Werner von Blomberg

Werner Eduard Fritz von Blomberg (2 September

1878 – 13 March 1946) was a German General Staff Werner von Blomberg
officer and the first Minister of War in Adolf Hitler's
government. After serving on the Western Front in
World War I, Blomberg was appointed chief of the
Truppenamt ("Troop Office") during the Weimar
Republic. Following the Nazis' rise to power, he was
named Minister of War and Commander-in-Chief of
the German Armed Forces. In this capacity, Blomberg
played a central role in Germany's military build-up
during the years leading to World War II. However, by
20 January 1938, he was forced to resign after his
rivals, Hermann Göring and Heinrich Himmler,
presented Hitler with evidence that his wife had posed
in the past for pornographic photos.

Early life and career Blomberg in 1934

Reichsminister of War
Born in Stargard, Germany (now Stargard, Poland) to a In office
noble Baltic German family, Werner von Blomberg 21 May 1935 – 27 January 1938
joined the army in 1897 and attended the Prussian
Preceded by Himself
Military Academy in 1904. In April 1904, he married
as Minister of Defense
Charlotte Hellmich. The couple had five children.
Succeeded by Wilhelm Keitel
Graduated from the academy in 1907, Blomberg as Chief of the High
entered the German General Staff in 1908. Serving Command
with distinction on the Western Front during the First Minister of Defence
World War, Blomberg was awarded the Pour le In office
Mérite.[2] 29 January 1933 – 21 May 1935

In 1920, Blomberg was appointed chief of staff of the Preceded by Kurt von Schleicher
Döberitz Brigade; in 1921, he was appointed chief of Succeeded by Himself
staff of the Stuttgart Army Area. In 1925, General as Reichsminister of War
Hans von Seeckt appointed him chief of army training. Chief of the Troop Office
By 1927, Blomberg was a major-general and chief of In office
27 January 1927 – 30 September 1929
Preceded by Georg Wetzell
Succeeded by Kurt von Hammerstein-
Equord
the Troop Office (German: Truppenamt), the thin Personal details
disguise for the German General Staff, which had been Born Werner Eduard Fritz von
forbidden by the Treaty of Versailles.[3] Blomberg
2 September 1878
Stargard, Pomerania,
In the Weimar Republic Kingdom of Prussia, German
Empire
In 1928, Blomberg visited the Soviet Union, where he
Died 13 March 1946 (aged 67)
was much impressed by the high status of the Red
Nuremberg, Bavaria, Allied-
Army, and left a convinced believer in the value of
occupied Germany
totalitarian dictatorship as the prerequisite for military
Cause of death Colorectal cancer
power.[4]
Resting place Bad Wiessee
This was part of a broader shift on the part of the Spouses Charlotte Hellmich
German military to the idea of a totalitarian Wehrstaat ​
​(m. 1904; died 1932)​
(transl. Defence State) which, beginning in the mid-
1920s, became increasingly popular with military Erna Gruhn ​(m. 1938)​

officers. The German historian Eberhard Kolb wrote Relations Axel von Blomberg (son)
that: Children 5
Signature
from the mid-1920s onwards the Army
leaders had developed and propagated new
social conceptions of a militarist kind,
tending towards a fusion of the military and Nickname Rubber Lion[1]
civilian sectors and ultimately a totalitarian
Military service
military state (Wehrstaat).[5]
Allegiance German Empire
Weimar Republic
Blomberg's visit to the Soviet Union in 1928 Nazi Germany
confirmed his view that totalitarian power fosters the
Branch/service German Army
greatest military power. Blomberg believed the next
world war, as the previous one, would become a total Years of 1897–1938
war, requiring full mobilization of German society and service
economy by the state, and that a totalitarian state Rank Generalfeldmarschall
would best prepare society in peacetime, militarily and Commands 1st Infantry Division,
economically, for war.[3] As most of Nazi Germany's Reichskriegsministerium
military elite, Blomberg took for granted that, for Battles/wars World War I
Germany to achieve the world power that it had
Awards Pour le Mérite
unsuccessfully sought in the First World War would
require another war, and that such a war would be total
war of a highly mechanized, industrial type.[6]

In 1929, Blomberg came into conflict with General Kurt von Schleicher at the Truppenamt and was
removed from his post and appointed military commander in East Prussia. Early that year, Schleicher had
started a policy of "frontier defense" (Grenzschutz) under which the Reichswehr would stockpile arms in
secret depots and begin training volunteers beyond the limits imposed by the Treaty of Versailles in the
eastern parts of Germany bordering Poland; in order to avoid incidents with France, there was to be no
such Grenzschutz in western Germany.[7]
The French planned to withdraw from the Rhineland in June 1930 – five years earlier than specified by
the Treaty of Versailles – and Schleicher wanted no violations of the Treaty that might seem to threaten
France before French troops left the Rhineland. When Blomberg, whom Schleicher personally disliked,
insisted on extending Grenzschutz to areas bordering France, Schleicher in August 1929 leaked to the
press that Blomberg had attended armed maneuvers by volunteers in Westphalia.[8] Defence Minister
General Wilhelm Groener called Blomberg to Berlin to explain himself. Blomberg expected Schleicher to
stick to the traditional Reichswehr policy of denying everything, and was shocked to see Schleicher
instead attack him in front of Groener as a man who had recklessly exposed Germany to the risk of
providing the French with an excuse to remain in the Rhineland until 1935.[8]

As a result, Blomberg was demoted from command of the Truppenamt and sent to command a division in
East Prussia.[8] Since East Prussia was cut off from the rest of Germany and had only one infantry
division stationed there, Blomberg—to increase the number of fighting men in the event of a war with
Poland—started to make lists of all the men fit for military service, which further increased the attraction
of a totalitarian state able to mobilize an entire society for war to him, and of an ideologically motivated
levée en masse as the best way to fight the next war.[3] During his time as commander of Wehrkreis I, the
military district which comprised East Prussia, Blomberg fell under the influence of a Nazi-sympathizing
Lutheran chaplain, Ludwig Müller, who introduced Blomberg to Nazism.[9] Blomberg cared little for
Nazi doctrines per se, his support for the Nazis being motivated by his belief that only a dictatorship
could make Germany a great military power again, and that the Nazis were the best party to establish a
dictatorship in Germany.[10]

Because he had the command of only one infantry division in East Prussia, Blomberg depended very
strongly on Grenzschutz to increase the number of fighting men available. This led him to co-operate
closely with the SA as a source of volunteers for Grenzschutz forces.[11] Blomberg had excellent relations
with the SA at this time, which led to the SA serving by 1931 as an unofficial militia backing up the
Reichswehr. Many generals saw East Prussia as a model for future Army-Nazi co-operation all over
Germany.[11]

Blomberg's interactions with the SA in East Prussia led him to the conclusion that Nazis made for
excellent soldiers, which further increased the appeal of Nazism for him.[11] But at the same time,
Blomberg saw the SA only as a junior partner to the Army, and utterly opposed the SA's ambitions to
replace the Reichswehr as Germany's main military force. Blomberg, like almost all German generals,
envisioned a future Nazi-Army relationship where the Nazis would indoctrinate ordinary people with the
right sort of ultra-nationalist, militarist values so that when young German men joined the Reichswehr
they would be already half-converted into soldiers while at the same time making it clear that control of
military matters would rest solely with the generals. In 1931, he visited the US, where he openly
proclaimed his belief in the certainty and the benefits of a Nazi government for Germany.[12] Blomberg's
first wife Charlotte died on 11 May 1932, leaving him with two sons and three daughters.[13][14]

In 1932, Blomberg served as part of the German delegation to the World Disarmament Conference in
Geneva where, during his time as the German chief military delegate, he not only continued his pro-Nazi
remarks to the press, but used his status as Germany's chief military delegate to communicate his views to
Paul von Hindenburg, whose position as President of Germany made him German Supreme Commander
in Chief.[12]
In his reports to Hindenburg, Blomberg wrote that his arch-rival Schleicher's attempts to create the
Wehrstaat had clearly failed, and that Germany needed a new approach to forming the Wehrstaat.[15] By
late January 1933, it was clear that the Schleicher government could only stay in power by proclaiming
martial law and by authorizing the Reichswehr to crush popular opposition. In doing so, the military
would have to kill hundreds, if not thousands of German civilians; any régime established in this way
could never expect to build the national consensus necessary to create the Wehrstaat.[16] The military had
decided that Hitler alone was capable of peacefully creating the national consensus that would allow the
creation of the Wehrstaat, and thus the military successfully brought pressure on Hindenburg to appoint
Hitler as Chancellor.[16]

In late January 1933, President Hindenburg—without informing the chancellor, Schleicher, or the army
commander, General Kurt von Hammerstein—recalled Blomberg from the World Disarmament
Conference to return to Berlin.[17] Upon learning of this, Schleicher guessed correctly that the order to
recall Blomberg to Berlin meant his own government was doomed.[17] When Blomberg arrived at the
railroad station in Berlin on 28 January 1933, he was met by two officers, Adolf-Friedrich Kuntzen and
Oskar von Hindenburg, adjutant and son of President Hindenburg. Kuntzen had orders from Hammerstein
for Blomberg to report at once to the Defense Ministry, while Oskar von Hindenburg had orders for
Blomberg to report directly to the Palace of the Reich President.[18]

Over and despite Kuntzen's protests, Blomberg chose to go with Hindenburg to meet the president, who
swore him in as defense minister.[18] This was done in a manner contrary to the Weimar constitution,
under which the president could only swear in a minister after receiving the advice of the chancellor.
Hindenburg had not consulted Schleicher about his wish to see Blomberg replace him as defense minister
because in late January 1933, there were wild (and untrue) rumors circulating in Berlin that Schleicher
was planning to stage a putsch.[19] To counter alleged plans of a putsch by Schleicher, Hindenburg
wanted to remove Schleicher as defense minister as soon as possible.[19]

Two days later, on 30 January 1933, Hindenburg swore in Adolf Hitler as Chancellor, after telling him
that Blomberg was to be his defense minister regardless of his wishes. Hitler for his part welcomed and
accepted Blomberg.

Minister of Defense
In 1933, Blomberg rose to national prominence when he was appointed Minister of Defense in Hitler's
government. Blomberg became one of Hitler's most devoted followers and worked feverishly to expand
the size and the power of the army. Blomberg was made a colonel general for his services in 1933.
Although Blomberg and his predecessor, Kurt von Schleicher, loathed each other, their feud was purely
personal, not political, and in all essentials, Blomberg and Schleicher had identical views on foreign and
defense policies. Their dispute was simply over who was best qualified to carry out the policies, not the
policies themselves.[20]

Blomberg was chosen personally by Hindenburg as a man he trusted to safeguard the interests of the
Defense Ministry and could be expected to work well with Hitler.[20] Above all, Hindenburg saw
Blomberg as a man who would safeguard the German military's traditional "state within the state" status
dating back to Prussian times under which the military did not take orders from the civilian government,
headed by the chancellor, but co-existed as an equal alongside the civilian government because of its
allegiance only to the head of state, not the chancellor, who was the head of government.[20] Until 1918,
the head of state had been the emperor, and since 1925, it had been Hindenburg himself.[20] Defending
the military "state within the state" and trying to reconcile the military to the Nazis was to be one of
Blomberg's major concerns as a defense minister.[20]

Blomberg was an ardent supporter of the Nazi regime and cooperated with it in many capacities,
including serving on the Academy for German Law.[21] On 20 July 1933, Blomberg had a new Army Law
passed, which ended the jurisdiction of civil courts over the military and extinguished the theoretical right
for the military to elect councils although that right, despite being guaranteed by the Weimar Constitution
in 1919, had never been put into practice.[22]

Blomberg's first act as defense minister was to carry out a purge of the officers associated with his hated
archenemy, Schleicher.[12] Blomberg sacked Ferdinand von Bredow as chief of the Ministeramt and
replaced him with General Walter von Reichenau, Eugen Ott was dismissed as chief of the Wehramt and
sent to Japan as a military attaché and General Wilhelm Adam was sacked as chief of the Truppenamt (the
disguised General Staff) and replaced with Ludwig Beck.[23] The British historian Sir John Wheeler-
Bennett wrote about the "ruthless" way that Blomberg set about isolating and undermining the power of
the army commander-in-chief, a close associate of Schleicher, General Kurt von Hammerstein-Equord, to
the point that in February 1934 Hammerstein finally resigned in despair, as his powers had become more
nominal than real.[22] With Hammerstein's resignation, the entire Schleicher faction that had dominated
the army since 1926 had been removed from their positions within the High Command. Wheeler-Bennett
commented that as a military politician Blomberg was every bit as ruthless, as Schleicher had been.[22]
The resignation of Hammerstein caused a crisis in military-civil relations when Hitler attempted to
appoint as his successor Reichenau, a man who was not acceptable to the majority of the Reichswehr.[24]
Blomberg supported the attempt to appoint Reichenau, but reflecting the power of the "state within the
state", certain Army officers appealed to Hindenburg, which led to Werner von Fritsch being appointed
instead.[24]

Far more serious than dealing with the followers of Schleicher was Blomberg's relations with the SA. He
was resolutely opposed to any effort to subject the military to the control of the Nazi Party or that of any
of its affiliated organizations such as the SA or the SS, and throughout his time as a minister, he fought
fiercely to protect the institutional autonomy of the military.[25]

By the autumn of 1933, Blomberg had come into conflict with Ernst Röhm, who made it clear that he
wanted to see the SA absorb the Reichswehr, a prospect that Blomberg was determined to prevent at all
costs. In December 1933, he made clear to Hitler his displeasure about Röhm being appointed to the
Cabinet.[25] In February 1934, when Röhm penned a memo about the SA absorbing the Reichswehr to
become the new military force, Blomberg informed Hitler that the Army would never accept it under any
conditions.[26] On 28 February 1934, Hitler ruled the Reichswehr would be the main military force, and
the SA was to remain a political organization.[27] Despite the ruling, Röhm continued to press for a
greater role for the SA. In March 1934, Blomberg and Röhm began openly fighting each other at cabinet
meetings and exchanging insults and threats.[28] As a result of his increasingly-heated feud with Röhm,
Blomberg warned Hitler that he must curb the ambitions of the SA, or the Army would do so itself.

To defend the military "state within the state", Blomberg followed a strategy of Nazifying the military
more and more in a paradoxical effort to persuade Hitler that it was not necessary to end the traditional
"state within the state" to prevent Gleichschaltung being imposed by engaging in what can be called a
process of "self-Gleichschaltung".[29]
In February 1934, Blomberg, on his own initiative, had all
of the men considered to be Jews serving in the
Reichswehr given an automatic and immediate
dishonorable discharge.[30] As a result, 74 soldiers lost
their jobs for having "Jewish blood".[30] The Law for the
Restoration of the Professional Civil Service, enacted in
April 1933, had excluded Jews who were First World War
veterans and did not apply to the military. Thereby,
Blomberg's discharge order was his way of circumventing
the law and went beyond what even the Nazis then
War minister and OKW commander Werner
wanted. The German historian Wolfram Wette called the von Blomberg followed by the three armed
order "an act of proactive obedience".[31] forces chiefs inspects a parade in honor of
the 40th anniversary of his joining the army.
The German historian Klaus-Jürgen Müller wrote that
Blomberg's anti-Semitic purge in early 1934 was part of
his increasingly-savage feud with Röhm, who since the summer of 1933 had been drawing unfavorable
comparisons between the "racial purity" of his SA, which had no members with "Jewish" blood, and the
Reichswehr, which had some.[32] Müller wrote that Blomberg wanted to show Hitler that the Reichswehr
was even more loyal and ideologically sound than was the SA and that purging Reichswehr members who
could be considered Jewish without being ordered to do so was an excellent way to demonstrate loyalty
within the Nazi regime.[32] As both the Army and the Navy had longstanding policies of refusing to
accept Jews, there were no Jews to purge within the military. Instead, Blomberg used the Nazi racial
definition of a Jew in his purge.[32] None of the men given dishonorable discharges themselves practiced
Judaism, but they were the sons or grandsons of Jews who had converted to Christianity and thus were
considered to be "racially" Jewish.[33]

Blomberg ordered every member of the Reichswehr to submit documents to their officers and that anyone
who was a "non-Aryan" or refused to submit documents would be dishonorably discharged. As a result,
seven officers, eight officer cadets, 13 NCOs and 28 privates from the Army, and three officers, four
officer candidates, three NCOs and four sailors from the Navy were dishonorably discharged, together
with four civilian employees of the Defense Ministry.[34] With the exception of Erich von Manstein, who
complained that Blomberg had ruined the careers of 70 men for something that was not their fault, there
were no objections.[35] Again, on his own initiative as part of "self-Gleichschaltung", Blomberg had the
Reichswehr in May 1934 adopt Nazi symbols into their uniforms.[36] In 1935, Blomberg worked hard to
ensure that the Wehrmacht complied with the Nuremberg Laws by preventing any so-called Mischling
from serving.[37]

Blomberg had a reputation as something of a lackey to Hitler. As such, he was nicknamed "Rubber Lion"
by some of his critics in the army who were less than enthusiastic about Hitler.[1] One of the few notable
exceptions was during the run-up to the Night of the Long Knives from 30 June to 2 July 1934.[38] In
early June, Hindenburg decided that unless Hitler did something to end the growing political tension in
Germany, he would declare martial law and turn over control of the government to the army. Blomberg,
who had been known to oppose the growing power of the SA, was chosen to inform Hitler of that
decision on the president's behalf.[38] When Hitler arrived at Hindenburg's estate at Neudeck on 21 June
1934, he was greeted by Blomberg on the steps leading into the estate.[38] Wheeler-Bennett wrote that
Hitler was faced with "a von Blomberg no longer the affable 'Rubber Lion' or the adoring 'Hitler-Junge
Quex', but embodying all the stern ruthlessness of the Prussian military caste".[38]
Blomberg bluntly informed Hitler that Hindenburg was highly displeased with the recent developments
and was seriously considering dismissing Hitler as chancellor if he did not rein in the SA at once.[39]
When Hitler met Hindenburg, the latter insisted for Blomberg to attend the meeting as a sign of his
confidence in the Defense Minister. The meeting lasted half-an-hour, and Hindenburg repeated the threat
to dismiss Hitler.[40]

Blomberg was aware of least in general of the purge that Hitler began planning after the Neudeck
meeting.[41] The conversations between Blomberg and Hitler in late June 1934 were generally not
recorded, which makes it difficult to determine how much Blomberg knew, but he was definitely aware of
what Hitler had decided to do. On 25 June 1934, the military was placed in a state of alert, and on 28
June, Röhm was expelled from the League of German Officers.[41] The decision to expel Röhm was part
of Blomberg's effort to maintain the "honor" of the German military. Röhm being executed as a traitor
from the League would besmirch the honor of the reputation of the League in general. The same thinking
later led to those officers involved in the putsch attempt of 20 July 1944 to be dishonorably discharged
before they were tried for treason as a way of upholding military "honor."[42]

Wheeler-Bennett wrote that the fact that Blomberg instigated the expulsion of Röhm from the League just
two days before Röhm was arrested on charges of high treason proved he knew what was coming.[43]
Röhm had been quite open about his homosexuality ever since he had been outed in 1925 after the
publication in a newspaper of his love letters to a former boyfriend. Wheeler-Bennett found highly
implausible Blomberg's claim that a homosexual would not be allowed to be a member of the League of
German Officers.[43] On 29 June 1934, an article by Blomberg appeared in the official newspaper of the
Nazi Party, the Völkischer Beobachter, stating that the military was behind Hitler and would support him
whatever he did.[43]

In the same year, after Hindenburg's death on 2 August, as part of his "self-Gleichschaltung" strategy,
Blomberg personally ordered all soldiers in the army and all sailors in the Navy to pledge the oath of
allegiance to Adolf Hitler[44] not to People and Fatherland but to the new Führer, which is thought to
have limited later opposition to Hitler. The oath was the initiative of Blomberg and the Ministeramt chief
General Walther von Reichenau. The entire military took the oath to Hitler, who was most surprised at the
offer. Thus, the popular view that Hitler imposed the oath on the military is incorrect.[45]

On the other hand, Hitler had long expected Hindenburg's death and had planned on taking power
anyhow and so could he have very well convinced Von Blomberg to implement such an oath long before
the actual implementation took place.[46]

The intention of Blomberg and Reichenau in having the military swear an oath to Hitler was to create a
personal special bond between Hitler and the military, which was intended to tie Hitler more tightly
towards the military and away from the Nazi Party. Blomberg later admitted that he had not thought the
full implications of the oath at the time.[45] As part of his defense of the military "state within the state",
Blomberg fought against the attempts of the SS to create a military wing.[47]

Heinrich Himmler repeatedly insisted that the SS needed a military wing to crush any attempt at a
communist revolution before Blomberg conceded in the idea, which eventually become the Waffen-
SS.[47] Blomberg's relations with the SS were badly strained in late 1934 to early 1935 when it was
discovered that the SS had bugged the offices of the Abwehr chief, Admiral Wilhelm Canaris. That led
Blomberg to warn Hitler the military would not tolerate being spied upon. In response to Blomberg's
protests, Hitler gave orders that the SS could not spy upon the military, no member of the military could
be arrested by the police, and cases of suspected "political unreliability" in the military were to be
investigated solely by the military police.[48]

Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and Minister of War

On 21 May 1935, the Ministry of Defense was renamed the Ministry of War (Reichskriegsministerium);
Blomberg also was given the title of Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces (Wehrmacht), a title no
other German officer had ever held. Hitler remained the Supreme Commander of the military in his
capacity as Head of State, the Führer of Germany.[49] On 20 April 1936, the loyal Blomberg became the
first Generalfeldmarschall appointed by Hitler.[50] On 30 January 1937 to mark the fourth anniversary of
the Nazi regime, Hitler personally presented the Golden Party Badge to the remaining non-Nazi members
of the cabinet, including Blomberg, and enrolled him in the Party (membership number 3,805,226).[51]

In December 1936, a crisis was created within the German decision-making machinery when General
Wilhelm Faupel, the chief German officer in Spain, started to demand the dispatch of three German
divisions to fight in the Spanish Civil War as the only way for victory. That was strongly opposed by the
Foreign Minister Baron Konstantin von Neurath, who wanted to limit the German involvement in
Spain.[52]

At a conference held at the Reich Chancellery on 21 December 1936 attended by Hitler, Hermann
Göring, Blomberg, Neurath, General Werner von Fritsch, General Walter Warlimont and Faupel,
Blomberg argued against Faupel that an all-out German drive for victory in Spain would be too likely to
cause a general war before Germany had rearmed properly. He stated that even if otherwise, it would
consume money better spent on military modernization. Blomberg prevailed against Faupel.[53]

Unfortunately for Blomberg, his position as the ranking officer of Nazi Germany alienated Hermann
Göring, Hitler's second-in-command and Commander-in-Chief of the Luftwaffe, Germany's air force, and
Heinrich Himmler, the head of the SS, the security organization of the Nazi Party, and concurrently the
chief of all police forces of Germany, who conspired to oust him from power. Göring, in particular, had
ambitions of becoming Commander-in-Chief himself of the entire military.[54]

On 5 November 1937, the conference between the Reich's top

military–foreign policy leadership and Hitler recorded in the so-
called Hossbach Memorandum occurred. At the conference, Hitler
stated that it was the time for war or, more accurately wars, as
what Hitler envisioned would be a series of localized wars in
Central and Eastern Europe in the near future. Hitler argued that
because the wars were necessary to provide Germany with
Lebensraum, autarky and the arms race with France and the
Blomberg with Joseph Goebbels, United Kingdom made it imperative to act before the Western
1937
powers developed an insurmountable lead in the arms race.[55][56]

Of those invited to the conference, objections arose from Foreign

Minister Konstantin von Neurath, Blomberg and the Army Commander-in-Chief, General Werner von
Fritsch, that any German aggression in Eastern Europe was bound to trigger a war against France because
of the French alliance system in Eastern Europe, the so-called cordon sanitaire, and if a Franco–German
war broke out, Britain was almost certain to intervene rather than risk the prospect of France's defeat.
Moreover, it was objected that Hitler's assumption was flawed that Britain and France would just ignore
the projected wars because they had started their rearmament later than Germany had.[57]

Accordingly, Fritsch, Blomberg and Neurath advised Hitler to wait until Germany had more time to rearm
before pursuing a high-risk strategy of localized wars that was likely to trigger a general war before
Germany was ready. None of those present at the conference had any moral objections to Hitler's strategy
with which they basically agreed; only the question of timing divided them.[58]

Scandal and downfall

Göring and Himmler found an opportunity to strike against Blomberg in January 1938, when the 59-year-
old general married his second wife, Erna Gruhn (1913–1978, sometimes referred to as "Eva" or
"Margarete"). Blomberg had been a widower since the death of his first wife, Charlotte, in 1932.[59]
Gruhn was a 24-year-old typist[60] and secretary, but the Berlin police had a long criminal file on her and
her mother, a former prostitute. Among the reports was information that Erna Gruhn had posed for
pornographic photos in 1932.[61]

That was reported to the Berlin police chief, Wolf-Heinrich von Helldorf, who went to Wilhelm Keitel
with the file on the new Mrs. Blomberg. Helldorff said he was uncertain about what to do. Keitel told
Helldorf to take the file to Göring, which he did.[62]

Göring, who had served as best man to Blomberg at the wedding, used the file to argue Blomberg was
unfit to serve as a war minister.[63] Göring then informed Hitler, who had been present at the wedding.
Hitler ordered Blomberg to annul the marriage to avoid a scandal and to preserve the integrity of the
army. The upcoming wedding of one of Blomberg's daughters, Dorothea, would have been threatened by
scandal. She was engaged to Karl-Heinz Keitel, the eldest son of Wilhelm Keitel. Blomberg refused to
end his marriage but when Göring threatened to make public the pasts of Erna Gruhn and her mother,
Blomberg was forced to resign his posts to prevent that, which he did on 27 January 1938. His daughter
was married in May the same year.[64]

Keitel, who would be promoted to the rank of field marshal in 1940, and Blomberg's former right-hand
man would be appointed by Hitler as the Chief of the OKW of the Armed Forces.

A few days later, Göring and Himmler accused Generaloberst Werner von Fritsch, the Commander-in-
Chief of the Army, of being a homosexual. Hitler used these opportunities for a major reorganization of
the Wehrmacht. Fritsch was later acquitted; together, the events became known as the Blomberg–Fritsch
Affair.

Generalfeldmarschall von Blomberg and his wife went on a honeymoon for a year to the island of Capri.
Admiral Erich Raeder decided that Blomberg needed to commit suicide to atone for his marriage, and
dispatched an officer to Italy, who followed the Blombergs around on their honeymoon and persistently
and unsuccessfully tried to force Blomberg to commit suicide.[65] The officer at one point even tried to
force a gun into Blomberg's hands, but he declined to end his life.[66] Spending World War II in obscurity,
Blomberg was arrested by the Allies in 1945 and later gave evidence at the Nuremberg trials.

Imprisonment and death

Blomberg's health declined rapidly while he was in detention at
Nuremberg. He faced the contempt of his former colleagues and
the intention of his young wife to abandon him. It is possible that
he manifested symptoms of cancer as early as 1939. On 12
October 1945, he noted in his diary that he weighed slightly over
72 kilograms (159 lb). He was diagnosed with colorectal cancer
on 20 February 1946. Resigned to his fate and gripped by
depression, he spent the final weeks of his life refusing to eat.[67]

Blomberg died on 13 March 1946.[68] His body was buried

without ceremony in an unmarked grave. His remains were later
cremated and interred in his residence in Bad Wiessee.[69]

References
1. Kane 2008, p. 82.
2. Schäfer 2006, pp. 25–29.
3. Paehler 2009.
4. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, pp. 295–296. Grave in Bad Wiessee

5. Kolb 2005, p. 173.

6. Müller 1987, p. 26.
7. Patch 2006, p. 50.
8. Patch 2006, p. 51.
9. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 296.
10. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, pp. 296–297.
11. Feuchtwanger 1993, pp. 252–253.
12. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 297.
13. Görlitz 1989, p. 131.
14. Schäfer 2006, p. 22.
15. Müller 1987, p. 28.
16. Geyer 1983, p. 122.
17. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 282.
18. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 284.
19. Kershaw 1998, p. 422.
20. Müller 1987, p. 30.
21. Klee 2007, p. 53.
22. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 300.
23. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, pp. 298–299.
24. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 301.
25. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, pp. 308–309.
26. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 309.
27. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 311.
28. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, pp. 301–311.
29. Bartov 1999, p. 143.
30. Förster 1998, p. 268.
31. Wette 2006, p. 70.
32. Wette 2006, p. 71.
33. Wette 2006, p. 72.
34. Wette 2006, pp. 71–72.
35. Wette 2006, p. 73.
36. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 312.
37. Förster 1998, pp. 268–269.
38. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 319.
39. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, pp. 319–320.
40. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 320.
41. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, pp. 320–321.
42. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, pp. 321–322.
43. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 322.
44. Carruthers 2013, p. .
45. Kershaw 1998, p. 525.
46. Dupuy 1984, p. .
47. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 341.
48. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, pp. 341–342.
49. Taylor 1969, p. 93.
50. Taylor 1969, p. 119.
51. "Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, Volume V, pp. 543-544, Document 2879-PS" (https://ww
w.loc.gov/rr/frd/Military_Law/pdf/NT_Nazi_Vol-V.pdf) (PDF). Office of United States Chief of
Counsel For Prosecution of Axis Criminality. 1946. Retrieved 25 April 2021.
52. Weinberg 1970, pp. 296–297.
53. Weinberg 1970, pp. 297–298.
54. Brett-Smith 1976, p. 108.
55. Messerschmidt 1990, pp. 636–637.
56. Carr 1972, pp. 73–78.
57. Weinberg 1970, pp. 39–40.
58. Weinberg 1970, p. 342.
59. Nicholls 2000, p. 29.
60. Kiiker, EIIe (28 March 2018). "Erna / Eva Margarete Gruhn" (https://www.geni.com/people/E
rna-Eva-Margarete-Gruhn/6000000041319035967). geni.com.
61. Glasman 2005, pp. 120–121.
62. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 366.
63. Faber 2008, pp. 46–75.
64. Keitel & Görlitz 1966, pp. 41, 77.
65. Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 368.
66. Shirer 1960, p. 314.
67. Schäfer 2006, pp. 200, 206–207.
68. New York Times 1946.
69. Mitcham 2011, pp. 34–35, note 23.

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g=PA82). McFarland & Company. ISBN 978-0786437443.
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German Army in Politics 1918–1945 (2nd ed.). London: Palgrave Macmillan.

External links
Newspaper clippings about Werner von Blomberg (http://purl.org/pressemappe20/folder/pe/
001916) in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW

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