowed colleges, hospitals, and infirm- Hospitals.
aries for both sexes. Each college had a separate
principal ; and the state hospitals were under the con-
trol of a prominent physician, called the Director (Dabîr)
of Hospitals. In the reign of Muktafi , the celebrated
Abu Bakr ar-Râzi 3 (the Rhazes of European science)
held this high and responsible office. A Kâzi seems to
have been attached to each infirmary, but it is difficult
to say what his duties were.
The Nizamieh college, built by Nizâm ul-Mulk in
1067 A.C. , and the Mustansirièh, built by Mustansir
b'Illâh in 623 A.H. (1226 A.Cc.), have become famous in
the annals of Islâm ; but the older institutions were
equally efficient, and students from all parts of the world
flocked to them as well as to the newer colleges. The
other cities of the empire vied with the capital in the
magnificence of their colleges, established by the munifi-
cence of royal personages or private individuals.5
1 Nasir Khusrû.
2 Dâr ush-shafa or Mâristân (see post). Hospitals existed in
every city ; the one built by Nûr ud-dîn Mahmûd in Damascus, and
called after him the Maristân un-Nûri, was a magnificent institu-
tion. Hospitals for lunatics also existed everywhere.
3 Died in 923 A.C.
4 This officer was called the Kazi ul-Maristan.
5 Herat and Nishapur each had a Nizamièh college established by
that great Mæcenas of the Arabs, Nizâm ul- Mulk. Saladin opened
GG
450 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXV .

The pomp and pageantry which surrounded the

Abbasside sovereigns were on a much grander scale than
what had been witnessed in Damascus. A body-guard
in splendid uniform attended the Caliph whenever he
issued from the Palace gates. Hâdi introduced the
practice for the guard to march with swords drawn,
bows bent, and lance at rest; although Rashid and
Mâmûn often rode or walked in the city with only one
or two attendants. The Caliph's cortège, especially on
Fridays¹ and festive occasions when they presided at
the cathedral service in the great mosque, was unusually
impressive. Troops marched in front with banners
flying, drums beating, and trumpets sounding ; 2 then
followed the princes of the royal blood on splendidly
caparisoned horses, and behind them came the Caliph on
a milk-white horse, followed by his principal dignitaries.
The rest of the body-guard brought up the rear. On
these occasions he was dressed in a black or violet-
coloured kabâ reaching below the knees, with a shawl-
girdle or jewelled belt round the waist, a rich black
mantle over the shoulder, and wearing a high-peaked

a college at Jerusalem, which was called after him the Nâsirièh. At

Damascus there were several of these ; the Rawahièh and the
Madrassat us-Sitt ish- Shâm ( " the college of the Lady of Syria " ) ,
founded by a sister of Saladin, were the two most famous. In
Mosul there were the Nûrièh, the Izzièh, the Zainièh, the Wafîsa,
and Alièh .

1 The Abbassides were undoubtedly more cultured than the sons

of Ommeya, and with rare exceptions they attended and presided at
the Friday service, and often delivered the usual sermon themselves.
2 The imperial band was called the Tabal Khanah, and was com-
posed, among other instruments, of trumpets (nafîr), drums (daff),
tambours (tabal), hautboys (zamûr), and fifes (shababa), and was
presided over by a master or chief, who was called the Mihtâr or
Rais.
CH. XXV . RECEPTIONS 451

hat called kalânsuèh.¹ The kalânsuèh was usually

ornamented with a single diamond of great value. The
signet and staff of the Prophet were indispensable
accompaniments. Generally a gold chain studded with
gems hung round the neck, and the shoes had jewelled
buckles. The kaba, which closely fitted the body, came
below the knees and was worn slightly open at the neck,
showing the embroidered khaftân underneath. The
sleeves were worn buttoned till Mustaîn set the fashion
of wearing them loose; and his kabâs, we are told,
had sleeves three cubits wide.
Re-
The receptions of the Caliphs, which served as models
to the grandees, and were afterwards copied by Moslem ceptions.
rulers in every age and country, were held on a magnifi-
cent scale. As under the Ommeyades there were two
receptions-one public (aâm) and the other select (khâs).
Three big halls, one opening into the other, were
thronged by courtiers and magnates of all ranks The
doors were hung with heavy embroidered curtains,
which, on the entrance of a courtier, were raised by a
page of the Hajib ( Lord Chamberlain) stationed at the
entrance. The Caliph was seated on a throne ; a
hundred men in splendid uniforms and with drawn swords
stood round him, whilst the dignitaries of the empire and
the princes were ranged on the right and left of the royal
seat. As the last curtain was raised the Chamberlain

1 The shape and character of this head-dress have greatly exercised

the minds of orientalists like Dozy, Lane, and De Slane. It was,
however, only a very high-peaked hat just as was once worn in
England under the Plantagenets, made either of felt or lamb's-wool,
and was always black. The kalânsuèh was evidently borrowed from
the ancient Persian hat, and was introduced by Mansûr. They were
worn inordinately high until Mustaîn reduced the size. Zamakhshri
explains the word kalânsuèh as meaning a kulah. The modern
Persian kuldh or hat is a truncated form of the kalânsuèh.
452 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXV.

called the name of the person who presented himself.

He then made his obeisance,¹ and took his stand by the
side of those already in the room.
The private receptions reserved for princes of the
blood, the dignitaries of the empire and men of learning,
talent, and note, were more or less informal, and were
held without guards or armed men. On these occasions
the heir-apparent occupied a seat next to the Caliph,
whilst the courtiers sat in two rows along each side of
the throne " according to the nobleness of their descent
and the eminence of the offices they held. " 2 Atthese
gatherings the Pontiff conversed unceremoniously with
those present ; physicians and astronomers dilated on
the newest discoveries of science, poets recited their
poems, and travellers told their tales of wonder. In
the month of Ramazân it was customary for the Caliph
to give an entertainment (simât) to the great officers of
the empire, sometimes in his own palace, oftener in
the official residence of the Vizier. This repast was
called the tabak, at which seats were allotted according
3
to the office held by the guests.
1 The usual mode among the Arabs of making an obeisance was
to place the right hand on the breast, bow the head bending the
body slightly, and then lift the hand to the forehead. The Persian
custom of bowing almost to the ground, or prostration, which gave
rise to the phrase, kissing the ground, " was never practised by the
Arab, and was wholly opposed to his independent and manly
character. In private receptions the sovereign extended his right
hand to be kissed. When an obeisance was made to a lady the skirt
was touched with the lips. Muktadir's mother presented in this
way the hem of her garment.
2 " Aala kadr ansabihim wa maratibihim," Ibn Khallikân.
* The poet Hais Bais (d. 1179 A.C.) was once so offended at seeing
a number of persons, “ who had no other merit than of being paid
functionaries," passing before him to a higher place, that he wrote to
the Vizier to be excused in future from attendance at the State Repast !
CH . XXV. DRESS 453

At the feast of the Id ul-Fitr, which is held on the

conclusion of the Moslem Lent, the Caliph entertained
the city notables. At the upper end of the saloon was
placed the royal sofa, mostly occupied by some dignitary
representing the sovereign. If he himself was present
the Vizier and some princes of the blood attended him .
The dress of the magnates and nobles was of course The dress.
modelled after that of the sovereign ; but professors
of theology or law wore a turban, over which was
thrown a scarf called the tailasân, in imitation of the
one worn by the Prophet. Sometimes the tailasân
was worn over the shoulders.¹ The laity, if I may so
call them, wore the kalânsuèh by itself. Another light
hat, made of white silk, was worn inside the thick
black one, and was kept on indoors when the black
one was put aside at informal gatherings. In the
privacy of the house, this also was discarded for a
violet skull-cap. In later times the kalânsuèh gave
place to the modern tarbûsh, or fez. Loose trousers,
2
pantaloons, shirt (kamis), under-vest, jacket, khaftân,
kaba, with the outer mantle (abâ or jubba), and the
kalânsuèh as head-gear, formed the ordinary costume of a
gentleman in the Abbasside times. Occasionally a dust
cloak was worn over the kabâ instead of the abâ. Socks
or stockings were not unknown, and seem to have been
worn by the rich. They were made either of silk or
wool, or leather, and were called môzaj. There were
3

1 As Lane very rightly suggests, from these doctoral scarfs have

sprung the modern ( European) academical scarfs and hoods.
2 The word chemise is derived from the Arabic kamis. The
illustration gives an idea of the change in men's dress from the days
of the Abbassides.
3 The Persian môza. From the Arabs it passed to the Byzantines.
The Greek μουιζάκιον, says Dozy, is derived from the Arabic môzaj.
 454 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXV .

marked differences, however, in the costumes of the

different professions. As under the Ommeyades, for
travelling or riding or military exercises men wore
costumes different from those used indoors. Night
garments were called kumash un-nawm. Among the
commonalty the usual dress consisted of the izar (panta- .
loons), shirt, a vest, and a long jacket-tied round the
waist by a belt or kamarbund (mizar), with a rida over
the shoulders. Boots as well as shoes were in use
among men ; the former particularly among soldiers.
Sometimes two pairs were worn simultaneously, one
drawn over the other. The outer pair called thejurmûk
was pulled off on entering a mosque or palace, whilst the
inner was kept on.
Women's The dress of the ladies had altered considerably since
dress.
the Ommeyade times.¹ Ladies of high rank or great
wealth wore for head-dress a dome-shaped cap studded
with jewels. At the bottom of this cap was a circlet
of gold inlaid with jewels. This head-dress was intro-
duced by Olaiyèh, a half-sister of Rashîd. Some sort of
charm, with ancient characters inscribed on it, was often
worn as a chatelaine hanging from the girdle. Among
the middle classes the women generally adorned their
heads with flat ornaments of gold, a kind of fillet, often
interspersed with pearls and emeralds. These were
extremely tasteful in design and are worn even now.
Anklets (khalâkhal) and bracelets were also in common
use.
Adventitious aids to beauty were not unknown.
1 Like her husband, the Empress Zubaida exercised a great
influence on the fashion of her age. She invented the sedan chair,
and introduced among her sex the use of jewelled girdles and
jewelled shoes.
2 The illustrations, although belonging to a somewhat later period,
give a fair conception of ladies' costume in the Abbasside period.
MOSLEM LADY IN SUMMER DRESS.
CH . XXV . THE POSITION OF WOMEN 455

The art of tinting the cheeks and lips 1 was evidently

borrowed from the Persians, among whom it seems to
have been in vogue from the earliest times, although
artificial beauty-spots had always been in fashion among
the Arabs. The Arab maiden, in order to be considered
beautiful, had to be tall, of slender figure, well-pro-
portioned, fair, with large, long, black eyes.2
Under the early Abbassides the position of women The

was in no way different from that under the Ommeyades. position

women .
of
In fact, the system of absolute seclusion and segregation
of the sexes does not seem to have become general until
the time of Kadir b'Illâh, who did more to stop the
progress of the Moslem world than any other sovereign.
In the time of Mansûr we hear of two royal princesses
(his cousins) going to the Byzantine war clad in mail, in
performance of a vow taken during the struggle with
Merwân. In Rashîd's time, too, we have seen how Arab
maidens went to fight on horseback and commanded
troops. The mother of Muktadir herself presided at
the High Court of Appeal, listened to applications, gave
audiences to dignitaries and foreign envoys. Reunions
and conversaziones at the residence of cultured women of
rank and position did not cease until the time of Mutaw-
wakil. Under Rashid and Mâmûn we read of ladies
holding their own against men in culture and wit, taking
part in poetical recitations, and enlivening society by
their grace and accomplishments. The empress Zubaida
was a gifted woman and an accomplished poetess.
She frequently sent poetical epistles to Rashîd, and the
letter she addressed to Mâmûn, after the death of her
son Amîn, displays high talent and feeling. Of Bûrân I
1 Chehra bar afrôkhtan, " lighting up the cheeks. "
2 But the fame of Zarka, the blue-eyed maid of Yemâma, shows
the admiration of the Arab for deep blue eyes.
 RY ENS
456 HISTO OF THE SARAC CH . XXV .

have already spoken. Obaidah, the tambourinist (at-

tambúria), who lived in the reign of Mâmûn and
Mutasim, is described by the author of the Kitâb ul-
Aghani as a woman of great beauty, virtue, and talent.¹
She played exquisitely on the instrument from which she
derived her title, and also composed.
Fazl the poetess flourished under Mutawwakil, in
whose palace she appears to have lived for a while.
After her enfranchisement by Mutawwakil she married
and lived in Bagdad. Her poetry is considered equal
in merit to that of the foremost poets of the time.
The Shaikha Shuhda, who flourished in the sixth
century of the Hegira, lectured in Bagdad on history and
belles lettres, and was renowned for the excellence of
her handwriting. One of the most famous lady-jurists
was Zainab Umm ul-Muwayyid, who lived about the
beginning of the twelfth century of the Christian era,
2
and the middle of the sixth of the Hegira. She had
received from some of the prominent doctors of the age
diplomas of competency, and was licensed to teach law.
In the time of Saladin flourished Takièh, daughter of
Abu'l Faraj, who lectured on the traditions ; she also
was a poetess of eminence.
The pages of Ameer Osâma give a very vivid picture
of the high position occupied by women among the
Arabs. In the midst of the great turmoil of the eleventh
century, when the social and political fabric of Western
1 " She was one of the most virtuous women of former times, and
her worth and accomplishments have been testified to by Ishâk ”
(the famous musician), " and Abû Khashîsha used to honour her,
and acknowledged her superiority and genius. She was beautiful,
and possessed a voice of great melody."-Kitâb ul-Aghani, part ix.
p. 134.
2 She was born in 524 A.H. (1130 A.C. ) and died in 615 А.Н.
(1218-19).
CH. XXV . POSITION OF WOMEN 457

Asia was almost in a state of dissolution, woman was still,

especially at Shaizar, the object of chivalrous adoration,
and of delicate care and attention. Marriage was re-
garded as a solemn act, the domestic hearth a sanctuary,
and the birth of children, especially of sons, a blessing
from heaven. To the mother belonged the training of
her sons and daughters ; the sons were brought up by
her until they passed into the hands of tutors ; the
daughters were trained to be virtuous, pure-souled
women-the future " mothers of men. " 1
Music had not yet been placed under the ban by the Music.
legists of Islâm, and people of the highest rank, both
men and women, cultivated it. The Princess Olaiyèh, a
devout and pious woman, was one of the most accom-
plished musicians of her time. She had an exquisite
taste for music, and her compositions are mentioned with
high eulogium by the author of the Book of Music
2
(Kitâb ul-Aghani). Her brother Ibrâhîm was equally
talented, and the Caliph Wâsik distinguished himself
both as a composer and performer. Princesses and
ladies of high rank often gave musical soirées (noubat
ul-Khâtûn), the orchestra being composed of as many as
a hundred musicians, led by a conductor beating time
with a stick,
Chairs (kursi) and raised seats had already come into Household
fashion under the Ommeyades, but the diwân, or the furniture.
sofa, placed along three sides of the apartment, was to be
seen in almost every household under the later dynasty.
People dined at tables placed by the side of the diwâns.
The tables were of wood inlaid with mother-of-pearl,
1 “ Ummahât ur-rijal,” Kitâb ul-Itibar, p. 100.
2 Abu'l Faraj al -Isphahani, part ix. p. 83. His great work is a
musical anthology. He is also the author of a biography of female
musicians (Kitab ul-Kyân).
 Y NS
458 HISTOR OF THE SARACE CH. XXV.

Mode of ebony, or tortoise-shell. Wasik had a table made entirely

eating. of gold. A large round tray of silver, tinned copper, or
brass, covered with a white cloth, was placed on each of
these tables with the dishes, which were either of silver
or china (among the commonalty, of tinned copper).
China or ebony spoons were placed by each plate, and
flat cakes of bread on each tray. Two-pronged forks,
called jangal (Persian, changâl), were common in the
houses of the grandees. For each person there was a
napkin, and after the repast a servant poured water over
his hands from an ewer into a bowl.
The usual beverage in the houses of the wealthy was
sherbet served in covered glass cups, composed of
water sweetened with sugar, and flavoured with a hard
conserve of violets, roses, mulberries, or cherries.
The Nebiz, prepared from dates or raisins, and bâl, or
hydromel, were also very common; but the use of wine
was not unknown, and we hear of convivial gatherings
in the houses of viziers in which Kâzis and jurists
indulged in the intoxicating drink.¹ The profession of
nadim, or boon companion, is first heard of in the reign
of Rashîd. There was no opprobrium attached to the
word. His duty was to amuse his patron by his wit,
recite to him if he was a man of parts, and act generally
as a convive.
Games. Among indoor games chess was the universal favourite.
Introduced by Rashîd into Western Asia it spread rapidly
among the Saracenic people, and practically displaced
cards and dice. Archery, and in later times shooting
1 See Ibn Khallikân, Tit. Vizier al-Muhallabi. Coffee is said to
have been discovered only in the year 656 of the Hegira by a holy
personage of the name of Shaikh Omar, in the neighbourhood of
Mocha, but its use did not become general until the following
century.- De Sacy, Chrest. Arabe, vol. ii. p. 481 .
MOSLEM LADY IN WINTER DRESS .
CH. XXV . SOCIAL REUNIONS 459

with the arquebus, polo (choukân), hockey (sulajân),¹

throwing of spears (jerid), horse-racing, wrestling, and
fencing on foot and on horseback, were the principal
outdoor games. Tourneys and jousts were held
periodically in the capital and other large towns, at
which challenges (rihan) were given and received.
Cricket was not unknown ; and rackets and tennis (lub
ul-kurah) were played by both sexes, and women also
practised archery. At first dancing was not confined to
the servile classes, and young ladies often engaged in
it for their own amusement. But the large influx of
professionals led to rapid national deterioration.
Hunting was the common pastime of sovereigns and
chiefs. With very rare exceptions, the Abbassides were
keenly devoted to this exhilarating exercise ; and so late
as the time of Mustanjid we read of regular hunting-parties.
Saladin's passion for the chase, in which he was generally
accompanied by his sons, once brought him to the verge
of capture by the Crusaders. Lions, panthers, leopards,
and deer of all kinds, besides the feathered tribe which
each winter brought into Western Asia, were the usual
objects of pursuit. Falconry was another favourite
pastime.
Social reunions and conversaziones were frequent in Social
the houses of the magnates, where people of divers talents reunions.
and accomplishments met and held discussions. Literary
clubs, however, had sprung up since the time of Mâmûn,
where scholars flocked and discussed philosophical sub

1 Choukân and sulajan¹ are often considered convertible terms .

Among the Saracen sovereigns and chiefs who were passionately
fond of polo, besides Rashîd and Mamûn, I may mention Malik
Shah, Nur ud-dîn Mahmûd, Najm ud-dîn Ayûb, and Saladin.
Nur ud-dîn Mahmûd, according to the author of the Rouzatain,
hardly allowed the ball to drop on the ground.
 460 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXV.

jects; and although several attempts were made for their

suppression, notably in the time of Mutawwakil and
Mutazid, they continued to flourish until the destruction
of Bagdad. The booksellers occupied an important
position in society in those days ; and their shops were
the resort of students and the learned generally. Here,
as it were on neutral ground, Mutazali and Ashaari
debated together on predestination, on the corporeal
vision of God, on' corporeal resurrection, and so forth.
The bookseller was not merely the disseminator of know-
ledge but often the producer of books. The art of
writing had been carried to such perfection that they
were able to place in the hands of the public some of the
best books at the average price of one dinâr, about
13s. 6d.
Intel. It is impossible, within the space of a few pages, to
lectual de- give an adequate idea of the intellectual progress made
velopment
ofthe by a nation in the course of five centuries. And yet this
Saracens. retrospect will hardly be complete without a brief sketch
ofthe work done by the Arabs in promoting the develop-
ment of the world. I have already referred in passing
to the patronage of arts, letters, and science under
Rashîd and Mâmûn. Here I shall confine myself to the
principal features of the intellectual side of Saracenic
history.
The The Arabs invented the mariners' compass, and voyaged
mariners' to all parts
compass. pursuit of of the world inThey
commerce. questestablished
of knowledge or in the
colonies in
Africa, far to the south in the Indian Archipelago, on
the coasts of India, and on the Malayan Peninsula.
Even China opened her barred gates to Moslem colonists
and mercenaries, and Bussorah was an active port of
commercial interchange with India and Cathay.
The commercial activity of the Arabs was not con-
CH . XXV . COMMERCIAL ACTIVITY 461

fined to the sea. One great caravan route extended Com-

along the countries of Northern Africa, another stretched activity

mercialof
southwards across the desert into the very heart of the the Arabs.
Dark Continent. From the numerous ports in the
Mediterranean this northern trade was carried into Spain,
Sicily, Italy, and France. Trebizonde was the junction
of a brisk trade with Byzantium. Other routes led into
Central Asia and Northern India along the shores of the
Persian Gulf ; whilst a third, starting from Bagdad to the
Caspian Sea, was connected by ships with the countries of
the far north. This accounts for the Abbasside coins still
found in Russia and Sweden, and seems to prove a lively
intercourse with the Saracens in those early times. The Arab dis-
Arabs discovered the Azores, and it is surmised that they coveries.
even penetrated as far as America. Within the confines
of the ancient continents they gave an unprecedented and
almost unparalleled impulse in every direction to human
industry. The Arabian Prophet had inculcated labour
as a duty ; he had given the impress of piety to industrial
pursuits ; he had recommended commerce and agri-
culture as meritorious in the sight of the Lord. These
precepts had their natural result ; the merchants, the
traders, the industrial classes in general, were treated with
respect ; and governors, generals, and savants disdained
not to call themselves by the title of their professions.
The host of littérateurs and savants who flourished
during this long period directed their minds to every
branch of human study. They wrote on grammar,
belles lettres, rhetoric, philology, geography, the " tra-
ditions, " and travels ; they compiled lexicons and
biographies, and enriched the world with thoughtful
histories and beautiful poetry; they added to the sum
total of human knowledge by their discoveries in science,
and gave an impetus to the movement of thought by
462 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXV.

their philosophical discussions. When we consider the

immense range over which the Arabs exercised their
intellect from the eighth to the thirteenth century of the
Christian era, the estimate of the thoughtful historian ¹ to
whom I have often referred can scarcely be said to be
exaggerated. " The vast literature which existed during
this period, the multifarious productions of genius, the
precious inventions, all of which attest a marvellous
activity of intellect, justify the opinion that the Arabs
were our masters in everything. They furnished us on
the one hand with inestimable materials for the history
of the Middle Ages, with travels, with the happy idea of
biographical dictionaries ; on the other, an industry with-
out equal, architecture magnificent in execution and
thought, and important discoveries in art."
During the period under review the physical sciences
were diligently cultivated, and chemistry, botany, geology,
natural history, etc., occupied the attention and exercised
the energies of the ablest men. Abû Mûsa Jaafar of
Kûfa (the Geber of Christian writers) is the father of
modern chemistry. He was followed by others, whose
originality and industry, profoundness of knowledge, and
keenness of observation evoke the astonishment of
modern students. The science of medicine and the
art of surgery were developed to the highest degree.
The Arabs invented chemical pharmacy, and were the
founders of those institutions which are now called
dispensaries. They established in every city public
hospitals, called Dâr ush- Shafa, " the house of cure," or
Mâristân (an abbreviation of bimaristân, " the patient's
house "), maintained at the expense of the state.
Regular gardens for the study of botany and herb-
alogy existed both in Bagdad and other places, for the
1 Sédillot.
CH. XXV . INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT 463

education of pupils, where discourses were delivered by

the most learned in the sciences. The same intellectual
movement, which led at the beginning of the ninth
century to the rapid development of science and art, gave
birth to works on geography and travel. Muslim bin
Humair,¹ Jaafar bin Ahmed al-Marvazi (of Merv), Ibn
Fuzlân, Ibn Khurdabèh, Jaihani, Masûdi, al-Istakhri,3
Ibn Haukal, al-Beirûni, Yakût, al-Bakrî, al-Mukaddasi,
and Idrîsi are the most famous of Arab geographers.
Al-Beirûni travelled into India, lived among the
Hindoos, studied their language, their sciences, their
philosophy and literature, their customs and manners,
their law, their religion and their peculiar superstitions,
the geographical and physical conditions of the country,
and embodied his observations in a work diversified by
quotations from Homer and Plato and other Greek
writers and philosophers. Besides his great work on
India, he wrote on astronomy, mathematics, and mathe-
matical geography, chronology, physics, and chemistry.
Shortly after Beirûni came that brilliant littérateur and
traveller, Nasir Khusrû. He was born in a village called
Kubâdiân, on the Jaxartes, and lived at Merv. He left
this city in the year 1046 A.C., and travelling by Nishapur,
Kum, Tabriz, Akhlât or Khilât, Mayâfârikîn, Aleppo, he
1 In 845 A.C.
2 Lived under Mutazid, died about 912 A.C.
3 Lived about 951 A.C.
4 Died about 976 A. C.
5 Died at Ghazni A.C. 1038.
6 The author of the Mujam ul-Buldân, born in 1175 A.C. , died
in 1229 A.C. Al - Bakrî (Abu Obaid Abdullah) was a Spaniard, died
in 1094 A.C. Idrîsi is too well known to require a detailed account.
He died A.D. 1164.
7 Abu Raihan Mohammed bin Ahmed was a native of Khwârism
and flourished in the age of Mahmûd of Ghazni and Masûd.
 464 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXV .

came to Syria, visited Tyre, Sidon, Beyrut, Jerusalem, then

went to Egypt ; from Egypt to the Holy Cities, and then
by al-Ahsâ to Bussorah and back to Balkh. His Safar-
nâmèh¹ is one of the most entertaining works of travel
in any language.
History. Archæology and ethnology were included in history,
and great minds applied themselves to the pursuit of
this captivating branch of study. Balâzari, who died in
279 A.H. (A.C. 892), was born at Bagdad, where he lived
and worked. His history of the Conquest (Futûh ul-
Buldân) is written in admirable style, and marks a
distinct advance of the historical spirit.
Hamdâni, who flourished towards the end of the third
and the beginning of the fourth century of the Hegira,
gave to the world a comprehensive history of Southern
Arabia, with an account of its tribes, its numerous ruins
of interest, with explanations of their inscriptions, as
well as the ethnography and geography of Yemen. It
is, however, in the monumental works of Masûdi, of
Tibri ( Tabari), and of Ibn ul-Athîr that we see the full
activity of the Saracenic mind during this period. Like
their successors, these men were encyclopædists, phi-
losophers, mathematicians, geographers, as well as histor-
ians. Masûdi was a native of Bagdad, but by descent a
northern Arab, who in his early youth travelled and
saw the greater part of the Islâmic world. He first
went to India, visited Multan and Mansûra, then travelled
over Persia and Kerman, again went to India, remained
for some time at Cambay (Kambâja) and in the Deccan,
went to Ceylon, sailed from there to Kambâlû (Mada-
gascar), and went from there to Oman, and perhaps even
1 This book, with a French translation by M. Schefer, has been
published in Paris.
2 Such as Makrîsi, Ibn Khaldûn, Abu'l Fedâ, etc.
CH. XXV. INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT 465

reached the Indo-Chinese peninsula and China. He Masûdi.

had travelled far in Central Asia, and reached the
Caspian Sea. At the close of his travels he lived for
some time in Tiberias and Antioch, and afterwards in
Bussorah, where he first published his great work, called
the Murûj uz-Zahab. Subsequently he went to reside at
Fostat (old Cairo), where he published the Kitâb ut-
Tanbih, and later the Mirat uz-Zaman or The Mirror of
the Time, a voluminous work, which is only partially
preserved. In the Murûj uz-Zahab (the " Golden Mea-
dows ") he tells the rich experiences of his life in the
amiable and cheerful manner of a man who had seen
various lands, experienced life in all its phases, and who
takes pleasure in amusing as well as instructing his
reader. Without burdening us with the names of the
authorities, without losing himself in long explanations,
he delights in giving prominence to that which strikes
him as wonderful, rare, and interesting, and to portray
people and manners with conciseness and anecdotic skill.
Tibri, or Tabari (Abû Jaafar Mohammed ibn Jarîr), Tibri.
surnamed the Livy of the Arabs, who died in Bagdad in
922 A.C. , brought his work down to the year 302 of the
Hegira (914 A.C.). It was continued to the end of the
twelfth century by al-Makîn or Elmacin.
Ibn ul-Athîr, surnamed Iz ud-dîn, "Glory of the Ibn ul-
Athîr.
Religion," was a native of Jazîra bani-Omar, in Irâk, but
resided chiefly in the neighbourhood of Mosul, where his
" beautiful house " 1 was the resort of the most dis-
tinguished scholars and savants of the time. His
universal history, known as the al-Kâmil, which ends
with the year 1231 A.C., may be compared with the
best works of modern Europe. He also wrote a history
of the Atâbeks of Mosul.

1 See ante, p. 224.

HH
 466 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXV .

The exact The great work performed by the Arabs in the differ-
sciences
among the ent branches of the exact sciences needs only a short
Arabs. mention . Mâsha Allâh and Ahmed bin Mohammed al-
Nehâvendi, the most ancient of the Arab astronomers,
lived in the reign of Mansûr. Under Mamûn flourished
famous astronomers like Send bin Ali, Yehya bin Abi
Mansûr, and Khalid bin Abdul Malik. Their observa-
tions concerning the equinoxes, the eclipses, the appari-
tions of the comets, and other celestial phenomena,
added greatly to human knowledge.
Astronomy Mohammed bin Mûsa al-Khwârismi, under the orders
of Mâmûn, translated the Siddhanta, or the Indian
Tables, with notes and observations. Al-Kindi wrote two
hundred works on various subjects-arithmetic, geome-
try, philosophy, meteorology, optics, and medicine.
Abû Maashar (corrupted by the Europe of the Middle
Ages into Albumazar) made the celestial phenomena
his special study ; and the Table of Abû Maashar
has always remained one of the chief sources of astro-
nomical knowledge. Mûsa bin Shakir was a great
engineer in the time of Rashîd. But his sons, who
flourished under Mâmûn, Mutasim, and Wasik, made
astronomy their special study, and made wonderful
discoveries as to the movement of the sun and other
astral bodies. They ascertained the size of the earth,
the obliquity of the ecliptic, the variations in the lunar
latitudes, the precession of the equinoxes, etc. Abu'l 66

Hassan invented the telescope, of which he speaks as a

tube to the extremities of which were attached diopters."
An-Naizèri and Mohammed bin Isa Abu Abdullâh con-
tinued the great work of Mûsa bin Shakir's sons. Alba-
tâni¹ (the Albategnius of mediæval Europe) was another
distinguished astronomer. His Astronomical Tables,
1Died in 929 A.C.
CH. XXV. INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT 467

translated into Latin, furnished the ground-work of

astronomy in Europe for many centuries.
Among the numerous astronomers who lived and
worked in Bagdad at the close of the tenth century, the
names of two men, Ali ibn Amajûr and Abu'l Hassan
Ali ibn Amajûr, generally known as Banû Amajûr, stand
prominently forward. They are noted for their calculation
of the lunar movements .
Under the Buyides flourished a host of astronomers,
physicists, and mathematicians, of whom only two need
be mentioned here, Alkôhi and Abu'l Wafâ. Alkôhi
studied the movements of the planets. His discoveries
concerning the summer solstice and the autumnal
equinox were extremely important. Abu'l Wafâ was
born in 939 A.C., at Buzjân in Khorâsân. He established
himself in Irâk in 959, where he applied himself chiefly
to mathematics and astronomy. He introduced the use
of the secant and the tangent in trigonometry and
astronomical observations.
Ibn Yunus, another great astronomer and mathema-
tician, died in 1009 ; his discoveries were continued by
Ibn un-Nabdi, who died in Cairo in 1040, and Hassan
bin Haisem (Haithem), commonly called in Europe
Alhazen, and famous for his discovery of atmospheric
refraction . He flourished about the end of the eleventh
century, and was a distinguished astronomer and optician.
He was born in Spain, but resided chiefly in Egypt. He
is best known in Europe by his works on optics, one of
which has been translated. Ibn Shathir, who lived in
the reign of Ibn Tulûn, and Omar Khayyâm, better
known as a poet, were also distinguished mathematicians
and astronomers.
Metaphysics and philosophy were cultivated with as Philo-

much zeal as the exact sciences. Al-Kindi, al-Fârâbi, sophy.

 Y NS
468 HISTOR OF THE SARACE CH. XXV .

and Abû Ali ibn Sina (Avicenna), are the most noted
of Arabian philosophers.1
Al-Kindi, Yâkûb bin Ishak, usually called " the phi-
losopher of the Arabs," and known in Europe as
Alchendius, was a universalist. Abu Nasr Fârâbi 3
(Alfarabius), called by the Arabs a second Aristotle,
was the master and precursor of Avicenna. Ibn Sina 4
Avicenna. (Avicenna) was undoubtedly one of the greatest thinkers
and physicians the world has produced.
Poetry. Among the innumerable poets of this period who
wrote both in Arabic and Persian, it is difficult to make
a selection. The names of those who composed in
Arabic will be found in the glowing pages of Isphahâni
and Ibn Khallikân. Those given here are chosen at
random only to show the fecundity of the Saracenic
mind. Abu Nawâs 5 flourished under Amîn, and is
regarded as the equal of the famous Imr ul-Kais, the
pre-Islâmic poet. Otbi and Abu Tammâm Habib
came immediatelyafter him. Of the latter, Ibn Khallikân
speaks as follows : " he surpassed all his contemporaries
in the purity of his style, the merit of his poetry, and his
excellent manner of treating a subject. " Al-Buhtari
flourished in the ninth century and, like Abû Tammâm, is
the author of a Hamasa. But the fame of Mutannabi 8
has overshadowed that of most of his predecessors. He
enjoyed the patronage of Saif ud-Dowlah, a prince of the

1 For the Spanish names see the Spirit of Islam, p. 630.

2 Died A.D. 861 .
3 Died in 950 A.C.
4 Died in 1037 A.C.
5 Born in 763 A.C.
6 Otbi died in 842 A.C.
7 Abû Tammâm died in 845 A.C.
8 He was killed in a fight with brigands in 965 А.С.
CH. XXV. INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT 469

Hamdanite dynasty of Mosul. An-Nâmi was another

talented poet. He died in 1008 A.C., at Aleppo.
Among the Persian poets, the most distinguished
are Dakîki and Firdousi under Sultan Mahmûd, Unsurî
under Sultan Masûd, Anwarî under Sultan Sanjar, Farîd
ud-dîn the druggist, who was murdered by the Tartars,
Jalâl ud-dîn under Sultan Aalâ ud-dîn of Iconium, and
Sanâï under Sultan Ibrâhim the Ghaznevide. Abu'l Faraj
Mohammed bin Ishak, surnamed an-Nadîm, a native of
Bagdad, first conceived the idea of a bibliographical
dictionary. His Kitâb ul-Fihrist¹ deals with every
branch of learning. It gives the names of many authors
and their works which have ceased to exist, and proves
the literary productiveness of the Arabs. Ibn Khalli-
kân's 2 great work is a biographical encyclopædia replete
with the most varied information .
Saif ud-Dowlah was also the magnificent patron ofAbu'l
Faraj Ali bin Hussain al-Isphahani, the author of the
famous Kitâb ul-Aghani. This work is not a mere book of
songs, as its name would imply. It contains biographical
notices of all those whose songs are reproduced, dis-
cusses their grammatical constructions, and occasionally
treats of history and science.
The art of Arabic writing is stated to have been Penman-
introduced among the Koreish shortly before the promul- ship.
gation of Islâm. It was invented first by one Murâmir
bin Marâsa, a native of Anbâr, near Hîra. From Anbâr
5
it went to Hira ; Harb, the father of Abu Sufiân, ac-
quired it on a visit to the capital of the Munzirs, and
1 In 987 A. C.
2 Born in 1211 A.C. , died in 1282 A.C.
3 Died in 967 A.C. 4 See ante, p. 24.
5 The father of Muawiyah.
6 His teacher is stated to have been one Aslam bin Sidra.
470 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXV .

introduced it among his fellow-citizens at Mecca. After

that it spread rapidly among the Koreish.
The Himyarites of Yemen appear to have had a
separate system of writing, probably phonetic. Ibn
Khallikân says, " the Himyar had a sort of writing
called al-Musnad, the letters of which were separate, not
joined together ; they prevented the common people
from learning it, and none dared employ it without their
permission. Then came the religion of Islâm, and there
was not, in all Yemen, a person who could read and
write."

At the close of the Ommeyade dynasty the archaic

Kufic character had developed into several forms, the
commonest being the Naskh, or Naskhi. Towards the
end of the tenth and the beginning of the eleventh
century of the Christian era (the fourth and fifth centuries
of the Hegira) the Naskh was still further improved by
two great masters of Arabian penmanship, Abû Hassan,
commonly known as Ibn Bawwab, and Abu Talib
al-Mubarak.
In the reign of Saladin we hear of a big, round
writing called suls,¹ which seems to have been a de-
velopment of the Naskhi approaching the nastâlik of
Persia.

Sects. Sects, as was to be expected, had multiplied during

this period ; but the state religion was Hanafism, or, as it
was in those days often called, Ashaarism. The Hanafi
1 Abd ul- Latîf.
2 After its founder, Abu'l Hassan al-Ashaari, whose denunciations
of Rationalism exercised a strong reactionary tendency. "But for

al-Ashaari and al-Gazzâli, " says the learned editor of al-Beirûni's

al-Asar, the Arabs might have been a nation of Galileos, Keplers,
and Newtons. " Al-Ashaari died in Bagdad 331 or 340 Α.Η. (941
or 952 A.C. ). See The Spirit ofIslâm about Ashaarism.
CH. XXV . RATIONALISM 471

synods, however, were dominated over by the Han-

balites, who, as the most noisy and turbulent sectarians,
possessed considerable authority among the rabble of
Bagdad. Shafeïsm was also spreading among the
learned. In the Syrian cities and the towns on the sea-
coast of Phoenicia, Shiahism found a large number of
adherents, who doubtless exercised a certain dissolving
influence on the rigid dogmatism of the Hanbalis. The
most notable feature in the religio-philosophical history
of the fourth century of the Hegira (which corresponded
with the tenth century of the Christian era) is the extra-
ordinary resuscitation of the Rationalistic movement.
This was most probably due to the writings of thinkers
like Masûdi and Zamakhshri, and of philosophers
like al-Kindi and al- Fârâbi. The Mutazalites endea- Mutazala-
ism.
voured to conciliate faith with reason, religion with
philosophy, and naturally attracted all minds not content
to be driven in a common groove. Thus many Hanafis
who adhered on ordinary doctrinal points to the tenets
of their school, adopted the Mutazalite views on philo-
sophical questions. In spite of all this, however, the
general tendency was retrogressive, and towards the
close of the century the prospects of development were
decidedly reactionary. It was at this critical juncture
that the first society for the diffusion of knowledge
came into existence. The illiberal formalism of the
theologians, the self-indulgent epicureanism of the rich,
the ignorant fanaticism of the poor, led a small body of
thinkers who were deeply interested in the renovation of
Islâm, to form themselves into a brotherhood to introduce
a more healthy tone among the people, and to arrest
The
the downward course of the Islâmists towards ignorance
" Brothers
and rigidity. They called themselves the " Brothers of Purity."
of Purity, " Ikhwan us-Safâ. The society of the " Pure
 472 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXV.

Brethren" was established in Bussorah . To this

" Brotherhood " none but men of unsullied character
and the purest morals were admitted. The members
met together quietly and unobtrusively at the residence
of the head of the society, Zaid, the son of Rifaâ, and
discussed philosophical and ethical subjects with a
catholicity of spirit and breadth of views which would
be creditable even in modern times. They formed
branches in every city of the Caliphate, wherever, in
fact, they could find a body of thoughtful men, willing
and qualified to work according to their scientific
method. Their system was eclectic in the highest
and truest sense of the word, and their views on
social and political problems were highly practical and
intensely humane. As the result of their labours they
gave to the world a general résumé of the knowledge
of the time in separate treatises, which were collec-
tively known as the Tracts of the Brothers of Purity.
These tracts or risâlas range over every subject of human
study-mathematics, including astronomy, physical geo-
graphy, music, and mechanics ; physics, including
chemistry, meteorology, and geology ; biology, physiology,
zoology, botany, logic, grammar, metaphysics, ethics, the
doctrines of a future life, etc. They constituted, in fact,
a popular encyclopædia of all the sciences and philosophy
then extant.

The Final Thus when the star of Avicenna rose on the horizon,
Collapse. the ground was prepared for the reception of his advanced
conceptions in the domains of sociology and the cognate
sciences. And at the beginning of the eleventh century
the outlook of a renaissance in the Saracenic world was
decidedly hopeful. But the death-struggle in which the
Moslems soon became involved with the Crusading
forces of the West diverted all energy to one subject, that
CH. XXV . THE FINAL COLLAPSE 473

of self-preservation. And hardly had the successes of

Zangi, Nûr ud-dîn, and Saladin rescued them from the
dangers of the Frankish onslaught, when came the
Tartaric wave which swept away all the civilisation and
culture of the East.
 CHAPTER XXVI

THE SARACENS OF SPAIN

-THE OMMEYADES

138-300 A.H. , 756-912 А.С.

ABDUR RAHMAN I. (ad-Dakhil)-HISHAM- HAKAM-ABDUR
RAHMAN II. (al-Ausat)-MOHAMMED-MUNZIR-ABDULLAH

Abdur Rahmân lands in Spain-The battle of Masarah-Revolt

of the nobles-Frankish intrigues-Invasion of Charlemagne-
Battle of Roncesvalles-Abdur Rahman's death-His character
-Accession of Hisham I.-His character-His just and mild
rule-War with the Franks and Christian tribes- Mâliki doc-
trines introduced-Hishâm's death-Accession of Hakam I.-
His character-His unpopularity among the Fakihs-The revolt
in Cordova-Suppressed-Rioters expelled-Toledo-Death of
Hakam-Accession of Abdur Rahman II.-His prosperous
reign-The raids of the Christian tribesmen-Their submission
-The appearance of the Normans-Christian agitation in Cor-
dova-Abdur Rahman's death-Accession of Mohammed-His
character - Christian mutiny stamped out - Fresh inroad of
the Normans-Their defeat-Rebellions-Death of Mohammed
-Accession of Munzir-His death-Succeeded by Abdullah-
His disturbed reign-His death-The Saracens enter Savoy,
Piedmont, Liguria, and Switzerland .
Abdur Sıx years had not elapsed from the battle of the Zab¹
Rahmân I.
(surnamed when a new Ommeyade kingdom sprang up in the west.
ad-Dakhil, Among the members of the proscribed family who eluded
or the the vengeance of Saffâh was a grandson of Hishâm, named
Enterer).
1 See ante, p. 180.
474
COLONNADE
,CORDOVA
MIHRAB
THE
.OF
CH. XXVI . ABDUR RAHMAN AD- DAKHIL 475

Abdur Rahmân (" the servant of the merciful ").¹ His 138-300
Α.Η.
flight from Syria to Mauritania, his hairbreadth escapes,
his sojourn among the hospitable Berbers, make a
romantic story full at times of a thrilling pathos. Whilst
living with the Berbers he could not resist casting long-
ing eyes on the beautiful country across the straits which
once belonged to his ancestors. Determined to make a
bid for its sovereignty he sent a faithful emissary to his
clansmen and clients to enlist their support in his
struggle for power. His message was received with enthu-
siasm, and he was invited to appear in person. In the
month of September 755 A.C. this youthful scion of an
unhappy race landed on the shores of Spain at a place Lands in
Spain,
called Almuñecar (al-Munkab). The Yemenites, smart- Rabi II .
ing under recent wrongs inflicted on them by the 138 А.Н.
dominant Modhar, flocked to his standard, and he was Sept.
755 A.C.
soon able to meet in open field the governor Yusuf,
who had hitherto ruled the Peninsula virtually as an
independent sovereign, although owning a nominal alle-
giance to the Abbasside Caliph. The battle which gave
Abdur Rahmân the throne was fought at Masârah, and The of battle
proved a second Marj Râhât. Yusuf was defeated with Masârah ,
heavy loss, and was forced to submit. In 141 A.H. he May 13,
attempted an unsuccessful rising in which he lost his life. 756 A. C.
The proscribed fugitive, the homeless wanderer, had
now attained the summit of his ambition. He was the
master of a kingdom; but he was not allowed to enjoy
peaceably what he had gained by his ability and valour.
The Arab nobility, as usual impatient of control, hated
1 He was the son of Muawiyah son of the Caliph Hishâm. He
was therefore called Ibn Muawiyah, which the old Christian chroni-
clers corrupted into Benemaugius.
2 On the day of the sacrificial festival ( Yeum ul-Azha) ; Ibn ul-
Athîr, vol. v. p. 378 . 3 See ante, p. 91 .
 476 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXVI .

756-912 a personal rule. Their dislike was shared by the Berbers.

A. C.
Both these races, with their republican proclivities, wished
to dissolve Saracenic Spain into a conglomeration of
petty semi-oligarchical states, at liberty to war with each
other when they listed, and to unite, when the danger
appeared pressing, against the Christian raiders of the
north. Owing to this feeling Abdur Rahmân's endeavour
to introduce order, cohesion, and homogeneity was
opposed by the nobles, who constantly rose against him.
The Arab rebels, like the Christians of Leon, Catalonia,
and Navarre, received support from Pepin, and, after
him, from his son Charlemagne. It was the policy of
both these rulers to favour by all the means in their
power the attempts of the Saracen governors to make
themselves independent of the sovereign of Cordova.
Frankish Often their revolts were directly instigated by the
intrigues. Frankish kings ; but Abdur Rahmân met these risings
with unequalled energy. Forced to fight unceasingly
for his kingdom and in the interests of peace and order,
he adopted a policy which may not commend itself to
us for its humanity or straightforwardness, but it was
suited to the circumstances under which he was placed.
It was the struggle of feudalism with monarchy. Happily
for Abdur Rahmân there was no union among the Arab
chiefs ; they felt in a confused way that to vanquish the
Ameer a confederation of the whole body of the nobility
was necessary, but they did not know how to act together.
In the course of a few years the Ommeyade cleared his
path of all enemies ; the rebellions were stamped out,
the Arab noblesse were crushed, and the authority of
the Ameer was supreme in the land.¹ But his power
1 Ibn ul-Athîr says that it was owing to the rising at Seville and
the malevolence of the Arabs ( Ghish'shul-Arab) that Abdur Rahmân
began to enlist mercenaries (lit. slaves, Ubaid). Vol. vi. p. 5.
CH. XXVI . ABDUR RAHMAN AD- DAKHIL 477

rested upon his mercenaries ; he was no more the popular 138-300

A.H.
sovereign, the young hero of his first arrival ; he could
no more wander about the streets of Cordova without a
guard. He had now to surround himself with numerous
retainers as a protection from the vengeance of those
whom he had defeated or conquered. Whilst Abdur
Rahman was engaged with his insurgent nobles, the
Moslems of Spain were terribly harried by their Christian
neighbours. Their cities were burnt, their homes and
fields devastated, and they themselves were either mas-
sacred or carried away into hopeless captivity and servi-
tude. During this period of anarchy and turmoil the
Saracens lost a large portion of their northern posses-
sions. Fruella, ¹ the son of Alfonso (Adfunsh), captured
Lugo, Oporto, Salamanca, Castile 2 (Kastiâla), Zamora,
and Segovia. In the year 777 A.C. one of the numerous
rebels who rose in arms against Abdur Rahmân fled
across the Pyrenees to Charlemagne, to implore his help.

1 Called Tadvîlia by Ibn ul-Athîr.

2 The Arab writers call old Castile and Alva as the country of
Alaba and the Castles (Alaba wal Kallâa, rendered into old Latin
as Alava et Castella Vetula) . Navarre they called the country of the
Bascones. Sometimes this denomination included a portion of Gas-
cony bordering on the Pyrenees, which was named al-Jabal ul-Burt,
" mountains of the ports or passes." There were five passes for
entering France from Spain, one or other of which was used by the
Saracens in their frequent invasions of that country-(1) the route
by Barcelona to Narbonne by Perpignan ; (2) that by Puycerda
across to Cerdagne ; (3) that from Pampeluna to Saint Jean-Pied-
de-Port across the defile of Roncesvalles, which passed along the
country of Cize, and is called by Idrîsi Bab ush- Shazrî ; (4) the route
from Tolosa to Bayonne, and (5) the route which led to Jaca in the
Bearn.
3 Ibn ul-Athîr, vol. v. p. 382.
* Sulaiman bin Yukzân al-Kalbi.
5 Called Kârla by Ibn ul-Athîr.
 478 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXVI .

756-912 The Emperor of the Franks, who wanted nothing better

A.C. than to extend his authority, believed the occasion favour-
Invasion able for rendering himself master of Spain. Collecting a
ofCharle-
by Spain vast army he crossed the mountains, sweeping everything
magne. before him until he arrived under the walls of Saragossa,
which was defended by Hussain bin Yahya al-Ansari.¹
Here he sustained a disastrous repulse. Suspecting
treachery he seized the person of the rebel chief, and
retreated towards his country. Whilst crossing the
Ronces Pyrenees he was attacked in the defiles of Roncesvalles
valles.
by Matrûh and Aishûn, the sons of Sulaimân ; his rear-
guard was cut to pieces, and some of his best paladins
were killed. After this a peace was concluded between
Charlemagne and Abdur Rahmân.
The authority of the Ommeyade was now firmly estab-
lished in the land of his adoption ; and although his
reign continued to be disturbed by risings and conspira-
cies, even in his own family, it was uniformly successful.
788 A.C. He died in the year 173 A.H., after a reign of thirty-three
years. Although in resisting the attempts against his
authority he often employed harsh and cruel measures,
he was naturally of a mild disposition, and fond of arts
and letters. Ibn ul-Athîr describes him as a tall, thin
man with sharp aquiline features, learned, accomplished,
and a poet, endowed with indefatigable energy, keen-
ness of intellect and foresight, devoted to work, generous
and liberal. In industry and administrative ability he
was compared to Mansûr. He embellished Cordova
with magnificent buildings and parks, and commenced
1 A descendant of Saad bin Ubâda.
2 Ibn ul-Athîr, vol. vi. p. 8.
* Ibn ul-Athîr puts it in 171 Α.Η.
* Reinaud, p. 98.
5 Ibn ul-Athîr, vol. vi. p. 76 .
CH. XXVI . HISHAM I. 479

a cathedral mosque, which he did not live to finish. 138-300

Α.Η.
Although in the year 156 A.H. he had discontinued the
Khutba in the name of the Abbasside Mansûr, he 776 A.C.
never assumed the title of Commander of the Faithful
(Ameer ul-Mominin), " out of respect for the seat of the
Caliphate, which was still the abode of Islâm and the
meeting-place of the Arabian tribes," ¹ and was content
with the simple title of Ameer (ruler or sovereign).2
Abdur Rahmân was succeeded by his son Hishâm. Accession
of
He was a just, mild, and generous ruler, " truly religious, Hishâm .
and a model of virtue. " 3 " In fact he is likened in char-
acter to Omar bin Abdul Azîz. " 4 Dressed in simple garb
His
he was wont to perambulate the streets of Cordova, mix
character.
with the people, and acquaint himself with their com-
plaints and grievances ; he frequently watched by the bed-
side of the sick and lowly, visited the poor in their own
houses, and listened with tender solicitude to the tales
of their cares and burdens. Often he would sally forth
at night in rain and snow on errands of mercy, carrying
food with his own hand to some poor invalid. His
charity was unbounded ; and he would distribute sums
among the indigent pious who, undeterred by the in-
clemency of the weather, came to offer their orisons in
the mosques. In him the persecuted and poverty-
stricken never failed to find a protector. At the same
time his administration was firm and vigorous ; disorders
were repressed with a strong hand, and no misdeed was
allowed to pass unpunished. The people prospered
1 Makkarî. Masûdi says so long as the Holy Cities were in the
possession of the Abbassides, the Ommeyades of Spain did not
assume the title of " Ameer ul-Mominîn."
2 Ibn ul-Athîr always calls him Sahib ul-Andalus, the Lord of
Andalusia.
3 Dozy. 4 Ibn ul-Athîr, vol. vi. p. 102.
 480 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXVI.

756-912 under the rule of this virtuous monarch. He restored

A. C.
the great bridge of as-Samh, completed the cathedral
mosque begun by his father, and embellished the cities
of his kingdom with fine public buildings.
But neither the firmness of his rule nor the mildness
of his character withheld the ameers from revolting.
Soon after his accession he had to deal with a rebellion
on the part of his own brothers. After reducing them
to submission he marched towards the Ebro to quell the
insurrection of Matrûh, the son of Sulaimân, who had
invited Charlemagne into Spain. The rebel was killed,
and Saragossa and Barcelona again acknowledged the
authority of the Ommeyade sovereign.
The restoration of peace within his own dominions
enabled Hishâm to turn his attention towards the north.
The repression of the Christian frontier tribes had
become a matter of vital necessity, for their raids were
incessant and disastrous. They burnt, they massacred,
they devastated wherever they went. It was then, as
now, a conflict between civilisation and barbarism. Un-
fortunately the former was hampered by frequent intes-
tine troubles, and the latter was helped by continuous
aid from outside. Hisham considered it necessary to
teach a lesson to the Franks, whose rulers had hitherto
War with pursued a most treacherous policy towards Saracenic
theFranks,
792 A.C.
Spain, and had for some time past fomented all the
disorders within the Peninsula. With this object he
sent forward two armies-one, marching through Cata-
lonia, entered France, overran Cerdagne, recaptured
Narbonne (Arbûna) and several other places, and in-
flicted, on the banks of the river Orbiena, at a place
called Villedaigne, a terrible defeat on the Count of
Toulouse, who held guard in Septimania for the son of
Charlemagne. The other corps was equally successful ;
CH . XXVI . HAKAM I. 481

the Galician tribesmen, under their chief Bermudah 138-300

Α.Η.
(Bermundah), were routed with great slaughter, and
compelled to sue for peace.
Hishâm entertained a profound respect for Imâm
Mâlik, ¹ the Medinite doctor, and the founder of one Mâliki
of the four principal Sunni schools of law, and did his introduced
doctrines
utmost to introduce the Mâliki system into the Penin- in Spain.
sula. From this time it became practically the state
religion of Andalusia. The fakîhs, who combined the
functions of theologians and jurists, and whom the pious
king held in great consideration, acquired in this reign
great influence and authority among the people and in
the state.
Hishâm died in 180 A.H. , and was succeeded by his Death of
son Hakam, surnamed al-Muntassir (the conqueror). 796
Hishâm,
A.C.
Ibn ul-Athîr describes him as wise, courageous, and Accession
accomplished, and the first among Andalusian sovereigns of Hakam
who surrounded himself with pomp and pageantry. His (al-Mun-
reign, nevertheless, was continually disturbed by internal
troubles. He was by temperament unfitted for the life His
character.
of an anchorite as the divines wished. His nature was
gay and expansive, and richly organised for the enjoy-
ment of existence. He was fond of hunting, and not
satisfied with the society of lawyers and theologians, loved
to surround himself with poets, musicians, and scholars.
All this tended to make him unpopular among the His un-
fakîhs. But there were other and stronger reasons for among
popularity
the
their discontent. Owing to the generous, though perhaps Fakihs
mistaken, policy of Hishâm, the fakîhs had become a
power in the land. Hakam, on the other hand, although
he never failed to treat them with deference, or to give
1 See ante, p. 221. The learned Imâm on his side extolled the
piety and virtues of the Spanish sovereign as the ideal of a Moslem
prince alone worthy of occupying the chair of the Caliphs.
II
 482 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXVI .

756-912 effect to the decisions of the constituted courts ofjustice,

A.C. excluded them from all interference in affairs of state.
Frustrated thus in their hopes of power, and " full of
clerical pride," ¹ they became demagogues. They de-
nounced him from the pulpits as impious and irreligious,2
and prayed for the salvation of his soul. They tried in
this way to inflame the bigotry of the Moslem Spaniards,
among whom their influence was unbounded. The bulk
of the population throughout the Peninsula consisted of
converts to Islâm. In the principal cities, like Cordova,
Seville, Toledo, and Madrid, the converts belonged to
the highest families. Marriages between Arabs and
Berbers on one side and the Spaniards, both Moslem
Racial an- and Christian, especially in the northern provinces, were
tipathies. common. The issue of such unions were called Mu-
3
wallad, or born (in the Arab race). The pure-bred
Arab professed to look down on the Biladiûn and the
Muwallad, treated them with hauteur, and, as in Persia
under the Ommeyades, attempted to exclude them from
the high offices of state. The consequence was that he
was hated in return by both. The Moslem Spaniards
rose time after time in angry revolt against the Arab
dominancy. Thefakths, instead of pacifying these bitter
racial differences, made themselves the partisans of the
natives, and encouraged them in their rebellious attitude
towards the sovereign.
Whilst these evils were breeding mischief within
Andalusia, the two uncles of Hakam, Sulaimân and

Dozy.
2 These denunciations are echoed in the pages of Ibn ul-Athîr,
vol. vi. p. 128.
* The Spanish mulatto and the French mulâtre are corruptions
of the Arabic muwallad. In Persia the children of Arab fathers
and Persian mothers were called abnd, " the children."
CH. XXVI . REVOLT IN CORDOVA 483

Abdullah, whose rebellion had been pardoned by 138-300

A. H.
Hishâm, again took to arms. Abdullâh proceeded to
Charlemagne at Aix-la-Chapelle to solicit the assistance
of that ambitious and intriguing monarch. With the
help of the Franks, Abdullâh seized Toledo, and Sulai-
mân obtained possession of Valencia. At the same time
the sons of Charlemagne, Louis and Charles, burst into
the northern provinces with fire and sword ; and Frankish
Alfonso, the Galician chief, raided into Aragon. In these inroads.
critical circumstances Hakam displayed the greatest
energy. Leaving a small portion of his army to watch
Toledo, he marched towards the Galicians, defeated
Their
them in a pitched battle, and ravaged their country ;
then turning towards the Franks, he drove them head- defeat.
long across the Ebro¹ and beyond the Pyrenees. After
these successes, he returned to Toledo. Sulaiman was
killed in a battle; Abdullâh submitted and was pardoned.
Whilst Hakam was thus occupied, the Franks seized Barcelona
lost,
Barcelona. The loss of this valuable and important 185 Α.Η.
town was primarily due to the treachery of its governor, 801 A.C.
who, in the hope of being allowed by Charlemagne to
hold it as an independent king, had invited the Franks
to his assistance. Charlemagne thus obtained a strong
foothold in Spain. His Spanish possessions were
divided into two Marches-the March of Septimania,
which embraced Catalonia, with Barcelona for its capital;
and the March of Gascony, comprising the Frankish Revolt in
cities of Navarre and Aragon. In 809 A.C., however, Cordova.
the March of Gascony fell again into the power of
Hakam. In 805 A.C. , riots broke out in Cordova, which
were leniently dealt with. In the following year, whilst
1 These victories obtained for him from his soldiers the title of
al-Muzaffar (the victorious), corrupted by the Christian chroniclers
into Abulafer.
 484 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXVI.

756-912 the king was engaged in quelling the rebellion of the

A. C.
people of Merida, the Cordovans rose again. Hakam
hastened back to the capital, and this time repressed the
émeute with severity, which added to his unpopularity.
In 807 A.C. Tortosa was besieged by Ludwig, son of
Charlemagne, but was relieved by Hakam's son Abdur
Rahmân ; and in 811 he himself undertook an expe-
dition against the Franks, in which he was eminently
successful .
Toledo. The Toledans had never forgotten that their city was
once the capital of Spain, and the memory of their
past grandeur rankled in their hearts and increased
their animosity against the Arabs. Proud of their wealth,
their numbers, and their riches, they refused to obey the
orders of the sovereign or to receive as their governor
any one who was not acceptable to them. The first
rebellion (in 181 A.H.) was easily suppressed. Amrûs
bin Yusuf, one of Hakam's generals (Kaid), who held
command at Talavera, himself a Muwallad, was deputed
to restore order. He won over some of the principal
inhabitants,¹ and with their help induced the people to
acknowledge the authority of the king. Ten years later
they revolted again. Thoroughly sick of their unruli-
ness, and failing to bring them to reason by conciliatory
means, he reappointed Amrûs, who now held command
in the upper marches, as governor of the city. His
appointment was accepted by the Toledans, as they
believed him to be inimical to the king. They went so
far as to allow him to build a fortified residence within
191 Α.Η. the city. Having succeeded so far, he one day inveigled
813 A.C. the principal citizens into the castle and put them to
The inci- death. Deprived thus by violence and treachery of its
dent of the
Hufra. 1 The Banû Makhshî.
* Ibn ul-Athîr, vol. vi. p. 135.
CH. XXVI . ABDUR RAHMAN AL-AUSAT 485

chief notables, the turbulent city maintained a submis- 138--300

A. H.
sive attitude for the next seven years .
In the year 198 A.H. the turbulence of the Cordovans émeute in
reached its limit. One day in the mosque, a common Cordova,
814 A.C.
man had the insolence to insult and menace the sovereign
to his face. The well-deserved punishment led to a
furious rising in the suburb of Cordova, called She-
kundah. The mob actually besieged the king in his
palace. The peril was extreme, but Hakam met the
anger of the populace with his usual energy and presence
of mind. The rioters were beaten back, their principal
leaders were either killed or executed, and the rest of
them expelled. Some crossed the straits and settled
near Fez ; the bulk went to Alexandria, and thence to
Crete,¹ which they conquered and held until it was
re-taken by the Greeks. In 816 A.C. a peace was con-
cluded between the son and successor of Charlemagne
and Hakam, which, however, did not last long.
Hakam died in 206 A.H. , after a reign of twenty-six Death of
years, and was succeeded by his son, Abdur Rahman, Zu'l Hakam,
Hijja
surnamed al-Ausat.2 " His reign," says the Arab his- 206 A. H.
torian, " was one of peace and splendour ; the people 822 May
A.C.
were prosperous and the revenues ample." He was devoted Accession
to arts and letters, and loved the society of men of talent of Abdur
Rahmân
and learning. At his instance the famous musician II.
Ziryâb came from Bagdad to Cordova, and became at (al-Ausat).
once the favourite of the palace and the city. The love His
of music, which became afterwards a national character- character.
istic of the Spanish Arabs, began at this time to develop
itself among all classes of the people. In the brilliancy
1 See ante, p. 270. The city they founded derived its name
(Candia, Candax, Khandak) from the fosse or ditch they constructed
for its defence .
2 The Middle.
 486 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXVI .

756-912 and superb magnificence of his court, Abdur Rahmân

A.C. surpassed all his predecessors. The splendid culture,
His love the polished chivalry, the delicacy, grace, and elegance
of music. of Arab manners, which European chivalry afterwards
attempted to imitate, date from this epoch.1
The raids Soon after Abdur Rahmân's accession to the throne
of the
Christian the chief of Leon (Alfonso II.) 2 made an incursion
tribesmen. into the district of Medina-Salim (Medinaceli), in
Aragon, and his example was followed by the other
tribesmen, who raided into the Saracenic territories. A
strong force was despatched for their punishment ; they
were thoroughly beaten, their towers and fortresses were
rased to the ground, and Leon itself was destroyed. On
Their sub- their submission they were required to pay a heavy fine
mission.
over and above the fixed tribute, to release their Moslem
prisoners, and to give hostages for future good behaviour.
The Franks had also attempted to profit by the occasion ;
they had entered with fire and sword those parts of
Catalonia which were under Arab sway. They suffered
a disastrous defeat, and were driven across the frontier.
The first
It was in this reign that the Northmen or Normans
appearance
ofthe (called Majûs by the Arabs) appeared on the coasts of
Normans. Spain. They plundered several places within reach of
the sea, but fled on the approach of a fleet and army
sent by the King of Cordova. The Christians of Merida,
instigated by Louis le Débonnaire of France, several
times rose in arms, but were easily reduced to subjection.
A fresh revolt in Toledo, in which the Jews and Christians
took part, was finally crushed in 837 A.C.
The agita- Towards the close of Abdur Rahman's reign, the
tion of the fanatical section of the Cordovan Christians assumed
Christians
in Cor- 1 Sédillot .
dova.
2 Called by the Arabs Ludherik.
* The Saghir of the Arabs.
CH . XXVI . CHRISTIAN AGITATION 487

a dangerous and menacing attitude, which virtually 138-300

A. H.
amounted to a revolt. The bulk of the Christian com-
munity, and that the most enlightened in the capital and
throughout the country, had no cause of complaint under
the Arab régime. On the contrary, they had every
reason to be satisfied with their lot ; they were not perse-
cuted or troubled for their faith, they were permitted Tolerance
of the
the free and unrestricted exercise of their religion and Arabs.
the full enjoyment of their law. Many of them served
in the army ; the highest and most lucrative civil and
military posts were open to them equally with the ruling
classes ; they were employed largely in missions to foreign
states ; whilst the rich Arab magnates utilised the talents
of Christian stewards in the management of their estates
Fascinated by the brilliancy of the Saracenic literature,¹ The

the cultivated classes, and especially men of taste, spoke Arabicised

Christians.
and wrote in the language of the conquerors. And with
the language of the Saracens they adopted Arab manners
and customs. These Arabicised Christians were hated
by their fanatical brethren, who denounced them as irre- De-
ligious, and the priests fanned the flame of discontent nounced
bythe
and increased the bitterness of the bigoted sections. bigoted.
" They had," says a Christian writer of our times," " an
instinctive hatred for the Mussulmans, and entertained
thoroughly false ideas about Mohammed and the doctrines
he preached. Living in the midst of the Arabs, nothing
was more easy than to instruct themselves on this subject ;
but they refused obstinately to go to the sources which
could be found at their doors, and were satisfied with
believing and repeating all the absurd fables which they
retailed about the Prophet of Mecca. " But it was not
the religion of the Arabs only that they hated ; they had
a strong aversion to the frank gaiety and refinement of
1 Dozy. 2 Ibid.
 488 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXVI.

756--912 manners of the ruling race. The hatred bred by these

A. C.
causes was deepened by some little affronts by the gamins
and roughs of Cordova, such as those of modern cities
are apt to show to strangers or outsiders. Under Abdur
Rahmân their religious zeal grew into agitation. " In
the sierras and mountains they became bandits or
partisans. In the capital they could only become martyrs."
They publicly cursed the Arabian Prophet and his
religion ; they entered the mosques at prayer time and
repeated their maledictions ; they tampered with the
religion of the youth of both sexes, and frequently
The out- abducted them from their homes. Blasphemy of the
rageousof Arabian Prophet is a capital offence under the Islâmic
conduct
the agi- state law, as calculated to lead to riot and bloodshed.
tators.
The offenders were brought before the Kâzi ; in his
court they repeated their maledictions. They were con-
demned to death. When taken to the Council of state
for confirmation of the sentence, they were implored by
the councillors, in the name of common-sense and
humanity, to withdraw their words. Instead of comply-
ing with the request, here again they repeated the offence.
The law was then allowed to take its course . Struck by
the gravity of the situation, Abdur Rahmân convoked a
synod of the ecclesiastics within his kingdom, and as he
could not be present in person at their meeting, he
deputed an eminent Christian, ¹ a councillor of state, to
represent him at the assembly. The bishops passed a
decree prohibiting all public imprecations against Mo-
hammed, and adopted severe measures against the
agitators. But nothing could quell the ardour of these
fanatics ; the turbulent and impetuous arrogantly defied
1 His name was Gomez, son of Antony, son of Julian. He was
cursed by the fanatical Christians for taking part in the convocation
ofthe bishops.
CH . XXVI. MOHAMMED 489

the authority of their bishops. Some had the audacity 138-300

A. H.
to enter the Grand Mosque and to call out-" The
kingdom of heaven has come for the faithful, and for
you, infidels, the taste of hell-fire." The people were
thrown into fury and would have killed the offenders,
but the Kâzi interposed his authority and saved them
from the vengeance of the congregation. The metro-
politan was firm and the government energetic ; several Abdur
of the fanatics were imprisoned. But their agitation Rahman's
death,
continued up to Abdur Rahman's death, which took Sept.
place in 852 A.C. 852 A.C.
He was succeeded by his son Mohammed. " In Accession
of Mo-
justice," says Ibn ul-Athîr, " he followed in the footsteps hammed.
of his father. He was the first to organise the govern-
ment of Andalusia (on a regular basis) and to frame His
rules and regulations for the administration of the state. character.
He improved the condition of the commonalty by his
generosity. In the organisation of the kingdom he is
likened to Walid, son of Abdul Malik (Walid I.)."
Immediately on the death of Abdur Rahmân the Tole-
dans, assisted by an army sent by the chief of Leon, had
again revolted. Mohammed hastened in person against
the united forces of the Toledans and Leonese, and met
them near Guadacelete (Wâd Salît). The rebels, relying
on their numbers, attacked him with great fury, but
falling into an ambuscade were literally annihilated. 854 A.C.
After this, the Toledans made their submission on terms
which left them a large share of self-government. The
traitors and agitators of Cordova began now to feel the
full weight of a justly angered sovereign. Repressive
measures were adopted to stamp out the mutiny in
the capital, and the fanatical enthusiasts who instigated
the people to rebellion, or who carried on treasonable
correspondence with the enemy beyond the frontier,
 490 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXVI .

756-912 suffered the penalty of death. Deprived of its chief

A. C.
promoters, " the singular enthusiasm," to use the mild
Christian language of the Christian historian, which had for several
mutiny in
Cordovan years reigned at Cordova, " gradually submitted to the
stamped common law, and after a while there remained nothing
out. but its memory. " 1
The Franks as usual took advantage of the internal
troubles to make incursions into the northern provinces ;
and Mohammed had to keep an army always employed
859
The
A.C. in those quarters. In the year 245 A.H. the Normans,
Normans. after devastating Provence, re-appeared on the coasts of
Spain and committed great depredations. They were
pursued by the Spanish fleet, and after a hotly-con-
tested fight, were driven off with the loss of several
ships. Punitive expeditions were despatched at regular
intervals against the Christian princes of Galicia,
251 A. H. Leon, and Navarre. In 861 A.C. " the country of the
861 A.C.
Navarre Baskones " (Navarre) was overrun and its capital (Pampe-
and luna) captured. Four years later the Prince of Leon
Galicia sued for peace, which was granted on an unconditional
overrun .
submission. But more serious disturbances broke out
Re- in different parts of the kingdom towards the end of
bellions. Mohammed's reign. In Aragon a Moslem Spaniard 2
descended from the Visigoths of Spain, made himself
master of Saragossa, Tudela, and Huesca, and assumed
Ibn the kingly title. In the west, a native of Merida named
Merwân. Ibn Merwân, assisted by the chief of Leon (Alfonso
884 A.C. III.), raised the standard of revolt. A more formidable
rebel appeared soon in Bobastro. The mountainous
range between Ronda and Malaga, specially adapted for
guerilla warfare, has always been the home of bandits
1 Dozy.
2 Mûsa, belonging to the Banû Kasî family.
3 Called by Ibn ul- Athîr the Jaliki, " or the Galician."
CH. XXVI . INSURRECTIONS 491

and brigands. Here the generals of Napoleon in 138-300 A.H.

later times met with the greatest resistance ; and here
Omar bin Hafsûn, a deserter from the Sultan's army, Omar bin
gathered a numerous band of brigands and established Hafsûn.
an independent state. The example of these rebels was
contagious, and insurrections, fomented partly by the
frontier Christian princes and partly by the King of the
Franks, broke out in every part of the country. It
is surprising that the Arab kingdom did not break to
pieces under the weight of these froubles. The success
with which it passed through the ordeal at this period
shows considerable vitality in the dominant race, and no
little ability on the part of the rulers. Too old himself
to take the field, the king employed his son Munzir, the
heir-apparent, to repress these dangerous risings. Munzir
proceeded first towards the north. Saragossa, Rûta,
Carthagena, and Lerida were reduced. Abdul Wahid
Rûti, " the bravest man of the age " 1 was captured ; and
Ismail, the son of Mûsa, who held a part of Aragon,
tendered his submission. In 271 A.H. Munzir marched
against Ibn Merwân ; he was defeated and his strong-
hold was rased to the ground. Saragossa had again
fallen into the hands of the Aragonese rebels, who were
2
led by Mohammed, a grandson of Mûsa, who had
entered into an alliance with the brigand of Bobastro.3
It was only after a regular siege that the place was re-
captured. Mohammed and his ally Omar bin Hafsûn
fled into the mountains. No sooner had the royal army
retired than they emerged again. In 886 A.C. Munzir
again took the field against Omar bin Hafsûn. Alhama,
where the rebel had taken refuge, was besieged and
1 Ibn ul-Athîr, vol. vii. p. 258.
2 The son of Lup ( Lopez), son of Mûsa.
3 Called by Ibn ul-Athîr, Babastar, by Makkarî, Yabastar.
 492 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXVI .

756-912 reduced to dire straits. At this moment news reached

A. C.
the prince's camp that the old king was dead.
Death of Munzir hurriedly raised the siege and hastened to
Mo-
Cordova to assure his succession to the throne. Omar
hammed,
August 4, profited by the occasion, and by treachery or force made
886 A.C.
Safar
himself master of a great many castles. Mohammed
273 A.H. was a patron of learning and " a lover of science " ; " he
Accession was discreet and wise, and well versed in the rules of
ofMunzir .
administration. " 1 Munzir, who succeeded him, was
His gifted with energy, prudence, and bravery. Had a

character. longer life been vouchsafed him, there can be no

doubt he would have succeeded in restoring complete
order in his kingdom . He applied himself vigorously
to the work which lay before him, and marched in
person against the rebels. Archidona was captured,
and Bobastro, the stronghold of Omar, was besieged.
Reduced to extremities, the rebel submitted, but immedi-
ately after broke the pledge under which he had obtained
the royal pardon. Munzir took the field again, but was
Death of killed in a fight near Bobastro.2 Although his reign
Munzir.
Safar barely lasted two years, the country had prospered, and
275 Α.Η. wealth and comfort had increased among the people.
July Munzir was succeeded by his brother Abdullâh. "In
888 A. C.
Accession his time," says Ibn ul-Athîr, " Andalusia became filled
of with disturbance, and rebels arose on every side, and
Abdullah. thus it remained throughout his reign." 3 Abdullâh
ascended the throne under the most fatal conditions.
The state, undermined for a long time by racial anti-
pathies, seemed rapidly marching towards ruin and
1 Ibn ul-Athîr, vol. vii. p. 297 .
2 Dozy says he was poisoned by his physician. He gives the
date of his death as June 29, 888 A.C. Ibn ul-Athîr puts it in
Safar 274 A.H. , whilst Makkarî has 275 A.H.
3 Vol . vii . p. 303.
CH. XXVI . ABDULLAH 493

decomposition. The Ameer of Cordova found himself 138-300

A.H.
opposed not only to the Spanish mountaineers but also
to the Arab aristocracy, who, in the general disorder, His dis-
perceived an opportunity for independence. Insurrec- tinguished
reign.
tions and revolts broke out in every quarter. There
were sanguinary riots between the Arabs and the Bilâdiûn
in the districts of Seville and Elvira. Various Berber
chiefs established themselves in some of the strongest
castles and defied the royal authority. Mentesa, Medîna
Banî-Salîm (in the district of Sidona), Lorca, and Sara- Seville.
gossa were held by Arab lords ; whilst Ibrahim ibn
Hajjaj, a descendant of the Gothic princess Sarah,¹
through whom his family, the Banû Hajjaj, had received
considerable property in the district of Seville, possessed
himself of this principality. Here he ruled in great
state ; his government was firm and vigorous, more so
than that of the king. All acts of brigandage and breach
of public peace were repressed with great severity.
Trade, commerce, and arts were encouraged, and every
endeavour was made to repair the ravages caused by
the riots. Algarve, Beja, San Esteven, Jaen, Murcia,
and various other places were held by Moslem Spanish
chiefs. Badajoz was in the possession of Ibn Merwân ;
whilst in Aragon, Mohammed, the son of Lopez, held
court as an independent sovereign. Omar bin Hafsûn
took advantage of these troubles to extend his authority Omar bin
in every direction. He even aspired to the possession Hafsûn
of Cordova. The Sultan, who had hitherto indulged in marches on
a temporising policy, determined at last to fight for the Cordova.
throne of his fathers, which was in deadly peril of being
altogether lost. His general Obaidullah was successful His defeat,
in beating Ibn Hafsûn near Polei. This was the turning- April 15,
891 A.C.

1 See ante, p. 157 .

 494 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXVI .

756-912 point in the fortunes of the king, and the victory of

A. C.
Obaidullâh saved the monarchy. Polei, Ecija, Archi-
dona, Elvira, and Jaen submitted at once to his authority.
Later, an act of humanity, done at the instance of the
faithful vizier Badr, brought the willing submission of
Ibn Hajjaj. His favourite son had been sent as a
hostage to Cordova. Abdullah restored the youth to
the father with many marks of consideration, and won
the heart and loyalty of Ibn Hajjaj. The reconciliation
of the Sultan with this powerful chief was the commence-
ment of a new era. The royal authority began gradually
to be re-established in the disaffected tracts. The
districts from Algesiras to Niebla submitted without
any fight, and their example was followed by several
other places of importance. Even the Banû Kâsi of
Aragon showed signs of returning to subjection. At
Rabi I. this stage the old king died at the age of sixty-eight,
300A. H. after a troubled and inglorious reign of nearly twenty-six
Oct 15,
912 A.C. years.1
The observant traveller cannot fail to notice on the
Ligurian coast, as also on the Alps, in Piedmont as in
Dauphiny, the recurrence of the Arab type, and he will
probably ask himself, was that due to accident or any
The Sara- other cause ? At the period I am describing (889 A.C.),
cens enter the Saracens had again entered Southern France, this
Savoy.
time by the Gulf of Saint Tropès, and spread themselves
over Provence and Dauphiny. It was an independent
movement, conducted by several adventurous spirits
gathered from the seaports of Spain and Africa. Their
principal castle was called Fraxinetum. In 906 A.C.
they traversed the gorges of Dauphiny, and crossing the
Piedmont. Mont Cenis, they occupied Piedmont, Liguria, and part
1 Twenty-five years and eleven months (Ibn ul-Athîr). Dozy
says he ruled twenty-four years.
CH. XXVI. THE SARACENS IN LIGURIA 495

of Switzerland. They penetrated into this country as far 138-300

A.H.
as the Lake of Constance, where they established a
colony. In France they occupied Frejus, Marseilles, Switzer-
and Grenoble, and Nice was held by them for a con- land.
siderable time, and it is due to their sway that a part
of the town is still called the Canton de Sarrazins.
 CHAPTER XXVII

THE SARACENS OF SPAIN

THE OMMEYADES (continued)

300-366 A.H., 912-976 A.C.
ABDUR RAHMAN III . (AN-NASIR)-HAKAM II. (AL-MUSTANSIR)
Accession of Abdur Rahman III.-Reduces the insurgents-
His wars with the Christian tribes of the north-Their punish-
ment-Assumes the title of Ameer ul- Mominin-Fresh raids
by the Galicians--Introduction of the Slavs into state service-
Battle of al-Khandak-The tribes sue for peace-Boundaries
withdrawn to the Ebro-War in Africa- Fresh war with the
Galicians-Sancho expelled by his subjects-Tota-Sancho im-
plores Abdur Rahman's help-Leon, Castile, and Navarre de-
pendencies of the Caliphate-Abdur Rahman's death-His
character-Accession of Hakam II.-His benignant reign-
Successes over the Galicians and Navarrese-Expedition into
Africa-Hakam's love of learning-Cordova-Its splendour-
Its extent-Az-Zahra-- Chivalry.

Abdur ABDULLAH was succeeded by his grandson, Abdur

Rah- Rahmân. He was barely twenty-two years of age when
mân III .
(an-Nasir the oath of allegiance was sworn to him, but his acces-
li dîn
sion was hailed by his uncles and kinsmen, who were
Illah).
older and more experienced than himself, as a happy
1 His father Mohammed had, says Ibn ul-Athîr, suffered the
penalty of death for some capital offence under the orders of Abdul-
lâh. Abdur Rahman was then only three weeks old, but was
brought up most tenderly by the old king, who wanted to make
amends to the child for his severity to the father.
496
CH . XXVII . ABDUR RAHMAN AN-NASIR 497

augury for the kingdom. They had all perceived in him, 300-366
says the historian, the signs of greatness, and accepted A.H.
him as the saviour of the distracted empire of the
Ommeyades. Abandoning the tortuous and temporis-
His
ing policy of his grandfather, he adopted towards the
rebels a course of conduct which was alike bold and straight-
forward
straightforward. Disdaining any middle course, he policy.
announced to the insurgents, Spanish, Berber, and Arab,
that he did not wish for their tribute, but for their castles
and their cities ; if they submitted he promised them a
complete pardon ; otherwise they were to receive exem-
plary punishment. Most of the principal cities submitted
spontaneously. In April 913 A.C. Abdur Rahmân
appeared in person among his troops. The frank and
chivalrous manners of the handsome young king, and
his evident desire to share with them, not only their
glory but also their fatigues and perils, evoked an extra-
ordinary enthusiasm among his soldiers, and exercised a
wonderful influence on their morale. In a campaign of
less than three months he reduced to subjection the
province of Elvira and Jaen. The strongest castles were
captured, and the entire tract purged of brigands and
pacified. In the inaccessible height of the Sierra Nevada
he was as successful as in the plains, and the bandit
chiefs who had harassed the country either submitted or
were put to death. Mohammed, the son of Ibrahim ibn The sub-
mission of
Hajjaj, who had succeeded his father in the principality tasrebels,
of Seville, came to Abdur Rahmân and offered his Dec.
services. The Sevillans were at first refractory, but after 913 A.C.
a short siege they opened their gates. The Sultan then
marched against the insurgents of the Serrania of Regio
(called by the Arabs Rayyia), and one by one their
leaders tendered their submission. Even the Christian
Spaniards, who were the most inveterate enemies of the
KK
 RY ENS
498 HISTO OF THE SARAC CH . XXVII .

912-976 king, convinced of his generosity as well as firmness,

A. C.
began to lay down their arms. The Christian historian
adds here, " the government, be it said to its honour,
conducted itself with the greatest justice towards the
Christians who had capitulated. " 1 Omar bin Hafsûn died
in 917 A.C., but the war in the Serrania did not end with
his death. For ten long years the king had to keep a
large body of troops employed in that mountainous
Capture ofrange. In 928 A.C. Bobastro was captured, and the
Bobastro,
Jan. 2,
other castles reduced and rased to the ground, and the
928. Serrania finally pacified. Similarly the rebels in the
west were brought to subjection. Having nothing to
fear now in the south, the king turned all his forces
against the rebels in the north and the east. Badajoz
Badajoz fell after a siege lasting over a year. Toledo, instigated
reduced, by the Christian chief of Leon, had again risen in revolt.
930 A. C.
The king sent to this stiff-necked and rebellious city a
deputation of learned men inviting their obedience.
The rebels, relying on the help of the Leonese, returned
a haughty answer. Seeing that nothing but force would
bring the Toledans to reason, he took his measures with
promptitude and characteristic vigour. After a siege
Capitula- lasting two years the Toledans capitulated uncondition-
tion of
Toledo, ally. At last the embers of discord were stamped out,
932 A.C. every vestige of rebellion was crushed, and the king
was the undisputed sovereign of the patrimony of his
ancestors .

But whilst thus engaged in pacifying his kingdom,

Abdur Rahmân had to wage war with two enemies whose
designs on fair Andalusia were unmistakable ; one being
the Christian nationalities or tribes of the north, the
other, the Fatimides of Africa. A terrible famine which
in the middle of the eighth century raged for five years
1 Dozy.
CH . XXVII . CHRISTIAN TRIBESMEN 499

in Spain had led to a vast emigration into Africa of the 300-366

A.H.
Arabs who had, after the conquest, settled in the north of
the Peninsula. Profiting by this exodus the Galicians The

rose in insurrection, massacred a large number of the Christian

tribes of
Saracens who were still left, and elected Alfonso as their the north.
chief or king. Some years later, the Berbers who princi-
pally occupied that tract, owing to the paucity of their
numbers, evacuated several important cities, such as As-
torga, Leon, Zamora, Salamanca, Simancas, Segovia, and
Miranda. Alfonso, however, did not establish himself in
the abandoned country, but contented himself with mas-
sacring the few Moslems who had remained behind, and
then retiring to his mountains. His successors took
advantage of the civil wars which decimated the Arab
kingdom to make Leon their capital ; and in the middle
of the ninth century, when Andalusia was convulsed
with insurrections against the Sultan, they advanced their
borders up to the Douro, where they built four strong
fortresses.¹ From here they raided into the territories of The
Islâm and harried the defenceless Moslems with fire and incessant
raids .
sword. Barbarous and poor to such a degree that they
could only buy and sell by barter, they cast longing eyes
on the wealth of Andalusia, regarding the distracted
kingdom as an easy prey. Fanatical, cruel, and pitiless
they rarely gave quarter ; when they took a city they
indulged in promiscuous slaughter, sparing neither age
nor sex.2 As for toleration such as the Saracens had
accorded to the Christians, they were wholly unaware of
the phrase. What the fate of the Moslems would be if
such people carried out their designs of conquest can be
easily imagined. They hated the brilliant civilisation
which developed day by day among the Arabs. The
task before Abdur Rahman was thus not only of saving
1 Zamora, Simancas, San Estevan, and Osma. 2 Dozy.
 500 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXVII .

912-976 his kingdom but also civilisation. The young sovereign

A.C.
understood his mission and applied himself to the work
with the same energy with which he endeavoured to
pacify his insurgent subjects.
Abdur Rahmân had no intention of turning his arms
against the barbarians of the north ; he would gladly
have remained at peace with them, but they forced him
914 A.C. into a war. In 914 A.C. the Leonese, under their chief
Ordono II., ¹ burst into the province of Merida, and
ravaged the country with fire and sword. They captured
Alange, and massacred the male inhabitants and carried
away the women and children into slavery. Laden with
booty and driving an enormous number of prisoners,
they re-crossed the Douro. Abdur Rahmân, who was at
this time engaged with the Fatimides in Africa, contented
himself with sending a punitive expedition under his
vizier Ahmed, son of Abû Abda. Ahmed inflicted severe
punishment on the enemy ; but a check before San
Estevan, where the Saracens were repulsed with heavy
loss, emboldened Ordono and his ally Sancho, chief of
Navarre, to ravage the environs of Tudela and Valtierra.
Abdur Rahmân now resolved at all hazards to teach the
Christian tribesmen a lesson they would not be likely
305 A.H. soon to forget. In July 918 A.C. an army was despatched
July
918 A.C. under the Hajib Badr, who found the raiders entrenched
in their mountains ; they were attacked and defeated.
Believing that the Leonese were not yet sufficiently
308 A.H. humiliated, in June 920 A.C. Abdur Rahmân took the
920 A.C.
Defeat of field in person. Ordono was beaten, and Osma, San
Ordono.
1 Makkarî calls him Urdûn, son of Adifunsh, whilst Ibn Khaldûn
gives the name of his father as Razmîr or Radmîr.
2 Arabic, al- Hans (al- Hanth).
3 Sanja of the Arabs ; he is called by Ibn Khaldûn the chief of
the Baskones or Basques.
CH. XXVII . DEFEAT OF THE TRIBESMEN 501

Estevan, Clunia, and several other places of importance 300-366

A. H.
were captured. Leaving a small force to watch the
Leonese, the king turned his attention towards Navarre.
Sancho, the Navarrese chief, suffered a disastrous defeat
at the hands of Mohammed bin Lope, Governor of
Tudela, who was in command of the advanced guard.
Wholly unable to resist the royal troops by himself,
Sancho sought the assistance of his brother chief of Defeat of
Leon, and their joint forces posted themselves on the Sancho.
heights to overwhelm the Saracenic army as it wended
its way through the narrow Pyrenean defiles. They
hurled stones and missiles, and rolled down huge rocks
on the Saracens. The king saw the danger, and as soon
as his men arrived at a place called Junquera, where the
pass widened into a fairly broad valley, he ordered them
to halt and put up their tents. " The Christians now
committed a serious mistake," says Dozy ; " instead of
remaining on the mountains, they descended into the
plains, and audaciously accepted the battle the Mussul-
mans offered. They paid for their temerity by a terrible
defeat. The Mussulmans pursued them until they were
concealed from sight by the darkness of night ; and
many of their chiefs fell into the hands of the victors,
among them two bishops, who were fighting clad in mail."
After this brilliant victory the king traversed Navarre
from end to end without the least opposition from the
Navarrese. After rasing to the ground their towers and
fortified places, he re-entered his capital on September 24.
In 921 A.C. Ordono and Sancho were again on the war-
path ; they suddenly came down on Najera and Viguera, Fresh
and massacred the Saracen families abiding there, among tribal
them some of the most illustrious of the Arabs. Even rising.
if the king had wished to avoid a war, public opinion
would have compelled him to avenge this wanton out-
 502 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXVII .

912-976 rage. But he himself was exasperated and furious at

A.C.
the ceaseless massacres and ravages committed in his
312 A.H. territories by the northern barbarians. Without waiting
April for the spring, he at once took the field. On the 10th
924 A.C.
of July he entered Navarre, but the terror his name
inspired was so great that the enemy abandoned their
fortresses on his approach. Sancho tried several times
to oppose the king, but was as often beaten. The royal
troops reached Pampeluna, ¹ Sancho's capital, without
Exem- any trouble and barely any loss. As a punishment,
plary Sancho's citadel, palace, and other buildings were rased
punish-
ment. to the ground. The chief of the Basques was now
completely subdued and rendered incapable of doing
further mischief for some time. On the side of Leon,
the king was equally successful, and his task was
materially helped by a civil war which broke out in
925 A.C. between the sons of Ordono. Leaving the
Leonese to cut each other's throats as they pleased, he
applied himself now vigorously to stamp out the insur-
rections within his own dominions, and by 929 A.C., as
I have already described, he had succeeded in reducing
317 A.H. the whole kingdom into order. Hitherto, the Ommeyade
Jan. 16, sovereigns had been content with the designation of
929 A.C.
Assumes Ameer or Sultan; they recognised that the titles of Caliph
the title of and Ameer ul-Mominîn appertained to the custodian of
Ameer ul-
Mominin, the Holy Cities, and had accordingly abstained from
assuming these honours so long as the house of Abbas
was in virtual possession of Mecca and Medîna, and
prayers were recited for them in those places.
At this period the Abbasside Caliphate had reached
its lowest stage of decrepitude and weakness ; Râzi was a
1 Al -Banbalûna.
2 Sancho and Alphonso.
3 Masûdi,
CH. XXVII . ASSUMES THE TITLE OF CALIPH 503

pensioner, if not a prisoner of the Buyide mayors of 300-366

A.H.
the palace ; and the Holy Cities were held by al-Muiz,
the Fatimide. The sovereign of Cordova naturally con-
sidered that the deference the Ommeyades of Spain had
hitherto shown to the Caliphs of Bagdad was now mis-
placed, and felt himself justified in assuming the titles
of Caliph and Ameer ul-Mominîn.¹
In the midst of a vast conclave of his subjects,
representing all classes, he was accordingly invested
with the Caliphate under the title of an-Nasir li dîn-
Illah.2
In the year 933 A.C. Ramire II. had seized the
chieftaincy of Leon after putting out the eyes of his
brother Alphonso IV. and several others of his kinsmen.
He entertained a ferocious and implacable hatred against
the Saracens, and as soon as he got the power he
commenced raiding into the Moslem territories .
Abdur Rahmân at once marched against him, and
endeavoured to draw him into a battle. But Ramire
judged it prudent to remain behind the walls of Osma Ramire's
raid.
(Washma). Leaving a detachment in front of this place,
the Caliph continued his march towards the north. The
Galicians and Leonese were joined at this time by the
Navarrese. Sancho was dead, and Navarre was now
held by Garcia, his son, under the regency of his mother,
Tota (Theuda), who hated the Saracens with as fierce a
hatred as Ramire himself. The Caliph swept through
Castile and Alva, rasing to the ground the fortresses
and towers of the Galicians. Ramire was powerless to
prevent even the destruction of Burgos, which was the His pun-
capital of Castile. At this juncture the Christian tribes- ishment.
men obtained an invaluable ally in the rebel Governor
1 Corrupted by the Christians into Miramolin.
2 " The Helper of the Religion of the Lord. "
 504 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXVII .

912-976 of Saragossa (Mohammed bin Hishâm ¹), who for some

A.C.
fancied wrong rose in arms against his sovereign. The
whole of the north was thus arrayed against Abdur
Rahmân ; the danger was one of extreme magnitude,
937 A.C. but he met it with his usual energy. Saragossa was
besieged with such vigour and promptitude that the
rebel capitulated. He was pardoned and re-appointed
to his post. But the tribesmen were not treated with
the same leniency ; the country of the Basques was
again overrun, and the villages and towns laid under
contribution. Tota, after sustaining reverse after reverse,
sued for pardon, and definitely acknowledged the Caliph
as the suzerain of Navarre. Ramire was beaten in
several actions until he dared not meet the Caliph in the
open, and skulked behind his hills. With the exception
of the principality of Leon and a part of Catalonia,
which was a dependency of France, the whole of Spain
was now at the feet of the great monarch of Cordova.
In his dislike towards the Arab aristocracy and their
factious and turbulent spirit, Abdur Rahmân had been
The intro- throwing of late a great deal of power into the hands
ductionofof foreigners. They were chiefly mamlukes of various
" Slavs "
into State nationalities-Germans, Franks, Italians, Scandinavians,
service. Varangians, Russians, etc.-brought from their native
countries into Spain, when quite young, by the Venetians,
Genoese, and Pisan traders, and sold to the Saracens.3
With the religion of Islam they adopted the Arab
1 Ibn Khaldûn gives the name as Hisham, whilst Dozy has
Hâshim .
2 Ibn Khaldûn, vol. vi. p. 4.
3 Some of them were mutilated before being sold. In Verdun
and several other places in the south of France, the French had
established large manufactories for the mutilation of human beings
(Reinaud's Invasions des Sarrazins). These places supplied the
demand from Byzantium, the Vatican, Spain, and other countries.
CH . XXVII . AL - KHANDAK 505

language, culture, and manners. In the Arab households 300-366

Α.Η.
they were treated as members of the family, and often
entrusted with the discharge of confidential business.
An-Nasir surrounded himself with a large number of
these foreigners, whose generic designation was Iskalabi
or Slavs ; invested them with important military and
civil functions, and compelled " men of the highest
families, who counted in their ancestry the heroes of the
desert, to pay homage to these upstarts." And the Slav
corps formed his most trusted soldiers. This favouritism
alienated still further the Arab nobles. In 939 A.C.
the Galicians and Basques were again in arms, which
necessitated a fresh punitive expedition. On this occa-
sion the Caliph made a fatal mistake; he gave the chief
command to a Slav general named Najd. The Arab
officers were furious, and in their anger vowed that they
would leave the Slavs in the lurch at the most critical
moment. The disaster to the Saracen army, resulting Battle of
from the Caliph's favouritism or the jealousy of the al-Khan-
dak.
Arabs, is differently described by different authors.
Masûdi and Makkarî state that the Saracens marched
unopposed until they arrived at Zamora, which was
besieged. This city was surrounded by several walls,
one within the other, with a large ditch filled with water
within the inner circle. The Arab soldiers succeeded in
forcing their way through a breach across the outer walls,
when they suddenly found themselves in front of the
ditch ; here they were met by showers of arrows and
spears. At this juncture the Arab corps took it into
its head to retire. Thus deserted and cooped within the
walls, the Caliph's force lost an enormous number of
men. Condé's account is fuller. The Saracens, in spite
of the check before the ditch and the retreat of some of
their comrades, continued the attack; they poured in
 506 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXVII .

912-976 through the breach, and crossing the ditch over the dead
A. C.
bodies of their comrades, fell upon the Christians, who,
unable to sustain the shock, fled into the city pursued
by the Saracens, and the entire place " became one field
of carnage; the children and women alone being
spared. " 1 This battle, which took place within the walls
of Zamora, is called the fight of al-Khandak or the
Ditch. The account given by Dozy taken from Spanish
Christian chroniclers is totally different. He says that
the Saracen army was attacked by the enemy near the
village of al-Khandak (Alhandaga), not far from Sala-
manca, when the Arabs left the field in a body ; the
flanks thus left open, the Leonese and Navarrese pene-
trated into the heart of the Caliph's army ; the Slavs
fought with great determination, but were almost
annihilated.
The loss sustained within the walls of Zamora did
not damp the courage or energy of the Caliph. He
immediately set in motion another force which exacted
740 A.C. terrible retribution from the Galicians and Basques. In
November 940 A.C. his Governor of Badajoz 2 inflicted
a murderous defeat on Ramire, and laid waste his
country with fire and sword. These expeditions were
Ordono continued for some years until the spirit of the tribes
III .
sues for was completely broken. In 955 A.C., Ordono III. , the
peace. son and successor of the fanatical Ramire, sued for
peace, which was concluded on terms honourable to both
sides. The Galician chief bound himself to recognise
the suzerainty of the Caliph, to abstain from all intrigues
with the Christians of Andalusia or any foreign power,
to demolish within a fixed time his principal fortresses on
the borders of the Cordovan dominions, and not to
1 Domination des Arabes en Espagne, vol. i. p. 430.
2 Ahmed bin Îla. 3 Ramire II . died in 950 A.C.
CH. XXVII. BOUNDARIES WITHDRAWN TO THE EBRO 507

commit any raids on the Moslem territories. The Caliph 300-366

on his side agreed to respect the independence of Navarre Α. Η.
and Leon, and to be content with the customary homage
and a stipulated tribute.¹
In accordance with this treaty the Moslem frontiers Bound-
aries
were withdrawn to the Ebro. Henceforth they stretched withdrawn
from Tortosa on the Mediterranean along the great river, to the
which formed an excellent defensive boundary, past the Ebro.
strong fortress of Afraga (Fraga) to Lerida on the
Atlantic sea-board .
Whilst engaged in these wars against the frontier
tribes, Abdur Rahman was equally involved in hostilities War in
in Africa. In order to guard against the Fatimide Africa.
menace and to prevent the extension of the Mahdi's
power in Mauritania, he had, since 917 A.c., been helping
the minor principalities of Western Africa. He had no
doubt that the Mahdi, who had already been in com-
munication with the rebel Omar bin Hafsûn, entertained
aggressive designs against Spain. In order to forestall
them, the Caliph tried to take possession of Western
Africa. He was at first successful, but on the accession
of the great al-Muiz on the Fatimide throne, the troops
of the Spanish sovereign, just then busily engaged with
the Christian tribesmen, were driven out of Africa. Ceuta,
the key of Mauritania, alone remained in his hands.
After the peace with Ordono III., the indefatigable Caliph
felt himself able to give his undivided attention to Africa.
The death of Ordono, however, compelled him to abandon
his projected invasion of the Fatimide dominions.
Sancho, who succeeded to the chieftaincy of Galicia and Fresh war
Leon, refused to abide by the treaty concluded with his Galicians
with the .
brother. The Caliph was constrained to employ the
1 One of the envoys of the Caliph on this occasion was the Hebrew
savant Hasdaï (son of Shabrût), the Director- General of Customs.
 508 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXVII .

912-976 army he had prepared for Africa against the refractory

A. C.
tribesmen. His brave general, Ahmed bin Îlâ, who
held the governorship of Toledo, was entrusted with
the conduct of the campaign, and in the month of
July July he won a grand victory over the Galicians and
957 A.C. Leonese.
Sancho Before long, Sancho was expelled from his dominions
by his by a combination of his subjects and Ferdinand
expelled Gon-
subjects. zalez, ¹ Count of Castile. Sancho fled to his grandmother
Tota at Pampeluna, whilst the Leonese elected his
cousin Ordono as their chief or king. Tota, unable
Implores herself to render any assistance to her grandson, implored
the help the help of the Caliph. They repaired to Cordova,
ofthe
Caliph. where they were received in great state. Their prayers
were granted, and a Saracenic army accompanied Sancho
to his principality. The usurper was defeated and fled
April to the mountains, and by the month of April 959 A.C. ,
959 A.C. Sancho's authority was re-established. Leon, Castile,
Galicia, and Navarre were now practically the dependencies
of the Caliphate of Cordova.
Death of
Abdur twoThe great Caliph enjoyed this triumph only for
years, for he died on October 16, 961 A.C., at
Rahmân
an-Nâsir. the age of seventy-three, after a reign of a full half-
Ramazan century.
350 A.H.
Oct. 16, Abdur Rahmân an-Nâsir was unquestionably the ablest
961 A.C. and most gifted of all the Ommeyade sovereigns who
have ruled in Spain. He had found the kingdom in a
chaos, torn by factions, and parcelled among a number
of feudal chieftains belonging to different races ; a prey
to anarchy and civil war, and exposed to continual raids
on the part of the Christian tribes of the north. In
spite of innumerable obstacles he had saved Andalusia,
and made it greater and stronger than it ever was before.
1 Called Kums or Komes by the Arabs.
CH. XXVII. AN-NASIR'S WORK 509

Order and prosperity reigned throughout the empire. 300-366

A. H.
The police organisation was so perfect that the stranger
or trader could travel in the most inaccessible tracts
without the least fear of molestation or danger. And the
cheapness of the markets, the excellence of the clothes
worn by the peasantry, and the universal habit of riding,
even by the poorest, testified to the general prosperity of
the people. The smiling fields, the well-stocked gardens,
the immense wealth of fruit, spoke of the wonderful
impetus given to agriculture under his liberal and
benignant government. The splendid hydraulic works
and the scientific system of irrigation which made the
most sterile lands fruitful, evoked the admiration of the
traveller. But it was not agriculture alone that was
fostered by an-Nâsir. Commerce and industry, the arts
and sciences were encouraged and developed. Cordova,
Almeria, Seville, and other cities had numerous special
industries which enriched the population and added to
the wealth of Spain. The commerce of the country had
increased to such an extent that the customs dues alone
supplied the most considerable part of the state revenue,
which in an-Nâsir's time amounted to over twelve
million dinârs. 1
The military resources of an-Nâsir
were formidable. A splendid navy permitted him to
dispute with the Fatimides for the supremacy of the
Mediterranean, and a numerous and well-disciplined
army, " perhaps the best in the world," says Dozy, gave
him the preponderance over the Christians of the north.
The great sovereigns of Europe courted his alliance, and
the Emperor of Constantinople, and the kings of Germany,
1 Of this vast income, one-third was appropriated for military
purposes, one - third was devoted to public works and the develop-
ment of trade and commerce, and the encouragement of letters and
arts, whilst the remaining one-third was put by.
 510 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXVII .

912-976 France, and Italy, all sent him ambassadors.1 " But
A.C. what excites the admiration and wonderment of the

student of this glorious reign is less the work than the

workman. " The grasp of his intellect, which allowed
nothing to escape, showed itself as admirably in the
minutest detail as in the sublimest conception. " This
sagacious man," continues the historian, " who centralised,
who founded the unity of the nation and that of the
monarchical power, who by his alliances established a
kind of political equilibrium, who, in his large tolerance,
called to his counsel men of every religion, is especially
a king of modern times rather than a ruler of the Middle
Ages. " After this enthusiastic estimate, the description
of Abdur Rahmân given by the Arab historians sounds
weak and colourless.2
Accession Abdur Rahman was succeeded by his son Hakam,
ofHak-
am II. under the title of al-Mustansir b'Illah. Hakam had, for
(al-Mus-
tansir
1 The year 947 A.C. ( 336 A.H. ) was remarkable for an influx of
b'Illah). embassies to Cordova. Besides the envoys from Constantinople who
solicited an alliance with Abdur Rahmân, there were ambassadors
from the king or duke of the Slavonians (called by the Arabs, Zuka
or Duka), the Emperor of Germany (Otho ), " the King of France
called Kaldah or Karla (Charles the Simple), and another prince
of the Franks beyond the Jabal ul- Burt (the Pyrenees) named
Ukoh " (Hugo).
2 This was the monarch who said that in reviewing his long life he
could only remember fourteen days of unalloyed happiness. A son
had attempted a revolt. He was condemned to suffer the penalty
of death. His brother, the heir-apparent, threw himself with tears
at the father's feet to rescind the sentence passed by the Council.
" As a father I shall shed tears of blood all my life," said the old
Caliph, " but I am a king as well as a father ; if I interfere in this
case the empire will fall to pieces." The sentence of death was
allowed to take effect. From that day, Abdur Rahman was never
seen to smile.
8 " Imploring the succour of the Lord."
CH. XXVII . HAKAM II. 511

some years before his father's death, taken an active part 300-366
in the administration of the state, and the fame of his A. H.
justice and wisdom had already spread into distant lands.¹
The chiefs of Leon and Navarre, instead of regarding the
death of the great Caliph, who had rendered them such
services, as a loss, looked upon it as a means of evading
compliance with the treaties, and of throwing off the Sara-
cenic suzerainty. Under the impression that Hakam, Treachery
ofthe
who was known to be of a pacific and scholarly disposi- Leonese
tion, would not insist on the execution of the terms of chief.
their compacts, and, if it came to war, would not be so
successful as his father, both Sancho and Garcia adopted
an evasive attitude, which boded treachery, and delayed
the demolition of the frontier fortresses by every device.
At the same time Ferdinand Gonzalez, Count of Castile,
recommenced his raids. The ungrateful chiefs were
soon undeceived as to the real character of the new
sovereign ; for a short campaign showed that the scholar
could be a soldier, that he could strike as well as study.
The first expedition against Gonzalez was led by Hakam February
in person ; the rebel suffered a disastrous defeat, and had 962 A.C.
to fly across the frontiers. On his return from the ex-
pedition against the Count of Castile, Hakam was visited
byOrdono (the Wicked), who had been ousted by Sancho
with the help of the late Caliph. He was received with
great honour, and a treaty was signed by which Ordono
bound himself always to live at peace with the Moslems,
to give his son Garcia as a hostage, and never to join
with the rebel Gonzalez. An army under the command
of the general Ghalib was then placed at his disposal,
1 Masûdi, who wrote his Murûj uz-Zahab in the lifetime of Abdur
Rahmân, speaks of Hakam " as the most distinguished man of his
time for his justice and excellent qualities. "
2 Ibn Khaldûn .
 512 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXVII .

912-976 with orders to drive Sancho out of Leon and Galicia,

A.C. and instal Ordono in the chiefship. Sancho, whose
position was still precarious, was frightened at the pre-
parations, and hurried off to Cordova an embassy con-
sisting of the principal ecclesiastics and nobles of his
principality to implore the Caliph's pardon, and to
promise solemnly the immediate fulfilment of his treaty
engagements. As Ordono died a few months after,¹ he
again became refractory, and, relying on the help of the
Navarrese chief and the Castilian and Catalonian
counts, he flatly refused to abide by the treaty. Hakam
was thus compelled to declare war against the Christian
tribes. He turned his arms first against Castile, took
by storm San Estevan de Gormaz (Shant Eshtibân), and
forced Gonzalez to sue for peace, " but it was broken as
soon as concluded." Ghalib was despatched against
Leon. Marching by Medinaceli (Medîna Sâlim) he
arrived at a place called Atienza (Asta) in the territories
of Sancho, where he was met by a large body of Galicians.
They suffered a disastrous defeat, and Galicia was over-
run. Joining hands with Yahya, son of Mohammed
Tajîbi, Governor of Saragossa, he then invaded the
country of the Basques, whose chief had also broken the
Submis- treaty.2 The Navarrese chief was beaten, and his
sion of principal cities were taken by storm. " The capture of
Navarre. Calahorra (Kalharra) at the hands of Ghalib in the
country of the Baskones was the most important among
these conquests." 3 Hakam rebuilt its fortifications,
and occupied it with his troops. Several other places in
Navarre, Galicia, and Alava and Castile were similarly
garrisoned. In a word, although Hakam did not love
war, and had to engage in it against his own wishes, he
1 Towards the end of 962 A.C.
2 Ibn Khaldûn. 3 Ibid.
CH . XXVII . HAKAM II. 513

soon forced the enemies of his realm to sue for peace. 300-366
Sancho of Leon made his submission in 966 A.C. The A.H.
Counts of Catalonia, Borrel, and Miron,¹ who also had Submis-
sion of
suffered some disastrous reverses, followed his example, Sancho.
and solicited a renewal of the treaty of peace, engaging Peace
to dismantle all the fortresses and towers in the vicinity with
concluded
them.
of the Moslem frontiers, from which marauding parties
usually started ; to lend no assistance to the people of
their faith in their wars with the Saracens, and lastly to
deter other Christian tribes and nations from joining their
forces against the Moslems. " Garcia, the chief of the
Baskones, sent ambassadors accompanied by a body of
his counts and bishops to ask for peace." They were
kept waiting for a time until Ghalib had thoroughly
beaten the Navarrese, when Hakam acceded to their
prayers on the same terms. About the same time, “ the
mother of a powerful count, named Luzrik, son of
Balakash (Rodrigo Velasquez), whose territories bordered
on Galicia," visited the court of Hakam to pray for
peace on behalf of her son. The Caliph received her in
great state, covered her with presents, and granted her
request. The death in 970 A.C. of the rebel Count of
Castile at last brought tranquillity to that province.
Two years later Hakam sent an expedition into Mauri- 362 A.H.
tania (Maghrib ul-Aksa and Ausat) to stem the tide of October
Fatimide conquest. His general Ghalib seems to have ..
Expe-
been successful in restoring the Ommeyade supremacy in dition into
Africa.
Western Africa. The Berber tribes of Zenata, Maghrâwa,
and Miknâsa abandoned their allegiance to the Caliph
of Cairo, and prayers were recited in Hakam's name
from their pulpits. Many of the Alide princes, long
settled in Fez, came over to Spain, where they were
received with kindness. The Idrîsides were brought to
1 Barîl and Munîra of Ibn Khaldûn .
LL
 514 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXVII .

912-976 the country of the Riffs,¹ and thence to Cordova. But

A. C.
later some of them were exiled to Alexandria.
Hakam's " Hakam," says Ibn Khaldûn, " loved literature and
love of
the sciences, and showered his munificence on menand
of books, of
learning. learning." He was a great collector
although all his predecessors were men of culture, and
fond of enriching their libraries with rare and precious
books, none had engaged in the work with the same zeal
as Hakam. A special officer was entrusted with the
charge of the imperial library, the catalogue of which
alone consisted of forty-four volumes. Hakam con-
verted Spain into a great market, where the literary
production of every country was immediately brought
for sale ; he sent out agents to every part of the world
in search of interesting and valuable works, and spent
large sums in their purchase. The publication of original
works was encouraged by munificent donations, and
every endeavour made to obtain the first copies. Abu'l
Faraj (Isphahani) sent him a copy of " his great work 8
even before it had appeared in Irâk," and received from
the grateful monarch of Cordova a thousand dinârs as
reward. Several rooms in the palace were set apart for
the work of copying, illuminating, and binding books,
over which were employed the most skilful men of the
time. Hakam was not merely a book-hunter, but a studi-
ous scholar. He not only read the books in his library,
but what is more, he made copious notes on the fly-leaf
relative to the author and the work. His liberality
towards Spanish as well as foreign scholars, scientists,
and philosophers was unbounded. He encouraged and
protected " even the philosophers, who could now pursue
1 Ibn Khaldûn.
* The library is said to have contained 400,000 volumes.
3 See ante, p. 469.
CH. XXVII . DEATH OF HAKAM II. 515

their studies without fear of persecution by the bigots." 300-366

Α. Η.
All branches of learning and science flourished under this
enlightened sovereign. The elementary schools, founded
by his predecessors, were numerous and well endowed.
" In Spain almost everybody knew how to read and write,
whilst in Christian Europe, save and except the clergy,
even persons belonging to the highest ranks were wholly
ignorant. " 1 Hakam believed that knowledge could
never be too widely diffused, and in his benevolent
solicitude for the poorer classes, he established in the
capital twenty-seven schools, where the children of
parents without means received gratuitous education,
even the books being supplied from the state, whilst the
University of Cordova was one of the most renowned in Death of
the world, and equalled the Azharièh of Cairo and the Hakam
al-Mus-
Nizâmièh of Bagdad. tansir,
This good and virtuous Caliph died on October 1 , 976 Safar 2,
366 A. H.
A.C. , and with him ended the glory of the Ommeyades Oct. 1 ,
of Spain. 976 A. C.
Cordova, called by the Arabs Kurtuba, is situated in Cordova.
an extensive and fertile plain at the foot of the ridge of
mountains called the Sierra Morena, forming a kind of
semicircular amphitheatre on the right bank of the
3
Guadalquiver. This city had been adorned by the
Arab governors with numerous beautiful structures, but
its systematic embellishment on a scale of grandeur of
which we can have but little conception in these days
began under Abdur Rahmân ad-Dakhil. One of his
first acts, after his accession to power, was to build an
aqueduct for the supply of pure water to the capital
1 Dozy.
2 Cordoba of the Romans. It was also called by these people
Colonia Patricia .
3 Corrupted from the Arabic al- Wâd ul-Kabîr (the great river).
 516 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXVII.

912-976 from the hills in the vicinity. His successors continually

A. C.
added to the number until the water supply of Cordova
surpassed in excellence that of every other city. The
water was brought in leaden pipes and then distributed
over the town and suburbs. The reservoirs and cisterns
were either of Grecian marble wonderfully carved or of
plated brass. In some of the palaces they were even of
gold and silver. The Saracens loved water in every
shape ; no mansion of any pretension was without its
garden, its running rills of water, its fountains. In the
year 940 A.C. Abdur Rahmân III . constructed another
great aqueduct which threw into shade the works of his
predecessors. It was built over arches scientifically de-
signed, and conveyed the water from the neighbouring
mountains to the waterworks of the city. There the
water was discharged into a vast reservoir, in the middle
of which was the figure of a lion covered with plates of
gold, spouting water from its mouth. By the side of the
lion stood the gigantic statue of a man pouring water
over the lion. After supplying the city the surplus water
ran into the river. The famous garden of Rusâfa, which
became the model for the civilised countries of Europe,
was made by Abdur Rahmân I. It was stocked with
choice and rare plants from all parts of the world. An
exquisite palace enhanced the charm of the garden ; but
he was not content with building for his own pleasure or
indulgence, for he " erected mosques, baths, bridges, and
castles in every province of his dominions." The great
cathedral mosque which became one of the ornaments of
Spain was begun by him although completed by his son.
The magnificence of Cordova in the days of its glory
can be judged from the statement of an old author to the
effect that one could travel for ten miles " by the light
of lamps along an uninterrupted extent of buildings."
CH. XXVII . CORDOVA-AZ- ZAHRA 517

Another writer says-" The city extended twenty-four 300-366

Α. Η.
miles one way and six on the other, and the whole space
was occupied by houses, palaces, mosques, and gardens
along the banks of the Guadalquiver." Beyond the city
walls stretched the suburbs, divided into twenty-seven
quarters, inhabited by a thriving population. In each
division there were mosques, markets, and baths adequate
for the wants of its inhabitants, " so that there was no
need for people of one quarter to go to the other. " The
capital derived its supplies from three thousand townships
and villages appertaining to it. The magistrates of the
places in the immediate vicinity of Cordova made their
reports every Friday to the Caliph after the public
prayers. The grand mosque begun by ad-Dakhil and
completed by Hishâm I. was further beautified by
an-Nâsir. It was a magnificent structure, resplendent
with gold and silver, and decorated in the most exquisite
taste. Cordova contained innumerable libraries, and
rich people, however illiterate, spared no labour or ex-
pense in amassing books, merely for the sake of having
it reported that they had libraries, or were possessed of
unique works. The beautiful palace of Az-Zahra, ¹ built The

by an-Nâsir, at a distance of four miles from the capital, Az-Zahra

palace of.
was one of the wonders of the world. It was made of
pure marble-white, onyx, rose-coloured, and green-
brought from different parts of the globe. The eastern
hall was adorned with fountains, in which were placed
figures of animals, made of gold, set with precious stones,
through the mouths of which water flowed continuously.
The audience-chamber was an exquisite piece of work-
manship in marble and gold, studded with jewels.
According to the old writers it was impossible to give in
words a proper description of " the boldness of the
1 " The Beautiful."
 518 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXVII .

912-976 design, the beauty of the proportions, the elegance of

A.C.
the ornaments and decorations, whether of carved marble
or of molten gold, of the columns that seemed from
their symmetry as if cast in moulds, of the paintings that
equalled the choicest bowers themselves, the vast but
firmly constructed lake, and the fountains with the
exquisite images."
Attached to the gardens were large enclosures for wild
beasts, as well as aviaries containing birds of all kinds
and from all climes. Over the central gate was placed
the statue of the queen after whom the palace and the
city were named. Besides the actual palace with its
gardens, there were enormous buildings appropriated to
the use of the Caliph's retinue and court. Contiguous
to them was the town of az-Zahra.1
Under its great Ommeyade sovereigns, Cordova, with
its three thousand eight hundred mosques, its sixty
thousand palaces and mansions, its two hundred thou-
sand houses inhabited by the common people, its seven
hundred baths, its eighty thousand shops, besides hostels
and serais, vied in splendour and extent with Bagdad.
Its fame had spread even into the heart of Germany,
and the Saxon nun Hroswitha " called it the ornament
of the world. " 2 In the days of its glory the population
of Cordova numbered one million inhabitants ; under
the present rule it does not exceed thirty-five thousand ! 3
1 A donation of four hundred dirhems to each person who came
to reside in the vicinity of the palace brought a large influx of
inhabitants from all parts of the country. For twenty years ten
thousand men were employed over the palace.
2 Dozy says this writer was celebrated in the last half of the
tenth century for her poems and Latin dramas.
3 Murphy. The prosperity of Cordova was typical of the other
cities; such as Seville, Almeria, Jaen, Malaga, Ecija, Madrid, and
Saragossa.
CH. XXVII . CORDOVA CHIVALRY 519

But Cordova was not merely the abode of culture, of 300-366

Α.Η.
learning and arts, of industry and commerce ; it was
the home where chivalry received its first nourishment. Chivalry.
Chivalry is innate in the Arab character, but its rules
and principles, the punctilious code of honour, the
knightly polish, the courtliness, all of which were so
assiduously cultivated afterwards in the kingdom of
Granada, came into prominence under an-Nâsir and his
son. " It was at this period that the chivalrous ideas
commenced to develop themselves, joined to an ex-
alted sense of honour and respect for the feeble sex." 1
Another competent writer states that chivalry with all
its institutions, such as came later into existence among
the Christian nations of the West, flourished among the
Saracens in the time of an-Nâsir, Hakam, and al- Mansûr.2
Here came foreign knights under guarantee of peace and
protection to break lance with Saracen cavaliers. The
old custom of warriors rushing to battle shouting the
names of their sisters and sweethearts had gone out of
fashion; the knight now entered the lists wearing some
token of his lady-love on his shoulder or helmet. The
Saracen lady was an undisguised spectator at the frequent
jousts and tournaments which enlivened the capital, and
her presence at the public festivals lent a charm and
fascination to the scenes. The dignified association of
the sexes gave rise to a delicacy of sentiment and
refinement of manners, of which the domiciled Moslem
of India in the present day can have but a faint con-
ception; the polished courtesy and exalted sentiment of
honour, which distinguished the Arab cavaliers to the
very end of their empire in Spain, " might have graced
1 Reinaud.
2 Viardot, Scènes de mœurs Arabes en Espagne au dixième Siècle.
 520 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXVII .

912-976 a Bayard or a Sidney." 1 The ten qualities essential to

A.C.
a true knight were " piety, valour, courtesy, prowess,
the gifts of poetry and eloquence, and dexterity in the
management of the horse, the sword, lance, and bow."
1 " When the empress queen of Alfonso VII. was besieged in the
castle of Azeca, in 1139, she reproached the Moslem cavaliers for
their want of courtesy and courage in attacking a fortress defended
by a female. They acknowledged the justice of the rebuke, and
only requested that she would condescend to show herself to them
from her palace ; when the Moorish chivalry, after paying their
obeisance to her in the most respectful manner, instantly raised the
siege, and departed. "
 CHAPTER XXVIII

THE SARACENS OF SPAIN

THE OMMEYADES (continued)

366-428 A.H.; 976—1037 А.С.
HISHAM II . -MAHDI- SULAIMAN- ABDUR RAHMAN IV.--
MOHAMMED II . HISHAM III .

Accession of Hishâm II .-Hajib al-Mansûr-His intrigues- Seizes

all the powers of the State-His victories over the Christian
tribes-His death-Is succeeded by his son, al -Muzzaffar-His
successful government-Al- Muzzaffar's death-Hajib Abdur
Rahman-Mahdi seizes the throne-Abdication of Hishâm II .
-Sulaiman kills Mahdi-Convulsion in Cordova.

HAKAM left him surviving a son named Hishâm, barely 366-428

eleven years of age. He had tried in his lifetime by A.H. 976
-1037
everymeans in his power to assure the young lad's peace- A.C.
able succession to the throne. A few months before his Accession
death he held a convocation of the magnates and nobles; of Hishâm
II. (al-
and all took the oath of fealty to Hishâm, and subscribed Muwayyid
the document by which Hakam devised the Caliphate to b'Illah).
the son of his old age whom he so tenderly loved. On
his death-bed he confided the care of the child to the
Hâjib Mashafi and to the secretary of state, Mohammed
bin Abi Aâmir. He trusted that under the guardianship
of his mother, the Empress Subh,¹ a woman of great
ability, and with the help of these favoured servants, his
1 It means the Dawn. Dozyhas rendered it happily as " Aurora."
521
 522 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXVIII .

976-1037 son would rule peaceably and successfully. Hishâm

A.C. was accordingly proclaimed Caliph under the title of
al-Muwaiyyid b'Illah. But the deceased Caliph had
miscalculated the fidelity or ambition of Mohammed bin
Abi Aâmir. Before long he overthrew Hajib Mashafi
and the other nobles who were opposed to his ascendency.
He put to death many leading walîs and magnates, " and
when the kingdom was denuded of its leading men," 2
he seized all power and authority, and kept the young
Caliph almost confined in his palace. The state officials
were not allowed to come near him except on festive
occasions, when they made their obeisance and departed.
After seizing on the vizierate Ibn Abî Aâmir assumed
the title of the Hajib al-Mansûr, and built a magnificent
palace for himself which was named the Zâhira. " His
name was borne on the coins, and all orders and edicts
were issued under his seal, and prayers were offered for
him along with the Caliph from the pulpits. " After
ridding himself of the rivals who inspired alarm or
jealousy, he turned his attention to the army, which he
re-organised by removing the Arab element and intro-
ducing in its place large bodies of Berbers, on whose
devotion he could rely. " In fact, he relegated the
Arabs to a secondary position." 4
According to Ibn Khaldûn he undertook fifty-two 5
campaigns, in which he was invariably successful. "Never
was a detachment of his army cut up, or his standard
lowered. " The Galicians and Basques had, immediately
on the death of Hakam, risen against the Saracens and
1 " The Aider of the religion of the Lord. "
2 Ibn Khaldûn.
3 " The victorious Lord Chamberlain."
* Ibn Khaldûn.
5 According to another writer, fifty-six.
CH. XXVIII . HAJIB AL-MANSÛR 523

resumed their raids. By a series of brilliant operations, 366-428

Mansûr, as I shall now call him, reduced Leon and A.H.
Navarre to the condition of tributary provinces, and
garrisoned the capitals of those principalities with his
troops. He then turned his arms against Catalonia ;
sacked Barcelona, and drove out the French counts .
The boundaries of the empire were thus again extended
beyond the Pyrenees. In Mauritania, his arms were
equally successful, and a large part of Western Africa
was reduced to subjection by his generals. In the year
991 A.C. he conceived the design of making the office of
Hâjib hereditary in his family He would have, if he
could, removed the son of his patron from the throne,
and made himself sovereign de jure as he was de facto,
but he was afraid of the nation, among whom the idea
of legitimacy was ingrained. The nobles, perhaps, would
have considered a change of dynasty useful ; but the
people, chiefly of Spanish origin, thought otherwise.
" Like the religious sentiment, the love of dynasty was
a part of their being; and although Mansûr had given
the country unprecedented glory and prosperity, they
hated him for keeping their sovereign in a condition of
pupilage." Aware of this feeling, but hopeful that it
might change in time, he contented himself with declar-
ing his son Abdul Malik his successor to the vizierate,
under the nominal orders of the Caliph. In 996 A.C.,
he assumed the titles of Syed (lord) and Malik Karîm
(generous king).
This remarkable man died in 1002 A.C., and was Hajib
buried at Medîna Sâlim ( Medinaceli). None of the al-Man-
sûr's
rulers of Andalusia was so dreaded by the Christians of death,
the north as the Hajib al-Mansûr. His military ability 1002 A.C.
and wonderful talent for organisation had made him the
idol of the soldiery. His solicitude for their well-being
 524 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXVIII .

976-1037 and discipline was constant and unceasing ; and with

A. C.
the splendid army he had created and trained, he had
given to Spain a power " which it had not enjoyed, " says
Dozy, " even in the times of Abdur Rahman III." But
this is not his sole claim to the gratitude of his people.
Although he was forced by political considerations to
show himself intolerant to free-thinkers and philosophers,
he did not hesitate to protect them when he could do
so without wounding the susceptibilities of the legists.1
During the whole period of his rule, with the glory of
arms was combined a taste for letters and arts and the
love of industry and agriculture. " Never was Mussul-
man Spain," says Reinaud, " more prosperous than under
his domination." He fostered learning, and patronised
learned men with generous munificence. Although the
means he had employed to attain to power must be
strongly condemned, it cannot be denied that once he
got it he exercised it nobly. In character he was gener-
ous, just, and loyal to his word. His sagacity and love
of justice passed in fact into a proverb.
Hajib Mansûr was succeeded in the Hajibate by his son
Abdul Abdul Malik, surnamed al-Muzzaffar (the Victorious).
Malik, al-
Muzzaffar. He followed in the footsteps of his father in the manage-
ment of the state. He won several victories over the
Christian tribes, and under his successful rule the
country advanced still further in prosperity. " They
were days of festivity," says an old writer.
The un- And yet the Banû-Aâmir were not loved. Had they
popularity
ofthe
remained content with ruling in the name of the sove-
Banû- reign, their mayoralty in all probability would have lasted
Aâmir.
some time, but their vaulting ambition over-stepped all
bounds. They aimed not only at the reality of power
under the shadow of the throne, but at the throne itself
1Dozy.
CH. XXVIII . THE BANU - AÂMIR 525

They thus made the princes of the blood and the whole 366-428
A. H.
Ommeyade clan their bitter enemies, and completely
alienated thefakîhs and the people. At the same time,
the change which had taken place in the peninsula since
the accession of Nasir favoured a revolution. The old
Arab society, " with its virtues and its faults," had dis-
appeared. The unification of the nations which had been
the aim of an-Nasir and of the great Hajib, had been
attained at the expense of the ancient aristocracy, which,
ruined and impoverished, were fast disappearing, and
gradually the old historic names faded away from the
memories of men. The court-nobility, allied to the
Ommeyade by ties of clientage, had no doubt withstood
the shock, and hitherto maintained intact their wealth
and influence. But the most powerful men at this epoch
were the Berber and Slav generals who had made their
fortunes under the Hajib al-Mansûr. Material develop-
ment had brought into prominence another social factor,
viz. an opulent middle-class ; and the merchants, traders,
and the industrial classes generally began now to play
an important part in the economy of the country. But
this very fact gave birth to new difficulties, for with the
increase of wealth and the rise of a new order com-
menced the struggle of classes. One can see mirrored
in the history of those times all the troubles which beset
the statesman of the present day-the mutual aversion of
the military and the civilian, the hatred of the proletariat
against employers, the envy of the commonalty towards
the upper ranks of society. In the capital the social
conditions were such that the smallest disturbance was
sure to result in a fearful conflict between the rich and
the poor. " Cordova had become a vast manufactory
filled with thousands of workmen, ready at the slightest
notice to take part in any riot or revolt which promised
 526 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXVIII.

976-1037 a harvest of loot. But the opulent classes forgot the

A.C.
danger in their detestation of the Banû-Aâmir. " 1
October, The death of Muzaffar in the flower of his age brought
1008 A.C.
Death of
about the catastrophe which was feared by some and
the Hajib hoped for by all. The Banû-Aamir fell, but, like blind
al- Samson, they brought down with them the whole fabric
Muzaffar. of the empire.
Hajib He was succeeded by his brother Abdur Rahmân,
2
Abdur called Sanchol.
Rahmân
He was hated by the people for his
Sanchol. flagrant immorality, and yet he was ambitious of making
himself the Caliph. He forced Hishâm II. to declare
him heir-presumptive to the pontifical throne. His
audacity brought the discontent of the Cordovans to a
head. Sanchol had hardly left the capital on an expe-
dition to the north than a revolt, headed by a member
of the royal family named Mohammed, broke out in
Cordova. The palace of the Banû-Aâmir (Az-Zahira)
was plundered and reduced to ashes. Hishâm signed his
own abdication in favour of Mohammed, who assumed
Mohani- the title of Mahdi. Immediately upon his accession he
med al- proclaimed the attainder of Sanchol. The enthusiasm
Mahdi .
of the capital communicated itself to the provinces, and
in a short time a large army gathered round the Mahdi's
standard, officered, as in the French Revolution, by
66
members of the middle-class, or men of the people,"
doctors, butchers, saddlers, etc. Mahdi had, however,
raised in the popular excitement a Frankenstein which
he could not lay, and which practically caused the de-
Death of struction of the Ommeyades in Spain. Sanchol, deserted
Sanchol. by his followers, was taken prisoner and put to death.
1 Dozy.
2 The Sanjûl of the Arabs. Dozy says he was nicknamed Sanchol,
that is, little Sancho, because his mother was a daughter of Sancho,
King of Navarre.
CH . XXVIII . THE BANU - HAMÛD 527

But the new Caliph did not reign long; he soon alien- 366-428
Α. Η.
ated all parties by his conduct. The ferocious Berbers
fell off, and put forward another candidate to the throne.
He, too, was an Ommeyade, and bore the name of
Sulaimân. Cordova now became the theatre of fright-
ful riots, in which the worst excesses were practised
on both sides. Baited by the wild troops, Mahdi
brought out Hishâm II. and again placed him in the
pontifical chair. Sulaiman thereupon invoked the assist-
ance of the Christians of Castile and Leon, whilst Mahdi
applied for help to the Catalonians. Thus, in the course
of a few months, from the death of Muzzaffar, the Sara-
cens, instead of dictating the law to the Galicians and
other tribesmen, were supplicating their aid, which was
granted only on the retrocession of all the conquests
made by an-Nâsir and the great Hajib. Two hundred
fortresses and cities were thus abandoned to the Chris-
tians. Cordova was alternately captured and recaptured
by the allies of Sulaimân and Mahdi, and treated as a
city taken by storm. The beautiful az-Zahra of Abdur
Rahmân III . was sacked and partially destroyed. Mahdi
was at last killed ; Sulaiman then seized the person of July
the helpless Hishâm, who was either put to death or 1010 A.C.
allowed to escape to Mecca. The usurper, who assumed Sulaimân.
the title of Mustaîn b'Illâh, did not, however, long
enjoy the fruits of his ill-gotten victory. Another revolt
led to his fall and death. A member of the Idrîside Ali bin

family¹ then seated himself on the throne. Upon his Hamûd.

assassination, shortly after, his brother Kâsim was raised 1017 A.C.
to the supreme power. Kâsim's administration was mild 408 A.H.
and just. But he was before long deserted by the
Berbers. A struggle with his nephew ended in his ex-
pulsion from Cordova. The Cordovans then raised an
1 Ali bin Hamûd.
 528 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXVIII .

976-1037
A.C.
Ommeyade¹ to the throne, which, however, he did not
occupy long. Two other Ommeyades followed in rapid
succession. With the last of these unfortunate sovereigns,
sovereigns & merely in name, the Ommeyade dynasty came
to an end in Spain. The Cordovans submitted for a
while to Yahya, the son of Ali bin Hamûd.4 Upon his
assassination in 1035 A.C. they established a republic in
their city, which continued in existence until its reduction
forty years later by the King of Seville.
1 Abdur Rahmân, surnamed al-Mustazhir b'Illah (“ He who
implores the assistance of the Lord ").
2 Mohammed, al-Mustakfi b'Illah ( “ He who is contented with
the Lord ") . This Al-Mustakfi was the father of the celebrated
poetess Walâdèh. She was the most eloquent woman of her age,
and in learning and taste rivalled the best poets of her father's
court. The histories of the time are filled with anecdotes respecting
this princess. She was equally celebrated for the nobility and purity
of her character as for her beauty. She lived to a great age, and
died unmarried in the year 480 A. H. (May 8, A.C. 1087).
* Hisham III . , al-Mutazz bIllah ( " He who is prepared in the
Lord") . " Hishâm,” says Makkarî, " was a mild and enlightened
ruler, and possessed many brilliant qualities ; but, notwithstanding
all that, some time after his entrance into the capital, the volatile
and degenerate citizens of Cordova grew discontented with his rule,
and he was deposed by the army in 422 A.H. (A.C. 1031 ). "
4 Surnamed al-Mutaali.
 CHAPTER XXIX

THE SARACENS IN SPAIN (continued)

428-871 A.H .; 1037-1466 A.C.

The Mulûk ut- Tawaif or Petty Kings-Their mutual divisions-

Gradual extension of the Christian power-The Almoravides-
Yusuf bin Tâshfin-The Battle of Zallaka-Death of Yusuf bin
Tâshfîn- Is succeeded by his son Ali-His death-Collapse of
the Almoravide Empire-The Almohades-Abdul Momîn-
Abu Yakûb Yusuf-Abu Yusuf Yakub (al- Mansûr)-Battle of
Alarcos-Death of Yakûb-Accession of Mohammed an- Nasir-
Disaster of al-Aakâb-Collapse of the Almohade Empire--Rise
of the Banû-Ahmar-The kingdom of Granada.

THE political convulsions in the capital gave to the 428-871

provincial governors and magnates the opportunity for A.H. 1037
proclaiming their independence. Malaga, Algeciras, and -1466 A.C.
the neighbouring districts were seized by the Banû The
Hamûd,¹ who assumed the title of Ameer ul-Mominîn. Mulûk ut-
Tawaif,
They continued to rule in these parts until dispossessed "the petty
by the king of Granada in 1057 A.C. Granada fell into kings."
the hands of the Berber chief Zawi. His family held The Banû
this kingdom until 1090 A.С. Seville with the western Hamûd.
districts (including Algarve) was possessed by the Banû The Banû
Abbâd.
1 Descended from the Idrîsides of Mauritania, they were the
descendants of Hamûd, son of Maimûn, son of Ahmed, son of Ali,
son of Obaidullah, son of Omar, son of Idrîs. Hamûd had fled from
Africa and taken refuge in Cordova during the administration of the
Hajib al- Mansûr, who received him with kindness, and gave him
a command in the armies of the Caliph Hishâm.
529 MM
 530 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIX.

1037- Abbad. The founder of this family was the Chief Kâzi
1466 A.C. of Seville, Abu'l Kasim Mohammed, surnamed Ibn
Abbad. The last of the Banû Abbâd was Mutamid,
who was deported to Africa by Yusuf bin Tâshfin.2
The Banû Toledo was held by the Banû Zu'n-nûn, who made
Zu'n-nûn. themselves famous by their lavish splendour. The last
of the Zu'n-nûn, Kadir, surrendered the city to Alfonso
478 A.H. VI. in 1085 A.C. The Banû Hûd, descended from one
1085 A.C. of the generals of Abdur Rahman III., held Saragossa
The Banû
Hûd. until 1118 A.C., when it was captured by the Christians
under Ramire. Badajoz, Valencia, Murcia, and Almeria
were similarly ruled by independent chiefs. Denia and
the islands of the Mediterranean were in the hands of
Mujahid Mujahid bin Abdullah al-Aâmiri, surnamed Abu'ljuyûsh
al-Aâmiri. (" the father ofthe army"). " He was an undaunted warrior
and an experienced sailor. He kept a considerable fleet
always ready for sea, with which he made descents on the
coast of France and Italy. As long as he lived no
Christian vessel dared to furrow the waters of the Bahr
ush-Shâm (Sea of Shâm)." 5 These petty sovereigns,
collectively designated Mulûk ut-Tawaif, were one and
all munificent patrons of learning and arts. In fact, each
endeavoured to outvie the other in his encouragement
of letters. Many of them were themselves accomplished
litterateurs and poets. And the Arab historian justly
1 Abbâd was one of his ancestors. He was succeeded by his son,
Abu Amr Abbâd, surnamed Mutazid b'Illâh.
2 See post, p. 533-
3 Mohammed bin Hashim at-Tajîbi, Governor of Saragossa.
4 He was a Moula of the Hajib al- Mansûr.
The Mediterranean Sea. Dozy calls Mujahid the greatest
pirate of his time.
6 Tawaif, plural of Taifèh, tribe, a band of people.
7 Mutamid, the last King of Seville, was distinguished for the
excellence of his style and the elegance of his poetry. Muzaffar
CH . XXIX. THE MULÛK UT-TAWAIF 531

remarks that " when, after the breaking of the necklace 428-871
A. H.
and the scattering of its pearls, the petty kings divided
among themselves the patrimony of the Banû-Ommeya,
the cause of science and literature, instead of losing,
gained considerably by the division."
Their
Had they been united among themselves, or possessed
divisions.
any solidarity of interest, they might have opposed a
steady front to the attacks of the Christian Spaniards,
which at this time naturally increased in violence. Their
mutual dissensions and jealousies paved the way for their
destruction. Some even entered into alliance with the
Christians against their Moslem rivals. In the year 1055
A.C. , Ferdinand I., King of Castile and Leon, fell on Ferdinand
I.
the disunited Saracens with all his forces, and drove
them from many important places.1 Mutazid, the King
of Seville, saved himself by argreeing to pay tribute to
the Leonese. He died in 1069 A.C., leaving the kingdom Mutamid
to his son Mutamid. In 1075 A.C. Mutamid captured King of
Seville.
Cordova, and shortly after reduced the entire Toledan
country, stretching from the Guadalquiver to the Guadi-
ana. On the death of Ferdinand I., in 1065 A.C., his
son Alfonso VI. had ascended the throne of Castile. Alfonso
VI.
Ambitious and unscrupulous, he expelled his brothers
from their kingdoms, and made himself the supreme
ruler of Leon, Castile, Galicia and Navarre, and assumed
the title of emperor. Not satisfied with the tribute paid
by his Arab vassals, he determined to reduce the whole
peninsula under his direct sway. Possessed of a splendid
army composed of hardy warriors drawn from all parts
ibn Aftas, the King of Badajoz, left a magnificent history consisting
of fifty volumes called the Kitâb ul-Muzaffari.
1 As usual the Christian Spaniards indulged in fiendish atrocities
on the capture of every town or city. The excesses committed at
Bobastro are indescribable.
 532 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIX.

1037- of Europe, he declared himself ready to fight with " genii,

1466 A.C. demons, or the angels of heaven." In 1085 A.C. Kâdir,
Surrender the last of the Zu'n-nûn kings, surrendered to him the
ofToledo, important city of Toledo. His pride now knew no
1085 A.C.
bounds. Granada, Badajoz, Seville, and the few other
cities that still remained in Moslem hands, saw clearly
the fate in store for them, and looked on all sides for
help against the threatened danger. Within the penin-
sula, however, internecine disputes made a general com-
bination against the common foe hopeless. They there-
fore cast their eyes abroad.
The rise Whilst the Islâmic empire in Spain was falling to
of the
Almora-
pieces, a new Power had sprung up in Western
vides. Africa. The Berbers of the Sahara, called the Mulas-
samîn, ¹ had recently been converted to Islâm. Under
2
their spiritual leaders, who bore the title of marbût, or
saints, they had made vast conquests, and, at the time
we are speaking of, their empire extended from Sene-
gambia to Algeria. Their kings were called the al-
Marâbita, corrupted into Almoravides. The famous
Yusufbin Yusuf bin Tâshfîn, who had shortly before been invested
Tâshfîn,, by the Caliph of Bagdad with the proud title of Ameer
Ameer-ul
Muslimîn, ul-Muslimin, “ Commander of the Moslems," was their
ruler. And to him, persuaded by the ministers of
1 The People of the Veil, from lisam (litham), the veil. This name
was given to them because their men always wore a veil as a pro-
tection against the burning sands of the desert. The women of the
Mulassamîn appear to have enjoyed great freedom, and moved
about unrestrained and unveiled. As they did not engage in forays,
they do not seem to have required the protection of a veil against
the flying sands.
2 Marabit, marbût, râbit, rabît, all derived from the same root,
mean a pious or holy man.
3 The plural of marbût. The word marbût is common in modern
Algeria.
CH. XXIX . THE VICTORY OF ZALLAKA 533

religion, the Saracen kings of Spain addressed their 428-871

A.H.
appeal for help. In response to their prayers, Yusuf
bin Tâshfîn crossed to Spain in October 1086 A.C. Near crosses

Seville he was joined by the forces of Mutamid and the into Spain,
October
other Andalusian chiefs, and the united army marched 1086 A.C.
towards Badajoz (Bâzios or Bâdhios). Alfonso met
them at a place called Zallâka,¹ about four leagues to
the south of Badajoz. The Saracens numbered twenty
thousand all told, whilst the force under Alfonso
amounted to over sixty thousand seasoned soldiers. A
frightful and sanguinary battle took place on Friday, 12 Rajab
October 23, 1086 A.C. Alfonso fled, says Ibn ul-Athîr,2 23 479 A.H.
October
from the scene of action with only three hundred 1086 A.C.
cavaliers, whilst the rest lay dead or dying on the field. The
The victory of Zallâka paralysed for a time the Christian victory of
Zallaka.
kingdom of Leon. Yusuf bin Tâshfîn did not on this
occasion tarry long in Spain ; on his return in the follow-
ing year he expelled the Spanish kings from their
dominions, which he incorporated with the Almoravide
empire. The whole of Andalusia as far as the Tagus
3

was now virtually under the sceptre of the Emperor of

Morocco. The fakîhs who had so actively co-operated
in bringing over the Almoravides acquired great influence
under these sovereigns. " One must go back," says
Dozy, " to the times of the Visigoths to discover another
example of a clergy so powerful as the Moslem clergy
were under the Almoravide rule." They carried their
narrow prejudice so far as to place under the ban Imâm
al-Ghazzâli's celebrated work on " the Revival of Learning
and Religion." 4

1 The Sacralias of the Christians . 2 Vol. x. p. 100.

3 Mutamid, the King of Seville, was deported to Morocco, where
he died in 1095. The account of his fall forms a pathetic story.
* Ihya-ul-ulûm w'ad-din, a thoroughly orthodox work.
 534 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIX .

1037- Whilst Yusuf lived the Christians were in continual

1466 A.C. terror of his arms. He died in the year 1106 A.c. , and
Death of was succeeded by his son Ali, surnamed Abu'l Hassan.1
Yusuf bin
Tâshfin He followed in the footsteps of his able father, " al-
Moharram though," says the historian, " he fell short of him in
500 A. H. some things. " He defeated the Christian tribes several
September
1106 A.C. times and took from them Talavera, Madrid (Majrît),2
Accession
of Abu'l Guadalaxara (Wad ul-Hijâra), and many other fortresses
Hassan and towns, whilst his general, Sîr Ibn Abî Bakr, re-took
Ali. the cities of Santarem (Shanterim), Badajoz, Oporto
(Bortokal), Evora (Teborah), and Lisbon (Alishbûna).
These gains, however, were counterbalanced by the loss of
1119 A.C. Saragossa (Sarâkustèh), Calatayud ( Kalât Ayûb), and other
important places beyond the Tagus, which were captured
by a combined army of Aragonese, Catalonians, and
Franks from beyond the Pyrenees. Whilst the Almora-
vides were thus engaged in Andalusia, a new develop-
ment, fraught with the most disastrous consequences to
their rule, was taking place in Africa.
TheAlmo- In the year 514 of the Hegira, a man of the name
4
hades (al- of Mohammed, surnamed Ibn Tumârt, a native of Sûs
Muwah-
hiddûn), in Western Africa, appeared among the Berbers inhabit-
1120 A.C. ing the vast chain of mountains which intersects Mauri-
tania. He was an Arab by descent, but belonged by
adoption to one of the Berber tribes. In his youth he
Moham-
med ibn
had travelled in the East and studied philosophy and
Tumart, jurisprudence under various masters, such as al-Ghazzâli,
al-Mahdi. Abu Bakr at-Tartûshi (of Tortosa), and others. On his

1 He is described by Ibn Khallikân as a powerful prince, mild,

devout, just, and ofgreat humanity.
2 Ancient Majoritum.
3 " The river of stones." The city got its name from the river.
* Abu Abdullah Mohammed, son of Abdullah, son of Tumârt,
an Alide, descended from Hassan I.
CH. XXIX. THE ALMOHADES 535

return to his native land, disgusted with the laxity of 428-871

A. H.
morals prevailing among all classes of society, and the
excessive veneration paid by the commonalty to saints,
he commenced to preach a reform among the wild in-
habitants of the Atlas, and announced himself as the
Mahdi whose advent had been foretold by the Prophet.
An enormous following soon gathered round him. Ibn
Tumârt chose for his lieutenant a young man of the
name of Abdul Momin, the son of a rich merchant. Abdul
Mornin.
His followers and disciples styled themselves al-Muwwah-
hidin,¹ or Unitarians. Gradually the power of the
Unitarians increased, and before long they formed an
extensive kingdom, chiefly at the expense of the Murabite
empire. So long as Ali bin Tâshfîn lived they were
kept in check. He died in 1143 A.C., and was succeeded Death of
Ali bin
by his son Tâshfin, who was wholly incapable of coping Tashfin,
with the Unitarians. He was killed in the year 1145 1143 A.C.
A.C. , and the empire of Morocco passed into the hands by
Succeeded
his son
of Abdul Momin. The struggle between Almoravide Tâshfin.
and Almohade furnished a glorious opportunity to the His death,
Christian Spaniards for ravaging the Moslem territories 1145 A.C.
in Spain, and committing the most appalling atrocities
on the Saracens. Alphonso VII., who, like his grand- Alphonso
VII .
father Alphonso VI., had assumed the title of Emperor,
carried fire and sword to the very walls of Cordova,
Seville and Carmona ; pillaged and burnt Xeres, and
penetrated as far as Gaudix (Wadi-Ash). Five years
later he devastated the fertile districts of Jaen, Baeza,
Ubeda and Andujar. Again the Andalusian Moslems
appealed for help to their brethren across the straits.
In the year 541 A.H., Abdul Momin sent an army and 1147 A.C.
1 Corrupted by the Christians into Almohade.
2 Mohammed ibn Tumârt died in 524 A.H. ( 1130 A.C. ), leaving
the headship of his disciples to Abdul Momin.
 536 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIX .

1037- fleet to their assistance.¹ His generals beat back the

1466 A.C. Christians, reduced the Almoravide governors who had
assumed independent authority in several districts, and
practically brought Andalusia under his sway. Four
years later he divided his vast empire into provinces, and
appointed his sons as governors over them. In the
1160 A.c. year 554 A.H. he took Mahdieh 3 from the Franks, and
The Almo- assumed the title of Ameer ul-Mominîn. With the con-
hade quest of this important city he became the master of the
Empire.
whole of Northern Africa, from the deserts of Barca
westward to the Atlantic.
Death of Abdul Momin died in the year 1163 A.C., after a suc-
of
Abdul cessful reign of over thirty-three years. He was a fair
Momin, man with blue eyes, austere, brave, wise and energetic,
1163 A.C. and favoured learned men. Learning and arts flourished
in all parts of his empire, especially in Spain. He had
established in Morocco numerous public colleges and
schools. Upon his death his son Mohammed was first
raised to the throne, but owing to his incapacity and
idleness, the grandees of the empire deposed him, and
Accession elected in his place his brother Abu Yakub Yusuf. He
ofAbû was a humane and generous prince, and his elevation
Yakab
Yusuf. promised to the people a happy and prosperous reign .
He came to Spain several times and re-conquered many
His death, cities, among others Tarragona and Santarem. Yusuf died
Rabi I. in the year 1184 A.C., and was succeeded by his famous
580 Α.Η.
July 1184 son Yakûb, under whom the empire of the Almohades
A.C.
attained the highest pitch of glory. He is described as
a wise and accomplished sovereign. A successful war
1 Ibn ul-Athîr, vol. xi. p. 75.
2 For example, Abû Mohammed Abdullah, who succeeded him,
held Bugia and its dependencies ; Abu'l Hassan Ali, Fez, and Abû
Saîd, Ceuta (Sibta), Algeciras (al-Jazîrat ul-Khazra, the Green
Isle), Malaga, etc. 3 See post, p. 594.
CH. XXIX . VICTORY OF ALARCOS 537

with Alfonso IX. of Castile had ended in a truce for 428-871

A. H.
five years. Hardly had it expired when the Castilian
army, swelled by large bodies of volunteers from across Abû Yusuf
the Pyrenees, invaded Andalusia, "plundering and slay- Yakûb,
Mansûral-
ing all before them, and committing horrible depredations billah.
and ravages. " On receipt of this news Yâkûb crossed Rajab 591 A. H.
over from Africa. The Franks on their side collected
1195 A.C.
troops " from the remotest parts of Christendom," and
with a large army attacked the Almohade sovereign at a Battle of
place called Alarcos (al-Aark) in the neighbourhood of 9Alarcos,
Shâbân ,
Badajos.¹ They suffered a fearful defeat, in which it is 591 Α.Η.
said they lost one hundred and forty-six thousand men, 19 July
besides thirty thousand prisoners. The remnant of the 1195 A.C.
Christian army fled to Calatrava, where they fortified
themselves, but the place was stormed. Alfonso fled to
Toledo, where he gathered another large army to oppose
the Almohade sovereign ; he was again disastrously
beaten. Calatrava, Guadalaxara, Madrid, Escelona,
Salamanca, and other cities and fortresses, both in Spain
and Portugal which had fallen into his hands were re-
conquered. In November 1196 A.C. Yâkûb laid siege 593 A.H.
to Toledo, which was reduced to the last extremity. November
1196 A.C.
" The mother of Alfonso, accompanied by his wives and
daughters, then came out of the city, and, with tears in
her eyes implored the conqueror to spare the city.
Being moved to compassion, Yakûb not only granted
the request, but after paying them due honour, dismissed
them with splendid presents in jewels and other valuable
articles. " After relieving Madrid, which was blockaded
by the Aragonese, who incontinently took to flight on
his approach, he returned to Seville. Here he abode
1 Some say this battle took place at Marj ul-Hadid (the Iron
Meadow), a plain in the neighbourhood of Kalât Rabâh ( Calatrava)
to the north of Cordova.
 538 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIX .

1037- for a year, discussing terms with the envoys of the Chris-
1466 A.C. tian princes " who had come to sue for peace, which he
granted. " 1 He also made various dispositions regarding
Returns to the government of Andalusia. Towards the end of
Spain, 1197 he returned to his African dominions, where he
594 Α.Η.
November remained until his death in 1199 A.C. Yakûb was a
1197 A.C. contemporary of Saladin, and it was to him that the
His death,
22Rabi II. great sovereign of Asia had sent as ambassador the
595 A.H. , nephew of Ameer Osâma, soliciting his aid against the
February
1199 A.C. Crusaders. Yakub was a munificent patron of arts and
letters. " He protected the learned," says an old writer,
" because he was a scholar himself ; he respected religion
and manners because he was virtuous and pious." His
army was well-disciplined, and kept under strict control.
His government was firm and just. He established
hospitals and infirmaries in every city within his domin-
ions, where the sick and ailing received treatment, and
the indigent and infirm were maintained and taken care
of. The famous physicians Avenzoar (Ibn Zuhr) and
Avenpace (Ibn Bâja) flourished in his reign. So did
the philosopher and scientist Averroes 2 (Ibn Rushd),
who held the post of Kâzi of Cordova. Like the
Abbasside Rashîd and Mâmûn, and the Ommeyade
sovereigns of Spain, he paid great attention to the
irrigation of the country, and the comfort and safety
of merchants and travellers, and embellished the cities
of his empire with fine buildings. The famous observa-
tory at Seville, now called the Giralda, was built by him
after the battle of Alarcos.3
1 Ibn Khaldûn.
2 In 1196, it appears the bigots had complained to the Almohade
Sultan about the heretical notions of Averroes, which led to his being
sent to prison. But he was soon after released and restored to favour.
3 The Christian Spaniards converted it into a belfry !
CH. XXIX. DISASTER OF AL-AAKAB 539

Yakûb al-Mansûr was succeeded by his son Mo- 428-871

A. H.
hammed, who assumed the same title as Abdur Rahmân
III. , an-Nasir li-din-Illah. An-Nasir was very different Moham-
from his father both in character and ability. Fond of med,
Nasiran-
li-

pleasure and devoid of capacity, he became the primary dîn-Illah.

cause of the ruin of the Almohade empire, and with it
of the Saracenic cause in Spain.
The death of Yakûb al-Mansûr was the signal for the
Christians to resume their attacks on Andalusia. Alphonso
IX. of Castile (Ibn Adfunsh) again inundated the
country round Seville and Cordova with his troops, and
laid it waste with fire and sword. To avenge the atrocities
committed on his subjects, an-Nasir with a large army
crossed over from Ceuta (Sibta). Shortly after his
arrival in Seville he put to death Yusuf ibn Kâdis, the
governor of Calatrava (Kalât Rabâh), for surrendering
it to Alfonso. The execution of this officer, who was
highly respected by the Andalusian Moslems, not only
caused great discontent among them, but led to their
defection on the field of battle. The news of an-Nâsir's
preparations had caused a ferment among the Christian
nations. Driven from Asia by the victorious arms of
Saladin, the hordes of adventurers who, under the
name of Crusaders, had harried Palestine and Syria,
betook themselves to Spain. Innocent III. proclaimed
a crusade, and Roderiquez, the Archbishop of Toledo,
who had gone to Rome to solicit the aid of the Pope,
preached everywhere a holy war against the Saracens.
The kings of Castile, Aragon, Portugal, Leon, and
Navarre, joined by a host of Crusaders from France, Battle of
Italy, and Germany, marched against the Almohades. 29
al-Aakâb,
Safar,
The two armies met at a place called al-Aakâb by the 609 A.H.
July
Arabs, and Las Navas de Tolosa by the Spaniards. At 1212 A.C.

1 " The helper of the religion of the Lord."

 540 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIX .

1037- the first shock of battle the Andalusian contingent either

1466 A.C. left the field or deserted to the enemy. The Africans
fought heroically, but were overwhelmed and destroyed
to a man. An-Nasir was with difficulty induced to leave
the scene of disaster. From Seville he went to Morocco,
Death of where he died, it is said of grief and shame, in the year
an-Nasir,
611 A.H.
1214 A.C.
May Nâsir was succeeded on the throne of the Muwwa-
1214 A.C. haddin Caliphate by his son Yusuf, who assumed the
Yusuf al- title of al-Mustansir b'Illah. He was only sixteen years
Mustansir
b'Illah. of age at the time, and naturally all the power fell into
His death, the hands of " the Shaikhs of the Muwwahhidin." He
620 A.H. died in 1223 A.C., when Sid 2 Abu Mohammed Abdul
1223 A. C.
Accession Wahid was placed on the throne. Under him the
ofAbdul
Wahid. Almohade princes and
cally independent. governors
Upon AbdulinWahid's
Spain became practi-
assassination
His assas- in the following year, the Almohades elected as their
sination, sovereign a son of al-Mansûr named Abu Mohammed,
621 Α.Η.
1224 A.C. under the title of al-Aadil. In the year 1227 A.C. a
revolt broke out against al-Aâdil, who was killed by the
Accession rebels . Thereupon his brother Idrîs, who held the
of Abû
Moham- governorship of Seville, proclaimed himself Caliph, under
med al- the title of al-Mâmûn. Murcia and the greater part of
Addil, Eastern Andalusia, however, under the leadership of Ibn
624 Α.Η.
1227 A.C. Hûd, fell away from him. In 1228 A.C., Mâmûn pro-
Idrîs al. ceeded to Africa with a number of Christian auxiliaries
Maman. furnished by the King of Castile. His departure was
1 " He who seeks help from the Lord."
2 All the Almohade chiefs bore the title of Sid (Syed), hence the
Spanish Cid. The Cid, over whose name romance has thrown so
much glamour, was a turncoat and a common brigand.
3 Mohammed bin Yusuf bin Hûd.
626 A.C. 4 On the conquest of Morocco, al- Mâmûn abolished all the
1228 A. H. institutions peculiar to the Muwwahhidîn. He died in 1242 A.C.
(640 A.H. ) , and was succeeded by his brother as-Saîd, who was
CH. XXIX. RISE OF THE BANÛ - AHMAR 541

the signal for a revolt in Seville, which, throwing off the 428-871
Α. Η.
yoke of the Almohades, acknowledged the authority of
Ibn Hûd, who thus became the master of the greater
part of Andalusia. The Almohades were either expelled
or killed " by the infuriated mob." But Ibn Hûd¹ was
not the only Spanish Arab who rose to power on the
débris of the Muwwahhidin empire. Zayyân (Abû Jamîl) 2
assumed the kingly title in Valencia ; whilst Mohammed
bin Yusuf, commonly known as Ibn ul-Ahmar, estab- Rise of
3
lished himself in the city and fortress of Arjona. Of med
Moham-
Ibn
all the aspirants to royal dignity Ibn ul-Ahmar proved ul-Ahmar.
the most successful, for he founded a kingdom in which
centred for the next two centuries and a half the splendid
civilisation of the Arabs. Ibn Khaldûn, who resided
at Granada in the court of one of Ibn ul-Ahmar's
successors, describes the rapid rise of this remarkable
adventurer. His ancestors had long been settled in
Spain under the name of the Banû-Nasr, and under the
Ommeyade Caliphs had held important offices in the
jund or army. Mohammed, who was generally styled
the Shaikh, was at this period the head of the Banû-
Nasr, and by his character and ability exercised great
killed two years later, when Omar, another descendant of Abdul
Momin, was raised to the throne under the title of Murtaza b' Illah
(" the accepted of the Lord ") . Murtaza was put to death by Wasik
(Abu Dabûs) in 1266 A.C. Wasik himself fell in 1269 A.C. (668
A.H.), in a battle with the Banû Marîn, a Berber tribe, who
subjected the whole of Mauritania to their rule.
1 He assumed the title of al- Mutawakkil.
2 A descendant of Mardânîsh ( Martinus), who had been removed
from the chieftaincy of Badajoz by Yusuf bin Tâshfîn.
3 Within the jurisdiction of Cordova.
4 He was descended from Saad bin Obâda, chief (Syed) of the
Khasraj in the time of the Prophet. The Banû-Nasr bore accord-
ingly the title of al-Ansari and al-Khasraji (i.e. belonging to the
Ansâr and the tribe of Khasraj).
 542 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIX.

1037- influence among his kinsmen. " When the fortunes of the
1466 A.C. Muwwahhidin began to decline, and their affairs becaine
weak, and the chiefs began to give up their castles to the
enemy, Ibn ul-Ahmar also assumed the title of Sultan. " 1
629 A.H. " The whole of Andalusia," adds Ibn Khaldûn, now 66

1231 A.C. became a prey to civil war," and the Castilians did not
fail to take advantage of " the divisions and perversity "
of the Saracen chiefs. They set one against the other,
and destroyed each in turn. In the beginning of his
reign, Ibn ul-Ahmar had entered into an alliance with
the King of Castile, in order to obtain his assistance
against Ibn Hûd. The latter on his side gave the
Christian thirty castles for similar aid against Ibn ul-
The Ahmar. And thus the conflict proceeded. In 1236
Castilians
capture
A.C. the Castilians captured Cordova ; Valencia 3 fell
Cordova into their hands two years later. In 1239 A.C. they took
and Acira, and in 1246 A.C. Murcia, finally driving Zayyân to
Valencia.
Tunis. In 1248 A.C., after a protracted siege of fifteen
months, Seville 4 capitulated to them.
Whilst the Castilians were thus destroying his rivals,
Ibn ul-Ahmar contrived to gain possession of Xeres,
Jaen, Granada, Malaga, and Almeria, and, by a com-
bination of tact and ability of the highest order, consoli-
dated his power in this small and shrunken kingdom,
which was to make head for the next two hundred years
against the combined forces of Christian Spain and
1 Ibn Khaldûn, vol. iv. p. 170. The feudal lords were called
ashâb ul-maakâl, “ lords of castles. "
2 Ferdinand III .
3 The city surrendered to Jayme (Jakmek), King of Aragon.
4 For the last two years Seville (Ashbîlia) was practically a
republic, the administration of affairs being vested in a council of
five, presided over by Abû Fâris ibn Abû Hafs. Ibn ul-Ahmar co-
operated with Ferdinand in the siege of Seville, as well as in the
reduction of Carmona and other places.
PAVILION IN THE COURT OF LIONS , ALHAMBRA , GRANADA.
CH. XXIX . KINGDOM OF GRANADA 543

Portugal, assisted by frequent relays of Crusaders from 428-871

A. H.
beyond the Pyrenees. But from the outset it was an
unequal contest, and the final collapse of Ibn ul-Ahmar's
kingdom was only a question of time. Still the struggle
was heroically sustained to the very end.
After the conquest of Granada Ibn ul-Ahmar made it Assumes
the seat of his government, and assumed the title ofthe title of
al- Ghalib
al- Ghalib b' Illâh. He built for himself here the famous b'Illah.
The
castle and palace of Alhambra (al-Hamra), which was Alhambra.
enlarged and still further embellished by his successors.
The keystone of Ibn ul-Ahmar's policy was to keep in
close amity with the Marînide sovereigns of Mauritania.
And for this reason their names were joined with his in
the prayers offered at the mosques within his kingdom.
In 660 A.H. (1261 A.C.) a war broke out between him
and his quondam ally, the Christian King of Castile,
who invaded the kingdom of Granada, but was beaten Death of
Ibn
back. Ibn ul-Ahmar died in 1272 A.C., and was suc- ul-Ahmar.
ceeded by his son, Abû Abdullah Mohammed. Himself 29Jamadi
a scholar and jurist, he was a great patron of learning. II. 671
A. H.
In 1274 A.C. Granada was again invaded by the Castilians 24 Sept.
under a general called by the Arabs Don Nunoh (Nuño 1272 A.C.
Gonzalez de Lara), but with the assistance of the Marî- Accession
ofAbû
nide sovereign 4 Mohammed defeated them in an action Abdullah
Moham-
inwhich the Castilian chief lost his life. Eleven years med (II.)
later a fresh war broke out between the Castilians and al-Fakih.
Saracens, which lasted to the close of the century, and 1295 A.C.
in which Mohammed was equally successful. He died His death,
Shâbân
in 1302 A.C., after a prosperous reign of over thirty years, 701 Α.Η.
April
1 " The conqueror by (the grace of) the Lord. " 1302 A.C.
" The Red Palace. See post, p. 567 .
3 He bore the title of al-Fakih, or Jurist.
4 Yâkûb bin Abdul Hakk, and his son Yusuf, were two of the
most powerful sovereigns of this dynasty.
 544 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIX .

1037- and was succeeded by his son, who bore the same name.
1466 A.C. He reigned with wisdom and ability until 1307 A.C.,
Accession when a revolt on the part of his brother Nasr led to his
of Abû
abdication. Nasr proved an unlucky king. Immedi-
Abdullah
Moham ately after his elevation he was attacked by the kings of
med III. Castile and Aragon, and was only able to buy them off
His
abdication, by consenting to pay an annual tribute. In 1314 A.C.
Accession
ofNasr.
he was forced to vacate the throne in favour of Ismail, ¹
His a grandson of Ismâîl, the brother of Ibn ul-Ahmar, the
abdication, founder of the dynasty. In 1316 A.C. the Castilians
Α.Η.
1314A.C. captured from him a number of cities, although three
Accession years later he succeeded in inflicting on them a memor-
ofAbu'l
Walîd able defeat at Elvira. In the year 1319 A.C. , a large
Ismail. army was despatched by the Castilian king under the
716A.H.
20 Rabi,
command of his son Pedro (Don Betroh) for the final
719 A.C. subjugation of Granada. The Infante was accompanied
12 May, by twenty-five princes, among them a prince of England
1319 A.C.
Battle of who had joined the Castilians with an English con-
Elvira; tingent.
destruction
All of them, including Don Pedro, fell in the
of the action.
Castilian On the assassination of Ismail in the year 1325 A.C. ,
army. his son, Abû Abdullah Mohammed, was raised to the
Assassin-
ation of throne. He proved a vigorous and successful ruler.
Ismail, In 1333 A.C. Gibraltar, which had been seized by the
27
725Rajab,
Α.Η. Christians, was wrested from their hands. Whilst re-
18 July, turning from an inspection of the fortifications, Sultan
1325A.C. Mohammed was attacked and killed by a band of
Abdullah assassins who lay concealed behind a rock. He was
Moham
med IV.
succeeded by his brother, Abu'lHajjaj Yusuf, one of the
Abu'l most enlightened sovereigns of the Banû-Nasr dynasty.
Hajjaj Under his just and liberal administration the kingdom
Yusuf,
733 Α.Η. 1 His full name is given as Abu'l Walîd Ismail bin Faraj bin
August Ismail.
1333 A.C. 2 Al-bîra of the Arabs, Illibiris of the Romans .
CH. XXIX . KINGDOM OF GRANADA 545

prospered, and the people were happy and contented. 428-871

A. H.
Like his ancestors he was a zealous patron of literature
and science. Unluckily for the Moslems of Andalusia
his reign did not last long, for in the year 1354 A.C. he His
was stabbed by a madman whilst performing his devotions murder,
in the mosque of his palace. He was succeeded by his 755A.H.
son, also named Mohammed, who assumed the title of Accession
al-Ghani b'Illah.1 Al-Ghanî was a cultured and scholarly ofMoham-
med, al-
sovereign, and encouraged and fostered learning and arts Ghani
within his dominions. He had for his vizier the famous b'Illah.
Ibn ul-Khatib, surnamed Lisân ud-dîn, or " the Tongue
of Religion," the historian of the Banû-Nasr dynasty.2
During a temporary absence from the capital, al-Ghanî Displaced
found himself displaced by his half-brother Ismail. Al- by Ismail,
1359 A.C.
Ghanî then proceeded to Africa, and took up his abode
in Fez. Ismail did not hold his ill-gotten power for long, Revolt of
for he was killed in a revolt headed by Abu Said, also Abu Saîd,
called Abu Abdullah Mohammed. Two years later Abû 1360 A.C.
Saîd was forced to take refuge with the King of Castile,
who murdered him for his riches. On the death of Abu Murder of
Saîd, al-Ghanî returned to Granada, and was received Abû Saîd,
1362 A.C.
by the fickle people with wild acclamations of joy. The
remainder of his reign passed undisturbed, and the peace Restora-
which, by his tact and skill, he maintained with the tion of
Al-Ghanî,
Castilians, enabled the kingdom to advance in wealth
765 A. H.
and prosperity. Arts and industry recovered their old 1364 A.C.
activity in Granada ; commerce brought to its door all
the treasures of the Levant and the far East, and the
country was fertilised by numerous new irrigation works. Death of
Al-Ghanî died in 1391 A.C., amidst universal mourning, Al-Ghanî.
793 Α.Η.
1391 A.C.
1 " Rich with the grace of the Lord. " Yusuf II .
2 His history is called the Târîkh Dowlat un-Nasrièh. He was a
contemporary and friend of Ibn Khaldun, " the Montesquieu of the
Arabs. " See Appendix.
NN
 546 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXIX .

1037- and was succeeded by his son, Abu Abdullah Yusuf.

1466 A.C. The reign of this sovereign was not fortunate. Wishful
himself to follow in the footsteps of his father, he desired
to maintain amicable relations with the Castilians ; but,
as has often happened in modern times, popular excite-
ment caused him to engage in a war which was not
uniformly successful. The enthusiasm of the Granadans
did not, however, last long, and Yusuf was able to con-
clude a peace on favourable terms with the young king
Henry III.
Yusuf II. had designated his eldest son, also named
Yusuf, a prince endowed with talent and virtue, as his
Death of successor ; but on his death in 1396 A.C., the throne was
Yusuf II., seized by the younger Mohammed, who confined his
799 Α.Η.
1396 A.C. brother in the castle of Salobrena. In 1405 A.C. the
Moham- Castilian frontier
med VI. Granada. Instead guard raided
of asking into the
for redress territories
from of
their king,
Mohammed took in his own hand their punishment.
Death of In the war which followed the losses on the two sides.
Moham- were fairly balanced. On the death of Mohammed VI.,
med VI . ,
811 A.H. in 1408 A.C., Sîd Yusuf was brought out from his prison
1408 A.C. and proclaimed king. The first care of Yusuf was to
Accession
ofAbû obtain a prolongation of the armistice with the Castil-
Abdullah ians. Two years later war broke out afresh between
Yusuf III.
the two nations, which was equally inconclusive ; and
a short truce was followed by a treaty of peace, which
lasted during the whole of Yusuf's lifetime. At this
period the throne of Castile was occupied by the infant
son of Henry III. under the regency of his mother.
The Castilian Queen held the Saracen sovereign in the
highest estimation, and the relations between the two
were extremely cordial. Every year they forwarded rich
presents to each other, and carried on a warm and active
correspondence. Castilian and Aragonese cavaliers,
CH . XXIX . KINGDOM OF GRANADA 547

aggrieved by their own government, frequently took 428-871

Α.Η.
shelter in Yusuf's court. Many came to Granada to
settle questions of honour, which they invariably referred
to his arbitration ; and if it came to combat he often
interfered to stop the battle and to bring about recon-
ciliation between the contending parties. His kindness
of heart, his justice, benevolence, and virtues endeared
him to foreigners equally with his own people. The
harmony which prevailed during his reign between the
Castilians and the Saracens helped the latter in part to
repair their losses, and to enjoy the blessings of peace,
which had not been known for a long time.
This good king died after a reign of fifteen years, to Death of
the sincere grief of all his subjects. With him ended Yusuf III.
the happy days of Granada. He was succeeded by his 827
1423Α.Η.
A. C.
son Mohammed, surnamed al-Aisar, or the left-handed. Accession
Proud and morose, he soon made himself extremely ofMoham-
med VII .
unpopular among the Granadans. He stopped the (al-Aisar).
tournaments and public fêtes so dear to Granada, and
introduced various other regulations highly distasteful
to its pleasure-loving people. Suddenly they rose in
revolt and drove him from the capital. Recalled, he
was again expelled, and the throne was seized by a
noble named Yusuf, belonging to the royal family, who
was assisted by John II.,¹ the King of Castile. Yusuf, Yusuf al-
however, died in a few months, and Mohammed VII. Ahmari,
836 A.H.
again recovered his kingdom. In 1433 A.C. the Casti- 1432 A.C.
lians invaded Granada, and although they suffered a
murderous defeat under the walls of Archidona, they
laid waste a considerable part of the districts of Guadix
(Wadi-Ash) and Granada proper. In 1444 A.C. MO- 848 А.Н.
hammed was finally deposed by his nephew, Ibn ul- 1444 A.C.
1 The usurper expressly acknowledged himself the vassal of the
Castilian king.
 548 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXIX .

1037- Ahnaf, also named Mohammed ; and the people, won

1466 A.C.
over by his largesses, acknowledged him as their king.
A large body of nobles, however, betook themselves to
Castile, and gave their adhesion to Saad, surnamed Ibn
Ismâîl,¹ a cousin of Ibn ul-Ahnaf, who had taken refuge
with John II. With a large body of Castilians, and
accompanied by the malcontent nobles, Ibn Ismâîl in-
vaded Granada, and for five years the Saracens were
Accession plunged in a cruel and sanguinary civil war. Ibn ul-
of Ibn
Ismâîl , Ahnaf was finally defeated in 1454 A.C., and Ibn Ismâîl
859 A.H. seated himself on the throne of the Banû Ahmar. His
1454 A.C. first care was to send ambassadors and presents to
Henry IV. , the King of Castile, to obtain a renewal of
the peace. The Castilian, however, refused the request
and invaded Granada. The devastating war lasted
several years, and the Saracens suffered grievously from
the ravages of the Christian Spaniards. Their home-
steads were reduced to ashes, their fields and plantations
were ruthlessly destroyed, their beautiful palaces and
mansions and the works of irrigation which fertilised the
soil were irrevocably ruined. In such a conflict, the
advantages were all on the side of the Christians, for
even the victories of the Saracens brought no fruit ; the
Castilian centres of population were far away, and the
kingdom of Granada was now cooped between the sea,
the mountains of Elvira, and the chain of the Alpuxarras
(al-Bushârât). The Castilians surprised and captured
Archidona and Gibraltar. These disasters broke the
spirit of Ibn Ismâîl. He saw that if the war continued

1 A grandson of Sultan Yusuf II. , by his son, the Ameer Ali.

2 The valleys of the al-Bushârât were extremely fertile, and the
flocks and herds of the hardy and warlike population who inhabited
them, their vines, oranges, pomegranates, citron and mulberry-trees,
added to the wealth of the kingdom.
CH. XXIX. KINGDOM OF GRANADA 549

longer the kingdom would be ruined altogether ; he 428-871

A. H.
accordingly made every sacrifice for obtaining peace.
He acknowledged Henry IV. as his suzerain, and bound 868 A.H.
himself to pay an annual tribute of twelve thousand 1463 A.c.
pieces of gold, and this treaty was ratified in a personal
interview between the two kings in the neighbourhood Death of
of Granada. The peace thus concluded lasted until the Ibn Ismâîl,
871 Α.Η.
death of Ibn Ismâîl in 1466 A.C. 1466 A.C.
 CHAPTER XXX

THE SARACENS IN SPAIN (continued).

871-1016 A. H.; 1466-1610 A.C.
The last struggle-The siege of Granada - The capitulation-Trea-
chery of Ferdinand and Isabella-The persecution of the Spanish
Moslems- Final expulsion--The loss to Spain.

Accession IBN ISMAIL was succeeded by his eldest son Ali, surnamed
of Abu'l Abul Hassan.1 Brave, chivalrous, and gifted, had he been
Hassan
Ali. supported by an united people he would probably have
rivalled the glory of his ancestors, and kept his kingdom
intact ; but with a nation divided and torn by factions,
the task before him was hopeless. The ruin was hastened
by his own fiery re klessness and the rebellion of his
Ferdinand son. In the year 1469 A.C. the marriage of Ferdinand
and and Isabella united the forces of Castile, Aragon, and
Isabella,
1469 A.C. Leon under one common standard. Both equally fana-
tical, both alike regarding it a pious duty to burn or
slaughter infidels and heretics, both alike determined to
put an end to the last remnant of civilisation in Spain,
they waited impatiently for the termination of the truce
which, at their instance, and in consequence of the
troubles within their own dominions, had been concluded
with Abu'l Hassan. But the haughty refusal of the King
of Granada to pay the tribute agreed upon by his father 2
1 Corrupted by the Spaniards into Alboacen.
2 His message in answer to the demand for tribute was proud and
haughty. " Tell your master the kings who paid tribute are dead ;
our mints no longer coin gold but only spear-heads."
550
CH . xxx . KINGDOM OF GRANADA 551

rankled within them. The longed-for opportunity was Capture of

supplied by Abu'l Hassan himself. No sooner did the 871-1016
Zahara,
truce expire, than he recklessly commenced the war by A.H.
attacking and carrying by assault, in a storm of wind
and rain, the township of Zahara. The capture of
this township unloosed upon him and his kingdom
the avalanche of savagery and fanaticism, which only the
internal convulsions in Northern Spain had hitherto pre-
vented from rolling down on Granada. Thinking men
among the Saracens considered the rashness of the
King as the harbinger of evil to their own principality.
In the reception-hall of the King an old fakih gave
expression to this foreboding. " Woe is me ! " said
he. " The ruins of Zahara will fall on our own heads ;
the days of the Moslem Empire in Spain are now num-
bered ! " Perceiving the difficulty of recapturing Zahara,
which had been strongly garrisoned by Abu'l Hassan,
the Castilians on their side made a sudden night attack
on the fortified township of al-Hamah (Alhama), which,
situated at the foot of the mountains fifteen leagues from
the capital, guarded the entrance into the Granadan
territories. In spite of a heroic defence the place was
takenby assault and turned into a human shamble. Even The fall of
the women and children, who had taken refuge in the 887
Alhama,
Α.Η.
cathedral mosque, were mercilessly slaughtered by the February
Castilians. Thus fell Alhama-one day a flourishing 1482 A.C.
city, the next a vast tomb ; its beautiful streets one
day promenaded by a happy people, the next heaped
with slaughtered corpses. The fall of Alhama fore-
shadowed the doom of Granada ; and a general wail
went up from the Moslem population at the cruel fate
of its citizens and garrison. They cursed the folly which
had led to the disaster. Abu'l Hassan made two attempts
to retake the city : the first failed ; in the second he was
 552 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. xxx .

1466-1610 nearly successful, when the news of an insurrection in

A.C. the capital, headed by his son Abu Abdullah Mohammed,¹
paralysed his arms. The evils of polygamy showed them-
selves at this grave crisis in the fortunes of the Spanish
Moslems. Abu'l Hassan had two wives, one the daughter
of his uncle, named Ayesha, the other a Spanish (Chris-
tian) lady of high birth. To the latter and her children
he was devotedly attached. Ayesha, jealous of the influ-
ence exercised by her Spanish rival, instigated her son,
the notorious Boabdil, to rise against his father. Bribed
by the mother, a portion of the garrison and the people
accepted the young man as their king. Abu'l Hassan
hastened back to Granada, which became a field of
carnage on both sides. A short truce between father
and son enabled the old King to relieve Loja or Loxa
27 Jamâdi (Losha), which was besieged by the Castilians, and to
I.,887A.
July
H. capture Canète. But these successes were of no avail,
1482 A.C. for he learnt that his rebel son had succeeded in seizing
the Castle of Alhambra, and had virtually made himself
master of the whole of Granada. Abu'l Hassan then
fell back on Malaga, of which his brother Abû Abdullah
Mohammed, surnamed az-Zaghal, was the governor.
The cities of Guadix and Baeza (Basta) alone remained
under his authority.
Safar, Ferdinand and Isabella, burning to avenge the check
888A.H.
March sustained by their troops before Loxa, dispatched a
1483 A.C. strong force into the province of Malaga, which at first
1 Corrupted by the Spaniards into Boabdil. The Granadans
called him the Little King, as-Sultan us-Saghir ; and accordingly in
the Spanish chronicles he is called El-Rey- Chico. In the following
pages I shall call him Boabdil.
2 She was the daughter of the Castilian Alcayde of Bedmar. Her
name was Isabel de Solis, but among the Saracens she was called
Zuhra (Venus).
3 " The valiant or comely (youth)."
CH. XXX . KINGDOM OF GRANADA 553

met with great success, " if we can call by that name the 871-1016
A.H.
burning of harvests, the cutting down of olive trees and
vines, the destruction of flourishing villages, the lifting of
cattle, and the butchery of defenceless human beings." 1
The Castilians, who were thus pleasantly engaged, were
attacked by az-Zaghal and his lieutenant Rizwân in the
mountains of Axarquia (ash-Sharkia) and routed with
terrible slaughter.2 The Saracen cause was not entirely
hopeless, but a new incident, of which the traitor Boabdil
was the author, altered the whole course of events.
Desirous of emulating the achievements of his uncle,
az-Zaghal, whose name was now on the lips of the
volatile Granadans, the unlucky Boabdil attacked the
Castilian town of Lucena, was disastrously beaten and
taken prisoner. At this juncture Abu'l Hassan abdicated
the throne in favour of the brave az-Zaghal, and retired
with his family and effects to Illora, and thence to
Almuñecar, where he died soon after. The capture of
Boabdil was regarded by Ferdinand and Isabella as a
providential help rendered to their cause, for they saw
in him the fittest instrument for perpetuating the discord
in Granada, dividing its military resources, and ultimately
destroying the ill-fated kingdom. Weak, vacillating, and
pusillanimous, he was mere wax " in the hands of the
66

astute and masterful Ferdinand. He was soon persuaded

to become their faithful vassal. "As soon as they felt
they had completely mastered their tool," they sent him
back towards Granada well supplied with men, money,
and other requisites. With the assistance of the Casti-
lians who formed his escort, and a number of Granadans
1 Condé.

2 This Castilian disaster is graphically described by Washington

Irving.
3 Ancient Illiris.
 554 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXX ,

1466-1610
A.C.
who had been bribed by Ayesha, he seized the suburb of
Albaezin,¹ and Granada was again plunged in a destruc-
tive civil war. Az-Zaghal proposed to Boabdil that they
should reign together, and jointly oppose the common
enemy ; but the incapable young man refused all over-
tures. The Castilians took advantage of this suicidal
struggle between az-Zaghal and Boabdil to capture in
succession Alora, Kasr-Bonela, Ronda, and other im-
portant cities. Loxa, before which they had failed several
times, was reduced in 1486 A.C., and Malaga fell a year
later. Once did az-Zaghal issue to relieve this city, but
was actually prevented by Boabdil, who was base enough
to congratulate Ferdinand on the conquest of this Mos-
lem city. Although these places had surrendered or
capitulated on a solemn pledge of security and protec-
tion to the inhabitants, once in possession the saintly
Ferdinand did not hesitate to break his pledged word ;
the people were either reduced to slavery or expelled
from their homes and country. Baeza, Almeria, Vera,
Huescar, and a few other places alone remained in the
hands of az-Zaghal. The perfidious Ferdinand entered
into a secret compact with Boabdil to give to him all the
territories he would conquer from az-Zaghal ; and the
miserable traitor fully relied on this promise in the fear
that if he did not help the Castilians, az-Zaghal, who
had beaten Ferdinand in several engagements, would
turn him out of Granada. Ferdinand was thus able to
fall with all his forces upon Baeza. Az-Zaghal, driven

1 So called because it was inhabited by people from Baeza,

" people at all times noted," says an old writer, " for their proneness
to rebellion . "
2 It was at this time that the patriotic family of the Banû Siraj
(the Abencerrages) were inveigled by the Zegris (the partisans of
the traitor Boabdil) and destroyed to a man.
CH. Xxx. KINGDOM OF GRANADA 555

to desperation, appealed to the Moslem sovereigns of 871-1016

A. H.
Africa, just then fighting amongst themselves. The
appeal proved fruitless ; nevertheless the Saracens main-
tained a sturdy defence, and az-Zaghal repeatedly drove Fall of
back the Castilians from the walls of his capital ; but Baeza,
Mohar-ro
the tactics of Ferdinand finally starved the city into ram,

capitulation. As usual, the terms on which the submis- 895 A.H.

4 Dec.
sion was obtained were broken immediately afterwards, 1489 A.C.
and the citizens were ruthlessly expelled from their
homes, and their goods and chattels seized by the pious
King and Queen. The governors of the castles and towns
in the Alpuxarras (al-Bushârât) were gradually bribed
into submission. Az-Zaghal, who had, until now, fought
heroically for the freedom of his people, was at last
induced to make his submission to Ferdinand and
Isabella. He was allotted the district of Andarax, with
the title of king, but was not allowed long to remain in
the enjoyment of his small territory, for a year later he
was exiled to Africa. Nothing now remained in the
hands of the Saracens except Granada and its immediate
dependencies. Boabdil, to whom the fall of az-Zaghal
had come as a relief, was speedily undeceived as to the
intentions of his Christian patrons regarding himself.
No sooner was az-Zaghal disposed of than they called
upon Boabdil to surrender Granada. His refusal sup-
plied to Ferdinand the pretext for laying waste with
fire and sword the fertile territories of Granada. After
converting the Vega into a " vast expanse of deso-
lation " he retired to Cordova. It was now war to the
knife ; the Saracens, under the leadership of Musa bin
Abi'l Ghâzân, one of their most valorous knights, whose
words had put some life even into the heart of the pusil-
lanimous Boabdil, resolved once more to carry the war
into the enemy's country, and they actually succeeded
 556 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXX .

1466-1610 in capturing some of the frontier posts. But with the

A.C. return of spring Ferdinand again entered the plains of
Jamâdi II.
896 A. H. Granada with an army consisting of forty thousand foot
March and ten thousand horse, and commenced anew the work
1491 A.C. of devastation. The crops and fruit trees were destroyed,
the homesteads reduced to ashes, and the defenceless
inhabitants either butchered, outraged, or mutilated.
The cordon was drawn tighter and tighter round the
last stronghold of civilisation in Spain, and the harried
Granada
people of the Vega took refuge within the walls of
besieged. the capital. " For ten years they had disputed every
inch of ground with their invaders ; wherever their feet
could hold they had stood firm against the enemy. But
now there was left to them nothing beyond their capital,
and within its walls they shut themselves up in sullen de-
spair. " The dispositions for the defence were excellently
conceived, and for a time were ably carried out. As yet
the communications between the capital and the Alpux-
arras (al-Bushârât) were not interrupted, and convoys with
provisions came constantly for the besieged from the dis-
tricts of Sierra Nevada (the Jabâl-Shulair), whilst vigorous
sorties led by Mûsa himself kept the enemy at bay. In
the single combats, which were of daily occurrence in
front of the Castilian camp, the Saracen cavaliers almost
invariably killed their antagonists. The loss of his best
knights in these encounters determined Ferdinand to
convert the siege into a blockade, and to starve the
Saracens into surrender. 66
Every patch of ground be-
Mohar- yond the city walls was seized by the enemy, and all
ram, access from outside was barred, so that it became im-
897 A.H. possible for the besieged to gather any crops or to
November
1491 A.C. receive supplies from the neighbouring districts. Pro-
Famine in
visions grew every day more scarce, and by the month
the city. of Safar the privations of the people became almost
CH. XXX. KINGDOM OF GRANADA 557

intolerable. " 1 A desperate attempt to break the cordon 871-1016

Α. Η.
failed owing to the weakness of the famished infantry
of Granada. Reduced to terrible straits, the besieged Safar,
at last determined upon a surrender. " Famine did 897 Α.Η.
the work that no mere valour could effect." Dele- December
1491 A.C.
gates were sent to the Castilian camp to arrange
the conditions of capitulation, and after a long confer-
ence the following terms were settled : That, in case
the Saracens were not relieved within the space of two
months, either by land or sea, the city of Granada should
be delivered over to the Christians ; that the King, his
generals, viziers and shaikhs, with all the people, should
take the oath of obedience to the Castilian sovereigns, Terms of
and that Boabdil should receive some property in the capitu-
lation.
Alpuxarras ; that the Moslems "great and small," should
be perfectly secure in person, and that they should pre-
serve, with their liberty, the full and unrestricted enjoy-
ment and possession of their property, their arms, and
their horses ; that they should be allowed the free and
unmolested exercise of their religion ; that their mosques
and religious foundations should remain intact ; that the
muezzin should not be interrupted in his call to prayers ;
that they should retain their manners, usages, customs,
language, and dress ; that their laws should be adminis-
tered to them by their own magistrates; that transactions
between them and the Christians should be dealt with
by mixed tribunals; that they should not be subjected
to any taxes beyond what they paid to their sovereigns ;
that no Christian should enter forcibly the house of a
Moslem, or insult him in any way; that all the Moslem
captives should be liberated; that all Saracens who might
wish to cross over to Africa should be allowed to take their
departure within a fixed time, and be conveyed thither
1 Makkarî.
 558 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXX.

1466-1610 in the Castilian ships, without any payment except the

A.C.
mere charge for passage; and that after the expiration of
that time no Moslem should be hindered from departing,
provided he paid, in addition to the price of his passage,
a tenth of whatever property he might carry along with
him ; that no one should be prosecuted and punished
for the crime of another man ; that any Christian who
had embraced Islâm should not be compelled to re-
linquish it, and adopt his or her former creed ; that
any Moslem wishing to become Christian should be
allowed some days to consider the step he was about to
take, after which he was to be questioned both by a
Moslem and a Christian judge concerning his intended
change, and if, after this examination, he still refuse to
return to Islâm, he should be permitted to follow his
own inclination ; that no Moslem should be subject to
have Christian soldiers billeted upon him, or to be trans-
ported from his home against his will ; that any Moslem
choosing to travel or reside among the Christians should
be perfectly secure in his person and property ; and that
no badge or distinctive mark should be put on them, as
was done with the Jews.
Mûsa alone raised his voice against the capitulation.
He warned them not to rely on the delusive and treacher-
ous promises of the Castilians, and implored them to
make one supreme effort to break the leaguer. "Death
is sweeter, " he said, " than the pain and shame of servi-
tude. Do you believe that the Castilians would observe
faithfully their promises ? You are deceived. The
enemy is thirsting for our blood. But death is nothing
to what he has in store for us-injury, outrage, humilia-
tion, degradation; the plunder of our homes, the dis-
honour of our wives and daughters, the profanation of
our mosques-in a word, oppression, injustice, and in-
CH. xxx. KINGDOM OF GRANADA 559

tolerance. Already the fagots have been alighted to 871-1016

A. H.
reduce us into cinders. " 1 His words had no effect. The
brave knight, with a glance of contempt and indigna-
tion at his compatriots assembled in council, mounted
his charger and rode forth from the city by the gate of
Elvira never to return . " It is said that as he rode he
encountered a party of Christian knights, half a score
strong, and, answering their challenge, slew many of Death of
Mûsa.
them before he was unhorsed, and then, disdaining their
offers of mercy, fought stubbornly upon his knees till he
was too weak to continue the struggle with a last effort
he cast himself into the river Xenil, and, heavy with
armour, sank to the bottom."
Messengers had been despatched to implore the help
of the Sultans of Egypt and Rûm, but the period of grace
expired without any sign of relief; and on January 3, Surrender
1492 A.C., the Castilians took possession of Granada. of
It was indeed " an Granada,
ill-omened hour when the Cross sup- 2 Rabi I.
planted the Crescent on the towers of Granada; " for 897 A.H.
with the conquest of that city by the Christian Spaniards 1492
January,
A.C.
died for ever the intellectual life and industrial activity
of the Peninsula.
Boabdil and his family took the road to the Alpux-
arras, where he was to abide. When he reached the
mountains of Padul he cast a last long look at Granada
and wept. His mother, hitherto his evil genius, turned
upon him with the words, " Yes, you may well weep like
a woman at the loss of what you could not defend like
a man." 2 At Andarax Boabdil lived for a while, but

1 The Inquisition was started in Seville in 1480 A.C., and it com-

menced its murderous work by burning seven Jews in one auto dafe.
2 The spot whence Boabdil took his sad farewell look of Granada
bears to this day the name of El ultimo sospiro del Moro-“ The
last sigh of the Moor."
 560 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXX

1466-1610 his presence in Spain was regarded by Ferdinand as

A.C. dangerous to the Castilian sovereignty, and he was soon
Death of banished to Africa. He then went to Fez, where he
Boabdil, abode until his death in 1538 A.C.1
940 Α.Η.
1538 A.C. Neither the pious Ferdinand nor the saintly Isabella
meant to abide by the capitulation concluded with the
Moslems, who were soon reminded of the ominous warn-
ing of their last hero by the fate of the Jews. These
people had prospered under the tolerant rule of the
Saracens ; their wealth attracted the cupidity of the
Castilian sovereigns . In 1492 A.C., Ferdinand, who
always concealed his perfidious policy in the cloak of
religion, and lavished promises where he meant to
The deceive, promulgated a decree that they should either
beginning
ofthe
abandon their religion or leave the country. They were
persecu- burnt, tortured, or exiled. Simultaneously with the
tion. decree against the Jews, the terms settled with the
Moslems began to be infringed ; they were subjected to
every humiliation and injury ; their religion and laws were
proscribed, and many of them were forcibly baptised.
The treachery of the Castilians caused great resentment
among the Moslem population, and the Albaezin rose in
904 A. H. arms, which only led to further ill-treatment. In 1498
1498 A.C. A.C. the ferocious Ximenes started a universal persecu-
Persecu-
tionby tion. They were enjoined within a certain time to em-
Ximenes. brace " the religion of the idolators " or to submit to
death. Some yielded, but a majority clung to their faith,
and betook themselves to the mountains of Alpuxarras.
Here they were attacked by their persecutors . Not
Castilian
cruelty. content with massacring the men, the Castilians blew up
1 He left two sons, Yusuf and Ahmed, whose descendants were
visited by an Arabian writer of the seventeenth century ; they were
reduced to the necessity of living on the charity dispensed from
mosques.
CH. xxx . PERSECUTION OF THE MOORS 561

by gunpowder a mosque where the women and children 871-1016

of a wide dictrict had taken refuge. In spite of the A.H.
odds against them the Moslems defended themselves
bravely, and in 1501 A.C. gained a victory at Jabâl
Balânsa, which obtained for the survivors and their
families an exit to Morocco, Turkey, and Egypt. Their
goods and chattels, however, were seized by their Chris-
tian majesties. Those that remained, and they were still
numerous, were compelled at the point of the sword to
make a profession of Christianity. Although nominally
Christians, " they were not so in their hearts, for they
worshipped God in secret, and performed their prayers
and ablutions at the proper hours." 1 " They took care
to wash off the holy water with which their children were
baptised as soon as they were out of the priest's sight ;
they came home from their Christian weddings to be
married again after the Mohammedan rite. A wise and
honest government, respecting its pledges given at the
surrender of Granada, would have been spared the danger
of this hidden disaffection, but the rulers of Spain were
neither wise nor honest in their dealings with the
Moriscoes, and as time went on they became more and
more cruel and false." 2 These nominal Christians were
watched with the greatest vigilance, and any sign of back-
sliding brought upon the hapless offender the punish-
ment of the Inquisition. The fires of the auto da fe
were lighted at Granada, at Cordova, and at Seville,
and from day to day the flames devoured numbers of
men, women, and children. In order to prevent a rising
the use of every sharp instrument, even to the smallest
knife, was interdicted, and so the unlucky descendants
of the race that had conquered Spain bore patiently the
tortures and1outrages
Makkarî.
to which they were subjected. In
2 Lane- Poole.
00
 562 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXX.

1466-1610 1568 A.C. their condition became intolerable. Not satis-

A. C.
fied with despoiling their victims of property and privi-
leges, reducing them to a hideous servitude in the land
where they had once reigned, " the Christians sought their
extermination-the destruction of the very memory of
their glorious existence. " The mad fanatic Philip II.
occupied the throne of Spain at this time. And the
Archbishop of Granada, equally ferocious and fanatical,
obtained from him a decree requiring the Arabs to
abandon their language, their customs, their manners,
and all their institutions in a day. "" The infidels ' were
ordered to abandon their picturesque costume, and to
assume the hats and breeches of the Christians ; to give
up bathing, and adopt the dirt of their conquerors ; to
renounce their language, their customs and ceremonies,
even their very names, and to speak Spanish, behave
Spanishly, and re-name themselves Spaniards." " The
wholesale denationalisation of the people was more than
any folk, much less the descendants of the Almanzors
and the Abencerrages, could stomach." 1 Driven to des-
peration they rose in arms. It was a hopeless struggle.
After three years of incessant fighting the insurrection was
crushed by the notorious Don Juan of Austria, 2 by whole-
sale butchery and devastation. Men and women and
children were butchered under his own eyes, and the
villages and valleys of the Alpuxarras were turned into
November human shambles. The poor people who took refuge in
1570 A.C. caves were smoked to death. There still remained
a large number of Moriscoes, as they were called, in
Valencia and Murcia. In 1610 A.C. Philip III. com-
pleted the work begun by his father ; over half a
million of inoffensive people were forcibly deported
1 Lane- Poole.
2 A natural son of Charles V. by his mistress, Barbara Bromberg.
CH. XXX. FINAL EXPULSION OF THE MOORS 563

to Africa and thrown upon its shores without means 871-1016

A.H.
or money. Those who lived in the interior, and whose
number is said to have amounted to no less than two
Final ex-
hundred thousand, unhappy remnant of a once powerful pulsion of
and prosperous nation, were mercilessly driven across the
the frontier into France, whence such as survived the Spanish
Arabs.
cruelties of the Spaniards or the hardships of the road,
took ship to the countries of Islâm. From the fall of
Granada to the reign of Philip III. three millions of
people were driven out of the Peninsula !
Thus disappeared from the soil of Spain a brave, in-
genious and enlightened nation, whose active industry
had brought back to life the Peninsula that had lain
dead and barren under the indolent pride of the Goths;
who had turned Andalusia into a garden, and had held
aloft the torch of knowledge when all around lay in dark-
ness ; who had spread culture, given impetus to civilisa-
tion, and established chivalry-who had, in fact, created
modern Europe. And what has Spain gained by the
expulsion of the Moors ? Fair Andalusia, for centuries
the home of culture, learning, and arts, has relapsed
into sterility and become a synonym for intellectual and
moral desolation. " An eternal gloom," to use the elo-
quent words of Condé,¹ " envelopes the countries which
their presence had brightened and enriched. Nature has
not changed ; she is as smiling as ever ; but the people
and their religion have changed. Some mutilated monu-
ments still dominate over the ruins which cover a desolate
land; but from the midst of these monuments, of these
cold ruins comes the cry of Truth, ' Honour and glory to
the vanquished Arab, decay and misery for the conquer-
ing Spaniard. " Another European writer describes still
more graphically the loss inflicted by fanaticism in Spain.
1 Himself a Spaniard .
 564 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXX.

1466-1610 " The misguided Spaniards knew not what they were
A.C. doing. The exile of the Moors delighted them ; nothing
more picturesque and romantic had occurred for some
time. Lope de Vega sang about the sentencia justa by
which Philip III., despreciando sus barbaros tesoros,
banished to Africa las ultimas reliquias de los Moros.
Velazquez painted it in a memorial picture ; even the
mild and tolerant Cervantes forced himself to justify it.
They did not understand that they had killed their golden
goose. For centuries Spain had been the centre of civil-
isation, the seat of arts and sciences, of learning, and
every form of refined enlightenment. No other country
in Europe had so far approached the cultivated do-
minion of the Moors. The brief brilliancy of Ferdinand
and Isabella, and of the empire of Charles V., could
found no such enduring pre-eminence. The Moors were
banished ; for a while Christian Spain shone, like the
moon, with a borrowed light ; then came the eclipse, and
in that darkness Spain has grovelled ever since. The
true memorial of the Moors is seen in desolate tracts of
utter barrenness, where once the Moslem grew luxuriant
vines and olives and yellow ears of corn ; in a stupid,
ignorantpopulationwhere once wit and learning flourished;
in the general stagnation and degradation of a people
which has hopelessly fallen in the scale of the nations,
and has deserved its humiliation. " 1
1 Lane - Poole.
 CHAPTER XXXI

RETROSPECT

The Kingdom of Granada-The city-The Alhambra-Al-General-

iffe-Arts and learning in Granada-Dress-General Review of
Spain under the Arabs-Government-The Functionaries-
Economic condition - Manufactures-Agriculture --The fine arts
-Learning-Position of women-The women scholars-Pas-
times.

THE kingdom of Granada comprised those parts of

Spain which lie in the south-eastern corner of the penin-
sula ; and, in its most flourishing period, never exceeded
seventy leagues in length from east to west, and twenty-
five in breadth from north to south. Within this narrow
circuit it contained all the physical resources of a great The King-
dom of
empire. Its broad valleys were intersected by moun- Granada.
tains rich in mineral wealth, whose hardy population
supplied the state with husbandmen and soldiers. Its
pastures were fed by abundant streams, and its coasts
were studded with commodious ports, the principal
marts of the Mediterranean. It possessed thirty cities,
eighty fortified towns, and several thousand walled town-
ships and villages. The plain or Meadow ( Ghotat) of
Granada, now called the Vega de Granada, the arena of
the death-struggle, covered a space of thirty leagues.
1 Under the Arab domination, on the banks of the Guadalquiver
alone there were twelve thousand villages or small towns.
565
566 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXXI .

Watered by the Shenîl 1 (Xenil), Daroh ( Darro), and three

other rivers issuing from the neighbouring mountains of
the Jabâl Shulair (Sierra Nevada), and studded in every
direction with orchards, gardens, groves, palaces, man-
sions, villas, and vineyards, the Meadow presented a rare
spectacle of luxuriance and beauty. Around the gardens
lay fields clothed with perpetual verdure. The Arabs
exhausted on the Vega all their elaborate powers of
cultivation. They distributed the waters of the Xenil
and Darro into numberless channels, and obtained by
their skill and labour a succession of fruit and cereals
throughout the year. They successfully cultivated pro-
ducts of the most opposite latitudes. Large quantities
of silk and flax were exported from the ports of Almeria
and Malaga to the Italian cities then rising into opulence.
Their manufactures were varied and numerous, and each
city was noted for a special industry. The ports of the
Ahmarite kingdom swarmed with the shipping of Europe,
Levant, and Africa, and its capital, as the chief centre of
a remarkable commercial activity, had " become the com-
mon city of all nations." 3 The citizens of Granada were
universally reputed and honoured for their probity and
trustworthiness, and their mere word was considered
surer than the Christian Spaniard's document. Besides
textile fabrics and precious metals they exported large
quantities of raw produce, especially flax and silk.
Florence derived her principal supply of this article from
the ports of Almeria and Malaga.
Granada, called by the Arabs Gharnâta, stood " like a
watch-tower " in the Meadow. It rested, as it does now,

1 Also called Shinjîl, the Singilis of the Romans.

2 The Hadarah of Ibn ul- Khatîb, and the Salon of the Romans .
3 The Genoese and Florentines had mercantile establishments in
Granada.
CH . XXXI . THE ALHAMBRA 567

partly in the Vega and partly on the slope of the hills, on

which her elevated and populous suburbs were entirely
built. The rippling Darro flowed through the city, and
after supplying its numerous mansions, markets, mills,
and baths, winded its course into the plain below. In The city
of
the days of the Banû-Nasr, Granada was encompassed Granada.
by a strong wall, pierced with twenty gates, and was
flanked by a thousand and thirty towers. The castle
(Kassaba) stood in the centre. Every house in the city
had its own garden planted with orange, lemon, citron,
laurel, myrtle, and other odoriferous trees and plants, and
its separate supply of running water. Beautiful fountains
for the comfort and convenience of the public were to
be found in large numbers in every street. The houses
were extremely elegant, and beautifully ornamented with
damasquina work. The population of the city towards
the middle of the fifteenth century amounted to four
hundred thousand souls.
On the summit of one of the hills opposite, Ibn ul-
Ahmar built the fortress or city of al-Hamra, ¹ which was
capable of holding within its circuit forty thousand men.
It is impossible within the space at my command to
do justice to " this fabric of the genii." The towers,
citadels, and palaces, with their light and elegant
architecture, the graceful porticos and colonnades, the
domes and ceilings still glowing with tints which have lost
none of their original brilliancy ; the airy halls, constructed
to admit the perfume of the surrounding gardens ; the
numberless fountains over which the owners had such
perfect control, that the water could be made high or
1 Al-Medinât ul-Hamra (corrupted into Alhambra), " the Red
City or Palace," called either from his name of Ibn ul-Ahmar ( " the
son of the Red Man" ), or from the colour of the materials used in its
construction.
 568 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXXΧΙ .

low, visible or invisible at pleasure, sometimes allowed

to spout in the air, at other times to spread out in
large, oblong sheets, in which were reflected buildings,
fountains, and serene azure sky; the lovely arabesques,
paintings and mosaics finished with such care and accuracy
as to make even the smallest apartments fascinating, and
illuminated in varied shades of gold, pink, light blue,
and dusky purple; the lovely dados of porcelain mosaic
of various figures and colours ; the beautiful Hall of
Lions with its cloister of a hundred and twenty-eight
slender and graceful columns, its blue-and-white pave-
ment, its harmony of scarlet, azure and gold ; the
arabesques glowing with colour like the pattern on a
cashmere shawl, its lovely marble filagree filling in the
arches, its beautiful cupolas, its famous alabaster cup in
the centre; the enchanting Hall of Music, where the Court
sat and listened to the music of the performers in the
tribunes above ; the beautiful seraglio with its delicate
and graceful brass lattice work and exquisite ceilings ; the
lovely colouring of the stalactites in the larger halls and of
the conical linings in the smaller chambers all these
require a master's pen to describe.
Opposite to the al-Hamrâ, on the side of a steep
Al-aliffe.
Gener- mountain, stands the celebrated royal villa of Al-Gener-
aliffe, ¹ and like the Red Palace, is within the enclosure
of the walls of the city. " It also," to use the words of
a clever writer, " was a marvel of beauty with fountains,
groves, and flowers, though little is left of their old glory
but a few gigantic cypresses 2 and myrtles. " The gardens
were terraced in the form of an amphitheatre, and were
1 Corrupted from the Arabic al-
Jamaa-ul-Adrif, " the mosque of
the Knower (or Supervisor), " from an exquisite mosque attached to
the villa.
2 Still called the Queen's Cypresses.
CH. XXXI . WOMEN - SCHOLARS 569

irrigated by streams issuing from the summit of the

mountains, which, after forming numerous cascades, lost
themselves among the trees and flowering shrubs.
The sovereigns of Granadal rivalled the Caliphs of Learning
Cordova in their patronage of learning and arts, and in andArts.
the construction of sumptuous public works ; and under
their liberal and enlightened government, Granada be-
came the home and birth-place of eminent scholars, 66
distinguished poets, accomplished soldiers, men fit in
every respect to serve as models." Her daughters were Women
no less famous in literature, and the names of Nazhûn, scholars.
Zainab, Hamda, Hafsah, al-Kalayyèh, Safia, Maria 6
shed an ineffaceable lustre on the land of their birth. It
was not polite literature alone that was fostered and
encouraged by the Arab kings of Granada. History,
geography, philosophy, astronomy, the natural and exact
1 They also appear to have assumed the title of Caliphs.
2 Nazhûn, the daughter of Abu Bakr al-Ghassani, an eloquent
poetess, well versed in history and literature, flourished towards the
end of the sixth century of the Hegira.
3 Zainab and Hamda were the daughters of Ziâd, the bookseller,
and lived at a place called Wadi ul- Hama (pronounced as Waudi),
in the neighbourhood of Granada. Ibn ul-Abbâr in his Tuhfat
ul-Kadîm says, " They were both excellent poetesses, thoroughly
versed in all branches of learning and science ; they were beautiful,
rich, amiable, and modest. Their love of learning brought them
into the company of scholars, with whom they mixed on perfect
terms of equality with great composure and dignity, and nobody
could accuse them of forgetting the rules of their sex. "
4 Hafsah and Kalayyèh were both natives of Granada.
5 Safia was a native of Seville. In addition to distinguished ora-
torical and poetical talents, she excelled all others in the calligraphic
art; " so that her penmanship was at once the subject of admiration
and an example to be copied by the most skilful scribes."
6 Maria, the daughter of Abu Yakub al- Faisali, has been called the
Arabian Corinna ; she also was eminent for her learning and
scholarship.
 570 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXXI .

sciences in general, medicine and music were cultivated

with equal earnestness.
Univer- The government of each academy was entrusted to a
sities.
rector, who was chosen from among the most distinguished
scholars. In the middle of the thirteenth century of the
Christian era this high office in the university of Granada
was held by Siraj ud-din Abû Jaafar Omar al-Hakami.
No religious distinction was made in these appointments,
and learned Jews and Christians were often appointed to
the post of rector. Real learning, in the estimation of
the Arabs, " was of greater value than the religious
opinion of the literate."
It was customary in the Spanish Arabian universities
to hold annual commemorations and periodical meetings,
to which the public were invited. On these occasions
poems were recited and orations delivered by the most
eminent persons in the universities. Every college had
the following lines inscribed over its gates-" The world
is supported by four things only : the learning of the
wise, and the justice of the great, the prayers of the good,
and the valour of the brave ."
Chivalry. After the fall of Cordova chivalry found a congenial
home at Granada, where it attained its highest develop-
ment. As in the capital of the Caliphs, women occupied
a pre-eminent position, mingled freely in the society of
men, and by their presence enlivened the fêtes, tourneys,
and the perpetual succession of spectacles which delighted
the Granadans. Much of the chivalrous spirit and
gallantry for which the Saracens of Granada were con-
spicuous was undoubtedly due to the ennobling influence
of women. The Arab cavalier entered the lists, or went
to war with some device emblazoned on his arms, either
a heart pierced with darts, a star directing a vessel, or the
initial letter of the name of his lady-love. The knights
CH. XXXI . CHIVALRY 571

contended openly in her presence for the prize of valour,

and often joined her in the graceful dance of the zambra.
It is said that the women were handsome, mostly of
a middle stature, witty, and brilliant in conversation.
Their dress consisted of costly robes of the finest
linen, silk, or cotton with a girdle and kerchief. The
historian, Ibn ul-Khatib, characterises their " luxury of
dress " as a madness. Perfumes were used to a lavish
extent, and women, especially ladies of rank, were
passionately fond of decorating themselves with hyacinths,
chrysolites, emeralds, and other gems, together with
ornaments of gold and precious stones ; and such was
the variegated splendour of their appearance when in the
mosques, that they have been compared to " the flowers
of spring in a beautiful meadow. "
The turban as an article of head-dress was long ago
discarded among men who followed the profession of
arms. In Valencia, Murcia, and the Eastern provinces Men's
head-
generally even the Kâzis and Fakihs had abandoned its dress.
1
use, and taken to caps. A contemporary writer 2 speaks
of a distinguished Allâmah ( Ulema) entering bare-headed
the presence of the Sultan of Murcia. " And," he goes
on to say, " Ibn Hûd ³ never wore a turban, nor did Ibn
ul-Ahmar . "
In the western districts, like Cordova and Seville,
Kâzis and Fakîhs generally wore turbans, but they were
of much smaller dimensions than those in vogue in
Asia. And we are told that the Spanish Moslems
1 These caps were probably the kalansudh (see ante, p. 451 ) re-
duced to a reasonable size, something in the shape of the Persian
kulah, but most likely not so high. Dozy, in his Dictionnaire des
Noms des Vêtements Arabes, quoting Nuwairi, says the kalansuèh
was in use in Spain (p. 371) .
2 Ibn us-Saîd, a contemporary of Ibn ul-Ahmar.
3 See ante, p. 541 .
 572 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXXI .

were moved to mirth by the sight of the huge head-

dress of their Eastern brethren. The sovereigns and
princes, the aristocracy and military, with a large pro-
portion of the civil population, followed in dress the
fashion of their Frankish neighbours, and dressed like
them. The Arab cavaliers, instead of the light armour
of their ancestors, their bows and scimitars, were clad in
heavy mail, and used the same weapons as the Franks-
the crossbow, the spear, and shield.¹ Over the mail they
generally threw a short scarlet tunic embroidered with
devices.
The Spanish Moslems were said to be the cleanest
people on earth in their person and dress, and in the
interior of their houses ; " indeed they carry clean-
liness to such an extreme that it is not an uncom-
mon thing for a man of the lower classes to spend his
last dirhem in soap instead of buying food for his daily
consumption, and thus go without his dinner rather than
appear in public with dirty clothes."
General I have so far dealt separately with Granada and Cor-
Review. dova. It now remains to give a general review of the
system of administration and mode of government among
the Spanish Arabs, of the economic condition of the
country, and the state of culture under them.
Govern- Whilst the Sultan was the supreme head of government
ment.
the practical work of administration was conducted by
ministers who, as in the East, bore the title of vizier.
Each department of State was in the charge of a separate
minister. There seem to have been four principal offices,
viz., finance, foreign affairs, the administration of justice

1 Apparently under the influence of the Marînides, a change was

made in the equipment of the troops, which may perhaps account for
some of the later defeats. For an account of the frontier guard, see
Appendix.
CH . XXXI. ADMINISTRATION 573

or " redress of grievances," and the management, pay,

and supervision ofthe army. The title ofvizier 1 was also
conferred on the Privy Councillors ; but in order to dis-
tinguish the ministers who held portfolios from the
ordinary members of the Caliph's council, the former were
styled vizier zu'l vizâratain. The President of the
Council, called in Asia Grand Vizier, was the Hajib, or
Chamberlain. He held direct communication with the
sovereign, received the royal mandates, and acted gener-
ally as the chief of the ministers. They all sat in one
hall, but the seat of the President was more elevated
than those of the others. The Privy Councillors, like
ministers, had the privilege of sitting with the Caliph in
the Council chamber.
There were several Secretaries of State, or Katib ud- Secretaries
Dawal, among whom the chief of the correspondence of State.
office (Kitâbat ur-Rasail) occupied the most prominent
position. Another officer, named Katib uz-Zimâm, was
entrusted with the security and protection of non-Mos-
lems. The supervision of the public accounts was in the
charge of an officer called Sahib ul-ashgal. He was
practically the Finance Minister, for his department re-
ceived the revenues, imposed taxes, made disbursements,
and " checked extortions." In the kingdom of Granada
the functionary entrusted with the keeping of accounts,
the private expenses of the Sultan and other pecuniary
concerns, was called the Vakil. There being no Secre-
tary of State in Granada, the Board of Correspondence
was in the charge of the Vizier, whilst the sovereign him-
self sealed the diplomas and despatches. Under the

1 The Arabic al-vizier was, as usual, corrupted by the Spaniards

into Alguazil.
2 " The master of occupations."
 574 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXXI .

Banû Ahmar and the Banû Marîn of Africa the sahib ul-
ashgal became a mere collector of revenue.
In Spain the position of Kâzi was one of great dignity,
The Kâzis. and the Chief Kâzi was often designated Kâzi ul- Jamâèt
(Kâzi of the People) instead of Kâzi ul-Kuzzât.
The The head of the police was, as in the East, called
police. Sahib ush-Shurta, and under the Caliphs of Cordova
was vested with very large powers. Under the later
dynasties he became a mere Commissary of Police. The
town magistrates were called Sahib ul-Medina, and
sometimes Sahib ul-Lail, and were subject to the Kâzis'
control and supervision. The Muhtasib exercised the
same functions as in the cities of Asia and Africa. He
examined the weights and measures used by traders,
inspected the markets, prevented nuisances, and took
summary cognisance of attempts at cheating by shop-
keepers. The night-watchmen were called ad-dârabûn,
or gate-keepers, to whom was entrusted the duty of closing
the interior gates of the cities after the last evening
prayers. They were always well-armed, and carried
lanterns, besides being accompanied by a huge watch-dog.
In early times the naval commander was called Ameer
ul-Ma, which was corrupted by the Franks and Spaniards
into Almirant. This was again re-imported to the Arabs
in the form of al-miland. Under Abdur Rahmân an-
Nâsir and his successors this high officer was styled Kaid
ul-Asâtil, or Commander of the Fleet. The Ommeyades
and the Almohades maintained the navy in a high state
of efficiency, and their maritime force was superior to
that of all the Christian nations combined. It was the

1 City magistrate.
2 Night magistrate. They were sometimes called also al-Kaids,
which the Christian Spaniards corrupted into alcalde.
3 Commander of the Sea.

1
CH . XXXI . AGRICULTURE 575

loss of this superiority, as Ibn Khaldûn points out, which

materially contributed to the decay of Moslem power.¹
No country in the world ever enjoyed a higher degree
of agricultural prosperity than Spain under the Arabs.2 Agricul-
ture.
They raised agriculture into a science, and by an extra-
ordinary application of industry, skill, and knowledge
developed the resources of the country in a wonderful
manner. Thoroughly acquainted with the adaptability of
certain crops to the nature of certain kinds of soil, and
the application of various kinds of manure to particular
species of trees, plants, etc., they made the most sterile
tracts bloom into luxuriance. The Spaniards are indebted
to the Arabs for the introduction of rice, sugar-cane, the
cotton-tree, saffron, spinach, and that infinite variety of
fine fruits which have now become almost indigenous to
the peninsula, whence the use and culture of many of
them have gradually been introduced into various parts
of Europe.
Every kind of soil was appropriated to that species of
culture which was best adapted for it. At Elchar in the
province of Valencia they have left vast groves of palm
trees. Rice was cultivated in enormous quantities near Economic
Albufera. Sugar-cane and cotton were grown at Oliva of
condition
Spain.
and Gandia. Xeres, Granada, and Malaga were covered
with vines ; while the country around Seville and the
greater part of Andalusia were planted with olives.3
1 Ibn Khaldûn's view of the rise and decay of the Moslem power
in the Mediterranean (Bahr ur-Rûm, also called Bahr ush-Shâm) is
extremely interesting. Evidentlyin his time (he was a contemporary of
Tamerlane) attempts were being made to resuscitate the Moslem navy.
2 Compare the eloquent words of Murphy on this point.
3 The agricultural development of Spain under the Saracens is
sufficiently evidenced by the fact, that in 1255 A.C. , when Ferdinand I.
took possession of Seville, that province contained several millions
of olive trees and nearly 100,000 mills for turning out olive oil.
 576 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXXI .

They levelled the earth by means of an instrument

called the marhifal, and the science of irrigation was
carried to high perfection. The whole country was
covered with aqueducts and canals for the fertilisation
of the soil. They manufactured iron and steel in large
quantities, and their steel was so excellent, that the
swords of Granada were preferred to all others in Spain.
The manufacture of silk and cotton was introduced by
the Arabs into Spain ; and woollen cloths were made of
very fine quality. They excelled specially in dyeing, and
the art of dyeing black with indigo is said to be their
invention. The superb vases still preserved in the palace
of the Alhambra, and the glazed tiles which form a
distinguished ornament of that magnificent edifice, show
their progress in the manufacture of porcelain. Their
exports consisted of gold, silver, copper, raw and
wrought silk, sugar, cochineal, quicksilver, pig and cast
iron, olives, woollen manufactures, ambergris, yellow
amber, loadstone, antimony, talc, marcasites, rock crystal,
oil, sugar, sulphur, saffron, ginger, myrrh, and various
other drugs ; corals fished on the coast of Andalusia,
pearls obtained from that of Catalonia, rubies from the
mines of Malaga and Beja, and amethysts procured from
near Carthagena. They were specially renowned in the
art of tanning, currying, and dyeing and embossing
leather, which has almost completely died out in Spain
since the expulsion of the Moors. Carried from Spain
to Fez, it was brought from there to England, where it is
now known under the name of Morocco and Cordovan.
They also introduced into Spain the manufacture of gun-
The Fine powder, sugar, and paper. The fine arts were not
Arts. neglected, and the Spanish Arabs excelled their Chris
1 The aqueducts of Carmona carried water over a distance of
several leagues.
CH . XXXI . THE FINE ARTS 577

tian neighbours both in sculpture and painting. We

know how the palaces of the Caliphs in Cordova, especi-
ally az-Zahra, were decorated with statuary and paintings,
whilst the sculptured lions and historical paintings ¹ still
preserved in the Alhambra show the development of
both the arts in Granada. No town, however small, was
without colleges and schools ; whilst each principal city
possessed a separate university. Those of Cordova,
Seville (Ishbîlia), Malaga, Saragossa, Lisbon (Alishbûna),
Jaen, Salamanca, among others, occupied the most dis-
tinguished position.
Among the host of historians produced by Moslem
Spain the following are the most prominent :-Ibn
Hayyân, Ibn ul-Abbâr, Abu Obaidullah al-Bakri, Ibn
Bushkûwâl (Abu'l Kâsim Khalf5 bin Abdul Malik bin
Masûd bin Mûsa), Ibn us-Saîd (Abu'l Hassan Ali), Ash-
Shakandi (Abu'l Walid Ismail, a native of Shakunda),7
Ibn ul-Khatib (Lisân ud-din). I have mentioned in a
preceding page the names of a few of the literary women
of Granada. It will be interesting to add here the dis-
tinguished poetesses and cultured ladies who flourished
in earlier times in Cordova and other places. Hassana
1 The paintings are a species of encaustic, and represent a council-
meeting, a battle- field, a cavalcade, and various hunting scenes.
2 Hispalis of the Romans.
3 He wrote two histories of Spain-one in ten volumes, the other
insixty !
4 Died in 1076 A.C.
5 Born in Cordova in IIOI A.C.; died in 1183 A.C.
6 Was born at Granada in 1214 A.C.; died in 1286-7 A.C. He
was educated at Seville.
7 Died in 1231-32 A.C.
8 Born in 1313 A.C. He was Vizier to Yusuf Abu'l Hajaj, seventh
king of Granada, and his successor al-Ghani. Suspected of treason,
he was executed in 1374 A.C. As Ibn Khaldûn was born at Tunis,
I have given a short account ofhis life in the Appendix.
PP
578 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXXΧΙ .

al-Yatîma, daughter of Abu'l Hussain the poet, and Umm

ul-Ulâ, both natives of Guadalaxara, flourished in the
sixth century ofthe Hegira. Ummat ul-Azîz, a descendant
of the Prophet, and therefore styled ash-Sharîfa, and
al-Ghusânièh, a native of Bejenah in the province of
Almeria, flourished in the fifth century. These ladies
held high rank among the scholars of the time.
Al-Aarûzzièh, who lived at Valencia, was a distinguished
grammarian and rhetorician. She died at Denia in 450
A.H. Hafsah ar-Rokûnia, " renowned for her beauty, her
talents, her nobility and her wealth," flourished under
the Almohades. Hafsa, the daughter of Hamdûn, also
a native of Guadalaxara, was one of the most illustrious
poetesses and scholars of the fourth century of the
Hegira. Zainab al-Murabiyyèh, a native of Wadi Ash
(Guadix), lived in the time of Hajib al-Muzaffar, with
whose family she was on terms of intimacy. Mariam,
daughter ofAbu Yakub al-Ansari, was a native of Seville ;
she was a learned and accomplished woman, and taught
rhetoric, poetry, and literature, " which, joined to her
piety, her good morals, her virtues, and amiable dispo-
sition, gained her the affection of her sex, and gave her
many pupils. " She died towards the end of the fourth
century of the Hegira. Asma al-Aâmariyèh, also a native
of Seville, was a distinguished scholar. Umm ul-Hinâ,
daughter of the Kâzi Abu Mohammed Abdul Hakk ibn
Aatiyyèh, was both a poetess and a jurisconsult. Bahja,
a native of Cordova, a friend of Walâdeh,¹ the daughter
of al- Mustakfi, was equally renowned for her beauty and
her verses .
Itimâd ar-Ramîkkiyèh and Busîna, the wife and
daughter of Mutamid, the last king of Seville, also held
high rank among the scholars of the day.
1 See ante, p. 528.
CH. XXXI . THE PHILOSOPHY 579

A sketch of the Spanish Moslems can hardly be com-

plete without some further account of the distinguished
physicians and philosophers who have shed such lustre
on the country of their birth.
Abu Bakr Mohammed bin Yahya, surnamed Ibn us-
Sâigh (" son of the goldsmith "), commonly known as
Ibn Bâja (Aven-Pace or Avenpace), was a native of
Saragossa, and a Tajîbite by descent. He was eminent
as a physician, philosopher, mathematician and astrono-
mer. To his learning and scientific attainments he joined
the highest proficiency in music. He died at Fez in
533 Α.Η. (1138 A.C.).
Ibn Tufail (Abu Bakr Mohammed bin Abdul Malik
ibn Tufail) was one of the most remarkable philosophers
of the Arabs in Spain. He was born at Wadi Ash
(Guadix), and was celebrated as a physician, mathema-
tician, philosopher, and poet. He was held in the
highest estimation by Abu Yakûb Yusuf, the second
sovereign of the Almohade dynasty. Ibn Tufail died in
Morocco in 581 A.H. ( 1185 A.c.), and Yakûb al- Mansur,
the son and successor of Yusuf, personally assisted at his
funeral. Probably Ibn Tufail's famous work, Hai ibn
Yukzân,¹ is one of the first works on natural religion.
Ibn Zuhr 2 (Abu Bakr al-Iyazi) was a native of Seville,
1 This book has been translated into Latin by Pococke, and in an
abridged form also into English by Ashwell ( 1686 A.C. ).
2 Avenzoar, ante, p. 538. His father's name was Abû Merwân
Abdul Malik, Chief Physician to Abdul Momîn, founder of the
Almohade dynasty. His grandfather was " the vizier of that epoch
and its grandee, the philosopher of that age and its physician. " He
died at Cordova, A.H. 525 (A.C. 1130-31). His great-grandfather,
Abdul Malik, travelled to the East, where he long practised as a
physician, and became head of the faculty in Bagdad ; he then re-
moved to Egypt, and afterwards to Kairowân. At a later period,
he took up his residence at Denia, whence his reputation spread over
580 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXXI .

and belonged to a remarkably gifted family, of which all

the members were scholars, physicians, or viziers.
" Many of them attained to the highest offices in the
State, enjoyed the favour of sovereigns, and exercised
great authority." Ibn Zuhr was chief physician to Abû
Yusuf Yakûb al-Mansûr. He died in 595 A.H. ( 1199
A.C.).
Ibn Rushd, the great Averroes (Abu'l Walid Moham-
med bin Ahmed ibn Rushd), was born in 520 A.H.
(1126 A.C.) . His grandfather and father were Chief
Kâzis of Andalusia under the Almoravides. Ibn Rushd
enjoyed the friendship of Abû Merwân ibn Zuhr, and of
Ibn Tufail, who introduced him to Abû Yakûb Yusuf. In
1109 A.C. Ibn Rushd was Kâzi of Seville. In 1182 he
was appointed to the same office at Cordova. He died
on the 9th of Safar 595 A.H. ( December 1198 A.C.).
all the regions of Spain and Maghrib. " His pre- eminence in the
art of medicine was so conspicuously displayed that he outshone all
his contemporaries. " He died at Denia.
WSLD

TOMBS
,CAIRO
CALIPHS
THE
.OF
 CHAPTER XXXII

THE SARACENS IN AFRICA

169-567 A.H.; 785-1171 A.C.

The Idrîsides -The Aghlabides- Invasion of Sicily-Its Conquest
---The fall of the Aghlabides-The rise of the Fatimides-Con-
quest of Egypt-Foundation of Cairo-Conquest of Syria,
Hijâz, and Yemen -Decline of the Fatimides -The end of the
dynasty- Cairo- The Grand Lodge of the Ismailias.

Up to the time of Mahdi, the third Caliph of the House 169-567

of Abbas, the whole of the African possessions acknow- A.H. 785
ledged the Abbasside sovereignty. In the reign of -1171
A. C.
Hâdi, Idrîs, a descendant of Hassan I., escaped into
Western Mauritania, ¹ and there, with the assistance of the The
Berber tribes, who accepted him as their chief and Idrîsides
(
the
Imâm, established a powerful kingdom, which for a long Adarisa)
time flourished in Northern Africa. He built the city of Idrîs I.
Fez, and made it his capital ; under his enlightened
administration it soon became a famous seat of culture
and learning. He is said to have been poisoned by an
emissary of the Abbassides, and was succeeded on the
throne by his infant son, also called Idrîs, under the
regency of the mother and the Vizier Ghalib. Idris II. Idrîs II.
proved himself a great warrior, and made large con- al-Asghar.
quests towards the south. Ibn Khaldûn says, " The rule
1 See ante, p. 235.
581
 582 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXXII .

785-1171 (daawat) of the Abbassides was at this time effaced in the

A.C. west (Mauritania) from Sûs ul-Aksâ to Shilf (Silves)." On
Death of his death in 213 A.H. his son Mohammed became Caliph.
Idrîs II., His policy of entrusting the provincial governorships to
213 Α.Η.
825 A.C. members of his family appears to have succeeded admir-
Accession
ofMo-
ably, for, with one exception, his brothers whom he
hammed. appointed as governors remained loyal to the end.
Mohammed died in 221 A.H. , and was succeeded by
Death
Mo- Ali'sson
of his Ali, whowas
accession wasloyally
only nine years by
accepted of all
agehis
at the time.
subjects,
hammed,
221 A.H. and the government was conducted with such success by
833 A.C. the faithful servants of his father that the historian
Accession
ofAli. observes, " his reign was extremely prosperous." On his
death without issue in the twenty-second year of his age,
Death his brother Yahya bin Mohammed was raised to the
ofAli, throne. During his long reign, he extended his power in
234 Α.Η.
856 A.c. all directions, and the kingdom advanced in wealth and
Accession
of Yahya.
prosperity. He enlarged and embellished Fez,¹ to which
peopled flocked from all directions.
Death of Yahya died in 264 A.H., and was succeeded by his
Yahya, son, also named Yahya. His oppression led to a revolt,
264 Α.Η.
878 A.C. in which he was expelled from the kingdom. He fled to
Accession
of
Spain, where he died.
Yahya II . Upon the dethronement of Yahya II., his cousin, Ali
His bin Omar, made himself master of the capital. He did
dethrone- not, however, remain long in possession of Fez, as a
ment.

Khâriji rising compelled him to take shelter in Spain .

Yahya III. On the flight of Ali the people of Fez proclaimed a
grandson of Idrîs II. named Yahya & their Imâm and
Caliph . He was a scholar and jurist, and well-versed in
traditions. He succeeded for a time in reducing under his
1 Arabic, Fâs.
2 Omar was a brother of Yahya I.
3 His father's name was Kâsim .
CH . XXXII . THE IDRISIDES 583

power the whole of the old Idrîside possessions. His 169-567

A. H.
rule, however, came to an abrupt end in 309 A.H., for in
that year he was driven out of his kingdom by the His
Fatimide governor of Miknâsa. He then retired into and expulsion
death .
private life, and lived at Mahdièh until his death in 331
A.H. With the fall of Yahya III. ended the Idrîside
Caliphate. The various princes of this dynasty possessed
themselves of the outlying provinces, and assumed the
kingly title. In 319 A.H. Abdur Rahmân III. (an-Nâsir)
sent an expedition into Africa; a large part of Mauritania
was annexed, and many of the Idrîside princes were
deported to Cordova. Western Morocco then fell into
the hands of the Spanish Caliphs, whilst the east
acknowledged the sway of the Fatimides.
I have already mentioned how in the year 184 A.H. The

Ifrîkia¹ became an autonomous principality. Aghla-

bides
The first prince of this dynasty was Ibrahim bin Aghlab, (theAghd-
a man of great administrative talent and energy of liba). Mo-
harram.
character. He founded in the vicinity of Kairowân, a 184 A.H.
new city, which he named Abbasieh, and made it the 801 A.C.
seat of his government. He reigned for over twelve Death of
Ibrahim
years, and was succeeded by his son Abdullah. In his Aghlab,
196 А.Н.
time there was no war or disturbance of any kind ; the 812 A.C.
principality enjoyed perfect peace, and the people pros- Accession
pered and grew rich. He died in 201 A.H., and was ofAbu'l
Abbas
succeeded by his brother, Ziâdatullâh. He is described Abdullah .
as a prince of great talent and ambition, and a dis-
tinguished patron of arts and learning, but with a haughty His death
6 Zu'l
and reckless temper, which gave rise to a violent insur-
Hijja,
rection. After a protracted struggle the rebels were 201 Α.Η.

817 A.C.
finally defeated, and peace was restored in the country Accession
in 208 A.H., or 209 A.H. ofZiadat-
ullâh .
1 See ante, p. 240.
2 Ibn ul-Althîr, vol. vi. p. 108.
 584 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXXII .

785-1171 The Arabs had long possessed a settlement in the

A.C.
south of Sicily.¹ The systematic subjugation of the
island was undertaken under this Aghlabide sovereign.
Conquest In 212 A.H. he despatched into Sicily a large force under
of Sicily. Asad bin Furât, the Kâzi of Kairowân. The primary
cause of this invasion is somewhat differently given by
the Arab and Christian historians. The latter say
that a Byzantine youth, Euphemius, who had stolen a
too willing nun from her cloister, was sentenced by the
emperor to the amputation of his tongue. He fled to
the Saracens of Ifrîkia, and induced them to send into
the island the expedition which eventually brought the
whole of Sicily into Arab power. The Arab historians
mention nothing about the nun. " The emperor of the
826-27
A.C.
Romans, who lived at Constantinople, Kustuntunièh,”
says Ibn ul-Athîr, " sent in the year 211 A.H. a patrician,
Constantine, as governor of Sicily. Constantine ap-
pointed a Roman of the name of Fîmi (Euphemius), a
brave and wise soldier, to the command of the fleet, and
he invaded Ifrîkia, and did great damage to the Moslems.
In the meantime Constantine received orders from the
emperor to throw Fîmi into prison and subject him to
torture. Fîmi, on hearing this, rose in arms, drove Con-
stantine into Catania (Katânia), and proclaimed himself
King of Sicily. War then broke out between Fîmi and
his lieutenant, Balâta, who was assisted by Michael
(Mikhail), governor of Palermo.5 Fîmi suffered a heavy

1 Called Sikilich (with a sad) by the Arabs.

2 The author of the Asadith, a work on the Mâliki doctrines and
jurisprudence.
3 Professor Amari, in his Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia, gives
both versions.
4 Spelt Palata by Amari.
5 Balaram of the Arabs.
CH . XXXII . THE AGHLABIDES 585

defeat at the hands of Balâta, who made himself master 169-567

A. H.
of Syracuse (Sarakûsa).¹ Fîmi thereupon invoked the
assistance of Ziâdatullah Aghlab, offering him the
sovereignty of Sicily. This brilliant offer induced Ziâdat- Conquest
ullâh to send an army into Sicily. The Saracens landed of Sicily.
in the Rabi I. of 212 A.H., at a place called Mazura ( Mazar
of the Arabs). Balâta, Fîmi's enemy and rival, met them
here, and suffered a sanguinary defeat. He fled to Calabria
(Kallûria), where he died shortly after. " The Moslems
rapidly reduced into their power a great many fortresses
in the island." Syracuse was besieged, but a pestilence,
which broke out in the Saracen camp, carried away Asad
and a large number of his troops, and Mohammed bin
Abi'l Jawâri, Asad's successor, was forced by the
Byzantine army sent for the relief of Syracuse to raise
the siege. The Moslems succeeded, however, in captur-
ing Mineo ( Minão) and Girgenteo (Jurjunt), where they
placed strong garrisons. At Kasr-Iânna (modern Cas-
trogiovanni) they lost their ally Fîmi, who was treach- Death of
erously murdered by the inhabitants of the place. Fîmi.
Mohammed bin Abi'l Jawâri dying shortly after, the
command was assumed by Zuhair bin Ghous. The
Byzantines, who had, in the meantime, been largely rein-
forced from Constantinople, now made a supreme effort
to drive the invaders from the island. The Saracens
were besieged in Mineo, which was reduced to dire
straits. Luckily reinforcements arrived for them from
Spain as well as Africa. The Byzantines fell back upon
Syracuse, and the Saracens again assumed the offensive.
In the Rajab of 216 A.H.4 Palermo, the capital, capitu-
1 Italian Siracusa.
2 May also be read as Kalavria.
3 Castrum Enna of the Romans.
4 August 13 to Sept. 11, 831 А.С.
 586 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXXII.

785-1171 lated on favourable terms. " The occupation of Palermo

A.C. was, in truth, the beginning of that of the Island." 1
Conquest Although a great part of the country had submitted to the
of Paler-
mo, Rajab Arab rule, systematic administration was not introduced
216A.H. until the arrival of Abu'l Aghlab Ibrahîm bin Abdullah, a
831 A.C. kinsman of Ziâdutullâh, as the civil and military governor
15 Rama-
zan, of Sicily. Under him the districts in the neighbourhood
220A.H. of Mount Etna (" the Mountain of Fire ") 2 were brought
II, into subjection.
Sept.A.C.
Ziâdatullâh died in the year 223 of the Hegira, and
was succeeded by his brother Abû Ikâl Aghlab. His
14 Rajab , rule was prosperous and successful. Reinforcements
223 Α.Η.
June 10, were sent to Sicily, and the work of conquest in that
883 A.C. direction proceeded apace. The Saracens about this

Accession time made a descent into Southern Italy, and captured

ofAbû several strong places on the Calabrian coast.
Ikal
Aghlab.
Aghlab died in 226 A.H., after a short reign of two
Death of years and seven months, and was succeeded by his son
Aghlab, Abu'l Abbas Mohammed. He was a great builder, and
Rabi II . wise administrator.
226 Α.Η.
Accession In the year 228 A.H. Fazl bin Jaafar Hamdani, the
of Abu'l
Abbas Mo-
lieutenant of the viceroy of Sicily, landed an expedition
hammed. by sea near Messina (Messîn). Assisted from Naples,
October 9, (Nâbîl ³) Messina resisted the Saracenic attack for two
842,
Sept 28, years ; but in the end capitulated and received generous
843 A.c. terms. In the year 232 A.H. Fazl captured the city of
Lentini, and carried his victorious arms far into the
mainland (Arz ul-Kubra). Calabria and Campania were
overrun, and a hundred and fifty towns either reduced or
laidunder contribution. An Arab fleet sailed up the Tiber,
846 A.c. plundered Fundi, and the suburbs of Rome, and laid siege
1 Amari .
2 Jabl un- Når.
3 Also called Nablûs.
CH . XXXII . THE AGHLABIDES 587

to Gaëta, but the capital was saved by the internal divisions 169-567
A. H.
of the Arabs. In 233 A.H. the Saracens took up
their " abode " in the city of Târant (Taranto). In 234
A.H. they obtained the submission of Ragusa (Raghûs) . 849 A.C.
In 235 A.H. they renewed their attack on Rome. A
sudden and fearful tempest " which confounded the skill
and courage of the stoutest mariners " came to the rescue
of the Pope (Leo IV.). The Saracen fleet was dashed to
pieces among the rocks and islands of a hostile shore.
The viceroy Ibn Abdullâh died in Rajab 236 A.H. at
Palermo. The Arab colonists thereupon elected Abbâs
the son of Fazl as their commander, and their election was
confirmed by the sovereign of Ifrîkia. Abbâs continued
vigorously the work of conquest in Sicily as well as on 853-5 A.C.
the mainland. In 239 and 240 A.H. Catania, Caltavuturo
(Kalât Abi-Sûr), and several other places were reduced
in rapid succession.
Abbâs, the governor of Sicily, died in 247 A.H., and
the colonists thereupon elected in his place his son
Abdullah, and their choice was confirmed by the Aghla-
bide prince Abu Ibrahim. Some time after he was
replaced by Khafaja bin Sufiân. In 250 A.H. the
Moslems took possession of the ancient and important Conquest
city of Noto (Notos), and in the course of the next few ofNotos.
years reduced Syracuse, which had hitherto resisted their
arms, Abba, Satas, and Castelnuovo (Kasr ul-jadid). In 869 A.C.
254 A.H. Khufâja's son Mohammed again besieged
Gaëta and laid the suburbs of Rome under contribution.
Khufâja died in 255 A.H. , and was succeeded in the
governorship by his son Mohammed. During his tenure
of office Malta was captured by a fleet under Ahmed bin Malta.
Omar. Mohammed the son of Khufâja was assassinated
in his palace on the 3rd of Rajab 257 A.H.
To maintain the continuity of the narrative relating to 870 A.C.
 588 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXXII .

785-1171
A. C.
Sicily I have had to anticipate the history of the Ifrikian
principality, for Abu'l Abbas Mohammed died in 242
May 27, A.Н. He was succeeded by his son Abû Ibrahim Ahmed.
871 A.C.
Accession Under his rule peace reigned throughout the principality ;
of Abû and there were no disturbances. He treated his sub-
Ibrahim
He
Lonane jects well, and they were happy and prosperous.
built ten thousand forts and outposts made of " stone,
brick, and mortar," to protect the country against the
inroads of the enemy. Abû Ibrahim Ahmed died in 249
His death A.H. , when his brother,¹ Abû Mohammed Ziâdatullâh
20 Zu'l
Kaada, ascended the throne and " walked in the footsteps of his
249 A.H. ancestors, " but reigned barely eighteen months before
862 A.C. he died. His brother Abû Abdullah 2 Mohammed was
Accession
of Ziadat. then raised to the throne. Ibn ul-Athîr says he was
ullâh (al- learned, wise, and endowed with good qualities. In his
Asghar)
" The reign the Byzantines recovered some of their lost posses-
Little." sions in Sicily. Mohammed thereupon built a number of
His19 death,
Zu'l
fortresses and outposts to keep them in check. He is
Kaada, said to also have made some conquests on the mainland.
250 A.H. Abû Abdullah Mohammed died in 261 A.H., and was
863 A.C. succeeded by his brother Ibrâhîm.
Accession
ofAbû
Abdullah
In the beginning of his reign he distinguished himself
Mo- by justice and benevolence towards his subjects, but
hammed. towards the end developed a ferocious homicidal mania
Death of which led him to slaughter even his own children. The
AbuAb- account of his atrocities roused the anger of the Caliph
dullah Mo-
hammed. Mutazid, who sent a peremptory order deposing Ibrâhîm
Jamâdi II. from his government. His son Abu'l Abbas Abdullah,
261 A.H.
874 A.C. who was in Sicily, was appointed by the Caliph to the
Accession
of
Ibrahim .
1 Ibn Khaldûn says he was Ahmed's son and not brother : vol. iv.
p. 201 .
2 Ibn Khaldûn gives his surname as Abu'l Gharânîk, and says
" he was addicted to pleasure and wine, and wars and disturbances
broke out in his time."
CH. XXXII . THE LAST OF THE AGHLABIDES 589

government of Ifrîkia. Ibrahîm put on the garment of 169-567

A.H.
a hermit, set free the crowds of captives whom he had
thrown into prison, and crossed over to Sicily to fight the Appoint-
ment of
Byzantines. Here he died shortly after. Abu'l
Abu'l Abbas Abdullah was a kind-hearted and just Abbas
sovereign, and skilled both in war and in the administra- asAbdullah
Viceroy
tion of affairs. But he was assassinated in his sleep by of Ifrîkia.
some of his slaves, at the instigation of his own son, 902
289 A.C.
Α.Η.
Abû Mozar (Modhar) Ziâdatullâh. The parricide was
the last of his family who reigned over Ifrîkia. After
executing the slaves whom he had employed to murder Accession
his father, he abandoned himself to debauchery and " the of Abit
Mozar
company of buffoons and clowns," and the principality Ziadat-
was allowed to drift to ruin. In the meantime a revo- ullâh, the
last of the
lution was taking place in Northern Africa, which altered Aghlab-
the entire aspect of affairs. ides.

The schism that occurred among the Shiahs on the The rise
ofthe
decease of the apostolical Imâm Jaafar¹ has already been Fatimides.
described. The majority accepted the Imâmate of Mûsa
(al-Kazim), whom the Imâm had, upon the death of his
eldest son Ismail, named as his successor, whilst the rest
gave their adhesion to Ismail's son Mohammed, sur-
named al-Maktûm (the concealed, or unrevealed).2 The The
Ismailias
Ismailias, as they were henceforth called, in the course Moham-
of time amalgamated with their doctrines many esoteric med al-
motions borrowed from the philosophy of Mâni (Manes)3. Maktûm.
1 See ante, p. 225.
2 The Ismailias designate their next five spiritual leaders, concealed
or unrevealed Imâms, as they did not " reveal " themselves (openly
avow their title), owing to the oppression of their enemies. "
$ A Persian philosopher of great genius and versatile talents, who
flourished in the third century of the Christian era. The influence
of his teachings is markedly visible in Christianity as well as Islâm ,
and all the later esoteric sects are traceable to him .
 590 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXXΙΙ .

785-1171 Some of them were decidedly Manichæan 1 in their views,

A. C.
and considered the hidden meaning in words as of more
importance than the positive law, and, differing from the
general body of Moslems, believed in " justification by
faith " and not by work. This extreme section of the
Ismâilias received the name of Esoterician (Bâtinia).3
Their secret teachings and pretensions naturally aroused
the suspicions of the Abbassides, and they were strictly
watched, and sometimes ill-treated.
Jaafar al- Mohammed al-Maktûm was succeeded in the Ismâilia
Mussadak. Imâmate by his son Jaafar, surnamed al-Mussadak (the
Veracious) . Upon his death his son Mohammed, who
Moham- bore the title of al-Habib (the Friend), became their
med, al- Imâm. He was a man of great ability and ambition,
Habib.
and closely resembled in character the other Mohammed,
the father of Saffah and Mansûr. He lived at a place
called Salâmièh, near Hems (Emessa), and from here he
sent out missionaries (dâis) in all directions to enlist
adherents and diffuse the Ismailia cult. The doctrines
of his sect thus spread rapidly in Yemen, Yemâma,
Bahrain, Sind, India, Egypt, and Northern Africa. One
of his most zealous and indefatigable missionaries was
Abû Abu Abdullah Hussain, at one time Muhtasib of Bus-
Abdullah
TheShiah, sorah, who afterwards became famous under the designa-
1 Derived from Mâni.
2 In other words, so long as they believed implicitly in their
Imâms, it was not necessary for their future welfare to act in accord-
ance with the dictates of religion. Hence their blind subjection to
their spiritual leaders. The doctrine of " justification by faith " is
not confined to these ultra- Ismailias.
3 The Karamita (the Carmathians) and the Assassins were two
offshoots of this sect. In Arabian histories, the latter are invariably
called Batinias.
4 Son of Mohammed, son of Zakaria.
CH. XXXII . THE FATIMIDES 591

tion of the Shiah.¹ In the year 288 A.H. Abu Abdullah 169-567
A.H.
proceeded to Africa, and by his wonderful preaching and
force of character, which, joined to his piety and ascetic-
ism, gave him great influence among the impressionable
Berbers, he soon secured the adhesion of the powerful
tribe of Kitama to the Imâmate of the Ahl ul-Bait. At
this time Ibrahim bin Mohammed was the ruler of
Ifrîkia; and he tried to suppress the Ismailite movement.
Abu Abdullah, however, surmounted every difficulty, and
the accession of the incompetent Ziâdatullâh paved his
way to success. Whilst the Aghlabide was " lying im-
mersed in pleasure in Rakkâda, Abû Abdullah's power
waxed in the country, and his missionaries announced
to the inhabitants the immediate advent of the Mahdi. " 2
Two armies sent by Ziâdatullâh to oppose the Shiah
suffered ignominious defeats. Ziâdatullâh then fled to
Tripoli, and from there to Asia.
Abu Abdullah made his triumphal entry into the March 26,
capital of the Aghlabides on Saturday the 1st of Rajab, 909 А.С.
296 A.H. Governors were at once despatched through-
out the province to assume charge of the cities and
preserve order. The wise and merciful policy inaugurated
by Abu Abdullah had the effect of conciliating public
opinion, and preparing the people to give a hearty and
loyal welcome to the master in whose name the con-
quest was made.
1 Ash-Shiï, the Shiah par excellence ; he was also often called the
Sufi for his mysticism, and the Muallim (the Preceptor), as he
taught the people the Shiah doctrines.
2 Ibn Khaldûn, vol. iv. p. 34. Rakkâda lay three miles from Kairo-
wân. The place was renowned for the extreme salubrity of the air
and its delicious climate. It was an immense cluster of fortified pal-
aces, enclosing beautiful gardens, baths, fountains, and large reservoirs.
3 He died at Rakka (according to Ibn Asâkir) in 296 Α.Η.
(908-9 A.C. ).
 592 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXXII .

785-1171 Mohammed al-Habib died towards the close of the

A. C.
third century of the Hegira, leaving the Imâmate to his
Obaidullah son Obaidullah.¹ " You are the Mahdi," said the dying
al-Mahdi,
Ist Caliph father; " after my death you will have to fly to a far
of the country, where you will meet with severe trials. " Obaid-
Fatimides. ullâh, however, abode quietly at Salâmièh, until the
Shiah, having brought the tribe of Kitama absolutely
under his influence, sent messengers to the Mahdi, implor-
ing him to come to Africa and place himself at the head
of the movement. Obaidullâh started at once with his
son Abu'l Kasim, Abu'l Abbas (a brother of the Shiah),
and a few devoted followers, all disguised as merchants.
In spite of the strict secrecy observed by Abu Abdullah
in his communications with the Mahdi, the Abbassides
got wind of Obaidullah's flight from Salâmièh. The
Caliph Muktafi distributed throughout the provinces of
the empire a description of the fugitive, with orders to seize
and imprison any one answering to it. At Tripoli Abu'l
Abbas left the Mahdi's party and proceeded to Kairowân.
Here he was discovered and thrown into a dungeon.
Obaidullah and his son succeeded in evading pursuit or
discovery, and in 296 A.H. reached Sijilmâssèh, a beau
1 The genealogy given in the text is according to Makrîsi and
Ibn Khaldûn. Ibn ul-Athîr mentions two different names for Jaafar
al-Mussadak and Mohammed al-Habîb. In the reign of Kadir the
Abbasside the leading Sunni jurisconsults and divines under the
presidency of the Caliph of Bagdad fulminated an anathema against
the rival Caliphs of Egypt, impugning their legitimacy as the real
descendants of Fatima and Ali. That it was a calumny and the
outcome of dynastic jealousy no Mussulman historian of any note
has ever doubted. Makrîsi, Ibn ul-Athîr, Abu'l Fedâ and Ibn
Khaldûn all accept Obaidullâh as a real descendant of Ali. Ibn
Khaldûn's exposure of the falsity of the Abbasside aspersions is a
masterly piece of historical criticism, vol. iv. p. 31 .
2 Sijilmâssèh was founded, says al-Bakri, in 140 A.H. (757 A.C. ).
It is not far from modern Morocco.
CH. XXXΙΙ . THE FATIMIDES- THE MAHDI 593

tiful city on the southern slope of the Grand Atlas, then 169-567
A. H.
the capital of the Banû Midrâr. Here their luck
deserted them. At this time Sijilmâssèh was ruled by a
Berber prince named Elisaa bin Midrâr, who at first
received them kindly ; but on receipt of a letter from
Ziâdatullâh, threw them into prison. The Shiah, how-
ever, was soon afoot with a great army. After releasing
his brother Abu'l Abbas from Ziâdatullâh's dungeon at
Kairowân, he marched against Elisaa, who was defeated
and slain. Abu Abdullâh then hurried to the prison where
the Mahdi and his son lay confined. Placing father and
son on horseback, and himself proceeding on foot in front
of them, accompanied by all the chiefs of the Kitama, August
he conducted them to the camp, " shedding tears of joy 909 A.C.
as he went, and calling out to the people who thronged
the streets, ' Behold your master.' " 1 They remained The
Mahdi.
forty days at Sijilmâssèh, and then came to Rakkâda,
where the people of Kairowân took the oath of allegiance
to the Mahdi as the Caliph. His rule was now established June
throughout Ifrîkia, and the people with few exceptions 910 A.C.
acknowledged his authority. Wâlis were appointed to the
government of the different provinces, including Sicily,
and efforts were made to repair the ravages of war. The
vigour with which Obaidullah applied himself to the task
of government aroused the animosity of Abu'l Abbas,
the brother of Abu Abdullah, who had hoped to find in
the Mahdi only a roi fainéant. Chafing under the loss
of power, he entered into a conspiracy with some of the
chiefs of the Kitama for overthrowing the Fatimide
Caliph. Abu'l Abbas even drew the hitherto faithful
Abû Abdullâh into his mischievous toils. The Mahdi
made every effort to conciliate the two brothers. His
endeavours were met by a stubborn refusal. The dis-
1 Ibn ul -Athîr.
QQ
 594 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXXII .

785-1171 covery of a plot for his assassination determined the

A.C. Mahdi to put them to death, and they were accordingly
Death of executed in their palace. The death of the king-maker
TheShiah.
Jamâdi I. did not stop the work of conquest, and Obaidullah suc-
298 A. H. ceeded in bringing under his sway the greater part of the
February
9II A.C.
tract that stretched from the Libyan Desert to Western
Mauritania. In spite of all his efforts to maintain dis-
cipline and prevent excesses the ferocious Berbers, who
formed the bulk of his army, committed great atrocities
in the course of his wars, which gave rise to a fierce revolt
in the succeeding reign. The Mahdi saw that he must
have a strongly fortified capital in case of any sudden
outburst against his dynasty. Setting out from Tunis he
inspected the entire sea-coast to choose an impregnable
site, and at last fixed upon a slip of land jutting out into
916 A.C. the sea. Here the city of Mahdieh¹ was begun in 303
A.H., and completed in five years. A strong wall, with
gates of iron, enclosed it ; and within were built splendid
marble palaces, and vast tanks and underground store-
houses, which were filled with provisions. " I am now
at ease, " said Obaidullah, when he saw the finished city,
" regarding the [fate of the] Fawâtim (the Fatimides)."
Obaidullâh's rule was firm and vigorous. Even the
orthodox Suyûti admits that " Obaidullah extended
justice and beneficence to the people, and they inclined
922 A.C. towards him." In 309 A.H. he reduced the Idrîsides to
subjection, but failed to conquer Egypt. Not satisfied
with the possession of Mauritania, he cast longing eyes
on Spain, when death put an end to his dreams.2

1 Mahdièh was captured by the Normans in 543 A.H. (1148 A.C. ).

It was wrested from them by Abdul Momin in 1160 A.C.
2 The rise of the Fatimide power, although no doubt it promoted
the civilisation of Northern Africa, was in some respects disastrous
to Islâm, for the rivalry and wars of the later sovereigns of this
CH. XXXII . DEATH OF THE MAHDI 595

After a successful reign of twenty-four years, Obaid- 169-567

A. H.
ullâh al-Mahdi died in 322 A.H. , and was succeeded by
his son Abu'l Kâsim Mohammed Nizâr, who assumed the Death of
title of al-Kaim bi-amr Illah.. Kâim was a great Obaid-
ullâh
warrior, and personally conducted most of his military al-Mahdi,
operations. He was the first of the Fatimide Caliphs 15thI.Rabi
who, in order to obtain the command of the Mediterranean, 322 Α.Η.
applied himself to the creation of a powerful fleet. After 934
March
A. C.
re-establishing his authority in Mauritania, save and Accession
except the district of Fez, which had been recovered by ofKâsim
Abu'l
the Idrîsides, he turned his attention towards the conti- Moham-
nent of Europe. His ports had been harassed by Italian med Nizâr,
pirates from the Ligurian coast, from Pisa and other al-Kaim
bi-amr
places. In reprisal, Kâim overran Southern Italy as far Illah .
as Gaëta ; and his ships of war captured Genoa, which
was held by the Saracens for a considerable time. A
part of Lombardy (al-Ankaburda) was also brought into
subjection. But for a domestic convulsion which
taxed all his resources and military skill, there is
little doubt that Kâim would have reduced Italy
under his power. Unfortunately the pent-up wrath
of the people at the excesses of the savage Berbers
burst into a furious flame just at the moment when
the prospects were most favourable. The revolt was
headed by a Khâriji named Abû Yezîd Makhlad, son
of Kîrâd, a school-master by profession, who had by his
preachings collected a large following among the Berbers
of Mount Auress (Aurâs of the Arabs). With political
foresight unusual among fanatics, he invited the Spanish

dynasty with the Seljukide Sultans of Asia, prevented the latter from
subjugating the Byzantine empire, and extending their sway in
Eastern Europe. But for this rivalry, probably the Crusaders too
would have been beaten back .
1 " Firm in the ordinances of the Lord ."
 596 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXXII .

785-1171 Caliph an-Nâsir, to despoil the heretic and take his

A.C. kingdom. In the year 333 of the Hegira, Abû Yezîd,
Revolt of who received from his followers the title of Shaikh ul-
Abû Yezîd
Makhlad Muslimin,¹ swept down from the mountains with an
333 A.H. enormous horde of savages. The Fatimide troops were
942-3 A.C. defeated again and again, city after city was taken by
storm , and frightful atrocities were committed by the
fanatics. Before long what the Mahdi had foreseen
came to pass. The greater part of the country fell into
the hands of the Khariji school-master, whilst the rule of
Kâim was confined to the walls of Mahdièh and a few other
fortified towns on the sea-coast. Abû Yezîd tried to carry
the capital by assault. Four times he delivered desperate
attacks, and each time was repulsed with frightful
slaughter. Turning the siege into a blockade, Abu Yezîd
proceeded towards Susa (Sûs of the Arabs), which he tried
to take by storm.
Kâim's
Whilst Abû Yezîd was laying siege to Susa, Kâim
death,
13th died. He was succeeded on the throne by his son Abu't
Shawwâl, Tahir Ismail, surnamed al- Mansûr bi-amr Illah -a
335 Α.Η.
18th May, young man of rare energy and determination. Step by
946 A.C. step he beat back the fanatical horde. They had shown
Accession no pity in the hour of their success, and none was shown
of
Abu't
Tâhir to them in the day of defeat. Those only who submitted
Ismail,
al-Mansûr
received immediate pardon and absolute safety. Abû
bi-amr- Yezîd fled to Jabl Sâlât a precipitous and inaccessible
Illah. rock rising from a parched desert, which needed eleven
days to traverse. Mansûr pursued him with relentless
336 A.H. fury, and at last cooped up the fanatic and his dwindled
947 A.C. following in a castle among the mountains of the Kitama.4
1 " The old man (or chief) of the Moslems. "
2 " Victorious by the command of the Lord."
* Spelt with a sín.
4 Amari reads this as Kiâna.
CH. XXXII . THE GREAT AL- MUIZ 597

The struggle round this place was long and terrible. 169-567
A. H.
Abû Yezîd endeavoured to cut his way through the
besiegers, but was captured and executed. Although Abû
Yezîd's
the son of Abû Yezîd and some of his adherents con- death.
tinued for a while to give trouble, practically the whole
of Ifrîkia again submitted to the Fatimide rule. Sicily
and Calabria, where their authority had been hitherto
only partially acknowledged by the Arab colonists, were
brought under control. In 339 A.C. Mansûr appointed
Abu'l Kâsim Hassan bin Ali bin Abi'l Hussain al-Kalbi 950 A.C.
as the viceroy of Sicily and its dependencies. The office
remained in Hassan's family for a long time.¹ The
Franks, who had made an inroad into Calabria, were
defeated in a naval action off the coast of Italy. Mauri-
tania, however, was lost to Mansûr, for Abû Yezîd's
revolt had enabled an-Nâsir, the Ommeyade Caliph of
Spain, to seize the whole of the Idrîside possessions.
Mansûr died in 341 A.H., when his son Abû Tamîm Death of
Maad ascended the throne under the title of al-Muiz Ramazân,
Mansûr,
li-din-Illah. Al-Muiz is described, even by historians 341 A.H.
March
inimical to his family, as a wise, energetic, and chivalrous 943 A.C.
sovereign, an accomplished scholar, well versed in science Accession
and philosophy, and a munificent patron of arts and ofAbû
Tamîm
learning. He was unquestionably the Mâmûn of the Maad,
West, and under him North Africa attained the highest din-Illah.
al-Muiz li
pitch of civilisation and prosperity. The people were
contented and happy ; internal dissensions and disturb-
1 It remained in Hassan's family for a hundred and eight years.
The anarchy which prevailed in the island during the reign of the
Ameer Hassan, son of the Ameer Abu'l Fath Yusuf, enabled the
Normans under Count Roger (the Rujâr of the Arabs) to establish
their domination in the year 1152 A.C.
2 Mansûr built a splendid city in the neighbourhood of Susa,
which was named, after him, al-Mansûrièh.
" The Exalter of the religion of the Lord. "
 598 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXXΙΙ .

785-1171 ances were repressed with vigour ; the administration

A. C
was placed on a systematic basis ; rules were framed for
the conduct of business ; the provinces were divided into
districts, which were entrusted to qualified officers who
had under them a number of militia and regulars to
maintain order. The army and fleet were re-organised,
and a great impetus was given to commerce and industry.
Humane in disposition, and gifted with wonderful tact
and ability, he won the friendship, if not the attachment,
of the chiefs who were most bitterly opposed to his
father and grandfather. He received them with marked
courtesy and kindness, and from enemies converted them
into supporters.1 His General-in-Chief Jouhar2 recovered
Mauritania from the hands of an-Nasir, who was just
then engaged with the Christian insurgents in the North
of Spain, whilst Zîri bin Manâd, chief of the Sanhâja,
crushed the malcontents in the districts of Oran and
Bugia. " And the power of Muiz became firmly estab-
lished in Ifrîkia and Maghrib, and his dominion became
extensive." In 344 A.H. the Andalusian ships captured
a vessel of al- Muiz carrying dispatches to Maghrib. In
his rage at the insult, the Fatimide Caliph ordered the
Viceroy of Sicily, Hassan bin Ali, to proceed to Spain
and lay waste the coast of Almeria. An-Nâsir's captains
344 A. H. retaliated by devastating the neighbourhood of Susa and
955 A.C. Marsikhizr. Henceforth the two Moslem sovereigns,
Loss of
instead of joining their forces for the conquest of Europe,
Crete. wasted their strength in warring upon each other. Crete

1 Ibn Khaldûn .
2 The Kid ul-Kuwwad Abu'l Hassan Jouhar, son of Abdullah,
who bore the surname of Katib ur- Rûmi, was a native of Sicily.
He died at Misr on the 20th of Zu'l Kaada, 381 A.H. (January 29,
992 A.C. ). He was generous and liberal ; " his beneficence," says
Ibn Khallikân, “ ceased only with his death. "
CH. XXXII . ΑΝΝΕΧΑTION OF EGYPT 599

had been conquered in the time of Mâmûn by the 169-567

A. H.
Saracens exiled from Cordova. They had held it since
then; had introduced civilisation, arts, and industry, and
made it prosperous and flourishing. In 350 A.H. the
Byzantines made a supreme effort for its reconquest. A
fleet consisting of seven hundred ships of war landed an
overwhelming force ; the Saracens were overpowered and
destroyed. The atrocities committed by the Greeks
beggar all description ; men were tarred and then burnt
alive ; no mercy was shown even to the infant in arms,
and the women were subjected to terrible outrages.
The loss of Crete was in some measure compensated Final Con-
by the extermination of the Byzantine power in Sicily. quest
Sicily.of
They still held in the island several strong places whence
they were accustomed to harass the Saracens. Ahmed
bin Hassan, the viceroy, applied himself vigorously to
the conquest of these cities. The army sent from Byzan-
tine for the relief of the Greeks sustained a heavy de-
feat on land, and were forced to betake themselves to
their ships. These slipped anchor and tried to escape,
but were pursued, disastrously beaten, and sunk. By 966 A.C.
the end of 351 A.H. the whole island was brought into
subjection. Sicily has never been so prosperous as under
the Kalbite Ameers : mosques, colleges, and schools
sprang up on all sides; learning and arts were patronised,
and the people prospered. The university of medicine
at Palermo rivalled those of Bagdad and Cordova.
In 356 A.H. serious troubles broke out in Egypt, ¹ and Egypt,
the notables of the province invited Muiz to take pos- 968 A.C.
session of the country, and to give them peace and order.
In response to their solicitations Muiz despatched a
well-appointed army under his lieutenant Jouhar. The
Fatimide general entered the capital (Fostât) with-
1 On the death of Kâfûr al- Ikhshîdi.
 600 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXXII .

785-1171
A.C.
out opposition, and on the 15th of Shâbân 358 A.H.
read the Khutba in the public mosque in the name of
July 5, Muiz. In 359 A.H. he introduced in the call to prayers
969 A. C.
(Azân) the additional sentence : " Hasten to good work." 1
Jouhar inaugurated the Fatimide rule by founding the
Founda
tion of city of al-Kahira 2 (modern Cairo), which became later
Cairo. the capital of Muiz and his successors. He also obtained
the submission of Hijaz and Syria ; and prayers were
recited in the name of al-Muiz in the Holy Cities. The
Karmathians, who were still levying blackmail from the
Moslem princes within their reach, were crushed in a
single battle near Fostât. Hitherto Muiz had remained
in Ifrîkia, but on the urgent solicitations of Jouhar he
determined to proceed to Egypt. Before doing so he
made a careful inspection of his ancestral kingdom.
Zu'l Hijja, He appointed Bulukkîn, the son of the faithful Zîri, to
361 A.C.
October the viceroyalty of Ifrîkia with the title of Saif ud-Dowla
972 A.C. (" Sword of the Empire ") ; confirmed Ahmed in the
government of Sicily, and made other arrangements for
Muiz the safety and wise administration of Northern Africa.
leaves for
He then left for the East in the Safar of 362 A.H. He
Egypt,
November entered Cairo during the Moslem Lent, and on the 15th
972 A.C.
of Ramazân, seated on a throne of gold, received the
His entry oath of allegiance from the assembled delegates of Egypt,
into
JuneCairo,
19, Syria, and Hijâz.
973 A. C. In spite of their defeat at the hands of Jouhar, the
1 “ Hai aala khair ul-aaml." This additional phrase in the Azân
forms a point of distinction in these days between the Shiahs and
Sunnis.
2 Al-Misr ul-Kahira ( " the Victorious City " ).
3 Instead of the uneuphonious Berber name, Muiz called him
Yusuf Abu'l Futûh ( " the father of victories"). Bulukkîn became
the founder of the famous Zîride (often also called the Banû-Bâdîs )
family which ruled Ifrîkia with such magnificence until the rise of
the Almoravides .
CH. XXXII . DEATH OF AL- MUIZ 601

audacity of the Carmathians was still unbounded. They 169-567

had hitherto levied blackmail from Damascus ; the refusal A.H.
of the Fatimide governor to continue the payment brought
them in great force against him. He was defeated and
slain, and the city fell into their hands. They then pro-
ceeded to invade Egypt, but were met by Muiz at Ain
ush-Shams (Heliopolis) and routed with frightful slaughter.
This defeat finally broke their power.¹ Whilst the Fati-
mides were engaged with the Carmathians, a Turkish
retainer of the Buyide Muiz ud-Dowla, named Iftikîn,
made himself master of Damascus and the surrounding
country.
Muiz died on Friday the 15th of Rabi II. 365 A.H., Death of
and was succeeded by his son Abu'l Mansûr Nizâr, who Muiz,
assumed the title of al-Aziz b Illah. He is described 15 Rabi II.
365 A.H.
as generous, brave, wise, and humane, " prone to forgive- Dec. 20,
975 A.C.
ness even with the power of punishing." He confirmed Accession
Bulukkîn bîn Zîri and the other officers of his father in of Abưl
their respective governments. Iftikîn, who had attempted Mansûr
Nizâr,
to extend his power in the direction of Palestine and the al-Aziz
Phœnician littoral, was defeated and taken prisoner. b Illah.
Azîz received him with such kindness that he became the
faithful adherent of the Fatimide Caliph until his death.
Under Azîz the Fatimides succeeded in conquering
the whole of Syria and part of Mesopotamia, and the
Khutba was read in his name not only in Hijaz and
Yemen, but also in Mosul, Aleppo, Hamâh, Shaizar, and
other places. At this time the Fatimide Empire extended
from the borders of the Euphrates to the Atlantic, and
included the greater portion of Arabia. Hitherto the
1 There is an interesting account of their capital (al- Ahsâ) in Nasir
Khusrû's Safarnâmèh.
2 See ante p. 303 .
3 " August by the grace of the Lord. "
 602 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXXII .

785-1171 Kitamians, who had helped in the establishment of

A. C.
the dynasty, had supplied the most trusted soldiers
of the Fatimides, and their power naturally was
great. Azîz formed a corps of Turks and Persians
(Deilemites) apparently as a counterpoise against the
Death of Berbers .
al-Azîz,
28 Rama- Azîz died in the year 386 of the Hegira at Bilbais, or
zan,
386 A.H.
Bilbîs, on his way to Syria, and with him ended the glory
Oct. 14, of the Fatimides. He had on his deathbed confided
996 A.C. his young son and heir Mansûr to the chief Kâzi Mo-
Accession hammed bin an-Nomân¹ and Abu Mohammed Hassan
ofAbû Ali
al-Mansûr bin Ammar, surnamed Amîn ud-Dowla (" warden of
alHakim
bi-amr- the empire "), in the hope that under their guidance the
Illah. lad would prove himself a wise and successful ruler.
Mansûr was proclaimed Imâm and Caliph, with the title
of al-Hakim bi-amr-Illâh, but he soon fell under the
influence of an unscrupulous intriguer named Barjâwân.
The latter was opposed by Ibn Ammâr, and their quarrels
and rivalry occasioned serious disturbances both in Syria
and Egypt.. Before long Hâkim himself began to
show signs of madness. He often issued strange and
contradictory orders ; the smallest neglect exposed the
offender to the punishment of death. In time this mental
aberration developed into homicidal mania, and he put
to death without any reason a number of prominent men.
Yet in his lucid moments he was a liberal and generous
patron of learning and science, and built numerous
1 Mohammed bin an-Nomân was the Chief Kâzi of the whole of
Egypt, Hijâz, and of the military colonies in Syria. Many members
ofhis family occupied high judicial functions under the later Caliphs.
He died in 999 A.C.
2 He was the Shaikh and commander of the Kitâmian troops, and
himself was a member of that tribe.
3 " He who governs by the orders of the Lord."
4 He was the patron of the celebrated astronomer Ibn Yunus.
CH . XXXII . HAKIM BI- AMR- ILLAH 603

mosques, colleges, and observatories both in Syria and 169-567

A.H.
Egypt. For five-and-twenty years Hâkim occupied the
throne of his forefathers in this insane manner, but fate
at last overtook him. He was fond of solitude, and
accustomed to wander about at night. Often he went to
a lonesome house on the hill of Mokattam,¹ " either to
watch the stars," says Ibn Khaldûn, " or to offer his
devotions." One night, the night of the 27th of Shawwal,
411 A.H., he had as usual gone there with two attendants,
whom, however, he dismissed at the foot of the hill. Death of
From this visit to Mokattam he never returned. His Hâkim,
27th Shaw-
prolonged absence caused alarm, and a search party was wâl

sent out to scour the country. On the top of the hill 411
Feb.A.H.
13,
they found the pony he had ridden with its forelegs 1021 A.C.
hacked by a sword, and in a cistern not far off his clothes
pierced by daggers, still buttoned up, but the body was
never discovered. No doubt whatever remained that he
had been assassinated.2

Hâkim was actually the founder of a new cult, in

which he occupied the central figure, and was regarded
as the emanation of the Deity. His followers and
disciples believed him to have only disappeared from
the earth to appear again in the fulness of time, or to
use their own expression, " when it shall please him."
1 In the neighbourhood of Cairo.
2 Several authors have given currency to the story that Hâkim
was assassinated at the instigation of his sister, the Sitt ul-
Mulk ( " the Lady of the Empire " ), whom he had threatened
with death for her gallantries. Makrîsi, however, who lived
nearer the time, characterises the story as absolutely false, and
states that four years later (415 A.H. ) a man, who was arrested for
having raised a rebellion in Upper Egypt, confessed to having
murdered Hâkim with three accomplices, " for the glory of God and
religion . " The details given by this man are so circumstantial as to
leave no doubt that the confession was genuine.
 604 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXXII .

785-1171 This cult is still extant among the Druses¹ of the

A.C.
Lebanon.2
Accession Hâkim's son, Abû Hashim Ali, was then raised to the
ofAbit throne under the title of Az-Zahir li Izaz din-Illah.3 For
Hashim
Ali, the first four years his aunt, the Sitt ul-Mulk, held the
Az- Zahir
li-Izáz regency. After her death the government was carried
din-Illah. on by Mizâd and Nâfir, who had been officials under
Hâkim. In this reign the greater portion of Syria
escaped from the hands of the Fatimides ; and an Arab
chief of the name of Saleh bin Mirdâs made himself
master of Aleppo and the surrounding districts.
Zahir's Zahir died in the thirty-first year of his age and the
death, sixteenth of his reign, and was succeeded by his son Abû
15th Shâ-
bân, Tamim Maad, under the title of al-Mustansir b' Illâh.
427 A.H. He was only seven years of age, and the government fell
June into the hands of a number of intriguers, under whose
1036 A.C.
Accession mismanagement the empire rapidly declined in strength
of and prosperity. In 1047 A.C. the Holy Cities disclaimed
Abû
Tamîm their allegiance to the Fatimide Caliph ; and five years
Maad, later the Zîride prince of Ifrîkia, al-Muiz bin Bâdîs, who
al-Mus-
tansir bore the title of Sharf ud-Dowla, threw off the Fatimide
b'Illah. yoke, discontinued the Khutba in the name of Mustansir,6
and acknowledged the Abbasside sovereign al-Kâim as
452 A.H. the Pontiff of Islâm. The rebellion of Bassâsîri and the
1060 A.C. flight of Kâim from Bagdad created a diversion in favour
1 Ad-Durziyyèh, Durzi or Durûz of the Arabs ; see the Radd-ul-
Muhtar.
2 In their religious books he is described " our Lord al-Hâkim,
may his name be glorified. "
3 " The assister in exalting the religion of the Lord."
* " Imploring the help of the Lord."
* Abu Tamîm Muiz, son of Bâdîs, son of Mansûr, son of Bulukkîn.
(See ante, p. 600) .
6 This happened when Nasir Khusrû was sojourning in Cairo.
7 See ante, p. 310.
CH. XXXII . MUSTAALI 605

of Mustansir ; and for a whole year the Khutba was read 169-567
A. H ..
in his name in Irâk and its dependencies. But Tughril
soon restored the spiritual supremacy of the Abbasside
Caliph in Western Asia; and under Alp Arslân, Tughril's
successor, the Seljuks drove the Fatimides beyond al-
Aarîsh. To add to the misfortunes of the people, a terrible
famine desolated Egypt, and continued, says our author,
for seven years. The administration became completely
paralysed, and a great part of the country was deserted
or ruined. During the height of the distress Mustansir 466 A.H.
1074 A.C.
called to his help the famous Badr ul-Jamâli,¹ governor
of Acre, and invested him with absolute control. Badr
ul-Jamâli proved a second Joseph to the Fatimide Pha-
raoh. He restored order in the kingdom, relieved the
people, and re-established the authority of the sovereign
throughout Egypt. He failed in his attempts to recover
Damascus, but succeeded in recapturing the cities of
the Phœnician coast. Badr ul-Jamâli died in the year Death of
1094 A.C., and was followed a month later by the master Mustansir,
18th Zu'l
who had experienced so much adversity in his life, " that Hijja
487 Α.Η.
at one time there was nothing left to him but the prayer- January6,
mat on which he was seated. " 3 1095 A.C.
Mustansir had nominated his eldest son Nizar as his Accession
of
successor to the throne. But al-Afzal, the son of Badr Abu'l
ul-Jamâli, who had succeeded to the office held by his Kasim
Ahmed,
1 His titles show the power with which he was vested : " the al-Mus-
taali
Glorious Lord, Commander-in-chief, the Custodian of the Affairs of b' Illah.
the Moslems, the Chief Missionary of the Faithful, Dâi ud-Daawât
il-Mominîn."
2

According to Ibn Khaldûn he died in Rabi I. of 487 A.Н. ,

whilst Ibn Khallikan puts it in 488 A.H.
3 Ibn ul-Athîr, vol. x. p. 161 .
4 The Eastern Ismailias, the Assassins of Alamût (the followers of
Hassan Sabah ), acknowledged the Imâmate of Nizâr, and not of his
brother. Their Imâms or spiritual leaders claimed descent from him.
 606 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXXII .

785-1171 father, raised to the throne a younger brother of Nizâr

A. C.
named Abu'l Kasim Ahmed, under the title of al-Mustaali
b'Illah.¹ Nizar fled to the governor of Alexandria, who
proclaimed him Caliph.2 Both were defeated and taken
Shâbân prisoner by Afzal. The governor was publicly put to
489 A.H. death, whilst nobody knew the fate of Nizâr. Jerusalem,
1096 A.C.
The
which had been held by the Banû-Ortok under the
Crusades, Seljukide sovereign of Damascus, was recaptured by al-
Zu'l Kaada Afzal in 1096 A.C. But he did not hold it long, for
490 A.H. the crusading storm soon burst upon Syria and Pales-
November
1097 A.C. tine, and swept away both Seljukide and Fatimide.
Death of Mustaali died in the Safar of 495 A.H., when al-Afzal,
Mustaali,
16th Safar the real master of the Fatimide kingdom, raised to the
495 A.H. throne the deceased Caliph's infant son Abû Ali al-
December
IIOI A.C.
Mansûr under the title of al-Aamir bi-ahkâm Illâh.4
Afzal governed the empire with absolute power until
Accession
ofAbu Ali
Aâmir attained majority, and his rule seems to have been
al-Mansûr, on the whole successful and prosperous. In spite of
al-Admir some successes gained by the Egyptians under Afzal's son,
bi-Ahkam
Illah. Sharf ul-Maali, over the Crusaders, the cities on the
Phœnician littoral, which only a short time before had
11th Zu'l been reconquered by Badr ul-Jamâli, fell gradually into
Hijja the power of the Crusaders. The sack of Tripoli has
502 Α.Η.
July 12, already been described. " The Egyptian troops sent to
1109 A.C. the relief of the place arrived when all was lost ! "
When Aâmir attained majority he proved himself a

1 " Grand (by the grace) of the Lord. "

2 Under the title of al-Mustafa li-dîn Illâh ( " the Chosen of the
Religion of the Lord " ).
3 Some say he was secretly murdered, whilst the Eastern Ismailias
believe he escaped into Asia, and became the progenitor of the
Ismailia Imâms of Alamût ; see the Spirit of Islâm, p. 502.
4 " The Commander who executes the decrees of the Lord."
5 See ante, p. 329.
CH . XXXII . AL- HAFIZ 607

vicious and evil-minded young man, addicted to low 169-567

A. H.
pleasures, tyrannical, haughty, and inconsiderate ; chafing
under the tutelage of his all-powerful vizier, he contrived 515 A.H.
to have him murdered. Nine years later the same fate 1121 A.C.
overtook him ; on his way to a garden " on the island "
he was attacked and stabbed to death by a number of
Fedâis¹ (assassins), who had plotted his murder. Abu'l
As Aâmir's queen was expecting a child, his cousin Maimûn
Abul Maimûn Abd ul-Majid undertook the regency Abdul-
under the title of al-Hafiz li-din Illâh³ until the birth Majîd,
al-Hafiz
of the heir to the throne. The child, however, happened li dîn-
to be a girl ; Hafiz was then proclaimed in his own right Illâh .
Caliph and Imâm of the Fatimides. Shortly after the
people had sworn allegiance to him he was deposed and
placed in confinement by the vizier Abu Ali Ahmed, the
son of al-Afzal, a man of great ability and towering ambi-
tion. He was a follower of the Apostolical Imâms ; and
partly in furtherance of his own designs to become the
absolute ruler of Egypt, and partly under the influence
of his sectarian predilections, he substituted the name of
the last Imâm, the unfortunate child who disappeared
in the cave of Sâmarra, on the coinage and in the prayers.6
This continued for a time, but Hafiz plotted from his Moharram
prison the vizier's death ; and on the 15th of Moharram 526 A.H.
Dec.
526 A.H., he was attacked and killed in the Great Garden 1131 A.C.

1 Ibn ul -Athîr calls them by the name of Bâtinias.

2 His father Mohammed was a son of Mustansir.
3 " Guardian of the Religion of the Lord. "
4 The followers of the twelve Apostolical Imâms are called Asnâ-
aasharias or Duodecimians ; see the Spirit of Islám, p. 507.
5 See ante, p. 295.
6 He also had the words " hasten to good work" omitted from
the call to prayer. The titles assumed by this ambitious vizier are
given in full by Ibn ul-Athîr (vol. x. p. 473), and convey some idea
of the extraordinary pretensions of the age as well as of the man.
 608 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXXII .

785-1171 (al-Bustân ul-Kabîr) outside the capital. Upon Abu'l

A. C. Ali Ahmed's death Hafiz was re-instated on the throne ;
but his restoration was of no advantage to the state, for,
without any strength of character, he proved a mere tool
in the hands of his vizier, the Ameer ul-Juyûsh Yânis al-
Hafizi, " a fearful man, and great in wickedness, " ¹ although
1132 A.C. far-sighted. Yanis was assassinated at the instance, it
is said, of Hafiz in the month of Zu'l Hijja of 526 A.H.
Hafiz then appointed an Armenian of the name of Bihrâm
as his vizier. The rivalry between Bihrâm and Rizwân,
one of the principal secretaries of state, plunged the
country into internecine strife and warfare. Bihrâm was
seized and imprisoned by Hafiz, when Rizwân became
1148 A.C. vizier. He also rose in arms against his sovereign, but
lost his life in the struggle. The conduct of these officers
determined Hafiz to keep all the power in his own hands
and not to have any vizier in future. And this resolve
he maintained up to his death.
Death of Hafiz died in 1149 A.C. His last days were darkened
Hafiz, by the gloom of intestine dissensions within the capital.
5thJamâdi
II. During the whole of his reign, says Ibn ul-Athîr, he was
544 A.H. subject to the influence of those who surrounded him,
Oct. 10, especially his viziers.
1149 A.C.
Hâfiz was succeeded by his son Abû Mansûr Ismail,
Accession under the title of az-Zafir bi-amr- Illah. Addicted to
of Abt pleasure of all kinds, and passing his time with unworthy
Mansûr favourites, he was a mere cypher in the state ; and all
Ismail, az-
Zafir bi- the power and influence fell into the hands of the vizier
amr Illah. Abu'l Hasan Ali ibn us-Salâr, surnamed al-Malik ul-

1 Kasir ush- Sharr.

2 It was in the vizierate of Rizwân that Ameer Osâma went to
Egypt ( 539 A.H. , 1144 A.C. ).
3 " Conquering by the commands of the Lord. ”
MOSQUE IN CAIRO .
CH . XXXII . ASSASSINATION OF AZ ZAFIR 609

Aadil. Ibn us-Salâr was assassinated in 1153 A.C. by 169-567

A.H.
his stepson Abbas, who then became the vizier of Zâfir.
Mohar-
The position occupied by the Egyptian Caliphs at this ram

time is graphically described by Ibn ul-Athir. " In Egypt 548 A.H.

the vizierate belonged to him who had force under his April 3
command ; the Caliphs were powerless ; the viziers were 1153 A.C.
like kings ; no one obtained the vizierate (in Egypt)
after al-Afzal except by war and murder and such like
(crimes). " The authority of the Caliph hardly extended
beyond the limits of his own palace. In the pages of
Osâma we see pictured the same symptoms of decadence
that he saw in the kingdom of Jerusalem. The revolts,
the rivalries, the plots and counterplots, the anarchy that
had transformed Cairo into a field of battle given up to
the violence of factions, foretold an early dissolution. Up
to this time the Egyptians had managed to hold Ascalon,
but the dissensions which broke out in Egypt on the 1153548 л.н.
A.C.
murder of Ibn us-Salâr gave to the Crusaders the oppor-
tunity of reducing that important city.2
In the month of Moharram 549 A.H. , Zâfir was assas- Assassina-
tion of
sinated by Nasr the son of Abbas. In order to divert Az-Zafir,
Moharram
1 Osama was employed by this vizier as ambassador to Nur ud-dîn 549 Α.Η.
Mahmûd. April
2 " Ascalon (Aaskalân), ” says Mukaddasi, " is a beautiful city on 1154 A.C.
the sea- coast . The cereals and fruits are abundant. The mosque
is in the Market Place, where they sell clothes ; it is of marble, an
edifice of great beauty, and solidly built. Life here is easy ; the
bazaars are good and the country charming." The head of Hussain
the Martyr was kept in a meshed at Ascalon up to 549 A.Н. ( 1154
A.C.), when it was taken to Cairo.
3 Zâfir created several endowments, one notably for the mainten-
ance of the mosque named az- Zafiri, built by him at the Zawîla gate
at Cairo. He also established the Khazânat ul-bunûd (the
"magazine of standards ") where three thousand skilled work-
men were employed in the manufacture of arms, military machines,
etc.; Makrîsi, al-Khittat.
RR
 610 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH. XXXΙΙ .

785-1171 suspicion from himself and his son, the treacherous and
A.C. cruel vizier put to death az-Zafir's brothers, Jibraîl and
Accession Yusuf, on the false charge of having murdered the Caliph.
ofAbu'l He then placed on the throne Abu'l Kasim Îsa, the
Kasim Isâ,
al-Faiz ba- infant son of Zafir, under the title of al-Faiz ba-nasrı
nasr

Illah. Illâh, and attempted to rule the kingdom as its absolute

master. But the punishment of his crime was not long
in coming. The sisters of Zâfir soon discovered the truth.
They cut off their hair and sent it in a letter in deep
black to Talâii bin Ruzzik, governor of Upper Egypt,
invoking his help to avenge the murder of Zafir. Talâii
marched upon Cairo with a large body of soldiers and a
troop of nomadic Arabs all in mourning. Abbâs and
Nasr, deserted by the army, fled with all their treasure
towards Syria. They were accompanied by Ameer Osâma
and a large following. The sisters of az-Zâfir had, in the
meantime, written to the Crusaders at Ascalon, offering
them a large sum of money to intercept Abbâs and his
son . Incited by the promised reward, the Franks sallied
from the castle to meet the fugitives ; in the fight
which ensued Abbas was killed with a number of his
followers, and Nasr was taken prisoner. The Franks
then put Nasr into an iron cage and sent him to Cairo,
where, after being cruelly tortured, he was impaled on
March 6, a cross. Talâii then assumed the vizierate with the
1156 A.C. title of al-Malik us-Sâlèh, and took charge of the infant
Caliph.
Death of Al-Fâiz died before attaining his majority. The vizier,
al-Faiz, instead of proclaiming any of the adult members of the
17th Rajab
555 A.H. royal family, who were numerous and able, selected the
July
1160 А.С.
1 " Successful with the help of the Lord." Faiz is spelt with a
zay .

2 Or Ruzzaik. He was of Armenian parentage.

3 Osâma and his companions escaped.
CH. XXXII . THE LAST OF THE FATIMIDES 611

infant son of Yusuf, the brother of Zafir, for the dignity of 169-567
Caliph . The child's name was Abû Mohammed Abdul- Α.Η.
lâh Ali, and he was placed on the throne with the title of Accession
ofAbû
al-Aâzid li-din-Illah. As-Sâlèh continued to exercise Moham-
absolute authority, and his conduct grew gradually most medAb-
violent.2 As-Saleh was assassinated by a palace con- dullah Ali,
al-Aâzid
spiracy according to Ibn Khaldun, or by a Bâtinia li-din
according to Makrîsi, in 1161 A.C. His son Ruzzik then Illah.
became the vizier with the title of al-Malik ul-Aâdil, but
he was soon displaced by Shawer as-Saadi, who was Ramazân
556 А.Н.
driven out by Zirghâm, an Arab, descended from the September
Munzirs of ancient Hîra, who held the office of Sahib ul- 1161 А.С.
5
Bâb, a position similar to that of the Hajib in the
Abbasside court. Shâwer fled to Nûr ud-dîn Mahmûd Ramazân
558 A. H.
at Damascus, and returned with assistance from the son August
of Zangi. Zirghâm was killed in a battle between his 1163 A.C.
troops and the Syrians, and Shâwer again assumed the
vizierate. The rest of the story of the Fatimides has
already been told.6
Al-Aâzid died in 1171 A.C., and with him ended the 12th Mo-
harram
dynasty founded by Obaidullah al-Mahdi.
567 A.H.
The circuit of Cairo was traced by Jouhar on the 24th September
Jamâdi II. 359 A.H. (May 14, 969 A.c.), and the walls 1171 A.C.
were completed before the arrival of al-Muiz. Magnifi-
cent structures rapidly sprang up on all sides, giving to Cairo.
" the victorious city " a most imposing appearance. It
1 " Herdsman to the Faith of the Lord." Adzid is spelt with a
zâd.
2 Ibn Khaldûn, vol. iii. p. 73.
3 Of the tribe of Saad .
* Abul Ashbal Zirghâm, “ father of the whelps, Lion," surnamed
al- Faris ul- Muslimin, “ the cavalier of the Moslems." Zirghâm
is spelt with a zâd.
5 " Lord of the Gate," or Prefect of the Palace.
6 See ante, p. 348.
 612 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXXII .

785-1171 was traversed by numerous roads and streets ; the former

A. C.
leading into the suburbs were called Harât, whilst the
latter apparently ended within the walls, and were desig-
nated Akhtât. The Caliph's principal palace, composed
of twelve pavilions, was situated in the eastern part of
Cairo, and was called the al-Kasr ul-Kabîr ish-Sharki (the
grand eastern palace), or Kasr ul-Muizi (the Palace of
Muiz). Ten gates gave access to the Palace, which was
guarded by a select body of troops, composed of five
hundred foot-soldiers and an equal number of mounted
men. Twelve thousand servants ministered to the wants
of the inmates. A subterranean passage led to another
magnificent palace, which was situated on the Nile in
the western part of the city, and was called Kasr ul-
Gharbi(the Western Palace), or Kasr ul-Bahr (Maritime
Palace). There were other palaces and villas belonging
to the Caliph both in the suburbs and the city, lavishly
decorated by the best artists of the time. The mansions
of the Ameers vied in splendour, although not in size or
extent, with those of the sovereigns. Beautiful gardens
surrounded the houses of the rich and opulent citizens.
The number of these gardens and the magnificence of
the houses seem to have struck with surprise travellers
from Europe who visited Cairo so late as the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries of the Christian era.2 Mosques,
colleges, hospitals, and caravanserais of immense size
adorned the city. The four cathedral mosques 3 were
1 Plural of Khatt.
2 Jehan Thenaud, " Master of Arts and Doctor in Theology,"
who accompanied Andre le Roy, sent by Louis XII . to the Mamluke
Sultan Ghôri, has left an interesting account of Cairo, its gardens
and palaces.
3 (1) Al-
Jâmaa ul-Azhar (the Brilliant Mosque), (2) al-
Jamaa
un-Nûr (the Mosque of Light) ; (3) al-
Jamaa ul- Hakim (the mosque
of Hâkim bi-amr Illâh) ; (4) al-
Jamaa ul- Muiz (the mosque of Muiz).
CH. XXXII . CAIRO 613

specially grand and beautiful. One special feature of 169-567

A. H.
Cairo under the Fatimides was the Hussainièh, a build-
ing¹ where, on the anniversary of the murder of the
martyr Hussain on the field of Kerbela, they held meet- Cairo.
ings of mourning. Finely-built public baths were to be
found in large numbers in every part of the town both
for men and women. Those set apart for the latter
were easily distinguishable from the others by their
ornamentation. The markets, which contained twenty
thousand shops, were superb, and stocked with the pro-
ducts of the world. The city was surrounded by a
strong wall pierced by several gates.2
Among out-door amusements, falconry and the hunting
of antelopes and deer of all kinds, generally with hounds,
formed the principal pastime of the rich, whilst the
riverside fellaheen often engaged in the pursuit of the
hippopotami.
The administration was conducted on lines similar to
those of the Abbassides, although some of the offices
bore different names. The most important difference
between the two systems of government was the pre-
ponderating influence possessed in Egypt by the military
commander, the Ameer ul- Juyûsh, who combined in his
person the office of vizier as well as of commander-in-
chief of the forces, and who, under the weaker monarchs
Called Mash-had, or Meshed. In India these buildings are
called Imambaras. Under the Fatimides all the cities on the Syrian
coast had Mash-hads. A Hussainich still exists in Cairo.
2 The following are some of the most famous gates of Cairo :
(1) al- Bâb un-Nasr (the Gate of Succour), opening in the direction
of the Nile ; (2) al-Bab ul-Futính (the Gate of Victories) ; (3) al-
Bab ul-Kantara (the Gate of the Bridge) ; (4) al- Bab uz -Zawîlah
(the Gate of Zawilah, a city in Barbary) ; (5) al-Bab ul- Khalij
(the Gate of the Canal), opening in the direction of Ghizèh .
3 See Appendix.
 614 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXXII .

785-1171 of the Fatimide dynasty, effaced the personality of the

A. C.
sovereign. Under the first ten Caliphs, however, they
fulfilled the ordinary functions of their office. The de-
cline of the Fatimides began in the reign of Mustansir.
Quem Deus vult perdere prius dementat. From his time
intrigue took the place of statesmanship. Character
and moral worth were regarded of little moment ;
" political services " opened the door to honour and
preferment ; the scholar made room for the spy and
the pander ; the honest, independent and loyal for the
sycophant and parasite. The rulers tried to govern
by disintegrating the people and creating factions ;
their attempts only recoiled on themselves with deadly
effect.

The early Fatimides, like their ancient prototypes the

first Ptolemies, were grand supporters of learning and
The Dâr science. They established colleges, public libraries, and
ul-hikmat. scientific institutes (Dâr ul-hikmat), richly supplied
with books and mathematical instruments, and a large
professorial staff. Access to and the use of these
literary treasures were free to all, and writing materials
were afforded gratis. The Caliphs frequently held
learned disputations, at which the professors of these
academies appeared, divided according to their different
faculties, logicians, mathematicians, jurists, and physicians,
dressed in their Khalaa, or doctoral mantles.¹ Two
hundred and fifty-seven thousand ducats, raised by a
carefully regulated taxation, constituted the annual revenue
of the colleges, and was employed for paying the salaries
of the professors and officials, and providing the requi-
sites for teaching, and other objects of public scientific
instruction. In these institutes they taught every branch
1 The gowns of the English universities still retain the original
form of the Arabic Khalaa.
CH . XXXII . THE GRAND LODGE OF CAIRO
615

of human knowledge. Observatories for the cultiva- 169-567

A. H.
tion of astronomy were erected in various places ; and
litterateurs and scientists were invited from Asia and
Spain to give lustre to the reigns of these Moslem
Pharaohs.
No history of the Fatimides can be complete without
some mention of the extraordinary propaganda established
by them, for in their desire to promote the diffusion of
knowledge among their subjects, they did not ignore the
political advantages of obtaining proselytes to their sect.
To the central Dâr ul-hikmat, " House of Science " was
attached a Grand Lodge, where the candidates for initia-
tion into the esoteric doctrines of Ismailism were in-
structed in the articles of the faith. Twice a week, every
Monday and Wednesday, the Dâï ud-Daawat, the Grand
Prior of the Lodge,¹ convened meetings, which were
frequented by both men and women, dressed in white,
occupying separate seats. These assemblages were
named Majális ul-hikmat, or " philosophical conferences."
Before the initiation the Dâï ud-Daawât waited on the
Imâm (the Caliph), the Grand Master, and read to him the
discourse he proposed to deliver to the neophytes, and
received his sign-manual on the cover of the manuscript.
After the lecture the pupils kissed the hands of the
Grand Prior, and reverently touched the signature of
the Master with their foreheads. Makrîsi's account of
the different degrees of initiation adopted in this Lodge
forms an invaluable record of freemasonry. In fact, the
Lodge at Cairo became the model of all the Lodges
created afterwards in Christendom .
As a political factor, the Fatimide Dâr ul-Hikmat
came to an end with the dynasty to which it owed its
origin ; but its love of learning and science illumined
1 The Vizier, or the Chief Kâzi, generally held this important post.
 616 HISTORY OF THE SARACENS CH . XXXII .

785-1171 the cities of Egypt until it died away under the anarchy
A.C. of the later Mamlukes, whilst its esoteric spirit has
survived the lapse of ages, and finds expression in
countries and among communities widely differing from
each other in instinct and genius.
 APPENDIX

Khaizurân means a willow-wand p. 231

Leo the Wise relates with visible satisfaction how, on the re-conquest
of Crete by the Byzantines, the Saracen colonists in the island
66

were flayed alive or plunged into cauldrons of burning oil " p. 272

Zubaida, the daughter of Nizam ul- Mulk the vizier of Malik Shah,
appears to have been a remarkably cultured woman. She was mar-
ried to the vizier Ibn Jahir. The sister of Malik Shah, named Zula-
ikha, was equally celebrated for beauty, wit and learning P. 315

On the assassination of Nizâm ul- Mulk, Tâj ul-Mulk Abu'l

Gharaim al-Kummi, secretary and privy-councillor to Turkhân
Khâtûn, the queen of Malik Shah, succeeded to the vacant
office
p. 319

The Arabic name of the plain situated between Lebanon and Anti-
Lebanon, called by the ancients Cœle- Syria or " Hollow Syria, " is
Sahl ul- Bakâa; of the Plain of Antioch, Sahl Antûkièh, and of
the Plain of Mount Tabor or Esdraelon, Sahl ul- Kabir, whilst the
country around Damascus is called Ghôtatu Damishk. That also
was the name of the Vega of Granada P. 336

The modern Turkish name of the river Calycadnus is Ghiûksu.

P. 363

The brutality and coarseness of the Crusaders can scarcely be

wondered at when we bear in mind the manners and habits in their
original homes. After a feast in the hall, the baron and his knights
lay scattered about helpless from the extent of their potations and
617
618 APPENDIX

reclining on the laps of their women ; " in the midst stood a

jongleur or minstrel, alternately singing and exciting their mirth
with coarse and brutal jests." In the reign of Stephen of England,
" the amusements of the hall were varied with the torture of captured
enemies. " William of Malmesbury, writing in 1130, says, "The
Saxon nobility passed entire nights and days in drinking, and
consumed their whole substance in mean and despicable houses ;
they had their hair cropped, their beards shaven, their arms laden
with gold bracelets, and their skins adorned with punctured designs ;
they were accustomed to eat till they became surfeited, and to
drink till they were sick . And these latter qualities they imparted
to their conquerors. " Among the Normans the dinner was partaken
of early in the forenoon. After the hands were washed, the company
adjourned into another apartment where commenced the usual
carousal interspersed with story-telling and performances by jongleurs,
which were often very obscene even in the presence of ladies . "We
need not be surprised that the performances of the jongleurs before
ladies were indecent, for the ladies themselves were by no means
refined." Manners were worse in Germany. The student of
comparative history will find some curious facts in Wright's Homes
of Other Days, Fosbrooke's British Monachism, and Samuelson's
History of Drink p. 366

I forgot to mention that the great Hebrew philosopher Maimonides,

of whom Munk speaks so highly in his Mélanges de Philosophie
Juive et Arabe, was a contemporary of Saladin, by whom he
was held in great esteem. Abdul Latif mentions meeting him at
Cairo P. 373

In the year 659 A.H. [1260-61 A.C. ] al-Malik uz-Zahir, Sultan

Baibars, Sultan of Egypt and Syria, sent Kâzi Jamal ud-dîn bin
Sâlim bin Wasil, chief Shâfeïte Kâzi of the principality of Hamah,
as an ambassador to the Emperor Manfred or Mainfroy, called
Anberâtûr or Anberûr Manfrîd by the Arabs. " The word
Anberâtûr," says Abu'l Feda, " signifies in the language of the
Franks, King of the Ameers, and his realm comprises Sicily,
Lombardy, and other countries on the mainland. " Of Manfred
Jamal ud-dîn speaks thus :- " The father of the prince to whom I
was sent, was named Ferderîk [Frederick II.]. He was on terms
of amity with al- Malik ul-Kâmil, Sultan of Egypt [see p. 381 ] . He
was succeeded in the year 648 A.H. [1250-51 A.C. ] by his son
 APPENDIX 619

Kôra [Conrad]. Kôra was succeeded by his brother Manfrîd [Man-

fred]. All these sovereigns bore the title of Anberûr. Manfrîd
was distinguished among all the Frankish princes for his friendship
towards the Moslems and his love for the sciences. When I arrived
at his Court he received me with great honour, and established me
in a city of Apulia. ...

I had several interviews with him, and

found him possessed of high talents. He knew by heart the ten
books of Euclid. Near the town where I had my quarters was a
city called Lujèra [ Lucera], which was inhabited entirely by Mussul-
mans from Sicily. They performed the Friday services and openly
practised the religious duties of Islâm. I observed that the principal
officers of the Anberûr were Moslems ; and in his camp they gave
the azan, and publicly offered their prayers. The city where I
resided was five days' journey from Rome. At the moment of my
departure from the Court of the Anberûr, the Pope, who is the
Caliph of the Franks, and the Ridafrans [King of France] formed
a league to attack Manfrîd, the Pope having already excommuni-
cated him for his sympathy with the Mussulmans. His brother
Kóra and his father Ferderîk had been similarly excommunicated
for their leaning towards Islâm. In the battle that ensued
...

the Anberûr was defeated and taken prisoner. The Pope ordered
his throat to be cut, which was done ; and his realm fell into the
hands of the brother of Ridafrans.” " This occurred, I believe,"
says Abu'l Feda, " in 663 A.H. [1264-65 A.C. ]."
Jamal ud-dîn wrote a treatise on logic for the emperor, which was
called the Anberûrich (The Imperial). He died on August 28,
1298 A.C. p. 381
Sultan Baibars received the surname of Bundûkdâr from the
regiment of arquebusiers organised by him p. 400

The Abbasside sovereigns frequently employed a special envoy to

transact confidential business with neighbouring potentates. This
officer was called the Nizâm ul- Hazratain . p. 408

The literal meaning of the word zimâm (spelt with a zay ) is the
bridle or reins. In a secondary sense, it means control or the act
of checking ; when spelt with a zal it means protection. Ibn
ul-Athîr (vol. vi. p. 39, Tornberg's ed. ) under the year 162 A.H.
says : " In this year Mahdi established the diwân ul-azzimah ; ”
Masûdi in the Tanbih states, " he confirmed Rabii in the charge of
the offices of al-azzimmah," and again, " he placed Mûsa at the
620 APPENDIX

head of the office of al-azzimah. " The Katib uz-zimâm (spelt with
a zal) in Spain was entrusted with the duty of protecting and safe-
guarding the interests of the non-Moslem subjects (the ahl-uz-
zimmah or zimmis) P. 415

Some of the official designations in vogue among the Fatimides

were different from those in use under their rivals of Bagdad. I shall
give here a few of the Egyptian names and the Arabic equivalents for
English words frequently occurring in European histories. The
Commandant of the Postal Couriers, or the head of the post office, was
called in Egypt, Mukaddam ul-barîdich ; the Cabinet Secretary,
Katib ud-darj ; the Secretaries of the Chancery Office, Kuttab ( pl. of
Katib) ul-insha ; the Chancery Office, the diwân ul-insha ; the
Treasurer, Khâzindar; the Inspector, Mushid; the Master of Robes,
Jamdar (this word was also in use under the Abbassides) ; the Head
of the Armoury Office ( Silah-dâr) ; Departmental Ministers, Sahib ;
Governor, naib ; the Viceroy, nâib ul-hazrat ; Administrator of the
Empire, Kâfil ul-Mumalik ; Secretary to the Secret Chancellery,
Katib us- Sirr ; Inspector-General, nâzir un-Nuzzår ; War Office,
diwân ul-juyûsh ; Paymaster- General's office, Diwan ur-rawatib
(in Bagdad it was called Diwân ut-tartîb) ; Pension Office, Sandûk
un-nafakât ; Inspector-General of the colours and bands of regi.
ments, Ameer Alam ; military inspectors, nazir ul- Jaîsh ; Public
Demands Recovery Office, Diwân ul-murtaja ; the Head of the Jews,
râs ul- Yahûd ; general of cavalry, sahib il-khail ; store-house,
hawaij khanèh (same under the Abbassides) ; minister in attendance,
Vizier us- Suhbat (ditto) ; cellar, sharab khanèh ; commander,
Kamandore ; vessels of war, butas (pl. of batsèh), also Shawânî ul-
Bahrich ; barques, harârik ( pl. of harakèh) ; armada [Spanish
almadia], fleet of ships, al- Maadi (pl. of al-Maadièh) ; corvettes,
ghurab ; transport vessels, tarrârid (pl. of tarîda, Greek ταριδεος) ;
fleet, astûl ; Capital of the Cæsars, Kursi ul- Kyasira ; ministerial
officers, dawawîn ; surgeons, jarâriheyéh (pl. of jarahi) ; stables,
jashîr ; escort, khafîr ; cross-bow, kazzaf; Chief of Police in Cairo,
Mutwaili ul-Kahira ; scavenger, al-mashaali ; cohort, Kardûs ;
battalions, tullab (pl. of tulb) ; chandeliers, atwâr ; port or
harbour, Mina ; the cataracts of the Nile, al-Janâdîl ; Tyre, Sûr;
Nubia, ad-Diar un-nûba ; Memphis, Mimf; Chalus (the river of
Aleppo) , Kawîk ; Belgrade, Kalât Bair ul-Aghrâz ; Coimbra,
Kulumbria ; Grand Master of the Order of Templars, Mukaddam
Bait ud-dawich ; Grand Master of the Order of Hospitallers, Mu-
 APPENDIX 621

kaddam Baitul-Isbitâr; Minorca, Minurka ; Ivica, Iabisa ; Majorca,

Mâyurka ; Orontes, al-Aûsi (Yakûb calls it Aurantas) ; Antioch,
Antakich ; Seleucus, Silukûs ; Antiochus, Antikhûs ; Antigonus,
Antighunûs ; the Strand , ad- Dakka ; the Volga, Atil; Odessa,
Daksita ; Red Sea, Bahr Kulzum ( Sea of Clusium) ; Caspian Sea,
Bahr ul-Khazar ; Sea of Aral, Buhairat Khwârism ; Heraclius,
Harkal or Harkles ; England, Inkilterah, “ a large and wide island,
containing many cities and forming a powerful kingdom ; " Arbela,
Irbil ; Hyrcania, Jurjân ; Jericho, Arika ; Hebron, Khalil ;
Seleucia, Salukich ; the Fortunate Isles, Jazîrat ul-Khalidât; Atlas,
Jabl(u) Daran ; Peloponnesus (Belobûnès) ; Adriatic Sea, Khalij
ul-Bunadika ; Xeres, Shirish ; Tagus, Tâja ; Sierra, Sharat ;
Carcassonne, Karkashûna ; Burgos, Barghasta ; France, Bilad
Afransièh ; Gascony, Ghaskunièh ; Gironnes, Jironda ; Lombardy,
Ankabardièh or Anbardièh ; Russia, Bilad ur-Rusièh ; Bayonne,
Baiûna ; the Taurus, Jabl us- Silsilla ; Toulouse, Tulûsha ; the
Alps, Jabl(u) Jûn ; Burgundy, Burghûnich ; Pisa, Bish or Bisha ;
Aquilia, Aukilladh ; Germany, Jarmânièh or Bilad ul-Almânîn ;
Bohemia, Marâtièh or Buwâmièh ; Croatia, Jerûshièh ; Normandy,
Narmandièh ; Flanders, Bilad Aflades or Aflandes ; Saxony,
Shasûnich or Belâd Sakes (Saxes) ; Lorraine, Luhrunka ; Brittany,
Britânich ; Frisland, Arz Afrîsa ; Poland, Bulûnièh or Fulûnièh ;
Hungary, Unkurieh ; Carpathians,Jabl(u) Balwât ; Servia, Jasûlièh
(witha ) ; Norway, Jazirat ul-Barghafa or Narbagha ; Scotland,
Askûsich ; Ireland, Ghirlandèh ; Denmark , Arrundi or Darmûshèh ;
Iceland, Rislândèh P. 417

In the Mujam ul- Buldan there is an excellent and full description

of the famous palace of the Abbassides called the Taj or Crown.
Vâkût says it was originally a villa of the unfortunate Jaafar Barmeki ,
vizier of Rashid. On the fall of the Barmekides, it came into the
possession of Mâmûn, who converted it into a palatial mansion, laid
out a race-course, a polo and hockey ground, and created a menagerie,
etc.
The palace was called after him Kasr Mâmûni, and gave
the name to the Mâmûnièh quarter, which was soon filled with
beautiful palaces and mansions. At the Kasr Mâmûni resided
Bûrân until her death in 883 A.C. , when the vast palace and grounds
with all its beautiful art treasures reverted to the State. Mutazid
pulled down the mansion and built it up afresh, but the new structure
was not completed until the time of Muktafi. Mustazii further em-
bellished it. It was a magnificent building of variegated marble, the
622 APPENDIX

ceilings resplendent with gold, and the walls covered with delicate
floral tracery of inlaid precious stones. The central dome was
called the Kubbat ut- Tâj . P. 445

The Mâmûnich, says Yâkût, was a rich, big, populous quarter of

Bagdad, which stretched from the Nahr ul-Mualla to the Bab ul-
Azaj. At the end of the Mahallah ul- Mâmûnich, in the middle of
the Sûk (the public square), was situated the Manzarat ul- Halbah,
" where now the Caliph sits on festive occasions (Ayyâm ul-lyâd) and
reviews the troops. " Yakût mentions several gates at Bagdad
besides those enumerated in the text, such as the Bab ul-Hujrah,
the Bâb ul- Khâssèh, the Bâb ul-Muhawwal, the Bâb ush-Shîïr, etc.
Several of the mahallas (quarters) were named after the gates, such
as the Bâh ush- Shiir, which lay above the Medinat ul- Mansûr ;
Bâb ut- Tâk, a large mahalla to the east of the city ; the Bâb ush-
Shâm, situated to the west. The Harbich was another celebrated
large mahalla near the Bab ul- Harb. The Nahr ul- Mualla, named
after the aqueduct or canal of that name, was in Yakût's time the
most celebrated and the biggest quarter of the city P. 445

Among the musical instruments chiefly in use in those days were

varieties of flute (called mizmar and shababa), the rabab (a kind
of guitar), the barbat, the kânûn (dulcimer) , the ûd or lute, the tambûr
(a kind of pandore), the mizief or harp, the zithern, the mandolin
and hautboy (zamûr). The custom of giving musical soirées (noubat
khatûn) was followed by the princesses and ladies of high rank under
the Fatimide Caliphs and Mamluke sovereigns of Egypt p. 457

The distinguished geographer Ibn Haukal flourished under the

great Fatimide Caliph al-Muiz li-dîn Illah. He travelled for some
time in Spain, and submitted a report to his patron concerning the
Peninsula so much coveted by the Fatimides. Muiz was also the
patron and friend of the celebrated poet Ibn Hâni P. 463

Ibn Khaldûn does not properly belong to Spain. Although his

family was long settled in Seville, the capture of that city by Ibn
Adfûnsh (Ferdinand II . ) in 1248 A.C. compelled them to remove to
Tunis. Here was born in the year 723 A.H. ( 1332 A.C.) the great
historian (Abú Zaid Abdur Rahman, son of Abu Bakr Mohammed),
whose career was one of the most remarkable recorded in history.
At the age of twenty he became secretary to the Hafside Sultan (of
 APPENDIX 623

Tunis) Abû Ishak II. In 1356 A.C. we find him filling the same
office to the Marînide Sultan Abû Aïnân, and his successor Abû
Sâlim at Fez. In 1362 A.C. he went to Granada and for a time was
ambassador to the Court of the Castilian king, Peter the Cruel
(Betruh son of Alhunsa, son of Adfunsh). From 1365 to 1382 we
find him either engaged in important services to various princes or
writing his great work. In 1382 he settled in Cairo ; two years later
he was made the Chief Mâliki Kâzi of that city, which office he
held until his death. In 1400 A.C. we find him in the camp of
Tamerlane (Timûr). Ibn Arab Shah describes in his usual stilted
language the Western historian's interview with the great conqueror
of Asia. He died at Cairo on March 15, 1406, at the grand age of
eighty-four. His universal history was designed for his friend and
patron the Hafside Sultan, Abu'l Abbas, in whose service he was
from 1378 to 1382. The patronymic Ibn Khaldûn is derived from
his tenth progenitor. The family was of Yemenite descent from
Hazramaut (Hadhramaut) P. 545

Polygamy was in vogue among the Merovingian kings of France.

Gontran, Segibert, and Chilperic had several wives at one time.
Gontran had within his palace acknowledged as his legitimate wives,
Mercritrude, Ostregilde and Veneranda. Caribert had Merflida,
Marconesa and Theodogilda. Dagobert I. had three wives.
Theodobert married Dentary during the lifetime of his wife Visi-
gelde. Clotaire, Æribartus, Hypercius and his sons all had several
wives. Pepin, Charlemagne, Lothaire and his son, as also Arnulf
VII ., Frederick Barbarossa, and Philip Theodatus king of France,
took advantage of similar privileges. Charlemagne is said to have
had nine wives at one time P. 552

Of all the Christian sovereigns of the Middle Ages, Alfonso VII.,

Ferdinand II . and Manfred of Germany alone rose to the height of
equal justice and toleration to both Christians and Moslems. After
the surrender of Toledo, Alfonso VII. assumed the title of " the
Ruler of the two Religions " ( Christianity and Islâm), and guaran-
teed to the Moslems security of person and property. This, how-
ever, did not last long, as the ecclesiastics proved too strong for
him . p. 560

A European writer says that the Spanish Saracens " taught us

theuse of the pendulum in the measurement of time; and also of
624 APPENDIX

the telegraph, though not with all the speed and effect of modern
improvement ; " and adds, " it is unquestionable that a great number
of the inventions which at the present day add to the comforts of
life, and without which literature and the arts could never have
flourished, are due to the Arabs " p. 569

There were two kinds of educational institutions among the

Spanish Saracens. One was composed of primary schools, where
children, chiefly of the lower orders, were instructed in the elements
of reading, writing and religion ; whilst in the academies were taught
all the higher branches of learning. The academies of the Saracens
" were the shrines at which the barbarised nations of the West
rekindled the torch of science and philosophy. " To the Colleges of
Cordova, Seville, Toledo, Jaen and Malaga flocked the seekers for
knowledge from Italy, France, Germany and England. Here came
Abelard, Morley the famous monk of Bath, and the celebrated
Michael Scott. The kingdom of Granada alone contained seventy
public libraries, seventeen colleges, and two hundred schools for
primary education p. 569

Casiri has given to the Western world the names of 170 eminent
Saracen scholars and savants born in Cordova, the birthplace of
Lucan and Seneca ; and of 120 authors, theologians, civilians,
historians, philosophers and scientists whose talents conferred
dignity and fame on the University of Granada p. 569

The kings of Granada always kept on foot a regular frontier guard

composed of veteran soldiers, whose duty it was to repel the sudden
and murderous forays of the Castilians. The captain of these
troops was called the Shaikh ul- Ghuzzat-" the chief of the
warriors" 1.574

In Cairo and many other places in Egypt, " the Feast of the
Gourd," which fell about the beginning of spring, and was probably
a survival from pre-Grecian times, was observed as a carnival. Is
not the modern carnival of the cities of Southern Europe the same
as the Floralia or Liberalia which the Romans celebrated with such
reckless disregard of decency ? p. 613

Benjamin of Tudela mentions in his Itinerary that under the

Fatimides in Alexandria alone he found more than twenty academies
 APPENDIX 625

for the cultivation of philosophy. Cairo possessed an immense

number of colleges : and the Imperial library consisted of 100,000
manuscripts, elegantly transcribed and splendidly bound, which were
freely lent out to the students. Similarly Kairowân, Fez and the
large cities of Northern Africa contained magnificent establishments
for the support of learning and the education of the people, and
their rich libraries preserved many valuable works which would
otherwise have been lost to posterity. To show that the Arabs
could not have been unacquainted with the writings of Greek or
Roman authors, it is enough to mention that the great library of
Fez possessed a complete copy of Livy in Arabic p. 614

SS
 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX

(Authorities consulted)

IBN UL-ATHÎR [d. 1233 A.C. ] (al-Kâmil-Comprehensive Hist. ) ;

(Târîkh ud-dowlat il-Atabekia-History of the Atâbeks of
Mosul) ; Masûdi [d. 957 A.C. ] (Murûj uz-Zahab) ; Ibn Khaldûn
[d. 1406 A.C. ] ( Kitâb ul-Ibr, etc.-Universal History of the Arabs,
Persians, Berbers, etc. ) ; Suyûti [d. 1505 A.C. ] ( Târîkh ul-Khulafâ) ;
Balâzuri [9th century] (Futûh ul- Buldân) ; Az-Zahabi [d. 1348 A.C. ]
(Târikh ul- Islâm) ; Jamal ud- Din Abu'l Mahasin Ibn Tughrâbardi
[d. 1470 A.C. ] (An - Najûm uz- Zahira, etc. ) ; ( Maurid ul-Lata-
fat) ; Fakhr ud-dîn Râzi [13th century] (Târîkh ud-Dawwal,
etc. ) ; Abu'l Fedâ [d. 1331 A.C. ] (Akhbar ul- Bashar, etc.-Hist.
of Mankind) ; Takî ud- Dîn Makrîsi [d. 1442 A.C.] (Kitab ul-
Khittat, etc. ) ; ( Kitâb us- Sulûk) ; Suyûti (Husn ul-Mahdzira) ;
Wakidi [d. 822 A.C. ] ( Futûh ush- Shâm) ; Umdat ut- Talib, etc.;
Al-Makrî or Makkari [d. 1631 A.C. ] (Nafhut- Tib, etc.-History of
Spain) ; Kamal ud-Din [d. 1262 A.C. ] ( Zubdat ut- Tawarikh) ;
Osâma [d. 1188 A.C. ] (Kitab ul- Itibar) ; Rashîd ud-Dîn [d. 1318
A.C. ] (Jamaa ut- Tawârîkh) ; Tarikh Wassaf [14th century] ;
Muntakhib ut- Tawârîkh [16th century] ; Mirkhond [ 16th century]
Rouzat us-Safa ; Minhaj us- Siraj; Ferishta [17th century]
Tarikh-i-Ferishta ; Ibn Shaddad [d. 1235 A.C. ] (Mahasin ul-
Yusufia-Life of Saladin) ; Ibn Khallikân [d. 1282 A.C. ] (Kitâb
Wafiât ul-Ayyân) ; Vâkût [d. 1229 A.C. ] ( Mujam ul-Buldan) ; Muk-
kadassial-Bashari [d. 998 A. c. ] (Ahsan ut- Takasimfi-Maarfat ul-Aka-
lim-geographical work ) ; Abu'l Faraj Isphahani [d. 967 A.c. ] (Kitab
ul-Aghani); Marâsid ul-Ittila; Safarnâmèh of Nasir Khusrû [d. 1178
A.C. ] ; Ilâm un-Nâs ; Nahj ul- Balaghat ; Rasail Ikhwân us-Safâ ;
Nawadir ul-Akhbar ; Jannat ul- Khulûd ; Târîkh ul-Andalus ;
Otbi [d. 1358 A.C. ] ( Tarikh Yemini-History of Mahmûd the
Ghaznevide) ; Ibn Arab Shah [d. 1476] (Ajaib ul-Makdûr, etc. ) ; Abu'l
Faraj [d. 1281 A.C. ] ( Tarikh Mukhtasar ud- Dawal) ; Al-Beirûni
[d. 1038] (al-Asâr ul-Bakièh, etc. , the Vestiges of the Past) ; Ditto
(Fit Tahkîk ma l'il Hind, etc., Book on India) ; Lutf Ali Azar
626
 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX 627

(Atesh Kadèh-Lives of the Poets) ; Siasatnámèh of Nizam ul-

Mulk ; Harîri ( Makâmât) ; Haji Khalifa [d. 1657 ] (Kashf uz-zunûn) ;
Ibn Haukal [d. 976 A.c. ] ( Kitâb ul- Mumalik wal Masalik-geogra-
phical work ) ; Muntaha ul-Arab- Dictionary, etc.; C. de Perceval
(Hist. des Arabes ) ; Sédillot ( Hist. des Arabes) ; Gibbon ( Decline and
Fall ofthe RomanEmpire) ; Bury (TheLaterRomanEmpire) ; Lebeau
(Hist. de Bas Empire) ; Ockley ( History of the Saracens) ; Von
Kremer ( Culturgeschichte des Orients unter den Caliphen) ; His-
toriens Occidentaux des Croisades ; Von Hammer-Purgstall ( Lite-
ratur- Geschichte der Arabes ) ; Von Hammer ( Landerver-waltung
unter den Chalifate) ; ( History of the Assassins) ; Howorth
(History of the Mongols) ; De Guignes ( Hist. des Huns) ; Amari
(Storia dei musulmani di Sicilia) ; Reinaud (Extraits des His-
toriens Arabes relatifs aux Croisades) ; Invasions des Sarrazins ;
Dozy (Hist. des Musulmans d'Espagne) ; Dozy ( Hist. des
Noms des Vêtements chez les Arabes) ; Michaud ( Hist. des
Croisades) ; Mills (Hist. of the Crusades) ; Sismondi ( History of
the Italian Refublics) ; Archer and Kingsford ( Hist. of the Crusades) ;
Watt ( Hist. of Spain) ; Gayangos ( History of the Mohammedan
Dynasties in Spain) ; Murphy (Arabian Antiquities in Spain) ;
Ditto (Mahometan Empire in Spain) ; Lane Poole ( Hist. of the
Moors in Spain) ; Muir (Hist. of the Caliphate) ; De Slane ( Trans-
lation of Ibn Khallikan's Biographical Dictionary) ; Prescott
(Ferdinand and Isabella) ; Condé ( Domination des Arabes en
Espagne) ; Vambery ( Hist. of Bokhara) ; Malleson ( Hist. of the
Afghans) ; Hist. of Ghazni ; Quatremere (Hist. des Sultans
Mamlukes) ; Van Lennep ( Bible Lands) ; D'Ohsson ( Tableaux
Générale de l'Empire Ottomane) ; D'Herbelot ( Bibliothèque
Orientale) ; Burckhardt ( Travels in Arabia) ; Palgrave ( Travels
in Central Arabia) ; Blunt (Pilgrimage to Nejd) ; Fraser ( Travels
in Persia) ; Travels of Ibn Batutah ; Rey (Etude sur le Monu-
ments, etc. ) ; Viardot ( Scènes des mœurs Arabes en Espagne au
dixième Siècle) ; Recueil des Historiens de France ; Vaissette ( Hist.
Générale du Languedoc) ; Sismondi (Hist. de la Chute de l'Empire
Roman) ; Noel des Vergers (l'Histoire de l'Afrique et de la Sicile) ;
Reinaud ( Relation des Voyages des Arabes) ; Abdul Latif ( Relation
de l'Egypte, etc. , trad. de Sacy ) ; Berchem (la Propriété Territorialė
et l'impôt Foncier sous les premiers Califes) ; Mohammed ibn Jubair
( Voyage en Sicile) ; De Sacy ( Chrestomathie Arabe) ; Ranke (Hist.
of the Popes) ; Hallam ( Middle Ages) ; Munk (Mélanges de Philoso-
phie Juive et Arabe) ; Shahrastâni, Millal wa’n- Nihal ; etc.
 40° 45 50° 55 60°
25 30° 35
MEDITERRANEAN SEA

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 Fikr.
b Genealogical Chart ofthe Hashimides and Ommeyades
Ghali
Lowai

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Fati
A.9C,
-6A.32C.,

Ommeyade

Altaio
Damascus

Imams

m
Affan
Merwan I.

house
64, AH-684,AC.
Caliphs

the
of.
Abdul MalikI.
Coman

Haris.
y eq

Fazl
65,AH- 685,A.C.
zz mm 2343
,-6 Ali. 4th 656,
Caliph
.of

Walid I. A 35, AH- A.C.

86, A.H-705,A.C. Hassan. 5th Caliph
40, AH-660, A.C.
Mohammed

Sulaiman I.

Kassir
Tenam.
96, A.H- 715, A.C. Hussain. Ali
50, AH- 670, A.C.
Omar II.

Mo
99,A.H-717,A.C. Ali.(ZainulAbedin).
60, A.H=679, A. C.

ha
Yezid II. Mohammed.(al Bakir).

mm
101, A.H-720, A.C. 94,A.H-712, A.C.
Hisham I. 117 AR - 734, AC. (The true).
Jaafar(asSadik). Abdul

Th1es
105.AH-724, A.C.
Walid II. Musa
148,AH(al Kazim
765, A.C. ).(Thepatient).
125, A.I.-743, A.C.

Saffah
of
Ali
183,(ar Raza)A.C.
A.H799, .(The agreeable). the
Yezid III.

as
126,A.H.-744, A.C. Mohammed (atTaki). (Thepious).

I.)(
203, AH- 818, A. C. Ab as ide
Ibrahim I. Ali. (an Naki).
126, A.H-745, A.C. 220,AH-835, A.C.(The pure).
Muawiyah. Merwan II. Hassanal.Askari)
127,A.H-745, A.C. 254 AH- 868, A.C. Caliph
Mohammed.(al Mahdi).
AbdurRahman 1. (Dakhil). 260, A.H- 873, A.C.
First MoslemSovereign ofSpain.
 A Saffah Abdullah-Abul Abbas). ALMustazhirbi tbah ( Ahmed-Abul Abbas) son ofAlMuktadi.
132, A.H. 750, A.C. 487,A.H.1094, A.C.
TheAbbasside
sûr).
Al MansurAbdullah-AbuJaafar).
136, A. H. 754, A.C.
Al
312,A.H.1118, A.C. (Fazl-AbûMan
Mustarshidbillah

AlMahdi (Mohammed -AbuAbdullah). Ar

529,Rashid
A.H. billah(
= 1134,Mansûr-
A.C. AbuJaafar).
158,A.H.773, A.C.
Al Muktafi li amr llah( Mohammed-Abu Abiullah).
Al Hadi(Musa-AbuMohammed). 530, A.H. 1135, 4.C.
169,A.HY85, A. C. Abu Bakr
AlMustand billah (Yusuf- Abul Muxaffar).
ArRashid (Harun-Abû Jaafar). Caliphs Ali. 555, A.H. 1160, A.C.
170,A.H.- 786, A.C.
AlMustaxi bi amr llah (Hassan-AbiMohammed) .
AlAmin (Mohammed -AbuAbdullah). Hassan. 566, A. H. 1170, A.C.
193,A.H-809,A.C. An Nasir li dinillah Ahmed-AbelAbbas).
AlMamun (Abdullah-Abul Abbas). 575, A.H. 1180, A.C.
198,A.H. 813,A.C. Ax Lahir bi amr'lláh Mohammed-Abu Nasr).
AlMutasim billah ( Mohammed-Abu Ishak). 622, A.H. = 1225, A. C.
218, A.H. 833, A.C. Al Mustansir billah (Mansur-AbuJaafar).
623, A.H. 1226, A.C.
AlWasih billah(Harun-AbuJaafar).
227 A.H.- 842,A.C. Al Mustaasim billah Abdullah-AbûAhmed).
640, A.H. = 1242, A.C.
AlMutawakkilalallah (Jaafar-Abul Faxl). Mo
232 AH. 847,A.C ha
AlMentassin billah (Mohammed- AbuJaafar). bil m
247,A.H. 861,A.C. lah ( med)TheAbbassideCaliphs ofCairo.
AlMustansir bi lah (Ahmed--Abul Kasim).
AlMustain billah ( Ahmed-Abul Abbas). 659,A.H. = 1261, A. C.
248, A.H. 862, A.C. Al
Al Mutaxx billah ( Mohammed-Abu Abdullah). 661,Hakimbi
A.H- 1262, amri A.C.
llah (Ahmed - Abul Abbas).
252,A.H-866, A. C. Al
Talha. AlMuhtadi billah (Mohammed-Abi Ishak). 701,Mustakfi bi lahA.C.
A.H. 1302, (Sulaiman - Abu Rabii).

m
255, A. H. = 869, A.C

hi
AlWasik bi lah Ibrahim).
740, A. H. 1340, A.C.

ra
Al Mutamidaala llah(Ahmed- Abu'rAbbas).

bil sim
(Ib ah
256, A.H. 870, A.C. Al Hakim bi' amri lah Ahmed- Abu'l Abbas).

l
uta
741,A.H. = 1341.A.C.

AMl

)
AlMutazid billah (Ahmed- Abul Abbas).
279, A.H. = 892, A. C. Al Mutarid billah(AbuBakr- AbulFach).
753, A.H. 1352, A.C.

ջե
AlMuktafi bi'llah (Ali -Abû Mohammed).
289, A.H. = 902, A. C. Al Mutwakkil aala' Ulah (Mohammed-Abu Abdullah).
der 763, A.H. 1361, A.C.
AlMaktadir billah Jaafar -Abul Faxl).
295, A. H. = 907, A.C. Fatin AlWasik bi'llah (Omar).
Al Kahir billah Mohammed-Abu Mansûr). 785. A.H. 1383, A.C.
320, A.H = 932, A.C. Al Mustasim bi lah(Zakariya).
788, . H. 1386, A.C.
ArRaxi billah (Mohammed -Abul Abbas).
322, A.H. = 934, A.C. Al Mustain bi lah Abbas- Abul Fazi)
808, A.H. 1406, A.C.
AlMutakki lillah (Ibrahim -Abul Ishak). Al Mutazid billah (Dawud-Abul Fath).
329, A.H. = 940, A. C. 816,A.H. 1414. A.C.
AlMustakfi billah (Abdullah -Abul Kasim). AlMustakh billah (Sulaiman AburRabii).
333, A.H. 944, A.C. 845, A.H. 1441, A.C.
Al Mutil lillah (Fazl- Abul Kasim). Yak
334, A. H. = 946, A.C. AlKaim bi amri'llah (Hamza.-AbulBaka).
ub.
854, A.H. 1451, A.C.
Ishak.
At Tail vllah (AbdulKarim - AbuBakr). Al Mustangid billah (Yusuf- AbulMahasin).
363, A.H. = 974, A.C. 859. A.H 1435, A.C.
Al Kadir billah Ahmed -Abul Abbas). Al Mutwakkil aala lah ( AbdulAziz - Abul Ix).
381, A.H. 991, A.C. 884, A.H. 1479, A.C.
Al Kaim bi' amri 'llah (Abdullah-Abu Jaafar). Al Mustamsik billah (Yakub).
Mohammed. 422, A.H. 1031, A. C.
Al Muktadi bi' amri uah (Abdullah- bulKasim). Al Mutwakkil aalallah (Mohammed).
467, A. H. = 1075, A. C.
N.B...Thetitle bywhich theseCaliphs are known in history aregiven first-within
bracket the names underlined are their real names - the others are
their kuniat or surnames bywhich they were commonly called.
The Ommeyade Caliphs of Cordova
and the Banü Hamüd Usurpers.
138 422 А.Н., 756-1031 A.C.
Abdur Rahman I( Dakhil)
138Α.Η.,756A.C.

Hisham I(Abul Walid)

172Α.Η., 788A.C.
Hakam I( Abul Muzzaffar al-Murtaza)
180Α.Η., 796A.C.

Abdur Rahman II(Ausat)

206Α.Η., 822.A.C.
MohammedI
238Α.Η., 852A.C.
Munzir

273A.H.,886.A.C.

Abdullah
275Α.Η.,888A.C.
Mohammed
Abdur Rahman III(AnNasir lidinIllah)
300A.H.,912A.C.
ul bar
Abd Jub Hakam II al- Mustansir b Wah)
ham 350Α.Η.,961А.С.
His
HishamII(al-Muwayyid b' Illah)
366Α.Η.,976A. C.
Obaidullah
MohammedII(al- Mahdi)
399Α.Η.,1009A.C.
AbdurRahmân Sulaiman al-Mustain b'Illah)
400Α.Η.,1009A.C.

AbdulMalik
MohammedII(again)
400Α.Η., 1010А.С.
Hisham II again)
400Α.Η.,1010 A.C.
Sulaiman(again)
403A.H.,1013А.С.

Ali binHamid
407A.H. (An-NasirtheIdriside)
,1016A.C.

Abdur Rahman IV(al-

Murtaza)
408Α.Η.,1018A.C.
Kasim bin Hamid( al-
Mâmûn)
408А.Н., 1018Α.C.

Yahya bin Ali bin Hamird( al-

Mustaali)
412A.H.,1021A.C.

Kasim bin Hamud(again)

413Α.Π.,
Abdur Rahman V(al-Mustazhir b'llah)
414 Α.Η.,1023.A.C.

MohammedIII(al-Mustakfi bIllah)
414Α.Η.,1024А.С.
Mohammed
Yahya bin AlibinHamud(again
)
416Α.Π.,1025.A.C.

Hishamm III( al-Mutaxx b'Illah)

418A.H.,1027AC
 The Fatimide Caliphs of Africa.
)
Al Mahdi(Obaidullar
297A.H909A.C.

Al Kaim bi aur Wah(AbulKasim Mohammed Nizar)

322Α.Η., 934.A.C.

Al- Mansur b
' IMah ( Abut Tahir Ismail)
334Α.Η., 945А.С.

Al-Muizzli din Illah (AbutTamim Mead)

541A.H,952A.C

Al Axix & Illah (Abul Mansur Nizár)

365Α.Η., 575A.C.

Al Hakim bi amr Illâh ( Abu Ali al Mansur)

386A.H.996A.C

Azzahir
411 xaz din Illah (Abu Hashim Ali)
1020A.C

Al Mustansir b lllah ( Abu Tamimi Maad)

Al Mustaali bi lah(AbulKasim Ahmed)

487Α.Η.,1094A.C.

Abul Kasım Ahmed

Al Amir bi ahkamllah( AbuAli al-Mansûr)

495Α.Η., 1101A.C.

Al Hafix1130
324A.H. là Adần làh( Abul Maimún AbdulHamid)

Ax zafir bi amr lah (Abul Mansür Ismail)

544 Α.Η., 114-9A.C.

Yusuf

Al Faix b' Illah(AbulKasim İsa)

549 A.H., 1154A.C.

Al Aazid li din Illah(AbuMohammed Abdullah)

555A.H., 1160A.C.
The Samanides.

Nasr1(binAhmed binAsad binSamán)

261Α.Η., 874A.C.

Ismail(bin Ahmed
)
279A.H.,892AC.

Ahmed(bin Ismail)
295Α.Η., 907A.C.

Ahmed bin Ismail

)
301A.H
..913AC.

Nuh I( bin Nast II

)
331Α.Η. 942AC

Abdul Malik(bin NühI)

343Α.Η., 954A C

MansürIbinNah1)
350Α.Η.,961A.C.

NúhII binMansuri)
366Α.Η
,976A.C.

MansurII bin NúhII

)
387Α.Η., 997A.C.

Abdul MalikII bin NühII)

389Α.Η., 999.A.C.

Mantasır Abu Ibrahim Ismâu( bin Nunh II)

395A.H. 1005AC
.
The Ghaznavides.

Subaktagin(Ameer Nasiruddin)
366Α.Η.,976A.C.

Ismal
387AH.,997A.C.

Mahmud Yemin ud dowla Amin-ul-Millat)

388Α.Η., 998 A.C

Mohammed(Jalal ud dowla
)
421AH.,1030A.C

Masud I/Nasir ud din luch)

421AH.,1030.A.C.

Mardind(Shihab ud dowla)
432Α.Η.,104

MasudII
440A.H.,1048 A.C.

Ali,Abril Hasan(Bahaud dowla)

440Α.Η., 1048A.C.

AbdurRashid(Izxud dowla)
440Α.Η.,104.9A.C.

Furrukhxad(Jamalud dowla)
444Α.Η.,1052A.C.

Ibrahim(Zahirud dowla)
451 Α.Η.,1059A.C.

MasúdIII/Aalâud dowla)
492Α.Η., 1099A.C.

Shirzad(Kamalud dowla)
508A.H.,1114A.C.

Arslan Shah(Sultan ud dowla)

509Α.Μ.,105A.C.

Bihram Shah Yeminud -dowla)

512А.Н., 1118А.С.

Khusri Shah(Muizz ud dowla)

547Α.Η.,1152A.C

KhusriMalik(Tajud dowla)
555 Α.Η.,1160A.C.
The Sultans ofIconium (Rúm)
470-700 А.Н., 1077 -1300 А.С.

Kutlumish bin Israil

Sulaimán
470A.H.,1077A.C

Danishmand
479Α.Η.,1086A.C.

KilijArslan Dáûd
485Α.Η
..1092A.C.

Malik Shah
500Α.Η.,1106 А.С.

Masûd
570A.H..116AC.

Kilij Arslan II
551Α.Η.,1156A.C.

Kutb ud dinMalik Shah II

584Α.Η.,1188A.C.

Ghiyas ud dinKai-Khusιή]
588Α.Η., 1192A.C.

Rukn ud din Sulaiman II

597Α.Η.,1200A.C.

Ixx ud din Kilij ArslanIII

600 Α.Η., 1203AC
.

Kai-KhusriIrestored
601 AH., 1204А.С.

Ixz ud dinKai-Kaus I
607Α.Η.,1210A.C.

Aala ud dinKai KobadI

616Α.Η., 1219AC.

Ghiyas ud dinKai -KhasrúII

634Α.Η., 1236 A.C.

dinKai-KausII
Ixx ud-
643Α.Η., 1245А.С.

Rukn ud-din KilyArslan IV

655Α.Η., 1257A Č.

Ghiyás ud dinKaiKhusrúIII
666Α.Ε., 1267A.C.

Ghiyas ud din MasüdII

682Α.Η.,1283 AC.

Aalaud din Kai Kobad II

696Α.Η., 1296А.С.
 INDEX

AADLS, or notaries public, 422 Abû Muslim, 156 ; his victories,

Aala ud-dîn Hussain ( Jehân Sûz), 214; his death, 215
384 Nawâs, 468
Aarif, 64, 431 Saîd al-Jannabi, 298
Aaskari, the Imâm, 291 Salma, 178
Abbas, 134 Tâlib , 8
Abbassides, the, their origin, 134 Tamâm Habib , 468
Abdul Azîz, son of Mûsa, Viceroy Abu'l Faraj al-Isphahani, 457,
of Spain , 112 ; his death, 122 469
Latîf, 373 Acre, its siege by the Crusaders ,
Malik, 93 361 ; its capture by the Crusa-
Momin, 535 ders, 367 ; butchery of the
Muttalib, 6 Saracens at, 367
Abdullah bin Tâhir, 269 Administration, system of, under
bin Zubair, 81 , 91 ; his the first four Caliphs, 60 ; under
death, 95 the Ommeyades in Spain , 572 ;
-, Sultan of Cordova, 492 under the Abbassides, 408
Abdur Rahmân I. ,ad- Dakhil, 162, Afshîn, 284
474 Aghlabites, the, 583
II. , al-Ausat, 485 Agriculture under the Abbassides,
III., an-Nasir, 496 423
al- Ghâfeki, Governor Ahmed bin Tulûn, 291
ofSpain, 146; his character and Aides-de-camp, the, ofthe Caliph,
administration, 1463 invades 432
northern France, 147 ; his death, Ain ul-jar, battle of, 166
150 Ajnâdin, battle of, 39
Sanchol, 526 Ak-Sunkar, 335
Sûi , 305 Al-Aâdil, Malik, 357, 368, 369,
Abu Ayub al- Muriyâni, 413 374
Bakr, 20 ; his election as Al-Aâmid al-Kunduri, 414
Caliph, 21 ; his death, 26 Al-Aâmir, the Fatimide, 602
Duâd, the Kâzi, 289 Al-Aâzid (last of the Fatimides),
Ghalib al- Asbaghi, 419 6111

Hassan al- Mawardi, 420 Al-Aziz, the Fatimide, 601

Wafa, the geometrician, 305 , Al- Bakir, 463
467 Al-Beirûni, 463
Maashar, 466 Al- Faiz, the Fatimide, 610
Musâ Ashaari , 51 Al-Farabi, 467
629
630 INDEX

Al -Ghazali, 333 Altamsh, 385

Al-Hafiz, the Fatimide, 607 Amaury, king of Jerusalem, 346
Al-Hakim, the Fatimide, 612 Ameer ul -Arab, 422
Al-Istakhri, 463 ul-Hajj , 422
Al -Kâim , 309 ul-Omara, the title of, when
the Fatimide, 595 created, 301
Al-Khandak , battle of, 505 Amîn, the Caliph, 241, 254, 261
Al-Kindi , 467 Amîna (mother of Mohammed) , 7
Al- Mahdi of Spain, 526 Amr, ibn ul-Aâs, 51
Obaidulla, the Fati- Anbasah, viceroy of Spain, 145 ;
mide, 592 his death, 145
Al-Malik ul-Aâdil, 345, 412 Anberûr, or Anbertûr, 381
Al-Mansûr, the Hajib, 212 Anneb, battle of, 344
the Fatimide, 596 Antagonism between Himyar and
Al-Maunat, or the household Modhar, its causes, 74, 75
troops, 431 Antioch reduced by Sulaimân,
A.-Muiz, the Fatimide, 597 317 ; its capture by the Cru-
Al-Mukaddasi, 463 saders, 355 ; the slaughter,
Al-Murabita (see Almoravides) 322
A. -Murtazikeh, the, 430 Arabs, the ancient, 3
Al-Mustaali, the Fatimide, 605 Architecture, 66
Al-Mustansir b'Illâh, 383 Army, the, 64, 430
the Fatimide, 604 As-Saifa, 430
Al-Muwahhidin (see Almohades) As-Samh appointed viceroy of
Al -Muzaffar, the Hajib, 524 Spain, 128 ; his advance into
Alamût, the castle of, 319 France, 129 ; killed before
Alarcos, battle of, 537 Toulouse, 130
Albatani, 466 Ashaarism, 470
Alexius Comnenus, 317 Assassins, the, 317
Alfonso III . , 490 Atâbek, the, of Mosul, 335
VI. , 531 Avenpace, 538
VII. , 535 Avenzoar, 538
Alhambra, the, 543, 567 Averroes, 538
Alhazan, 467 Avicenna, 468
Ali, his election as Caliph, 49 ; Avignon, conquest of, 152
his character, 52 ; his assassin- Ayesha, 50
ation, 52 Ayûbides, the, in Asia, 390
II . , Zain ul-Aâbedin, 120 ; last of the, in Egypt, 389
his death, 120 Az-Zâfîr, the Fatimide, 609
III . , Ar- Razâ, 265 Az-Zaghal , 553
IV. , 291 Az-Zahir, the Fatimide 609
Abu'l Hassan , 550 Az -Zahra, 517
bin Hamûd, 527 Azdites , the, 73
Alkohi, 467 Azd ud-Dowlah, 304
Almohades, 532
Almoravides, 534 BABEK, 271
Alp Arslan, 312 Bâb ul-Aâli, al, 414
Alptagin, 306 Badr ul -Jamâli, 605
 INDEX 631

Bagdad, 444 Colleges of Bagdad, the, 443

sacked by the Tartars, 397 Condition of the Christians under
Baha ud-dowlah, 305 the Islâmic régime, 321
Baibers, the Sultan, 400 Condition of the towns, 191
Balazûri, 464 Conquest in India, 104
Baldwin, king of Jerusalem, 334 inAfrica, 105
IV. , 353 Conrad III . of Germany, 342
Ballât, battle of, 334 Constantinople, sack of, by the
Banû Aâmir, 524 Crusaders, 378
Abbâd, 529 Constitutionalism under Mâmûn,
Bâdîs, 600 406
Hamûd, 529 Cordova, 515
Hassan, the, 218 Corporation ofmerchants, 420
Koraizha, 13 Council of State under Mâmûn,
Marîn, 541 , note 274
Munkiz, 338 Councils of Placentia, 322
Zu'n-nûn, 530 Court life under the Ommeyades,
Barkyârûk, 320 195
Barmekides, the, 238 ; their fall, under the Abbassides,
243 451
Bassasîri , 310 Crete, conquest of, 270
Battle of the Camel , 50 Crusades, the, 320, 359, 376, 379,
Bedouins, 4 387
Bedr, battle of, 12
Beirûni, 463 DÂI, 318
Bendmir, the river, 305 Damarj, battle of, 337
Boabdil, 600 Damascus, 192, 193
Burân, 270 Dâr ul-Aadl, 341 , 423
Buyides, the, 303 Departments of State under the
Õmmeyades, 188
CAIRO, 600 under the Abbassides,
description of, 611 405
Grand Lodge of, 615 Diogenes Romanus, 313
Caliphate, its revival in Egypt, 400 Diwan, 61
Carmathians , the , 298 aan - Nazr fi'l Mazâlim, 414
Carrier-pigeons, use of, 418 ul-Aarz, 418
Charlemagne, 478 ul-Akriha, 414
Charles Martel, 153 ; his barbar- ul-Azîz, ad, 414
ism, 153 ul-Barîd , 414
Charter of the Prophet, II ul-Dia, 414
Chengîz, 383 ul- Ihdas, 414
Chivalry, 519 ul-Jund, 414
Christian agitation in Cordova, ul-Kharaj , 414
487 ul -Mawali , 414
Civilisation and culture under ul- Mukâtiất , 414
Mâmûn , 274 un-Nafakât, 414
Clientage, 436 ur-Rasail, 414
Clubs, literary, 459 ush- Shûrta, 414
 INDEX
632

Diwân ut- Toukia, 414 Granada, kingdom of, 565

uz-Zimâm, 414 Guy de Lusignan, 353
Dress under the Republic, 68
under the Ommeyades, 203 HABIB BIN ABDULLAH, 414
under the Abbassides, 443 Hâdi, the Caliph, 234
in Spain, 571 Hajib, 60
among the Spanish Moslems, Hajjaj bin Yusuf, 100
454 Hakam I. , the Ommeyade, 481
women's, 454 II. , the Ommeyade, 510
Dulûk , battle of, 344 Hakamites, the, yo
Hamdani, 464
EDESSA, conquest of, byZangi, 339 Hamdanites, the, 302
Egypt, conquest of, 42 Hanafi School of Law under
by the Fatimides, 599 Rashîd, 252
Eleanor of Guienne, 342 Hanzala, viceroy of Ifrîkia, 143
Engineers and engineering, 432 Harbites, the, 89
Exports, 426 Harem System, the, when intro-
duced, 198
FAKHR
413
UD -DOWLA BIN JAHIR, Harrah, battle of, 88
Farîd ud-dîn Attâr, 469 Harsama, 265
Harûn , battle of, 346
Fatima, 54 Harûn ar-Rashîd, 237 ; his cha-
Fatimides, their rise, 589 racter, 238
Fazl bin Rabii, 255 Hâshîm, 6
Sahl, 413 Hassan bin Sahl, 413
Fedâii, 318 Hassan I. , his election as Caliph,
Ferdinand I. , 531 70; his abdication, 71
and Isabella, 541 Hassan Sabah , 317
Feudalism in Asia, 331 Hegira, the, 73
Field
433
Hospital and Ambulances, Henry, Count, 370
Hijaz, 2
Fight of the Nobles, 142 Himyarites, the, 73
Firdousi, 469
Hîra, capitulation of, 25
Frederick Barbarossa, Emperor of Hisham, accession of, 136 ; his
Germany, 363
Furniture, 67 character, 137 ; his death, 157
I. of Spain, 479
GAMES, 458 II. of Spain, 521
Geography, 463 History, 464
Ghaznavides, the, 306 Hittin, battle of, 355
Ghazni, sack of, 384 Home life underthe Republic, 69
Ghorides, the, 384 under the Ommeyades, 194
Ghyâs ud-dîn Ghori, 384 under the Abbassides, 457
Godfrey de Bouillon, 325 in Spain, 572
Government under the first four Hujaria, 432
Caliphs, 56 Hujra, 413
under the Abbassides, 407 Hulâku, 396
Granada, capitulation of, 557 Humphry of Thorun, Count, 370
city of, 567 Hunting, 459
 INDEX 633

Hussain, 81 persecution by Ferdinand and

Hussâm, 161 Isabella, 560
Joscelin, Count of Edessa, 337,
IBN HAUKAL, 463 344
Hubaira, 414 Jouhar, the General, 600
Khaldûn, 545 Junquera, battle of, 501
Khurdabeh, 463 Justice, administration of, under
Merwân, 490 Omar, 62
Râik, 301
Shaddad ( Kâzi Bahâ ud-dîn ) KADESSIA, battle of, 28
Abu'l Mahasin Yusuf, 349 Kadir, 305
ul-Ahmar, 541 Kâhina, her defeat and death ,
ul- Athîr, 465 98
us -Salâr, 609 Kâhir, 301
Ziad, 289 Kahtaba, 176
Ibrahim (the Abbasside Imâm), Kahtân, 73
177 Kahtanites, 3
bin Aghlab , 583 Kairowân , 79
Idrîs, 235 Kalansuèh, 451
Idrîsi, 463 Kâmil, al- Malik ul, 379
Idrîsides, the, 581 Kasr ul- Khilafat, 445
Ifrîkia, 78 ; its re-conquest under ul-Khuld, 444
Abdul Malik, 97 Kâtib ul -Jihbâzèh, 415
Ijmâa ul- Ummat, 404 Katr un-Nada, 296
Ikhwân us- Safâ, 471 Kâzi ul- Fazil, vizier of Saladin ,
Ilghazi , Lord of Mardin, 334 372, 406
Imâd ud- Dowlah, the Buyide, 303 ul-Kuzzat , 422
Intellectual development, 460 Kerbela, massacre of, 85
Invasion, the, of the Tartars, 391 Khaizurân, 231
Ismail ( al-Malik us-Saleh), 349 Khalid al- Kasri, viceroy of Irak,
Izz ud-Dowlah, 304 137; his character and govern-
ment, 137 ; his fall, 155
JAAFAR AS SADIK, the Imâm, 225 Kharaj, 63
bin Ahmed al- Marvazi, 463 Kharijis, their beginning, 51 , 96;
Jaihani, 463 their revolt, 51 ; their doctrines,
Jalaluddin Rumi, 314 77, note
Jamal ud-dîn al -Jawwad, 340 Kharka, 201
Jats, the, 283 Khashâb, 443
Jazia, 63 Khizr, 295
Jerusalem, butchery at, by the Khumarwich, 294
Crusaders , 327 Khutba, 61
capitulation of, to Saladin, Khwarism, 386
356 Shah, 391
capitulation of, to Omar, Knight ofAndalusia, the, 162
39 Koraish, the, 5,74
kingdom of, 353 Kossay, 5
Saladin's humanity, 356 Kotaiba, 103
Jews, the, in Spain, 107 ; their| Kutb ud-dîn Aïbak, 385
634 INDEX

LITERATURE and Arts under the | Merwân II. , 167 ; his character,
Ommeyades, 205 169 ; his death, 182
under the Abbassides, Military equipment, 433
462 feudal system, 435
in Spain , 576 formation, 437, 438
Louis, 342 inspection office, 418
organisation, 428
MADAIN, capture of, 29 Mode of eating, 204
Maghrib, 78 of living under the Abbas-
Mahdi, the Abbasside Caliph, 229 sides, 458
the last Imam of the Shiahs, Modharites, the, 74
295 Mohammed al- Bakir, Imâm, 120 ;
Mahdièh, the city of, 594 his death , 157
Mahmûd, the Seljukide Sultan, al-Hanafia, 94
319 bin Abi Aâmir, 522
the Sultan of Ghazni, 307 ibn Tumârt, 534
Malâz Kard, battle of, 313 Khwârism Shah , 386
Malik Shah , 314 the Seljukide Sultan, 333
the title of, 412 Sultan of Cordova, 489
Mâmûn, 241 , 255, 259, 263, 273 Mokanna, 231
Manjânikin (see Engineers), 432 Mosul , 192
Manners and customs under the Moudud, Lord of Mosul, 334
Republic, 67 Muawiyah, 50-82
under the Ommeyades, II. , 89
67 Muazzam, al-Malik ul , 380
under the Abbassides, Mubaizzèh, 232
67 Muhamirrèh , 232
of the Spanish Arabs, Muhtadi, 292
571 Muhtasib, 420
Mansûr, 212 ; his character, 213 ; Muiz ud-Dowlah, 303
his death, 227 Mujahid ul -Aamiri, 530
Manufacture, 424 Mujîr ud-dîn Abak, Prince of
Maraash, 429 Damascus , 345
Mariner's compass, 461 Mukhtâr the Avenger, 93
Marj Râhat, battle of, 91 Muktadi, 315
Marra't un-Nomân sacked by the Muktadir, 299
Crusaders, 326 Muktafi, 299, 337
Masarah, battle of, 475 Mulûk ut-Tawaif, 529
Maslamah, 104 Muntassir (see Hakam I. )
Masûd, the Sultan, 308 Murûj uz-Zahab, 465
Masûdi, 463, 464 Musaab, 93
Mayors of the Palace, 303 Mûsa bin Shakir, 466
Medîna sacked by Yezîd's troops, al-Kâzim, 225
88 bin Nusair, his victories in
Sidonia, battle of, 109 Africa, 105 ; in Spain, III
Medînat ul - Fil , 421 recalled by Sulaiman, 112
ul-Mansûr, 445 Mushrif bi'l Makhzan, 419
Merwân I. , 90 ; his death, 92 ul-Akriha, 418
 INDEX 635

Mushrif ul-Ikâmat il- Makhzania, Navy, the, 442

418 Negro revolt, the, 294
ul-Mumlikat, 419 Nehawand, battle of, 33
us- Sanâat il Makhzan, 418 Nicephorus, 247 ; his defeat, 248
Music under the Ommeyades, 197 Nizam ul- Mulk, 315
under the Abbassides, 457 Normans, the, 486
Muslim bin Humair, 463 Notaries, public, 422
Mustaasim b'Illâh, 395 Noubat ul- Khâtûn, 457
Mustain, 290 Nûr ud-dîn Mahmud, 341 ; his
Mustakfi , 303 death, 349
ofSpain , 528
Mustanjid, 345 OBAIDAH AT- TAMBURIA, 456
Mustansir, 290 Obaidullah bin Ziad, 85, 86, note
Mustarshid, 335 Ohod, battle of, 12
Mustazhir, 320 Okba, the conqueror ofAfrica, 79 ;
ofSpain, 528 his death, 80
Mustazii, 348 Olaiyah, the Princess, 457
Mutalia, 413 OldManofthe Mountain, the, 318
Mutamid, 292 Omar, his election as Caliph, 27 ;
king of Seville, 531 his death, 43 ; his character, 44
Mutannabi, 468 bin Abdul Azîz, 104 ; nomi-
Mutasim, the Caliph, 281 nated as Caliph, 125 ; his cha-
Mutatawwièh, 431 racter, 126 ; his wise reign,
Mutawakkil, 288 128 ; his death , 130
Mutazalas, the, 276 Hafsûn, 491
Mutazid, 296 Ommeya, 6
king of Seville, 531 Ommeyades, their accession, its
Mutazz, 291 effect on Islâm, 72
ofSpain, 528 Ordination of the deputies by the
Mutii , 303 Caliph , 401
Muttaki, 302 Ordôno II . , 500
Muwaffik, 292 III. , 506
Muwallad, the, 482 Osâma, 22, 338
Muwayyad ud-dîn Mohammed bin Osman, his election as Caliph, 46 ;
al-Kami, 396 his favouritism, 46; his death,48
NAFS UZ- ZAKIYA, his birth, 222 PACIFICATION OF ARABIA, 23
Naib ud-Dîwan iz-Zimâm, 419 Palaces of Bagdad, the, 447
Nairoz, 297 Pay of the soldiers, 435
Najm ud-dîn Ayûb, 349 Penitents, the, 92
Naki, the Imâm, 291 Penmanship among the Arabs, 469
Nakîb, 431 Pepin the Short, 162
Nasir Khusru, 329, 463 Persecution of the Saracens, 560
li din- Illâh , 382 Persia, war with, 23 ; its causes
ud-Dowlah, 302 24 ; subjugation of, 33
Nasr bin Harûn, 413 Peter the Hermit, 323
bin Sayyar, 139 Philip Augustus, king of France,
Nasrut ud-din Amir Miran, 341 366
636 INDEX

Police, the, under the Abbassides, Sahib ul-Mazâlim, 422

419 ush -Shurta, 60, 63, 419
Policy of Omar, 57 Saif ud-dîn Ghazi , 341
the, of the Abbassides, 408 ud-Dowlah , 302
Polo, the game of, 447 Saladin invested with the title of
Polygamy forbidden by the Pro- Sultan, 348 ; his death, 372 ;
phet, 69 his character, 373
Ptolemais (see Acre), 359 Sâmânides , the, 293
Pyrenees, passes of the, 477 Samsâm ud - Dowlah , 305
Sancho, 508
RABIA, the Saint, 203 Sanjar, 337 , 384
Rabii bin Yunus, 413 Saracenic ballet, a, 257
Rackets, 459 Saracens, the, in Liguria and
Rafik, 318 Switzerland, 494
Raîs ur-Ruasâ, 411 persecution of, in Spain, 562
ut -Tujjar, 420 final expulsion of, 562
Rashîd, 337 Sarah, the Gothic princess, 157
Rationalism under Mâmûn, 277 Sardinia, conquest of, 141
Raymond, his defeat and death, Science and literature under Ras-
344 hîd , 253
Razi , 301 Secret agents, 407
Razia, the Empress, 385 Sects , religious and philosophical ,
Receptions, the Caliph's, 451 under the Ommeyades, 206
Reformation of the Calendar, 316 under the Abbassides,
Renaud of Chatillon, 354 470
Revenue system under Omar, 58 Seljûk, 308
under the Abbassides, Seljukides, the, 308
426 Sermon on the Mount, 17, 18
Revolt in Africa, 141 Shahna, 408
----- Khorâsân, its causes, 172, 173 Shaizar, the castle of, 338
Richard, king of England, 366 Shajr ud -Darr, 389
negotiations for peace, Shâm, 35
368 Shawer as - Saadi, 346, 611
peace concluded, 370
Shiah , the, 590
Rîdafrans, 386 Shihab ud-dîn Ghori, 385
Rizwân , 333 Shirkûh enters Egypt, 346 ; his
Roderick the Goth , 108 victory of Babain, 347
Romans, war with the, its Shuhda, the Shaikha, 456
causes, 34 Shurta, 63
Roncesvalles, battle of, 478 Sicily, conquest of, 270, 584
Rudawari , 414 Siffîn, battle of, 50
Rukn ud-Dowlah, the Buyide, 303 Slavery, 205
Social life, 65
SAFFAH proclaimed Caliph, 179 ; reunions, 459
his death, 211 Sons, the, of, Aâdil , 379
Sahib ul- Barîd, 407, 417 Saladin, 376
ul-Maakal (see Feudalism) , Spain, its condition under Gothic
435 rule, 106
 INDEX 637

Spain, effectofthe conquest of, 112 Ustâd ud-dâr, 411

division ofthe provinces, 115 Utrûsh, 300
government of, 572 VEILED PROPHET OF KHORA-
economic, 575 SÂN, the, 231
fine arts in, 576
state of learning in, 577 Villedaigne, defeat of the Franks
at, 480
Subuktagin, 307 Vizârate, 412
Suffarides, the, 293 Vizier, the, 410 ; manner of his
Sukaina, Syeda, 202 appointment, 413
Sulaimân, accession of, 121 ; death
of, 124 ; of Spain, 527 WALADEH, 528
Sultan, the title of, 303, 411 Walîd 103 ; his death, 119 ; his
Sunni Church, foundation of the, character, 119 ; his contempor-
212
aries, 120
Sybilla, 353 II. , 159 ; his death, 165
Walter the Penniless, 323
TABAL KHẨNAH, 450 Wasik, the Caliph , 286
Tactics, 438, 439, 440, 441 Women, their position under the
Taher, 260, 269 Ommeyades, 199
Taii, 304 under the Abbassides,
Taj ur-Ruasa, 419 455
Takièh, 456 in Cordova, 519
Talha, 60 in Granada, 570
Târick bin Ziâd, 108 ; lands in scholars, 569
Spain, 108 ; his victory over
the Goths, 109 ; recalled from YAHYA BIN KHALID, 235
Spain, 112 Zaid, 160
Tarsus, 428 Yakub bin Lais, 293
Tashrîf, 405 Sabir, al -Manjanîkî, 432
Taxation, 426, 427 Abu Yusuf, al-Mansûr, 537
Tiberias , battle of, victory of Yathreb, 10
Saladîn , 355 Year of Deputations, 16
Tibri,465 ofthe Elephant, 7
Toghtagin, 333 Yermuk , battle of, 37
Toledo, capture of, by Târick, Yezdjard, 31
110, 498 Yezîd, 81
Tours, battle of, 149 II . , 130
Transoxiana, its conquest, 103 bin Muhallib, 131
Tribal dissensions, 121 " the Retrencher," 165
Tripoli sacked by the Crusaders, bin Hobaira, 210
329 Yusuf, Abu Yakûb, 536
Tughril Beg, 309 bin Tâshfin, 532
Turkhân Khatun, 319, 384
Tutûsh, 332 ZAB battle of the, 181
Tuzûn, 302 Zaid, grandson of Hussain, 156 ;
his death, 156
UNIVERSITIES in Spain, 570 Zainab umm ul- Muwayyid, 456
Unsurî, 469 Zallaka, battle of, 533
638 INDEX

Zangi, Imadud-dîn, 335 ; victories| Ziadatullah Aghlab, 270, 583

of, 336 ; assassination of, 340 ; Zimmis, 33
his character, 340 Zindîkism, 232
Zarka of Yemama, 455 Zubaida, the Empress, 242
Ziâd ibn Abih, 81 , note Zubair, 50

THE END

Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, London & Bungay.

‫مالک‬
A
953 Amir
Am3 A short history of the
Saracens

JAN 30 1902