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Title: A History of Spain
Author: Charles E. Chapman
Rafael Altamira
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THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

NEW YORK BOSTON CHICAGO DALLAS
ATLANTA SAN FRANCISCO
MACMILLAN & CO., LIMITED
LONDON BOMBAY CALCUTTA
MELBOURNE
THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD.
TORONTO
 A HISTORY OF SPAIN
FOUNDED ON THE
HISTORIA DE ESPAÑA Y DE LA CIVILIZACIÓN ESPAÑOLA
OF RAFAEL ALTAMIRA

BY
CHARLES E. CHAPMAN, PH.D.
ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF HISTORY
IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

New York
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
1918
All rights reserved

COPYRIGHT, 1918,
BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY.
Set up and electrotyped. Published October, 1918.

Norwood Press
J. S. Cushing Co.—Berwick & Smith Co.
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.

TO MY SON

SEVILLE DUDLEY CHAPMAN

BORN IN THE CITY WHOSE NAME
HE BEARS
 PREFACE
THE present work is an attempt to give in one volume the main features
of Spanish history from the standpoint of America. It should serve almost
equally well for residents of both the English-speaking and the Spanish
American countries, since the underlying idea has been that Americans
generally are concerned with the growth of that Spanish civilization which
was transmitted to the new world. One of the chief factors in American life
today is that of the relations between Anglo-Saxon and Hispanic America.
They are becoming increasingly important. The southern republics
themselves are forging ahead; on the other hand many of them are still
dangerously weak, leaving possible openings for the not unwilling old
world powers; and some of the richest prospective markets of the globe are
in those as yet scantily developed lands. The value of a better understanding
between the peoples of the two Americas, both for the reasons just named
and for many others, scarcely calls for argument. It is almost equally clear
that one of the essentials to such an understanding is a comprehension of
Spanish civilization, on which that of the Spanish American peoples so
largely depends. That information this volume aims to provide. It confines
itself to the story of the growth of Spanish civilization in Spain, but its
ultimate transfer to the Americas has been constantly in the writer’s mind in
the choice of his material, as will appear from the frequent allusions in the
text. An attempt is made to treat Spanish institutions not as static (which
they never were) but in process of evolution, from period to period. The
development of Spanish institutions in the colonies and the later
independent states, it is hoped, will be the subject of another volume.
Neither story has ever been presented according to the present plan to the
American public.
Emphasis here has been placed on the growth of the civilization, or
institutions, of Spain rather than on the narrative of political events. The
latter appears primarily as a peg on which to hang the former. The volume
is topically arranged, so that one may select those phases of development
which interest him. Thus one may confine himself to the narrative, or to any
one of the institutional topics, social, political, religious, economic, or
intellectual. Indeed, the division may be carried even further, so that one
may single out institutions within institutions. As regards proportions the
principal weight is given to the periods from 1252 to 1808, with over half of
the volume devoted to the years 1479 to 1808. The three centuries from the
sixteenth to the nineteenth are singled out for emphasis, not only because
they were the years of the transmission of Spanish civilization to the
Americas, but also because the great body of the Spanish institutions which
affected the colonies did so in the form they acquired at that time. To treat
Spain’s gift to Spanish America as complete by the year 1492 is as incorrect
as to say that the English background of United States history is necessary
only to the year 1497, when John Cabot sailed along the North American
coast, or certainly not later than 1607, when Jamestown was founded. In
accord with the primary aim of this work the place of Spain in general
European history is given relatively little space. The recital of minor events
and the introduction of the names of inconsequential or slightly important
persons have been avoided, except in some cases where an enumeration has
been made for purposes of illustration or emphasis. For these reasons,
together with the fact that the whole account is compressed into a single
volume, it is hoped that the book may serve as a class-room text as well as a
useful compendium for the general reader.
The writer has been fortunate in that there exists a monumental work in
Spanish containing the type of materials which he has wished to present.
This is the Historia de España y de la civilización española, which has won
a world-wide reputation for its author, Rafael Altamira y Crevea.[1] Indeed,
the present writer makes little claim to originality, since for the period down
to 1808 he has relied almost wholly on Altamira. Nevertheless, he has
made, not a summary, but rather a selection from the Historia (which is
some five times the length of this volume) of such materials as were
appropriate to his point of view. The chapter on the reign of Charles III has
been based largely on the writer’s own account of the diplomacy of that
monarch, which lays special emphasis on the relation of Spain to the
American Revolution.[2] For the chapter dealing with Spain in the
nineteenth century the volumes of the Cambridge modern history have been
used, together with those on modern Spain by Hume and Butler Clarke. The
last chapter, dealing with present-day Spain, is mainly the result of the
writer’s observations during a two years’ residence in that country, 1912 to
1914. In the course of his stay he visited every part of the peninsula, but
spent most of his time in Seville, wherefore it is quite possible that his
views may have an Andalusian tinge.
In the spelling of proper names the English form has been adopted if it is
of well-established usage. The founder of the Carlists and Carlism,
however, is retained as “Don Carlos” for obvious reasons of euphony. In all
other cases the Spanish has been preferred. The phrase “the Americas” is
often used as a general term for Spain’s overseas colonies. It may therefore
include the Philippines sometimes. The term “Moslems” has been
employed for the Mohammedan invaders of Spain. The word “Moors” has
been avoided, because it is historically inaccurate as a general term for all
the invaders; the Almohades, or Moors, were a branch of the Berber family,
and other Moslem peoples had preceded them in Spain by upwards of four
hundred years. Their influence both as regards culture and racial traits was
far less than that of the Arabs, who were the most important of the
conquering races, and this fact, together with their late arrival, should
militate against the application of their name to the whole era of Moslem
Spain. All of these alien peoples were Mohammedans, which would seem
to justify the use of the word “Moslems.” The word “lords” in some cases
indicates ecclesiastics as well as nobles. “Town” has been employed
generally for “villa,” “concejo,” “pueblo,” “aldea,” and “ciudad,” except
when special attention has been drawn to the different types of
municipalities. Spanish institutional terms have been translated or explained
at their first use. They also appear in the index.
As on previous occasions, so now, the writer finds himself under
obligations to his colleagues in the Department of History of the University
of California. Professor Stephens has read much of this manuscript and has
made helpful suggestions as to content and style. Professors Bolton and
Priestley and Doctor Hackett, of the “Bancroft Library group,” have
displayed a spirit of coöperation which the writer greatly appreciates.
Professor Jaén of the Department of Romance Languages gave an
invaluable criticism of the chapter on contemporary Spain. Señor Jesús
Yanguas, the Sevillian architect, furnished the lists of men of letters and
artists appearing in that chapter. Professor Shepherd of Columbia
University kindly consented to allow certain of the maps appearing in his
Historical atlas to be copied here. Doctors R. G. Cleland, C. L. Goodwin, F.
S. Philbrick, and J. A. Robertson have aided me with much valued
criticisms. The writer is also grateful to his pupils, the Misses Bepler and
Juda, for assistance rendered.
CHARLES E. CHAPMAN.
BERKELEY, January 5, 1918.
 CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE
Preface vii
Introduction by Rafael Altamira xiii
The Influence of Geography on the History of
I. 1
Spain
II. The Early Peoples, to 206 B.C. 6
III. Roman Spain, 206 B.C.-409 A.D. 15
IV. Visigothic Spain, 409-713 26
V. Moslem Spain, 711-1031 38
VI. Christian Spain in the Moslem Period, 711-1035 53
VII. Era of the Spanish Crusades, 1031-1276 67
Social and Political Organization in Spain, 1031-
VIII. 84
1276
Material and Intellectual Progress in Spain, 1031-
IX. 102
1276
Development Toward National Unity: Castile,
X. 111
1252-1479
Development Toward National Unity: Aragon,
XI. 125
1276-1479
XII. Social Organization in Spain, 1252-1479 137
XIII. The Castilian State, 1252-1479 151
XIV. The Aragonese State, 1276-1479 166
XV. Economic Organization in Spain, 1252-1479 174
XVI. Intellectual Progress in Spain, 1252-1479 180
Institutions of Outlying Hispanic States, 1252-
XVII. 192
1479
XVIII. Era of the Catholic Kings, 1479-1517 202
XIX. Social Reforms, 1479-1517 210
XX. Political Reforms, 1479-1517 219
 XXI. Material and Intellectual Progress, 1479-1517 228
XXII. Charles I of Spain, 1516-1556 234
XXIII. The Reign of Philip II, 1556-1598 246
XXIV. A Century of Decline, 1598-1700 258
XXV. Social Developments, 1516-1700 272
XXVI. Political Institutions, 1516-1700 287
XXVII. Religion and the Church, 1516-1700 303
XXVIII. Economic Factors, 1516-1700 324
The Golden Age: Education, Philosophy, History,
XXIX. 338
and Science, 1516-1700.
XXX. The Golden Age: Literature and Art, 1516-1700 351
XXXI. The Early Bourbons, 1700-1759 368
XXXII. Charles III and England, 1759-1788 383
XXXIII. Charles IV and France, 1788-1808 399
XXXIV. Spanish Society, 1700-1808 411
XXXV. Political Institutions, 1700-1808 425
XXXVI. State and Church, 1700-1808 443
XXXVII. Economic Reforms, 1700-1808 458
XXXVIII. Intellectual Activities, 1700-1808 471
XXXIX. The Growth of Liberalism, 1808-1898 488
XL. The Dawn of a New Day, 1898-1917 508
Bibliographical Notes 527
Index 541
MAPS
General Reference Map Frontispiece
Development Toward National Unity, 910-1492 67
 INTRODUCTION
THE fact that this book is in great part a summary, or selection, from one
of mine, as is stated in the Preface, makes it almost a duty for me to do what
would in any event be a great pleasure in the case of a work by Professor
Chapman. I refer to the duty of writing a few paragraphs by way of
introduction. But, at the same time, this circumstance causes a certain
conflict of feelings in me, since no one, unless it be a pedant, can act so
freely in self-criticism as he would if he were dealing with the work of
another. Fortunately, Professor Chapman has incorporated much of his own
harvest in this volume, and to that I may refer with entire lack of
embarrassment.
Obviously, the plan and the labor of condensing all of the material for a
history of Spain constitute in themselves a commendable achievement. In
fact, there does not exist in any language of the world today a compendium
of the history of Spain reduced to one volume which is able to satisfy all of
the exigencies of the public at large and the needs of teaching, without an
excess of reading and of labor. None of the histories of my country written
in English, German, French, or Italian in the nineteenth century can be
unqualifiedly recommended. Some, such as that by Hume, entitled The
Spanish people, display excellent attributes, but these are accompanied by
omissions to which modern historiography can no longer consent. As a
general rule these histories are altogether too political in character. At other
times they offend from an excess of bookish erudition and from a lack of a
personal impression of what our people are, as well as from a failure to
narrate their story in an interesting way, or indeed, they perpetuate errors
and legends, long since discredited, with respect to our past and present life.
We have some one-volume histories of Spain in Castilian which are to be
recommended for the needs of our own secondary schools, but not for those
of a foreign country, whose students require another manner of presentation
of our history, for they have to apply an interrogatory ideal which is
different from ours in their investigation of the deeds of another people,—
all the more so if that people, like the Spanish, has mingled in the life of
nearly the whole world and been the victim of the calumnies and fanciful
whims of historians, politicians, and travellers.
 For all of these reasons the work of condensation by Professor Chapman
constitutes an important service in itself for the English-speaking public, for
it gives in one volume the most substantial features of our history from
primitive times to the present moment. Furthermore, there are chapters in
his work which belong entirely to him: XXXII, XXXIX, and XL. The
reason for departing from my text in Chapter XXXII is given by Professor
Chapman in the Preface. As for the other two he was under the unavoidable
necessity of constructing them himself. His, for me, very flattering method
of procedure, possible down to the year 1808, if indeed it might find a basis
for continuation in a chapter of mine in the Cambridge modern history (v.
X), in my lectures on the history of Spain in the nineteenth century (given at
the Ateneo of Madrid, some years ago), in the little manual of the Historia
de la civilización española (History of Spanish civilization) which goes to
the year 1898, and even in the second part of a recent work, España y el
programa americanista (Spain and the Americanist program), published at
Madrid in 1917, nevertheless could not avail itself of a single text, a
continuous, systematized account, comprehensive of all the aspects of our
national life as in the case of the periods prior to 1808. Moreover, it is better
that the chapters referring to the nineteenth century and the present time
should be written by a foreign pen, whose master in this instance, as a result
of his having lived in Spain, is able to contribute that personal impression
of which I have spoken before, an element which if it is at times deceiving
in part, through the influence of a too local or regional point of view, is
always worth more than that understanding which proceeds only from
erudite sources.
I would not be able to say, without failing in sincerity (and therefore in
the first duty of historiography), that I share in and subscribe to all the
conclusions and generalizations of Professor Chapman about the
contemporary history and present condition of Spain. At times my dissent
would not be more than one of the mere shade of meaning, perhaps from
the form of expression, given to an act which, according as it is presented,
is, or is not, exact. But in general I believe that Professor Chapman sees
modern Spain correctly, and does us justice in many things in which it is not
frequent that we are accorded that consideration. This alone would indeed
be a great merit in our eyes and would deserve our applause. The English-
speaking public will have a guarantee, through this work, of being able to
contemplate a quite faithful portrait of Spain, instead of a caricature drawn
in ignorance of the facts or in bad faith. With this noble example of
historiographical calm, Professor Chapman amply sustains one of the most
sympathetic notes which, with relation to the work of Spain in America, has
for some years been characteristic, that which we should indeed call the
school of North American historians.
RAFAEL ALTAMIRA.
February, 1918.

A HISTORY OF SPAIN
 CHAPTER I

THE INFLUENCE OF GEOGRAPHY ON THE HISTORY OF SPAIN

Isolation of the Iberian Peninsula.

THE Iberian Peninsula, embracing the modern states of Spain and

Portugal, is entirely surrounded by the waters of the Mediterranean Sea and
the Atlantic Ocean, except for a strip in the north a little less than three
hundred miles in length, which touches the southern border of France. Even
at that point Spain is almost completely shut off from the rest of Europe,
because of the high range of the Pyrenees Mountains. Portugal, although an
independent state and set apart to a certain extent by a mountainous
boundary, cannot be said to be geographically distinct from Spain. Indeed,
many regions in Spain are quite as separate from each other as is Portugal
from the Spanish lands she borders upon. Until the late medieval period,
too, the history of Portugal was in the same current as that of the peninsula
as a whole.

Mountains and plateaus.

The greatest average elevation in Spain is found in the centre, in Castile

and Extremadura, whence there is a descent, by great steps as it were, to the
east and to the west. On the eastern side the descent is short and rapid to the
Mediterranean Sea. On the west, the land falls by longer and more gradual
slopes to the Atlantic Ocean, so that central Spain may be said to look
geographically toward the west. There is an even more gentle decline from
the base of the Pyrenees to the valley of the Guadalquivir, although it is
interrupted by plateaus which rise above the general level. All of these
gradients are modified greatly by the mountain ranges within the peninsula.
The Pyrenean range not only separates France from Spain, but also
continues westward under the name Cantabrian Mountains for an even
greater distance along the northern coast of the latter country, leaving but
little lowland space along the sea, until it reaches Galicia in the extreme
northwest. Here it expands until it covers an area embracing northern
Portugal as well. At about the point where the Pyrenees proper and the
Cantabrian Mountains come together the Iberian, or Celtiberian, range, a
series of isolated mountains for the most part, breaks off to the southeast
until near the Mediterranean, when it curves to the west, merging with the
Penibética range (better known as the Sierra Nevada Mountains, the name
of that part of the range lying south of the city of Granada), which moves
westward near the southern coast to end in the cape of Tarifa.

Geographical divisions of the peninsula.

These mountains divide the peninsula into four regions: the narrow
littoral on the northern coast; Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, Murcia, and
most of La Mancha, looking toward the Mediterranean; Almería, Málaga,
and part of Granada and Cádiz in the south of Spain; and the vast region
comprising the rest of the peninsula. The last-named is subdivided into four
principal regions of importance historically. The Carpetana, or Carpeto-
Vetónica, range in the north (more often called the Guadarrama Mountains)
separates Old Castile from New Castile and Extremadura to the south, and
continues into Portugal. The Oretana range crosses the provinces of
Cuenca, Toledo, Ciudad Real, Cáceres, and Badajoz, also terminating in
Portugal. Finally, the Mariánica range (more popularly known as the Sierra
Morena) forms the boundary of Castile and Extremadura with Andalusia.
Each of the four sub-divisions has a great river valley, these being
respectively, from north to south, the Douro, Tagus, Guadiana, and
Guadalquivir. Various other sub-sections might be named, but only one is of
prime importance,—the valley of the Ebro in Aragon and Catalonia, lying
between the Pyrenees and an eastward branch of the Iberian range. Within
these regions, embracing parts of several of them, there is another that is
especially noteworthy,—that of the vast table-land of central Spain between
the Ebro and the Guadalquivir. This is an elevated region, difficult of access
from all of the surrounding lands. Geologists have considered it the
“permanent nucleus” of the peninsula. It is in turn divided into two table-
lands of unequal height by the great Carpeto-Vetónica range. The long coast
line of the peninsula, about 2500 miles in length, has also been a factor of
no small importance historically. Despite the length of her border along the
sea, Spain has, next to Switzerland, the greatest average elevation of any
country in Europe, so high are her mountains and table-lands.

Disadvantageous effects of geography.

 These geographical conditions have had important consequences
climatically and economically and especially historically. The altitude and
irregularity of the land have produced widely separated extremes of
temperature, although as a general rule a happy medium is maintained. To
geographical causes, also, are due the alternating seasons of rain and
drought in most of Spain, especially in Castile, Valencia, and Andalusia,
which have to contend, too, with the disadvantages of a smaller annual
rainfall than is the lot of most other parts of Europe and with the torrential
rains which break the season of drought. When it rains, the water descends
in such quantity and with such rapidity from the mountains to the sea that
the river beds are often unable to contain it, and dangerous floods result.
Furthermore, the sharpness of the slope makes it difficult to utilize these
rivers for irrigation or navigation, so swift is the current, and so rapidly do
the rivers spend themselves. Finally, the rain is not evenly distributed, and
some regions, especially the high plateau country of Castile and La
Mancha, are particularly dry and are difficult of cultivation.

Beneficial effects.

On the other hand the geographical conditions of the peninsula have

produced distinct benefits to counterbalance the disadvantages. The coastal
plains are often very fertile. Especially is this true of the east and south,
where the vine and the olive, oranges, rice, and other fruits and vegetables
are among the best in the world. The northern coast is of slight value
agriculturally, but, thanks to a rainfall which is constant and greater than
necessary, is rich pastorally. Here, too, there is a very agreeable climate, due
in large measure to a favoring ocean current, which has also been influential
in producing the forests in a part of Galicia. These factors have made the
northern coast a favorite summer resort for Spaniards and, indeed, for many
other Europeans. The mountains in all parts of the peninsula have proved to
contain a mineral wealth which many centuries of mining have been unable
to exhaust. Some gold and more silver have been found, but metals of use
industrially—such, for example, as copper—have been the most abundant.
The very difficulties which Spaniards have had to overcome helped to
develop virile traits which have made their civilization of more force in the
world than might have been expected from a country of such scant wealth
and population.[3]
 Geographical isolation the cause of Spanish individuality.

The most marked result of these natural conditions has been the
isolation, not only of Spain from the rest of the world, but also of the
different regions of Spain from one another. Spaniards have therefore
developed the conservative clinging to their own institutions and the
individuality of an island people. While this has retarded their development
into a nation, it has held secure the advances made and has vitalized
Spanish civilization. For centuries the most isolated parts were also the
most backward, this being especially true of Castile, whereas the more
inviting and more easily invaded south and east coasts were the most
susceptible to foreign influence and the most advanced intellectually as well
as economically. When at length the centre accepted the civilization of the
east and south, and by reason of its virility was able to dominate them, it
imposed its law, its customs, and its conservatism upon them, and reached
across the seas to the Americas, where a handful of men were able to leave
an imperishable legacy of Spanish civilization to a great part of two
continents.

Events traceable to geographic conditions.

Specific facts in Spanish history can also be traced very largely to the
effects of geography. The mineral wealth of the peninsula has attracted
foreign peoples throughout recorded history, and the fertility of the south
and east has also been a potent inducement to an invasion, whether of
armies or of capital. The physical features of the peninsula helped these
peoples to preserve their racial characteristics, with the result that Spain
presents an unusual variety in traits and customs. The fact that the valley of
the Guadalquivir descends to the sea before reaching the eastern line of the
Portuguese boundary had an influence in bringing about the independence
of Portugal,—for while Castile still had to combat the Moslem states
Portugal could turn her energies inward. Nevertheless, one must not think
that geography has been the only or even the controlling factor in the life
and events of the Iberian Peninsula. Others have been equally or more
important,—such as those of race and, especially, the vast group of
circumstances involving the relations of men and of states which may be
given the collective name of history.
 CHAPTER II

THE EARLY PEOPLES, TO 206 B.C.

Prehistoric Spain.

THE Iberian Peninsula has not always had the same form which it now
has, or the same plants, animals, or climate which are found there today. For
example, it is said that Spain was once united by land with Africa, and also
by way of Sicily, which had not yet become an island, with southern Italy,
making a great lake of the western Mediterranean. The changes as a result
of which the peninsula assumed its present characteristics belong to the
field of geology, and need to be mentioned here only as affording some clue
to the earliest colonization of the land. In like manner the description of the
primitive peoples of Spain belongs more properly to the realm of ethnology.
It is worthy of note, however, that there is no proof that the earliest type of
man in Europe, the Neanderthal, or Canstadt, man,[4] existed in Spain, and
it is believed that the next succeeding type, the Furfooz man, entered at a
time when a third type, the Cromagnon, was already there. Evidences of the
Cromagnon man are numerous in Spain. Peoples of this type may have been
the original settlers of the Iberian Peninsula.[5] Like the Neanderthal and
Furfooz men they are described generally as paleolithic men, for their
implements were of rough stone. After many thousands of years the
neolithic man, or man of the polished stone age, developed in Spain as in
other parts of the world. In some respects the neolithic man of Spain
differed from the usual European type, but was similar to the neolithic man
of Greece. This has caused some writers to argue for a Greek origin of the
early Spanish peoples, but others claim that similar manifestations might
have developed independently in each region. Neolithic man was succeeded
by men of the ages of the metals,—copper, bronze, and iron. The age of
iron, at least, coincided with the entry into Spain of peoples who come
within the sphere of recorded history. As early as the bronze age a great
mixture of races had taken place in Spain, although the brachycephalic
successors of the Cromagnon race were perhaps the principal type. These
were succeeded by a people who probably arrived in pre-historic times, but
later than the other races of those ages—that dolichocephalic group to
which has been applied the name Iberians. They were the dominating
people at the time of the arrival of the Phœnicians and Greeks.

The Iberians.

The early Spanish peoples left no literature which has survived,

wherefore dependence has to be placed on foreign writers. No writings
prior to the sixth century B.C. which refer to the Iberian Peninsula are extant,
and those of that and the next two centuries are too meagre to throw much
light on the history or the peoples of the land. These accounts were mainly
those of Greeks, with also some from Carthaginians. In the first two
centuries B.C. and in the first and succeeding centuries of the Christian era
there were more complete accounts, based in part on earlier writings which
are no longer available. One of the problems resulting from the paucity of
early evidences is that of the determination of Iberian origins. Some hold
that the name Iberian should not have an extensive application, asserting
that it belongs only to the region of the Ebro (Iberus), the name of which
river was utilized by the Greek, Scylax, of the sixth century B.C., in order to
designate the tribes of that vicinity. Most writers use the term Iberians,
however, as a general one for the peoples in Spain at the dawn of recorded
history, maintaining that they were akin to the ancient Chaldeans and
Assyrians, who came from Asia into northern Africa, stopping perhaps to
have a share in the origin of the Egyptian people, and entering Spain from
the south. According to some authors the modern Basques of northern
Spain and the Berbers of northern Africa are descendants of the same
people, although there are others who do not agree with this opinion. Some
investigators have gone so far as to assert the existence of a great Iberian
Empire, extending through northern Africa, Spain, southern France,
northern Italy, Corsica, Sicily, and perhaps other lands. This empire, they
say, was founded in the fifteenth century B.C., and fought with the Egyptians
and Phœnicians for supremacy in the Mediterranean, in alliance, perhaps,
with the Hittites of Asia Minor, but was defeated, and fell apart in the
twelfth or eleventh century B.C., at which time the Phœnicians entered
Spain.

The Celtic invasion.

 The origin of the Celts is more certain. Unlike the Iberians they were of
Indo-European race. In the third century B.C. they occupied a territory
embracing the greater part of the lands from the modern Balkan states
through northern Italy and France, with extremities in Britain and Spain.
They entered the peninsula possibly as early as the sixth century B.C., but
certainly not later than the fourth, coming by way of the Pyrenees. It is
generally held that they dominated the northwest and west, the regions of
modern Galicia and Portugal, leaving the Pyrenees, eastern Spain, and part
of the south in full possession of the Iberians. In the centre and along the
northern and southern coasts the two races mingled to form the
Celtiberians, in which the Iberian element was the more important. These
names were not maintained very strictly; rather, the ancient writers were
wont to employ group names of smaller sub-divisions for these peoples,
such as Cantabrians, Turdetanians, and Lusitanians.
 Celtiberian civilization.

It is not yet possible to distinguish clearly between Iberian and Celtic

civilization; in any event it must be remembered that primitive civilizations
resemble one another very greatly in their essentials. There was certainly no
united Iberian or Celtic nation within historic times; rather, these peoples
lived in small groups which were independent and which rarely
communicated with one another except for the commerce and wars of
neighboring tribes. For purposes of war tribal bodies federated to form a
larger union and the names of these confederations are those which appear
most frequently in contemporary literature. The Lusitanians, for example,
were a federation of thirty tribes, and the Galicians of forty. The social and
political organization of these peoples was so similar to others in their stage
of culture, the world over, that it need only be indicated briefly. The unit
was the gens, made up of a number of families, forming an independent
whole and bound together through having the same gods and the same
religious practices and by a real or feigned blood relationship. Various
gentes united to form a larger unit, the tribe, which was bound by the same
ties of religion and blood, although they were less clearly defined. Tribes in
turn united, though only temporarily and for military purposes, and the
great confederations were the result. In each unit from gens to
confederation there was a chief, or monarch, and deliberative assemblies,
sometimes aristocratic, and sometimes elective. The institutions of slavery,
serfdom, and personal property existed. Nevertheless, in some tribes
property was owned in common, and there is reason to believe that this
practice was quite extensive. In some respects the tribes varied considerably
as regards the stage of culture to which they had attained. Those of the
fertile Andalusian country were not only far advanced in agriculture,
industry, and commerce, but they also had a literature, which was said to be
six thousand years old. This has all been lost, but inscriptions of these and
other tribes have survived, although they have yet to be translated. On the
other hand the peoples of the centre, west, and north were in a rude state;
the Lusitanians of Portugal stood out from the rest in warlike character.
Speaking generally, ancient writers ascribed to the Spanish peoples physical
endurance, heroic valor, fidelity (even to the point of death), love of liberty,
and lack of discipline as salient traits.
 The Phœnicians in Spain.

The first historic people to establish relations with the Iberian Peninsula
were the Phœnicians. Centuries before, they had formed a confederation of
cities in their land, whence they proceeded to establish commercial relations
with the Mediterranean world. The traditional date for their entry into Spain
is the eleventh century, when they are believed to have conquered Cádiz.
Later they occupied posts around nearly all of Spain, going even as far as
Galicia in the northwest. They exploited the mineral wealth of the
peninsula, and engaged in commerce, using a system not unlike that of the
British factories of the eighteenth century in India in their dealings with the
natives. Their settlements were at the same time a market and a fort, located
usually on an island or on an easily defensible promontory, though near a
native town. Many of these Phœnician factories have been identified,—
among others, those of Seville, Málaga, Algeciras, and the island of Ibiza,
as well as Cádiz, which continued to be the most important centre. These
establishments were in some cases bound politically to the mother land, but
in others they were private ventures. In either case they were bound by ties
of religion and religious tribute to the cities of Phœnicia. To the Phœnicians
is due the modern name of the greater part of the peninsula. They called it
“Span,” or “Spania,” meaning “hidden (or remote) land.” In course of time
they were able to extend their domination inland, introducing important
modifications in the life of the Iberian tribes, if only through the articles of
commerce they brought.

The Carthaginian conquest.

The conquest of Phœnicia by the kings of Assyria and Chaldea had an

effect on far-away Spain. The Phœnician settlements of the peninsula
became independent, but they began to have ever more extensive relations
with the great Phœnician colony of Carthage on the North African coast.
This city is believed to have acquired the island of Ibiza in much earlier
times, but it was not until the sixth century B.C. that the Carthaginians
entered Spain in force. At that time the people of Cádiz are said to have
been engaged in a dangerous war with certain native tribes, wherefore they
invited the Carthaginians to help them. The latter came, and, as has so often
occurred in history, took over for themselves the land which they had
entered as allies.
 The Greeks in Spain.

Meanwhile, the Greeks had already been in Spain for some years.
Tradition places the first Greek voyage to the Spanish coast in the year 630
B.C. Thereafter there were commercial voyages by the Greeks to the
peninsula, followed in time by the founding of settlements. The principal
colonizers were the Phocians, proceeding from their base at Marseilles,
where they had established themselves in the seventh century B.C. Their
chief post in Spain was at Emporium (on the site of Castellón de Ampurias,
in the province of Gerona, Catalonia), and they also had important colonies
as far south as the Valencian coast and yet others in Andalusia, Portugal,
Galicia, and Asturias. Their advance was resisted by the Phœnicians and
their Carthaginian successors, who were able to confine the Greeks to the
upper part of the eastern coast as the principal field of their operations. The
Greek colonies were usually private ventures, bound to the city-states from
which they had proceeded by ties of religion and affection alone. They were
also independent of one another. Their manner of entry resembled that
already described in the case of the Phœnicians, for they went first to the
islands near the coast, and thence to the mainland, where at length they
joined with native towns, although having a separate, walled-off district of
their own,—comparable to the situation at the present day in certain ports of
European nations on the coast of China. Once masters of the coast the
Greeks were able to penetrate inland and to introduce Greek goods and
Greek influences over a broad area of the peninsula. To them is attributed
the introduction of the vine and the olive, which ever since have been an
important factor in the economic history of Spain.

Spain under the Barcas.

The principal objects of the Carthaginians in Spain were to develop the

rich silver mines of the land and to engage in commerce. In furtherance of
these aims they established a rigorous military system, putting garrisons in
the cities, and insisting on tribute in both soldiers and money. In other
respects they left both the Phœnician colonies and the native tribes in full
enjoyment of their laws and customs, but founded cities of their own on the
model of Carthage. They did not attempt a thorough conquest of the
peninsula until their difficulties with the rising power of Rome pointed out
its desirability. In the middle of the third century B.C., Carthage, which had
long been the leading power in the western Mediterranean, came into
conflict with Rome in the First Punic War. As a result of this war, which
ended in 242 B.C., Rome took the place of Carthage in Sicily. It was then
that Hamilcar of the great Barca family of Carthage suggested the more
thorough occupation of Spain as a counterpoise to the Roman acquisition of
Sicily, in the hope that Carthage might eventually engage with success in a
new war with Rome. He at length entered Spain with a Carthaginian army
in 236 B.C., having also been granted political powers which were so ample
that he became practically independent of direction from Carthage. The
conquest was not easy, for while many tribes joined with him, others
offered a bitter resistance. Hamilcar achieved vast conquests, built many
forts, and is traditionally supposed to have founded the city of Barcelona,
which bears his family name. He died in battle, and was succeeded by his
son-in-law, Hasdrubal. Hasdrubal followed a policy of conciliation and
peace, encouraging his soldiers to marry Iberian women, and himself
wedding a Spanish princess. He made his capital at Cartagena, building
virtually a new city on the site of an older one. This was the principal
military and commercial centre in Spain during the remainder of
Carthaginian rule. There the Barcas erected great public buildings and
palaces, and ruled the country like kings. Hasdrubal was at length
assassinated, leaving his command to Hannibal, the son of Hamilcar.
Though less than thirty years of age Hannibal was already an experienced
soldier and was also an ardent Carthaginian patriot, bitterly hostile to Rome.
The time now seemed ripe for the realization of the ambitions of Hamilcar.

Siege of Saguntum.

In order to check the Carthaginian advance the Romans had long since
put themselves forward as protectors of the Greek colonies of Spain.
Whether Saguntum was included in the treaties they had made or whether it
was a Greek city at all is doubted today, but when Hannibal got into a
dispute with that city and attacked it Rome claimed that this violated the
treaty which had been made by Hasdrubal. It was in the year 219 B.C. that
Hannibal laid siege to Saguntum. The Saguntines defended their city with a
heroic valor which Spaniards have many times manifested under like
circumstances. When resistance seemed hopeless they endeavored to
destroy their wealth and take their own lives. Nevertheless, Hannibal
contrived to capture many prisoners, who were given to his soldiers as
slaves, and to get a vast booty, part of which he forwarded to Carthage. This
arrived when the Carthaginians were discussing the question of Saguntum
with a Roman embassy, and, coupled with patriotic pride, it caused them to
sustain Hannibal and to declare war on Rome in the year 218 B.C.

Expulsion of the Carthaginians by the Romans.

Hannibal had already organized a great army of over 100,000 men, in

great part Spanish troops, and had started by the land route for Italy. His
brilliant achievements in Italy, reflecting, though they do, not a little glory
on Spain, belong rather to the history of Rome. The Romans had hoped to
detain him in Spain, and had sent Gnæus Scipio to accomplish this end.
When he arrived in Spain he found that Hannibal had already gone. He
remained, however, and with the aid of another army under his brother,
Publius Cornelius Scipio, was able to overrun a great part of Catalonia and
Valencia. In this campaign the natives followed their traditional practice of
allying, some with one side, others with the other. Hannibal’s brother
Hasdrubal was at length able to turn the tide, defeating the two Scipios in
211 B.C. He then proceeded to the aid of Hannibal in Italy, but his defeat at
the battle of the Metaurus was a deathblow to Carthage in the war against
Rome. The Romans, meanwhile, renewed the war in Spain, where the
youthful Publius Cornelius Scipio, son of the Scipio of the same name who
had been killed in Spain, had been placed in command. By reckless daring
and good fortune rather than by military skill Scipio won several battles and
captured the great city of Cartagena. He ingratiated himself with native
tribes by promises to restore their liberty and by several generous acts
calculated to please them,—as, for example, his return of a native girl who
had been given to him, on learning that she was on the point of being
married to a native prince. These practices helped him to win victory after
victory, despite several instances of desperate resistance, until at length in
206 B.C. the Carthaginians abandoned the peninsula. It was this same Scipio
who later defeated Hannibal at Zama, near Carthage, in 202 B.C., whereby
he brought the war to an end and gained for himself the surname Africanus.

Results of Carthaginian occupation.

The Carthaginians had been in Spain for over two hundred years, and, as
was natural, had influenced the customs of the natives. Nevertheless, their
rule was rather a continuation, on a grander scale, of the Phœnician
civilization. From the standpoint of race, too, they and their Berber and
Numidian allies, who entered with them, were perhaps of the same blood as
the primitive Iberians. They had developed far beyond them, however, and
their example assisted the native tribesmen to attain to a higher culture than
had hitherto been acquired. If Rome was to mould Spanish civilization, it
must not be forgotten that the Phœnicians, Greeks, and Carthaginians had
already prepared the way.
 CHAPTER III

ROMAN SPAIN, 206 B.C.-409 A.D.

Importance of the Roman occupation.

UNDOUBTEDLY the greatest single fact in the history of Spain was the
long Roman occupation, lasting more than six centuries. All that Spain is or
has done in the world can be traced in greatest measure to the Latin
civilization which the organizing genius of Rome was able to graft upon
her. Nevertheless, the history of Spain in the Roman period does not differ
in its essentials from that of the Roman world at large, wherefore it may be
passed over, with only a brief indication of events and conditions in Spain
and a bare hint at the workings and content of Latin civilization in general.

The Roman conquest.

The Romans had not intended to effect a thorough conquest of Spain, but
the inevitable law of expansion forced them to attempt it, unless they
wished to surrender what they had gained, leaving themselves once more
exposed to danger from that quarter. The more civilized east and south
submitted easily to the Roman rule, but the tribes of the centre, north, and
west opposed a most vigorous and persistent resistance. The war lasted
three centuries, but may be divided into three periods, in each of which the
Romans appeared to better advantage than in the preceding, until at length
the powerful effects of Roman organization were already making
themselves felt over all the land, even before the end of the wars.

The military conquest.

The first of these periods began while the Carthaginians were still in the
peninsula, and lasted for upwards of seventy years. This was an era of bitter
and often temporarily successful resistance to Rome,—a matter which taxed
the resources of the Roman Republic heavily. The very lack of union of the
Spanish peoples tended to prolong the conflict, since any tribe might make
war, then peace, and war again, with the result that no conquests, aside from
those in the east and south, were ever secure. The type of warfare was also
difficult for the Roman legionaries to cope with, for the Spaniards fought in
small groups, taking advantage of their knowledge of the country to cut off
detachments or to surprise larger forces when they were not in the best
position to fight. These military methods, employed by Spaniards many
times in their history, have been given, very appropriately, a Spanish name,
—guerrilla (little war). Service in Spain came to be the most dreaded of all
by the Roman troops, and several times Roman soldiers refused to go to the
peninsula, or to fight when they got there, all of which encouraged the
Spanish tribes to continue the revolt. The Romans employed harsh methods
against those who resisted them, levelling their city walls and towers,
selling prisoners of war into slavery, and imposing heavy taxes on
conquered towns. They often displayed an almost inhuman brutality and
treachery, which probably harmed their cause rather than helped it. Two
incidents stand out as the most important in this period, and they illustrate
the way in which the Romans conducted the war,—the wars of the Romans
against the Lusitanians and against the city of Numantia in the middle years
of the second century B.C.

Viriatus.

The Roman leader Galba had been defeated by the Lusitanians,

whereupon he resorted to an unworthy stratagem to reduce them. He
granted them a favorable peace, and then when they were returning to their
homes unprepared for an attack he fell upon them, and mercilessly put them
to death. He could not kill them all, however, and a determined few
gathered about a shepherd named Viriatus to renew the war. Viriatus was a
man of exceptional military talent, and he was able to reconquer a great part
of western and central Spain. For eight or nine years he hurled back army
after army sent against him, until at length the Roman general Servilianus
recognized the independence of the lands in the control of Viriatus. The
Roman government disavowed the act of Servilianus, and sent out another
general, Cæpio by name, who procured the assassination of Viriatus.
Thereafter, the Lusitanians were unable to maintain an effective resistance,
and they were obliged to take up their abode in lands where they could be
more easily controlled should they again attempt a revolt.

The wars of Numantia.

 Meanwhile, the wars of Numantia, which date from the year 152 B.C.,
were still going on. Numantia was a city on the Douro near the present town
of Soria, and seems to have been at that time the centre, or capital, of a
powerful confederation. Around this city occurred the principal incidents of
the war in central Spain, although the fighting went on elsewhere as well.
Four times the Roman armies were utterly defeated and obliged to grant
peace, but on each occasion their treaties were disavowed by the
government or else the Roman generals declined to abide by their own
terms. Finally, Rome sent Scipio Æmilianus, her best officer, with a great
army to bring the war to an end. This general contrived to reach the walls of
Numantia, and was so skilful in his methods that the city was cut off from
its water-supply and even from the hope of outside help. The Numantines
therefore asked for terms, but the conditions offered were so harsh that they
resolved to burn the city and fight to the death. This they did, killing
themselves if they did not fall in battle. Thus ended the Numantine wars at a
date placed variously from 134 to 132 B.C. The most serious part of the
fighting was now over.

Sertorius.

In the next period, lasting more than a hundred years, there were not a
few native revolts against the Romans, but the principal characteristic of the
era was the part which Spain played in the domestic strife of the Roman
Republic. Spain had already become sufficiently Romanized to be the most
important Roman province. When the party of Sulla triumphed over that of
Marius in Rome, Sertorius, a partisan of the latter, had to flee from Italy,
and made his way to Spain and thence to Africa. In 81 B.C. he returned to
Spain, and put himself at the head of what purported to be a revolt against
Rome. Part Spanish in blood he was able to attract the natives to his
standard as well as the Romans in Spain who were opposed to Sulla, and in
a short time he became master of most of the peninsula. He was far from
desiring a restoration of native independence, however, but wished, through
Spain, to overthrow the Sullan party in Rome. The real significance of his
revolt was that it facilitated the Romanization of the country, for Sertorius
introduced Roman civilization under the guise of a war against the Roman
state. His governmental administration was based on that of Rome, and his
principal officials were either Romans or part Roman in blood. He also
founded schools in which the teachers were Greeks and Romans. It was
natural that not a few of the natives should view with displeasure the
secondary place allotted to them and their customs and to their hopes of
independence. Several of the Roman officers with Sertorius also became
discontented, whether through envy or ambition. Thus it was that the
famous Roman general Pompey was at length able to gain a victory by
treachery which he could not achieve by force of arms. A price was put on
Sertorius’ head, and he was assassinated in 72 B.C. by some of his
companions in arms, as Viriatus had been before him. In the course of the
next year Pompey was able to subject the entire region formerly ruled by
Sertorius. In the war between Cæsar and Pompey, commencing in 49 B.C.,
Spain twice served as a battle-ground where Cæsar gained great victories
over the partisans of his enemy, at Ilerda (modern Lérida) in 49, and at
Munda (near Ronda) in 45 B.C. It is noteworthy that by this time a Cæsar
could seek his Roman enemy in Spain, without paying great heed to the
native peoples. The north and northwest were not wholly subdued however.
This task was left to the victor in the next period of civil strife at Rome,
Octavius, who became the Emperor Augustus. His general, Agrippa, finally
suppressed the peoples of the northern coasts, just prior to the beginning of
the Christian era.

Invasions from Africa.

For another hundred years there were minor uprisings, after which there
followed, so far as the internal affairs of the peninsula were concerned, the
long Roman peace. On several occasions there were invasions from the
outside, once by the Franks in the north, and various times by peoples from
Africa. The latter are the more noteworthy. In all, or nearly all, of the wars
chronicled thus far troops from northern Africa were engaged, while the
same region was a stronghold for pirates who sailed the Spanish coasts. A
large body of Berbers successfully invaded the peninsula between 170 and
180 A.D., but they were at length dislodged. This danger from Africa has
been one of the permanent factors in the history of Spain, not only at the
time of the great Moslem invasion of the eighth century, but also before that
and since, down to the present day.

The Romanization of Spain.

 Administratively, Spain was divided into, first two provinces (197 B.C.),
then three (probably in 15 or 14 B.C.), and four (216 A.D.), and at length five
provinces (under Diocletian),[6] but the principal basis of the Roman
conquest and control and the entering wedge for Roman civilization was the
city, or town. In the towns there were elements which were of Roman
blood, at least in part, as well as the purely indigenous peoples, who sooner
or later came under the Roman influence. Rome sent not only armies to
conquer the natives but also laborers to work in the mines. Lands, too, were
allotted to her veteran soldiers, who often married native women, and
brought up their children as Romans. Then there was the natural attraction
of the superior Roman civilization, causing it to be imitated, and eventually
acquired, by those who were not of Roman blood. The Roman cities were
distinguished from one another according to the national elements of which
they were formed, and the conquered or allied cities also had their different
sets of rights and duties, but in all cases the result was the same,—the
acceptance of Roman civilization. In Andalusia and southern Portugal the
cities were completely Roman by the end of the first century, and beginning
with the second century the rural districts as well gradually took on a
Roman character. Romanization of the east was a little longer delayed,
except in the great cities, which were early won over. The centre and north
were the most conservatively persistent in their indigenous customs, but
even there the cities along the Roman highways imitated more and more the
methods of their conquerors. It was the army, especially in the early period,
which made this possible. Its camps became cities, just as occurred
elsewhere in the empire,[7] and it both maintained peace by force of arms,
and ensured it when not engaged in campaigns by the construction of roads
and other public works.

The Roman gift to Spain.

The gift of Rome to Spain and the world was twofold. In the first place
she gave what she herself had originated or brought to a point which was
farther advanced than that to which other peoples had attained, and
secondly she transmitted the civilization of other peoples with whom her
vast conquests had brought her into contact. Rome’s own contribution may
be summed up in two words,—law and administration. Through these
factors, which had numerous ramifications, Rome gave the conquered
peoples peace, so that an advance in wealth and culture also became
possible. The details need not be mentioned here, especially since Roman
institutions will be discussed later in dealing with the evolution toward
national unity between 1252 and 1479. The process of Romanization,
however, was a slow one, not only as a result of the native opposition to
innovation, but also because Roman ideas themselves were evolving
through the centuries, not reaching their highest state, perhaps, until the
second century A.D. Spain was especially favored in the legislation of the
emperors, several of whom (Trajan, Hadrian, and possibly Theodosius, who
were also among the very greatest) were born in the town of Itálica (near
Seville), while a fourth, the philosopher Marcus Aurelius, was of Spanish
descent.

Last years of the Roman rule.

In the third and fourth centuries Spain suffered, like the rest of the
empire, from the factors which were bringing about the gradual dissolution
of imperial rule. Population declined, in part due to plagues, and taxes
increased; luxury and long peace had also softened the people, so that the
barbarians from the north of Europe, who had never ceased to press against
the Roman borders, found resistance to be less and less effective. Indeed,
the invaders were often more welcome than not, so heavy had the weight of
the laws become. The dying attempt of Rome to bolster up her outworn
administrative system is not a fact, however, to which much space need be
given in a history of Spain.

Society in Roman Spain.

In Spain as elsewhere there were a great many varying grades of society

during the period of Roman dominion. There were the aristocratic
patricians, the common people, or plebeians, and those held in servitude.
Each class had various sub-divisions, differing from one another. Then, too,
there were “colleges,” or guilds, of men engaged in the same trade, or
fraternities of a religious or funerary nature. The difference in classes was
accentuated in the closing days of the empire, and hardened into something
like a caste system, based on lack of equal opportunity. Artisans, for
example, were made subject to their trade in perpetuity; the son of a
carpenter had no choice in life but to become a carpenter. Great as was the
lack of both liberty and equality it did not nearly approximate what it had
been in more primitive times, and it was even less burdensome than it was
to be for centuries after the passing of Rome. Indeed, Rome introduced
many social principles which tended to make mankind more and more free,
and it is these ideas which are at the base of modern social liberty. Most
important among them, perhaps, was that of the individualistic tendency of
the Roman law. This operated to destroy the bonds which subordinated the
individual to the will of a communal group; in particular, it substituted the
individual for the family, giving each man the liberty of following his own
will, instead of subjecting him forever to the family. The same concept
manifested itself in the Roman laws with reference to property. For
example, freedom of testament was introduced, releasing property from the
fetters by which it formerly had been bound.

Beginnings of the Christian church in Spain.

Even though Rome for a long time resisted it, she gave Christianity to
the world almost as surely as she did her Roman laws, for the very extent
and organization of the empire and the Roman tolerance (despite the
various persecutions of Christians) furnished the means by which the
Christian faith was enabled to gain a foothold. In the fourth century the
emperors gave the new religion their active support, and ensured its victory
over the opposing faiths. There is a tradition that Saint Paul preached in
Spain, but at any rate Christianity certainly existed there in the second
century, and in the third there were numerous Christian communities.[8] The
church was organized on the basis of the Roman administrative districts,
employing also the Roman methods and the Roman law. Thus, through
Rome, Spain gained another institution which was to assist in the eventual
development of her national unity and to play a vital part in her subsequent
history,—that of a common religion. In the fourth century the church began
to acquire those privileges which at a later time were to furnish such a
problem to the state. It was authorized to receive inheritances; its clergy
began to be granted immunities,—exemptions from taxation, among others;
and it was allowed to have law courts of its own, with jurisdiction over
many cases where the church or the clergy were concerned. Church history
in Spain during this period centres largely around the first three councils of
the Spanish church. The first was held at Iliberis (Elvira) in 306, and
declared for the celibacy of the clergy, for up to that time priests had been
allowed to marry. The second, held at Saragossa in 380, dealt with heresy.
The third took place at Toledo in 400, and was very important, for it unified
the doctrine of the Christian communities of Spain on the basis of the
Catholic, or Nicene, creed. It was at this time, too, that monasteries began
to be founded in Spain. The church received no financial aid from the state,
but supported itself out of the proceeds of its own wealth and the
contributions of the faithful.

Priscillianism.

As in other parts of the Roman world, so too in Spain, heresies were

many and varied at this time. One of the most prominent of them,
Priscillianism, originated in Spain, taking its name from its propounder,
Priscillian. Priscillian was a Galician, who under the influence of native
beliefs set forth a new interpretation of Christianity. He denied the mystery
of the Trinity; claimed that the world had been created by the Devil and was
ruled by him, asserting that this life was a punishment for souls which had
sinned; defended the transmigration of souls; held that wine was not
necessary in the celebration of the mass; and maintained that any Christian,
whether a priest or not, might celebrate religious sacraments. In addition he
propounded much else of a theological character which was not in accord
with Catholic Christianity. It was to condemn Priscillianism that the
Council of Saragossa was called. Nevertheless, this doctrine found favor
even among churchmen of high rank, and Priscillian himself became bishop
of Ávila. In the end he and his principal followers were put to death, but it
was three centuries before Priscillianism was completely stamped out. In
addition to this and other heresies the church had to combat the religions
which were already in existence when it entered the field, such as Roman
paganism and the indigenous faiths. It was eventually successful, although
many survivals of old beliefs were long existent in the rural districts.

Economic development and public works.

The Romans continued the economic development of Spain on a greater

scale than their predecessors. Regions which the other peoples had not
reached were for the first time benefited by contact with a superior
civilization, and the materials which Spain was already able to supply were
diversified and improved. Although her wealth in agricultural and pastoral
products was very great, it was the mines which yielded the richest profits.
It is said that there were forty thousand miners at Cartagena alone in the
second century B.C. Commerce grew in proportion to the development of
wealth, and was facilitated in various ways, one of which deserves special
mention, for its effects were far wider than those of mere commercial
exchange. This was the building of public works, and especially of roads,
which permitted the peoples of Spain to communicate freely with one
another as never before. The roads were so extraordinarily well made that
some of them are still in use. The majority date from the period of the
empire, being built for military reasons as one of the means of preserving
peace. They formed a network, crossing the peninsula in different
directions, not two or three roads, but many. The Romans also built
magnificent bridges, which, like the roads, still remain in whole or in part.
Trade was fostered by the checking of fraud and abuses through the
application of the Roman laws of property and of contract.

Intellectual life and the fine arts.

In general culture Spain also profited greatly from the Romans, for, if the
latter were not innovators outside the fields of law and government, they
had taken over much of the philosophy, science, literature, and the arts of
Greece, borrowing, too, from other peoples. The Romans had also
organized a system of public instruction as a means of disseminating their
culture, and this too they gave to Spain. The Spaniards were apt pupils, and
produced some of the leading men in Rome in various branches of learning,
among whom may be noted the philosopher Seneca, the rhetorician
Quintilian, the satirical poet Martial, and the epic poet Lucan. The
Spaniards of Cordova were especially prominent in poetry and oratory,
going so far as to impose their taste and style of speech on conservative
Rome. This shows how thoroughly Romanized certain parts of the
peninsula had become. In architecture the Romans had borrowed more from
the Etruscans than from the Greeks, getting from them the principle of the
vault and the round arch, by means of which they were able to erect great
buildings of considerable height. From the Greeks they took over many
decorative forms. Massiveness and strength were among the leading
characteristics of Roman architecture, and, due to them, many Roman
edifices have withstood the ravages of time. Especially notable in Spain are
the aqueducts, bridges, theatres, and amphitheatres which have survived,
but there are examples, also, of walls, temples, triumphal arches, and tombs,
while it is known that there were baths, though none remain. In a wealthy
civilization like the Roman it was natural, too, that there should have been a
great development of sculpture, painting, and the industrial arts. The Roman
type of city, with its forum and with houses presenting a bare exterior and
wealth within, was adopted in Spain.
In some of the little practices of daily life the Spanish peoples continued
to follow the customs of their ancestors, but in broad externals Spain had
become as completely Roman as Rome herself.
 CHAPTER IV

VISIGOTHIC SPAIN, 409-713

General characteristics of the Visigothic era.

THE Roman influence in Spain did not end, even politically, in the year
409, which marked the first successful invasion of the peninsula by a
Germanic people and the beginning of the Visigothic era. The Visigoths
themselves did not arrive in that year, and did not establish their rule over
the land until long afterward. Even then, one of the principal characteristics
of the entire era was the persistence of Roman civilization. Nevertheless, in
spite of the fact that the Visigoths left few permanent traces of their
civilization, they were influential for so long a time in the history of Spain
that it is appropriate to give their name to the period elapsing from the first
Germanic invasion to the beginning of the Moslem conquest. The northern
peoples, of whom the Visigoths were by far the principal element,
reinvigorated the peninsula, both by compelling a return to a more primitive
mode of life, and also by some intermixture of blood. They introduced
legal, political, and religious principles which served in the end only to
strengthen the Roman civilization by reason of the very combat necessary
to the ultimate Roman success. The victory of the Roman church came in
this era, but that of the Roman law and government was delayed until the
period from the thirteenth to the close of the fifteenth century.

Coming of the Vandals, Alans, and Suevians.

In the opening years of the fifth century the Vandals, who had been in
more or less hostile contact with the Romans during more than two
centuries, left their homes within modern Hungary, and emigrated, men,
women, and children, toward the Rhine. With them went the Alans, and a
little later a group of the Suevians joined them. They invaded the region of
what is now France, and after devastating it for several years passed into
Spain in the year 409. There seems to have been no effective resistance,
whereupon the conquerors divided the land, giving Galicia to the Suevians
and part of the Vandals, and the southern country from Portugal to
Cartagena to the Alans and another group of Vandals. A great part of Spain
still remained subject to the Roman Empire, even in the regions largely
dominated by the Germanic peoples. The bonds between Spain and the
empire were slight, however, for the political strife in Italy had caused the
withdrawal of troops and a general neglect of the province, wherefore the
regions not acknowledging Germanic rule tended to become semi-
independent nuclei.

Wanderings of the Visigoths.

The more important Visigothic invasion was not long in coming. The
Visigoths (or the Goths of the west,—to distinguish them from their
kinsmen, the Ostrogoths, or Goths of the east) had migrated in a body from
Scandinavia in the second century to the region of the Black Sea, and in the
year 270 established themselves north of the Danube. Pushed on by the
Huns they crossed that river toward the close of the fourth century, and
entered the empire, contracting with the emperors to defend it. Their long
contact with the Romans had already modified their customs, and had
resulted in their acceptance of Christianity. They had at first received the
orthodox faith, but were later converted to the Arian form, which was not in
accord with the Nicene creed. After taking up their dwelling within the
empire the Visigoths got into a dispute with the emperors, and under their
great leader Alaric waged war on them in the east. At length they invaded
Italy, and in the year 410 captured and sacked the city of Rome, the first
time such an event had occurred in eight hundred years. Alaric was
succeeded by Ataulf, who led the Visigoths out of Italy into southern
France. There he made peace with the empire, being allowed to remain as a
dependent ally of Rome in the land he had conquered. In all of these
wanderings the whole tribe, all ages and both sexes, went along. From this
point as a base the Visigoths made a beginning of the organization which
was to become a powerful independent state. There, too, in this very Roman
part of the empire, they became more and more Romanized.

The Visigothic invasion.

The Visigoths were somewhat troublesome allies, for they proceeded to

conquer southern France for themselves. Thereupon, war broke out with the
emperor, and it was in the course of this conflict that they made their first
entry into Spain. This occurred in the year 414, when Ataulf crossed the
Pyrenees and captured Barcelona. Not long afterward, Wallia, a successor
of Ataulf, made peace with the emperor, gaining title thereby to the
conquests which Ataulf had made in southern France, but renouncing those
in Spain. The Visigoths also agreed to make war on the Suevians and the
other Germanic peoples in Spain, on behalf of the empire. Thus the
Visigoths remained in the peninsula, but down to the year 456 made no
conquests on their own account. Wallia set up his capital at Toulouse,
France, and it was not until the middle of the sixth century that a Spanish
city became the Visigothic seat of government.

The Visigothic conquest.

The Visigoths continued to be rather uncertain allies of the Romans.

They did indeed conquer the Alans, and reduced the power of the Vandals
until in 429 the latter people migrated anew, going to northern Africa. The
Suevians were a more difficult enemy to cope with, however, consolidating
their power in Galicia, and at one time they overran southern Spain,
although they were soon obliged to abandon it. It was under the Visigothic
king Theodoric that the definite break with the empire, in 456, took place.
He not only conquered on his own account in Spain, but also extended his
dominions in France. His successor, Euric (467-485), did even more.
Except for the territory of the Suevians in the northwest and west centre and
for various tiny states under Hispano-Roman or perhaps indigenous nobles
in southern Spain and in the mountainous regions of the north, Euric
conquered the entire peninsula. He extended his French holdings until they
reached the river Loire. No monarch of western Europe was nearly so
powerful. The Visigothic conquest, as also the conquests by the other
Germanic peoples, had been marked by considerable violence, not only
toward the conquered peoples of a different faith, but also in their dealings
with one another. The greatest of the Visigothic kings often ascended the
throne as a result of the assassination of their predecessors, who were in
many cases their own brothers. Such was the case with Theodoric and with
Euric, and the latter was one of the fortunate few who died a natural death.
This condition of affairs was to continue throughout the Visigothic period,
supplemented by other factors tending to increase the disorder and violence
of the age.
 Visigothic losses to the Franks and the Byzantine Romans.

The death of Euric was contemporaneous with the rise of a new power in
the north of France. The Franks, under Clovis, were just beginning their
career of conquest, and they coveted the Visigothic lands to the south of
them. In 496 the Franks were converted to Christianity, but unlike the
Visigoths they became Catholic Christians. This fact aided them against the
Visigoths, for the subject population in the lands of the latter was also
Catholic. Clovis was therefore enabled to take the greater part of Visigothic
France, including the capital city, in 508, restricting the Visigoths to the
region about Narbonne, which thenceforth became their capital. In the
middle of the sixth century a Visigothic noble, Athanagild, in his ambition
to become king invited the great Roman emperor Justinian (for the empire
continued to exist in the east, long after its dissolution in the west in 476) to
assist him. Justinian sent an army, through whose aid Athanagild attained
his ambition, but at the cost of a loss of territory to the Byzantine Romans.
Aided by the Hispano-Romans, who continued to form the bulk of the
population, and who were attracted both by the imperial character and by
the Catholic faith of the newcomers, the latter were able to occupy the
greater part of southern Spain. Nevertheless, Athanagild showed himself to
be an able king, and it was during his reign (554-567) that a Spanish city
first became capital of the kingdom, for Athanagild fixed his residence in
Toledo. The next king returned to France, leaving his brother, Leovgild, as
ruler in Spain. On the death of the former in 573 Leovgild became sole
ruler, and the capital returned to Toledo to remain thereafter in Spain.

Leovgild.

Leovgild (573-586) was the greatest ruler of the Visigoths in Spain. He

was surrounded by difficulties which taxed his powers to the utmost. In
Spain he was confronted by the Byzantine provinces of the south, the
Suevian kingdom of the west and northwest, and the Hispano-Roman and
native princelets of the north. All of these elements were Catholic, for the
Suevians had recently been converted to that faith, and therefore might
count in some degree on the sympathy of Leovgild’s Catholic subjects.
Furthermore, like kings before his time and afterward, Leovgild had to
contend with his own Visigothic nobles, who, though Arian in religion,
resented any increase in the royal authority, lest it in some manner diminish
their own. In particular the nobility were opposed to Leovgild’s project of
making the monarchy hereditary instead of elective; the latter had been the
Visigothic practice, and was favored by the nobles because it gave them an
opportunity for personal aggrandizement. The same difficulties had to be
faced in France, where the Franks were the foreign enemy to be confronted.
All of these problems were attacked by Leovgild with extraordinary
military and diplomatic skill. While he held back the Franks in France he
conquered his enemies in Spain, until nothing was left outside his power
except two small strips of Byzantine territory, one in the southwest and the
other in the southeast. Internal issues were complicated by the conversion
of his son Hermenegild to Catholicism. Hermenegild accepted the
leadership of the party in revolt against his father, and it was six years
before Leovgild prevailed. The rebellious son was subsequently put to
death, but there is no evidence that Leovgild was responsible.

Reccared.

Another son, Reccared (586-601), succeeded Leovgild, and to him is due

the conversion of the Visigoths to Catholic Christianity. The mass of the
people and the Hispano-Roman aristocracy were Catholic, and were a
danger to the state, not only because of their numbers, but also because of
their wealth and superior culture. Reccared therefore announced his
conversion (in 587 or 589), and was followed in his change of faith by not a
few of the Visigoths. This did not end internal difficulties of a religious
nature, for the Arian sect, though less powerful than the Catholic, continued
to be a factor to reckon with during the remainder of Visigothic rule.
Reccared also did much of a juridical character to do away with the
differences which separated the Visigoths and Hispano-Romans, in this
respect following the initiative of his father. After the death of Reccared,
followed by three brief reigns of which no notice need be taken, there came
two kings who successfully completed the Visigothic conquest of the
peninsula. Sisebut conquered the Byzantine province of the southeast, and
Swinthila that of the southwest. Thus in 623 the Visigothic kings became
sole rulers in the peninsula,—when already their career was nearing an end.
 Last century of Visigothic rule.

The last century of the Visigothic era was one of great internal
turbulence, arising mainly from two problems: the difficulties in the way of
bringing about a fusion of the races; and the conflict between the king and
the nobility, centring about the question of the succession to the throne. The
first of these was complicated by a third element, the Jews, who had come
to Spain in great numbers, and had enjoyed high consideration down to the
time of Reccared, but had been badly treated thereafter. Neither in the
matter of race fusion nor in that of hereditary succession were the kings
successful, despite the support of the clergy. Two kings, however, took
important steps with regard to the former question. Chindaswinth
established a uniform code for both Visigoths and Hispano-Romans, finding
a mean between the laws of both. This was revised and improved by his son
and successor, Recceswinth, and it was this code, the Lex Visigothorum
(Law of the Visigoths), which was to exercise such an important influence
in succeeding centuries under its more usual title of the Fuero Juzgo.[9]
Nevertheless, it was this same Recceswinth who conceded to the nobility
the right of electing the king. Internal disorder did not end, for the nobles
continued to war with one another and with the king. The next king, Wamba
(672-680), lent a dying splendor to the Visigothic rule by the brilliance of
his military victories in the course of various civil wars. Still, the only real
importance of his reign was that it foreshadowed the peril which was to
overwhelm Spain a generation later. The Moslem Arabs had already
extended their domain over northern Africa, and in Wamba’s time they
made an attack in force on the eastern coast of Spain, but were badly
defeated by him. A later invasion in another reign likewise failed.

The Moslem conquest.

The last reigns of the Visigothic kings need not be chronicled, except as
they relate to the entry of the Mohammedans into Spain. King Witiza
endeavored to procure the throne for his son Achila without an election by
the nobility, and Achila in fact succeeded, but in the ensuing civil war
Roderic, the candidate of the nobility, was successful, being crowned king
in the year 710. What followed has never been clearly ascertained, but it
seems likely that the partisans of Achila sought aid of the Moslem power in
northern Africa, and also that the Spanish Jews plotted for a Moslem
invasion of Spain. At any rate the subsequent invasion found support
among both of these elements. Once in 709 and again in 710 Moslem forces
had effected minor landings between Algeciras and Tarifa, but in 711 the
Berber chief Tarik landed with a strong army of his own people at Gibraltar,
[10] and marched in the direction of Cádiz. Roderic met him at the lake of
Janda,[11] and would have defeated him but for the treacherous desertion of
a large body of his troops who went over to the side of Tarik. Roderic was
utterly beaten, and Tarik pushed on even to the point of capturing Toledo. In
the next year the Arab Musa came from Africa with another army, and took
Mérida after an obstinate siege which lasted a year. Up to this time the
invaders had met with little popular resistance; rather they had been
welcomed. With the fall of Mérida, however, it began to be clear that they
had no intention of leaving the country. At the battle of Segoyuela[12] Musa
and Tarik together won a complete victory, in which it is believed that
Roderic was killed. Musa then proceeded to Toledo, and proclaimed the
Moslem caliph as ruler of the land.

The family in Visigothic law.

There were four principal racial elements in the peninsula in the

Visigothic period: the indigenous peoples of varying grades of culture; the
Germanic peoples; the western Roman, which formed a numerous body,
more or less completely Romanized; and the Byzantine Roman, which
influenced even beyond the Byzantine territories in Spain through the
support of the clergy. The two last-named elements were the most
important. The Germanic tribes, especially the Visigoths, had already
become modified by contact with Rome before they reached Spain, and
tended to become yet more so. The Visigoths reverted to the family in the
broad sense of all descended from the same trunk as the unit of society,
instead of following the individualistic basis of Rome, although individuals
had considerable liberty. Members of the family were supposed to aid and
protect one another, and an offence against one was held to be against all. A
woman could not marry without the consent of her family, which sold her to
the favored candidate for her hand. She must remain faithful to her husband
and subject to his will, but he was allowed to have concubines.
Nevertheless, she had a right to share in property earned after marriage, and
to have the use of a deceased husband’s estate, provided she did not marry
again. A man might make a will, but must leave four-fifths of his property
to his descendants. Children were subject to their parents, but the latter did
not have the earlier right of life and death, and the former might acquire
some property of their own.

Social classes in the Visigothic era.

The great number of social classes at the close of the Roman period was
increased under the Visigoths, and the former inequalities were accentuated,
for the insecurity of the times tended to increase the grades of servitude and
personal dependence. The nobility was at first a closed body, but later
became open to anybody important enough to enter it. The kings ennobled
whomsoever they chose, and this was one of the causes of the conflict
between them and the older nobility. Freemen generally sank back into a
condition of dependence; in the country they became serfs, being bound by
inheritance both to the land and to a certain type of labor. Freemen of the
city, however, were no longer required to follow the trade of their fathers.
Men of a higher grade often became the retainers of some noble, pledged to
aid him, and he on his part protected them. Few were completely free. The
Suevians took two-thirds of the lands and half of the buildings in the
regions they conquered, and it is probable that the Visigoths made some
such division after Euric’s conquest, although they seem to have taken less
in Spain than they did in France.

Social customs.

The Visigoths were not an urban people like the Romans. The tendency
of this age, therefore, was for a scattering of the city populations to the
country, where the fortified village or the dwelling of a Visigothic noble
with his retinue of armed followers and servants formed the principal
centre. The cities therefore remained Hispano-Roman in character, and their
manner of life was imitated more and more by the Visigoths. There was a
laxity in customs which went so far that priests openly married and brought
up families, despite the prohibitions of the law.[13] Superstition was
prevalent in all classes.[14] One of the popular diversions of the period
seems to have been a form of bull-fighting.

Royal power under the Visigoths.

 Before the Visigoths reached Spain the monarchy was elective, but
within a certain family. The king’s authority had already increased from that
of a general and chief justice to something approaching the absolutism of a
Roman emperor. With the extinction of the royal family there was a long
period of strife between rival aspirants for the throne. Leovgild was the first
to take on all the attributes, even the ceremonial, of absolutism, and was
one of many kings who tried to make the throne hereditary. Despite the
support given to the kings by the clergy, who hoped for peace through
enhancing the royal power, the nobles were able to procure laws for an
elective monarch without limitation to a specified family; an assembly of
nobles and churchmen was the electoral body. These conflicts did not
modify the absolute character of the king’s rule; the king had deliberative
councils to assist him, but since he named the nobles who should attend,
both appointed and deposed bishops, and in any event had an absolute veto,
these bodies did no more than give sanction to his will. Heads of different
branches of administration also assisted the king. The real limitation on
absolutism was the military power of the nobles.

Visigothic administration.

For a long time the Visigoths and the Hispano-Romans had different
laws governing their personal relations, although in political matters the
same law applied to both. In the case of litigation between Visigoths and
Hispano-Romans the law of the former applied, with modifications which
approximated it somewhat to the principles of the Roman law. In the eyes
of the law these differences disappeared after the legislation of
Chindaswinth and Recceswinth, but many of them in fact remained as a
result of the force of custom and the weakness of the central authority. In
general administration the Visigoths followed the Roman model from the
first. The land was divided into provinces ruled by officials called dukes,
while the cities were governed by counts.[15] Each had much the same
authority under the king as the kings had over the land. The Roman
provincial and municipal councils were retained, and their position bettered,
since they were not made responsible for the taxes as in the last days of the
empire. Complex as was this system and admirable as it was in theory there
was little real security for justice, for in the general disorder of the times the
will of the more powerful was the usual law. Taxes were less in amount
than in the days of the empire, but only the Hispano-Romans were subject
to them.

The church in Visigothic times.

The church became very influential after the time of Reccared, but lost
in independence, since the kings not only appointed the higher church
officers, but also intervened in matters of ecclesiastical administration,
though rarely in those of doctrine. Churchmen had certain privileges,
though fewer than in the last century of Roman rule and much fewer than
they were to acquire at a later time. Their intervention in political affairs
was very great, however, due not only to their influence with the masses,
but even more to their prestige as the most learned men of the time.
Monasteries increased greatly in number; at this time they were subject to
the secular arm of the clergy, for the bishops gave them their rule and
appointed their abbots. Religious ceremonies were celebrated by what was
called the Gothic rite, and not after the fashion of Rome, although the pope
was recognized as head of the church. As regards heresies the church had to
oppose the powerful Arian sect throughout the period and to uproot the
remnants of indigenous and pagan faiths.

Economic backwardness.

An agricultural and military people like the Visigoths, in an age of war,

could not be expected to do much to develop industry and commerce. Such
as there was of both was carried on by some Hispano-Romans and by
Greeks and Jews. Spain dropped far behind in economic wealth in this era.
Roman methods were used, however, even in the agriculture of the
Visigoths.

Intellectual decline.

Saint Isidore.

Spain also fell back in general culture. Public schools disappeared. The
church became almost the only resort for Christians desirous of an
education, but there were Jewish academies in which the teachers read from
books, and commented on them,—the system adopted by the Christian
universities centuries later. Latin became the dominant tongue, while Gothic
speech and Gothic writing gradually disappeared. The Greek influence was
notable, due to the long presence of Byzantine rule in southern Spain. The
writers of the period were in the main churchmen, particularly those of
Seville. Orosius of the fifth century, author of a general history of a
pronouncedly anti-pagan, pro-Christian character, was one of the more
notable writers of the time. By far more important, one of the greatest
writers in the history of Hispanic literature in fact, was Saint Isidore,
archbishop of Seville in the early part of the seventh century. Among his
numerous works were the following: a brief universal history; a history of
the Visigoths, Vandals, and Suevians; lives of illustrious men; an
encyclopedia of Greco-Roman knowledge; and books of thoughts, of a
philosophical and juridical character. He represented very largely the ideas
of the Spanish clergy, and many of the principles enunciated by him were
later embodied in the Fuero Juzgo. He maintained that political power was
of divine origin, but that the state must protect the church. He supported the
ideas of hereditary succession and the prestige and inviolability of kings as
the best means of securing peace.

The fine arts.

In architecture the Visigoths followed the Romans, but on a smaller and

poorer scale. Perhaps the only matter worthy of note as regards the fine arts
was the presence of Byzantine influences, especially marked in the jewelry
of the period.
 CHAPTER V

MOSLEM SPAIN, 711-1031

Importance of the Moslem conquest.

THE Moslem period in Spanish history is the subject of a number of

popular misconceptions. The Moslems are believed to have attained to a
phenomenally high stage of culture and to have lived in a luxury without
parallel at that time in the world. While these views are not without truth, it
is also true that the conquerors never shook themselves free from their tribal
instincts, and it was not until the tenth century that their civilization was
well established. Even then it was more largely through the efforts of others
whom they imitated than through innovations of their own that they reached
their high estate, which was the natural result of their power and wealth,
although its ripest fruit was reserved for a later period, when much of their
political authority had passed. Nevertheless, the Moslem occupation of
Spain was on other grounds fully as important for Europe as it has usually
been regarded, and perhaps more important for Spain and Spanish America
than has ever been stated. As to the first point, it is true that Europe,
through Moslem Spain, gained a knowledge of classical and Byzantine
civilization. As to the second, racial elements entered the peninsula at this
time which have left a deep impress on Spanish character, especially on that
of the Andalusians and through them on Spanish America. The later
Spanish colonization of the Americas passed almost wholly through the
ports of Seville and Cádiz, and was confined in large measure to Castilians.
At that time, however, Andalusia was considered part of Castile, and it was
only natural that the Andalusian “Castilians” should have been the ones to
go. Many present-day Spanish American peoples pronounce their language
in the Andalusian way, although differing in degree of similarity and having
certain practices peculiar to themselves. In other respects, too, one finds
Moslem-descended Andalusian traits in the Americas.

Conversion of the Arabs to Mohammedanism.

 The Arabs were a people dwelling in greatest part in that section of
western Asia which bears their name. Prior to their conversion to
Mohammedanism they led a tribal life, not as one great tribe but as many,
some of them in settled fashion, and others in a nomadic way, but all were
independent one tribe from another and all engaged in endless strife. There
was no such thing as an Arabic national feeling or an Arabic political state.
Early in the seventh century Mahomet began to preach the faith which he
originated, a religion of extreme simplicity in its doctrinal beliefs, but based
very largely on the Jewish and Christian creeds. The Mohammedans date
their era from the year 622 A.D., but it was not until after that time that the
Arabs were converted to the new religion. Once they did receive it they
were for a long time its principal sword-bearers, since it fitted their fighting
spirit and promised rewards which suited their pleasure-loving tastes. Most
of them, however, were not nearly so zealous in their religious beliefs as
they have at times been regarded; rather they were too sceptical and
materialistic a people to be enthusiastic devotees of an abstract faith.

Arabic conquests.

Elements of dissension among the Moslem conquerors.

Nevertheless, the Arabs achieved a conquest which was remarkable alike

for its extent and for its rapidity. Between 697 and 708 they overran nearly
all of Syria and the entire northern coast of Africa, including Egypt. For
their conquests they had formed themselves into a single state under the
rule of a caliph, who was at the same time the head of the church, thus
centering political and religious authority in one person. The state was
divided into provinces, two of which were in northern Africa,—Egypt and
northwestern Africa. This cohesion was more apparent than real, for the old
tribal jealousies and strife continued, accentuated by differences both in
religious zeal and in interpretations of the Moslem faith. Of the Arabs who
entered Spain there were two principal parties, representing at the same
time religious and tribal animosities, the Sunnites, or Sunnis, who were of
Yemenite race, and the Shiites, or Shiahs, of Mudarite blood. Their quarrels
in Spain, as elsewhere in Moslem realms, were a factor which rendered
difficult the establishment or the maintenance of a strong political state. In
northwestern Africa the Arabs had encountered the Berbers, who had
submitted only after opposing a determined resistance. The Berbers were by
nature a devout and democratic people, and once they received the Moslem
faith they took it up with fanatical enthusiasm. They never regarded their
conquerors with favor, however, and their hatred was intensified by the very
religious indifference of the Arabs. Here, then, was another element of
dissension in Spain, for the Berbers took part in the conquest along with the
Yemenite and Mudarite Arabs.

Nature of the Moslem conquest of Spain.

The military conquest took seven years (711-718), for after the fall of
Mérida the invaders met with vigorous, if also unorganized, resistance. In
characteristic fashion the Spanish peoples fought in guerrilla bands or
defended their own towns with desperate courage, but did not aid one
another. Some nobles made terms whereby they were allowed to retain their
estates, but the majority of them opposed the conquerors. Except for narrow
strips in the mountain regions of northern Spain the entire peninsula had
been overrun by the year 718, at which time the Moslem armies crossed the
Pyrenees into southern France. Spain was organized as a district ruled by an
emir under the governor of the province of Africa, who was in turn subject
to the Moslem caliph. The bond uniting Spain to Africa was not in fact very
tightly drawn, for the Spanish Moslems acted in the main with complete
independence of the governor of Africa. The conquerors did not usually
insist on the conversion of the Spanish peoples (although there were
exceptions to the rule), preferring usually to give them the option of
accepting the Mohammedan faith or of paying a poll tax in addition to the
taxation on Moslems and Christians alike. Many of the Arabs opposed the
conversion of the Christians, since the continuance of the latter in their own
religion meant a lighter financial burden upon the Moslems. Since, also, the
conquerors were outnumbered, they often found it wise to grant the Spanish
peoples a right to retain their faith. In fine the conquest was not a matter of
religious propaganda, but rather was one of a more or less systematic
pillage.

Division of the conquered lands.

Religious effects of the conquest.

 The lands of the Visigothic state, the Christian church, emigrating
nobles, and those who resisted were confiscated, but individuals who
submitted, even nobles (and in some cases monasteries), had their estates
restored to them in whole or in part, subject to the usual taxation. A fifth of
the confiscated lands were taken by the state, and the rest were distributed
among the soldiers and the chiefs of the Moslem armies. The state holdings
were re-allotted to Spanish serfs, who were required to pay a third of the
produce to the government, being allowed to keep the rest for themselves.
The Berbers were given lands in the north, while the Arabs took the more
fertile south. These lands, too, were given over to serfs on much the same
terms as those granted by the state. The mass of the people were not greatly
disturbed. Indeed, the agricultural laborer advanced economically, because
requirements were lighter than formerly, and, also, since the lands were
divided among a great many proprietors, the evil of the vast estates which
had existed formerly was for the time being corrected. Slaves profited by
the conquest, in part because they were better treated, but also in that they
might become free by the mere act of conversion to Mohammedanism if
they were slaves of Christians or Jews. A great many Christians became
Mohammedans, some of them to escape slavery, others to avoid the poll
tax, and still others from sincere belief, and they came to form an important
class of the Moslem world, called “Renegados,” or renegades, by the
Christians, and “Muladíes” by themselves. The conquest weighed more
heavily on the Christian church, although, indeed, it was allowed to remain
in existence. The church had to experience the curious practice of having its
bishops named or deposed and its councils called by the Moslem caliph or
his representative. The Jews gained more than any other element. The harsh
Visigothic laws were repealed and Jews were employed in government and
administration as allies of the conquerors.

Civil wars.

The Moslem invasion of France was carried on with varying success for
several years. In 732 occurred the so-called battle of Tours, in fact fought
near Poitiers, when Charles Martel and a Frankish army defeated the
Moslems. It was not this battle which caused the retreat of the invaders
from France, but rather a civil war in Spain eight years later, necessitating a
return to the peninsula. The Berbers of Africa had risen in revolt against
their Arabic rulers, and had defeated both them and a Syrian force sent to
the latter’s assistance. Thereupon the Spanish Berbers rose as well. For a
time they were successful, but the emir was able finally to subdue them,
being aided by the Syrian army in Africa, which he had induced to come to
Spain. Then followed a terrible war between the Syrians and the emir,
because the promises to the former had not been fulfilled. The struggle
ended with a grant of some of the state lands in southern Spain to the
Syrians, who were to receive the government’s third of the produce, but not
the title to the lands. Shortly afterward there was another civil war, this time
between the Shiite and Sunnite Arabs, caused by the harsh treatment of the
former by a Sunnite governor. The war lasted eleven years, being then
given a new turn by the intervention of a man who was to play an important
part in the history of the period.

Coming of Abd-er-Rahman to Spain.

Other parts of the Moslem world had been afflicted by the same sort of
internal strife as that which was occurring in Spain. In particular there was a
dynastic struggle, which resulted in the dethronement of the caliphs of the
Ommayad family and in the rise to power of the Abbasside caliphs. The
Ommayads were ordered to be put to death, but one of them, a youth named
Abd-er-Rahman, contrived to escape. He took refuge successively in Egypt
and northwestern Africa, and in 755 came to Spain with the object of
establishing himself there. This he was able to do, though not without a
struggle, setting himself up as emir with his capital in Cordova, and
proclaiming his independence of the caliph.

Abd-er-Rahman I.

The entire reign of Abd-er-Rahman I (755-788) was one of war. He had

to fight the Yemenite (Sunnite) Arabs, the Berbers, and many chiefs of
various tribes, as well as the governors sent out by the Abbassides, before
his authority was recognized. His ideal was that of an absolute monarchy
which should bring to an end the aristocratic independence and anarchy in
Spain, but in order to accomplish this he had to combat Arabic tradition and
pride, Berber democracy, and inter-tribal hatred. Abd-er-Rahman was at
least able to subject his opponents if not to change them. It was during his
reign that the Frankish king Charlemagne invaded Spain and got as far as
Saragossa. Obliged by events in France to recross the Pyrenees he was
attacked by the Basques in the pass of Roncesvalles, and his rear-guard was
completely destroyed. It was this event which gave rise to the celebrated
French epic poem, the Chanson de Roland (Song of Roland), in which the
Frankish hero Roland is supposed to combat the forces of Islam. No
Mohammedan forces in fact engaged in the battle, for the Basques were
Christians; they were then, as later, opposed to any foreign army which
should invade their lands.

Internal strife.

Hisham I, the next emir, was not free from wars, but his reign was more
notable in its religious aspects. He was a devout Mohammedan, and enabled
the religious class to attain to great power. His successor, Hakem I, was a
sincere believer, but did not refrain from drinking wine, thus breaking the
religious law, and he conceded less influence in the government to the
church than his father had. This led to several uprisings, in which the
Renegados were a principal element. Hakem subdued them, and exiled
many thousands, most of them Renegados, who went to different parts of
northern Africa and Egypt. Another serious revolt broke out in Toledo,
which had been enjoying virtual independence, though nominally subject to
the emir. The citizens of Toledo were most of them Renegados, but they
were also Spanish, and were unable to forget that Toledo had once been the
capital of Spain. Hakem resolved to bring them into real subjection, and
was able to effect his will. Seven years later, in 829, when Abd-er-Rahman
II was emir, the people of Toledo revolted again, and it took eight years to
subdue them. War and disorder were also prevalent in other parts of the
realm. The inhabitants of Mérida, who were Christians, rose several times;
in Murcia there was a seven years’ war between the Sunnites and Shiites.
At this time, too, the Normans began to attack the coasts of Spain just as
they were doing in other parts of Europe. They made no permanent
conquest, but rendered the coasts unsafe during the greater part of the
century. Toward the close of the ninth century the emirate began to break
under the strain of constant war. After repeated rebellions the city of Toledo
formed itself into a republic, and on the basis of an annual tribute to the
emir was recognized by the latter, who had no other right there. In Aragon
the Visigothic but Renegado family of Beni-Casi founded an independent
kingdom. A similar kingdom sprang up in Extremadura, and another in the
mountains of southern Spain. Meanwhile, the Christian kingdoms were
making gains. Except for them the new states were usually made up of
Renegados. They did not work together, however, or the Arabic domination
might have been completely broken: rather, each little state followed a
selfish policy of its own. The most important was that of Omar-ben Hafsun
in the south. Omar founded his kingdom in 884, with his capital at the
castle of Bobastro. In 886 the emir attacked him, and for more than thirty
years thereafter there was war between Omar and the emirs of Cordova.
Omar was usually successful, acquiring nearly all of Andalusia, but his
political plans illustrate the lack of a truly Spanish ideal in the kingdoms
carved out of the emirate. At first he planned only a tiny kingdom of his
own; later he aimed to get the governor of Africa to appoint him emir of
Spain; finally he became converted to Christianity, and resolved to wage a
religious war, whereupon his Renegado followers abandoned him. During
the same period civil wars of a racial nature broke out in other parts of
Spain between the Arabic aristocracy and the Renegados, especially around
the cities of Elvira and Seville. The Arabs despised the Renegados, who
were at this time the principal industrial and commercial class, especially in
Seville, and envied their wealth. Many Arabic chiefs also refused obedience
to the emirs. For a time the aristocratic party was successful, inflicting great
blows on the Renegados, and increasing their own estates, but in the reign
of Abdallah, early in the ninth century, they received a check. The same
Abdallah inflicted a crushing defeat on King Omar. Thus the way was
prepared for Abdallah’s successor, Abd-er-Rahman III, who was to
establish peace in Spain after two centuries of almost continuous disorder.

Abd-er-Rahman III.

Abd-er-Rahman III (912-961) was by far the greatest ruler in the history
of Moslem Spain. His first problem was the establishment of the central
power. Within a few years he had reduced not only the Renegado states of
Toledo, Aragon, Extremadura, and Bobastro but also the aristocratic Arabs
and the Berber chiefs in various parts of Spain. He then changed his title
from that of emir to caliph, thus signifying his intention of maintaining a
robust absolute monarchy. He also drove back the Christian kings in the
north, after which he proceeded to cultivate friendly relations with them.
Even the Moslem province in northwestern Africa fell under his sway. In
administrative matters as well Abd-er-Rahman III proved his ability. Not
only did he create a great army but he also increased the strength of the
navy (which the emirs before him had already founded) until it became the
most powerful fleet in the Mediterranean Sea. Spain was recognized as the
greatest state in Europe, and in western Europe it was also the centre of the
highest culture. Through the caliph’s measures agriculture, industry, and
commerce, and education, literature, and the fine arts developed to a high
point, and Cordova became a city of half a million inhabitants.

Almansor.

Hakem II (961-976) continued his father’s policy in all respects, but was
able to devote even more attention to intellectual activities. In military
affairs the next reign, that of Hisham II (976-1013), was particularly
brilliant, but it was not the caliph who directed affairs. In the time of Hakem
II a certain Mahomet-ben-Abdallah-abu-Amir had attracted the attention
and won the heart of the caliph’s favorite wife. Through her aid he became
the chief minister of Hisham II, who was a minor at the time of his
succession. Hisham was soon put aside by Mahomet, who sequestered the
caliph in the palace, and ruled in the name of the virtually deposed
monarch. Mahomet was principally famous for his victories, on account of
which he was called Almansor, meaning “the aided of God,” or “the
victorious by divine favor.” He reorganized the army, making it a machine
which was not only efficient in a military way but also personally devoted
to him. Then in repeated campaigns he defeated the Christian kings of the
northwest and northeast, reducing the greater part of their territories to his
authority, and making himself arbiter in the kingdoms which were allowed
to exist.

Downfall of the caliphate.

Almansor died in 1002, but the military supremacy of the Moslem state
was sustained by his son Abdul Malik, who succeeded as chief minister and
virtual ruler. The latter did not live long, however, being followed in
authority by another son of Almansor, who was not so fortunate in his rule.
The Moslem nobles were hostile to the military absolutism of the Almansor
family, chiefly, no doubt, because of the usual intractability of the
aristocracy, but also because the military element, composed of Berbers and
foreigners of all descriptions, even slaves (who might be powerful
generals), had become the most important in the country. Civil wars broke
out, therefore, and they resulted in the fall of the Almansor family, in 1009.
The wars continued, however, between the generals of Almansor’s army
and the various pretenders to the caliphate (even though Hisham was alive
during part of the time and was believed to be living for many years after he
had probably died or been put to death). In 1027, the last of the Ommayads,
Hisham III, became caliph, but in 1031 was deposed. Thenceforth, no one
was able to make good a claim to the throne; Moslem Spain fell apart into a
number of independent units, and the caliphate came to an end.

Social classes in Moslem Spain.

Although the differences in social status were much the same in Moslem
Spain as in other parts of Europe, there were added complications, owing to
the differences of race and religion. There were the usual gradations of
aristocracy, freemen, freedmen, and slaves, but the real aristocracy was the
Arabic. This was nearly destroyed in the time of Abd-er-Rahman III, and a
new aristocracy of soldiers and merchants took its place. Prior to that time
both the Arabic and Berber nobility had gone on increasing their holdings
until they had attained vast estates, and it was perhaps on this account that
they lived for the most part in the country, leaving the cities to the
Renegados and “Mozárabes,” as the Christians living under Moslem rule
were called. The Renegados were an especially important element in the
population, both industrially and intellectually, but were despised by the
other groups; indeed, many were descendants of slaves. The Mozárabes
usually lived in a separate district, and were allowed to govern themselves
to some extent, having law courts and some administrative officials of their
own. In daily life they mixed freely with the Moslem population. The old
differences between the Hispano-Roman and Visigothic Christians were
maintained for a time, but seem at length to have passed away. The
Mozárabes were allowed to retain their Christian worship, and as a rule
were not persecuted, although frequently insulted by lower class Moslems.
Late in the ninth century, especially in the reign of Mahomet I, there was a
period of persecution, caused very largely by the excessive zeal of some of
the Christians. The law inflicted the penalty of death on anybody who
publicly cursed the founder of the Mohammedan faith, wherefore a number
of Christians, already exasperated by certain harsh measures of the emir,
began to seek martyrdom by cursing the prophet. A Christian church
council disapproved of this practice, but it continued and was later
sanctioned by the church, which canonized many of the martyrs. The Jews
were another important element, not only in administration, but also in
commerce and in general culture. Cordova became the world’s centre for
Jewish theological studies. In all of this period the Jews were well treated.

Status of women.

A Mohammedan was allowed to have as many as four wives and a

greater number of concubines, all together forming the particular
individual’s harem. The wives were subject to their husbands, but were not
without rights. The first wife was privileged to forbid her husband’s taking
concubines or additional wives without her consent, although it is doubtful
if the right was generally exercised. Possibly a wife’s most important
powers were those having to do with property, coupled with her privilege of
bringing suit at law without the previous consent of her husband. Children
of legally taken concubines, even if the latter were slaves, were held to be
legitimate and free. Women enjoyed more liberty than they are commonly
supposed to have had, being privileged, for example, to visit freely with
their relatives. The Arabs were very fond of music and dancing, and took
delight in licentious poetry. Not a little of the pleasure-loving character of
this race survives today in southern Spain.

Methods of warfare.

Moslem law.

Much has been said already with regard to the general administration of
the Moslem realm, which was not greatly different from that of the
Visigothic kingdom preceding it. As for the Moslem armies they were not
so superior in organization when they entered Spain as their rapid conquests
might lead one to suppose. They were nothing more than tribal levies, each
group marching with its chief as leader. Campaigns were also managed in a
somewhat haphazard fashion, for the Moslem troops went forth to war
when the tasks of harvest time did not require their presence at home. Many
expeditions were made with no idea of military conquest; rather they were
for the sake of destroying an enemy’s crops or securing plunder, after which
the army would return, satisfied with what it had done. The Moslem rulers
gradually began to surround themselves with special troops, and, finally,
Almansor abolished the tribal levy, and formed regiments without regard to
tribe. As for Moslem law the Koran was at the same time a book of holy
writ and one of civil law. This was supplemented by the legislation of the
caliphs, but there was always more or less confusion between law and
religion. There was never a formal code.

Religion in Moslem Spain.

Attention has already been called to the difference in the religious fervor
of the Moslem tribes. Many of the Arabs even went so far as to deny the
existence of God, although the vast body of them, perhaps, were
indifferentists. The Berbers and the mass of the people generally were very
enthusiastic Mohammedans, so that it was unsafe to express one’s opinions
contrary to the faith or even to engage openly in certain philosophical
studies, for these were regarded as heretical. Among the religious
themselves there were varying interpretations of the Koran and differences
of rite. Religious toleration existed to such an extent that not only were the
Mozárabes allowed to retain their churches, their priesthood, and their
councils, but also some of their holy days were celebrated by Christians and
Moslems alike. There was one instance where the same building served as a
Mohammedan mosque and a Christian church. Christian clergymen from
foreign lands frequently visited Moslem Spain, while native churchmen
went forth from the caliphate to travel in the Christian countries, returning
later to the peninsula.

The wealth of Cordova.

Economic prosperity.

In the tenth century Moslem Spain came to be one of the richest and
most populous lands in Europe. The wealth of Cordova was astounding,
although some allowance has to be made for the exaggerations of the
chroniclers. At one time the Moslem capital was said to have 200,000
houses, 600 mosques, and 900 bath-houses, besides many public buildings.
It was well paved, had magnificent bridges across the Guadalquivir, and
contained numerous palaces of the caliphs and other great functionaries.
The most famous of all was that of Az-Zahra, which was a palace and town
in one, erected by Abd-er-Rahman III for one of his wives. The great
mosque of Cordova, which is in use today as a Catholic cathedral, was
equally luxurious. This was begun in the reign of Abd-er-Rahman I, and
was continued and enlarged by later Moslem rulers. It came to have
nineteen aisles one way, and thirty another, with twenty-one gates, and 1293
columns of porphyry and jasper with gilded capitals. In its adornment it was
a wealth of marble, silver, and precious stones. Travellers came to Cordova
from all parts of the world, but it is worthy of note as an evidence of the
lack of complete security, even in the greatest days of the caliphate, that it
was the practice to come in great bodies, for the roads were infested with
bandits. One measure of the advance of Moslem Spain is in the revenues of
the government, which were eighteen times greater in the reign of Abd-er-
Rahman III than they were in the reign of Abd-er-Rahman I.[16] This wealth
depended on economic well-being, which was especially in evidence in the
tenth century. The Arabs were not innovators in agriculture, but they had
already learned much from others, and they assimilated Hispano-Roman
and Mozárabic methods, with the result that Spain became richer in this
regard than she had ever been before. They introduced rice, sugar, and
several other products which had not previously been cultivated in Spain,
and made use of irrigation in Granada, Murcia, and Valencia. Stock-raising,
mining, and manufacturing were also extensively carried on. As a natural
result of all this activity there was a like development of commerce. The
principal part of Abd-er-Rahman III’s revenues proceeded from import and
export duties. It is worthy of note that there was a considerable traffic not
only in slaves but also in women,—such was Arabic character. Seville was
perhaps the most important port. Through the medium of commerce Spain
came into close contact with the Moslem East and with the Byzantine
Greeks. As a result of the mathematical problems involved in trade it is
believed that the Arabs introduced into Europe the very important cipher, or
zero, which they on their part had received from India.

Languages.

Education.

Not only Arabic and Latin but many other languages as well were
spoken in Moslem Spain; the Berber, for example, was independent of
either of the two first-named. Despite the predominatingly Latin character
of the eventual Spanish tongue the Arabic influence upon it was great,—not
so much in words as in forms and idioms of speech. There were Moslem
schools of a private character, but there was no public school system. The
caliphs often brought learned men to their court, but it was the religious
who more than any others devoted themselves to education. There were few
Moslems who could not read or write, and in this respect Spain was in
advance of the rest of western Europe. Women, far from being excluded
from education, were taught the same branches as the men, and often
became notable both in literature and in scientific studies.

Intellectual achievements.

The fine arts.

Narrow streets.

The Arabs introduced the industrially manufactured paper of the orient

instead of using the parchment or papyrus of the Romans. This greatly
lowered the cost of books, and led to an increase in productivity, facilitating
both literary and scientific studies. Although philosophy and astronomy
were so strongly opposed by the common people and the priestly class of
the Moslems that their study was at times forbidden by the government,[17]
they were a fruitful topic in the education and researches of the upper
classes. One of the greatest glories of Arabic civilization was the
transmission of Greek culture to western Europe, for the Arabs had become
acquainted with the works of the Greeks, while western Europe had almost
completely forgotten them. Nevertheless, Moslem Spain was to be more
important in this respect in the period following the downfall of the
caliphate. Mathematics and medicine did not meet with popular and
religious opposition, and in both of these sciences the Arabs achieved
notable results. Polite literature, however, and especially poetry, was the
most favored intellectual medium. Poetry had been cultivated by the Arabs
while they were yet in their crude tribal stage. It was not unusual for
challenges to personal combat or declarations of war to be written in poetry.
Books of science, even, made their appearance in verse, and the
improvisation of poetry was a general practice. The most favored subject-
matter illustrates a pronounced trait in Arabic character, for amorous themes
of an immoral order accorded best with Arabic taste. The Spanish Moslems
were not notable in painting and sculpture, but distinguished themselves in
architecture and the industrial arts. Perhaps the most important feature of
their cultivation of these arts was the introduction of Byzantine influences.
They made use of the dome and of the elaborate decoration of flat surfaces
(especially of walls) with arabesques, so named because of their profuse
employment in Arabic work. In addition they painted their buildings in
brilliant and variegated colors. They rarely built in stone, preferring brick,
plaster, and adobe. The mosque was the principal example of their
architecture. In that and in their civil edifices they made use of one feature,
not unlike that of the Roman house, which has survived in Spain,—the
enclosed court, or patio, surrounded by arcades, with a fountain in the
centre. Streets were narrow, both with a view to provide shade against the
heat of the sun, and also because of the necessities of space, so that the city
might be contained within its walls.
 CHAPTER VI

CHRISTIAN SPAIN IN THE MOSLEM PERIOD, 711-1035

Fitful character of the Christian reconquest.

ONE of the popular misconceptions of the Moslem period in the history

of Spain is that the Christians began a holy war almost from the time of the
Moslem invasion, and continued to gain in fervor and in power, step by
step, until at length they took Granada in 1492. In fact religious enthusiasm
and national conquest alike were fitful and spasmodic, and very little
progress was made in the period of the emirs and caliphs.

The kingdom of Asturias.

 Covadonga.

It has usually been held, although the matter is in dispute, that the
Visigoths resisted the invaders continuously at only one point in Spain,—in
Asturias. In the mountains of Asturias there gathered various nobles of the
centre and south of Spain, a number of bishops, and the remains of the
defeated Christian armies, and, aided perhaps by the natives of that land,
they prepared to make a stand against the Moslems. On the news of the
death of Roderic they elected a certain Pelayo as his successor, and it is this
king who is customarily regarded as the founder of the Spanish monarchy.
Pelayo fixed his capital at Cangas de Onís, and is believed to have
maintained amicable relations with the Moslems for a while, perhaps
paying them tribute, and possibly even making a visit to Cordova.
Hostilities broke out again, however, and in the year 718 Pelayo and his
partisans won a victory in the valley of Covadonga. Coming as it did after
several years of defeats this achievement attained to a renown which was
far greater than the merits of the actual battle, and in later years legendary
accounts made the combat itself assume extraordinary proportions. It has
usually been taken as marking the beginning of the Christian reconquests,
and it is said that Pelayo became king in consequence of the battle, when in
fact he was elected several years before. The battle of Covadonga did
secure eastern Asturias to the Christians, which was its immediate result.
Aside from that tiny kingdom there is no proof that there were any
independent Christian states in Spain, although it is probable that there were
several in the other mountainous parts of the north.

The advance of the Asturian frontier.

Since the invaders respected the religion and customs of the conquered,
the war of the Christian kingdom of Asturias against them did not at first
have a religious or even a racial character. It was a war of the nobles and
clergy for the reconquest of their landed estates and of the king for the
restoration of his royal authority over the peninsula. The little Asturian
kingdom was like the old Visigothic state in miniature; for example, there
were the struggles between the nobility and the crown for precisely the
same objects as formerly. For a century the history of Asturias reduced itself
primarily to these quarrels. Nevertheless, the Moslem frontier tended to
withdraw from the far northwest, not that the Moslems were forced out by
the Christians, but possibly because their own civil wars drew them
together in the centre and south, or because their numbers were not great
enough to make them seek the less desirable lands in the northwest. The
frontier became fixed south of the Douro along a line running through
Coimbra, Coria, Talavera, Toledo, Guadalajara, and Pamplona, although the
last-named place was not long retained. It cannot be said that the Christians
took a conscious offensive until the eleventh century. In this period, despite
the internal dissension of the Moslem state, the Christian frontier did not
pass the Guadarrama Mountains even at the most favorable moments,
leaving Aragon and central and southern Spain in the enemy’s hands. The
line of the Douro was far from being held consistently,—as witness the
conquests of Abd-er-Rahman III and Almansor.

Alfonso I and Alfonso II.

Santiago de Compostela.

The only notable kings of Asturias in the century following the death of
Pelayo (737) were Alfonso I “the Catholic” (739-757) and Alfonso II “the
Chaste” (791-842). Both made successful campaigns against the Moslems,
although their principal importance was that they brought back many
Mozárabes from the temporarily conquered regions, and these helped to
populate the north. To assure his power Alfonso II sought an alliance with
the Holy Roman Emperor, Charlemagne, and with his son, Louis the Pious.
It is this which gave rise to the legend of Bernardo del Carpio, who is said
to have compelled the king to forbear making treaties with foreign rulers
which lowered the dignity of the Spanish people. Some writers have found
in this supposed incident (for the figure of Bernardo is a later invention) an
awakening sense of nationalism, but it seems rather to reflect the traditional
attitude of the nobility lest the king become too strong for them, for real
patriotism did not exist. The two Alfonsos did much to reorganize their
kingdom internally, and Alfonso the Chaste moved the capital to Oviedo. In
his reign, too, there occurred a religious event of great importance,—the
finding of what was believed to be the tomb and body of the apostle
Santiago (Saint James) in northwestern Galicia. The site was made the seat
of a bishopric, and a village grew up there, named Santiago de Compostela.
Compostela became a leading political and industrial factor in the Christian
northwest, but was far more important as a holy place of the first grade,
ranking with Jerusalem, Rome, and Loreto. Thenceforth, bands of pilgrims
not only from Spain but also from all parts of the Christian world came to
visit the site, and, through them, important outside influences began to filter
into Spain. More noteworthy still was the use of the story of the miraculous
discovery to fire the Christian warriors with enthusiasm in their battles
against the Moslems, especially at a later period, when the war entered
upon more of a crusading phase.

Beginnings of Navarre and Aragon.

The people of the mountains of Navarre were of Basque race, and seem
to have maintained a more or less unorganized freedom from political
subjection for many years before a definite state was formed. They opposed
both the Frankish kings and the Moslem emirs, and for a long time the
former were their principal enemy. At length they established their
independence of both. In these wars the kingdom of Navarre almost
certainly had its origin, but at an uncertain date. Tradition makes Iñigo
Arista one of the early kings, or chiefs, but the first name definitely to
appear is that of Sancho García in the tenth century (905-925). The
founding of an independent state in Aragon was due to the same causes;
indeed, Aragon and Navarre were assigned a common origin in the legends
of the period. Aragon was absorbed by Navarre, however, possibly toward
the end of the tenth century.

Origin of the Catalan counties.

Catalonia had been overrun by the Moslems when they entered Spain,
but between 785 and 811 the Frankish kings were able to reconquer that
region, establishing a province there which they called the Spanish Mark.
This section was at first ruled by a number of counts, independent of each
other, but subject to the kings of the Franks. Catalan submission to the latter
did not endure through the ninth century. Wifredo, count of Barcelona, is
believed to have established his independence as early as 874, although that
event is doubtful; at any rate the separation from the Frankish kingdom was
not much longer delayed. Each count was lord unto himself, although the
counts of Barcelona were recognized as the greatest among them. Indeed, in
the entire breadth of northern Spain each unit labored for its own selfish
ends. Christians fought Moslems, but also fought other Christians. Owing to
the disorder of the Moslem realm, however, the Catalan counts, like the
other Christian rulers, were able to make some territorial gains.

Two centuries of scant progress in Asturias.

The independence of Castile.

Sancho the Fat.

For nearly two centuries after the death of Alfonso II, or until the fall of
the Moslem caliphate, very little progress was made by the kings of Oviedo
and León, which latter city had become the capital of the Christian kingdom
in the northwest early in the tenth century. There was a marked opposition
between the Asturian-Leonese and the Galician parts of the realm, and the
Galician nobles maintained almost continuous war with the kings. Similarly
the counts of the frontier often acted like petty sovereigns, or even joined
with the Moslems against their own compatriots. So, too, there were
contests for the throne, and neither side hesitated to call in Moslem aid.
Some kings achieved conquests of temporary moment against the Moslems;
for example, Alfonso III “the Great” (866-909) added considerably to his
territories in a period of marked weakness in the caliphate, but was obliged
to abdicate when his sons and even his wife joined in rebellion against him;
the kingdom was then divided among three sons, who took respectively
León, Galicia and Lusitania, and Asturias, leaving to the king the town of
Zamora alone. Then followed the caliphate of Abd-er-Rahman III, when the
Christian kingdoms, except Galicia, were most of the time subject in fact to
the Moslem state, although allowed to govern themselves. To the usual
quarrels there was added a new separatist tendency, more serious than that
of Galicia had been. This proceeded from the eastern part of the kingdom in
a region which came to be called Castile because of the numerous castles
there, due to its situation on the Moslem frontier. The counts of Castile,
centering around Burgos, had repeatedly declined to obey the kings of
Oviedo and León,—for example, when they were called to serve in the
royal armies. During the reign of Ramiro II (930-950), Count Fernán
González united the Castilians under his standard, and after repeated wars
was able to make Castile independent of the king of León. The reign of
Sancho “the Fat” is typical of the times. Sancho became king of León in
955, but was soon dethroned by his nobles, who alleged among other things
that because of his corpulence he cut a ridiculous figure as a king. Sancho
went to the court of Abd-er-Rahman III, and got not only a cure for fatness
but also a Moslem army. Aided, too, by the Christian kingdom of Navarre
he was able to regain his throne. He had promised to deliver certain cities
and castles to the caliph, but did not do so until compelled to by the next
caliph, Hakem. Civil wars between the nobles and the crown continued, and
many of the former joined with Moslem Almansor in his victorious
campaigns against their coreligionists and their king.

Advance of the Christian states in the early eleventh century.

Sancho the Great.

When the caliphate began to totter, following the deaths of Almansor

and Abdul Malik, the Christian kings returned to the conquest. Alfonso V
(994-1027) of León and his uncle Sancho “the Great” (970-1035) of
Navarre pushed their frontiers southward, Alfonso crossing the Douro in
Portugal. The counts of Castile, too, now aiding one Moslem faction, now
another, now remaining neutral, profited by each new agreement to acquire
additional territory or fortified posts. Shortly after the death of Alfonso V,
Sancho the Great intervened successfully in the wars of the Christian
kingdoms, and united Castile and León under his authority. Since he was
also king in Navarre, Aragon, and the Basque provinces of France and
Spain, only Galicia, where the kings of León took refuge, and the counties
of Catalonia remained free from his rule in the north. Here seemed to be an
important moment in the history of Spain,—one which might have had
tremendous consequences. But it was as yet too early, not alone for Spanish
nationalism, but even for the conception of a Spanish state. Sancho the
Great undid his own work, and consigned himself to a place only a little
short of oblivion by dividing his kingdom among his sons. The three most
important regions resulting from this act were the kingdoms of Navarre,
Castile, and Aragon. The death of Sancho in 1035 is an important date,
however, for it marks the time when work had to be begun over again to
achieve the distant ideal of the unity of Spain. Meanwhile, the counts of
Barcelona, who had lost their territories in the days of Almansor, regained
them in the ensuing decline of the caliphate, whether by military conquest,
or by intervention in the wars of the Moslem state in return for concessions.
The important year 1035 is notable also in Catalonia, for at that time
Ramón Berenguer I, the first outstanding figure among the counts of
Barcelona, inherited the rule of the county.

Inter-relations of the Christian and Moslem peoples.

Except in times of war, relations between the Christian and Moslem

peoples were even cordial and intimate. They visited one another’s
countries, aided one another in civil wars, engaged in commerce, and even
contracted mixed marriages, not only among people of the lower classes,
but also among those of the highest rank, even to that of royalty.
Mohammedan law did not require the conversion of Christian wives, but
many of the latter embraced the Moslem faith, with the consent, too, of
their families. Although there were instances of Mohammedan women
marrying Christians, the reverse was usually the case, for the conquerors
did not bring their families as had the earlier Germanic invaders. Religious
differences were not an insuperable barrier in this period: there was scarcely
a war confined to Christians on the one side and Mohammedans on the
other; the Mozárabes were not greatly molested within the Moslem state;
Christians were often employed in administrative capacities by the emirs
and caliphs; and Christian mercenaries, many of them Spaniards, fought in
the Moslem armies. It was only natural, therefore, that the neighboring
Arabic civilization should have exercised not a little influence on Christian
Spain, especially since the power and wealth of the caliphate were so much
greater than in the kingdoms of the north. In intellectual aspects—for
example, in philosophy and science—the Arabic influence was to be greater
at a succeeding time, but in political and military matters and in language
much passed over to the Christians in this period. In like manner the
Spanish peoples reacted upon the invaders, but this was confined
principally to the effects produced by the Renegados and Mozárabes, whose
contributions were largely due to the conditions of the Moslem world in
which they lived.

Diversity in Christian Spain.

Christian Spain itself was far from being a unit; rather diversity was the
rule. The northwest followed the Visigothic tradition, while the north centre
and northeast, especially Navarre and Catalonia, while retaining much of
the Visigothic institutions came into frequent contact with French peoples,
who gave a new turn to their civilization. Within each section, too, there
were many complex differences between one region and another. Hence the
institutions of the principal areas may be taken separately.

Kingdoms of Asturias, León, and Castile

Social classes in the Christian northwest.

Social inequality increased in this period, due to a decline in wealth and

to an accentuation of the hazards of life. The higher nobility attained to vast
privileges and authority, although less than in other parts of Christian
Europe. They were often, but not always, allowed to conquer lands for
themselves, rule their own estates with almost absolute authority, leave the
king’s service for that of another monarch, and be free from taxation. The
social prestige of the nobles was weakened, however, through the king’s
right to grant titles of nobility. The king might also deprive a noble created
by himself of his titles and lands. Most of the nobility of the lower grades
were in fact retainers of the greater nobles or of the king, usually rendering
military service in return for protection. This state of dependence was called
encomienda (commendation),—a term used centuries later to cover the
virtual enslavement of the American Indians. Small landed proprietors and
free agricultural and industrial laborers placed themselves in similar
relations to the great nobles, so that the latter were about the only really free
class of the time. These civilian dependents gave produce, tribute, or
personal service to the lord. The various grades of servitude, from serfs
attached to a piece of land and enjoying at least some of the products of
their labor down to individuals held in personal slavery, continued to exist.
In general the servile classes advanced in about the same degree that the
freemen fell back; many of them came together to form an intermediate
class in which some rights—for example, to own property and to change
one’s habitation freely within the same seigniorial territory—were enjoyed.

The political system.

The king’s power was complete enough in theory to merit being called
absolute, for in him rested supreme legislative, judicial, and administrative
authority over the realm as a whole. In fact the royal authority did not
extend equally over all the land. On his own properties and usually in
conquered regions the king was indeed an absolute monarch, but as
concerned the lands of the nobles and the church there were important
limitations on his authority. On their estates the nobles enjoyed rights of an
economic nature and also those of a sovereign, with almost as much power
in theory and in fact as the king had in theory over all the land. They raised
troops at will, and fought with one another and even against the king; they
had judicial authority over most of the cases arising within their lands; and
they collected taxes for themselves. The protection which they owed to all
on their estates was not very faithfully accorded, but on the contrary they
oppressed not only their own dependents but also those of other lords,—a
practice which was a fruitful cause of private war. The nobles, too, were
veritable highwaymen, robbing travellers, business men, and pilgrims, and
contributing more than any other class to the lawlessness of the times.
Bishops and abbots occupied a position similar to that of the great nobles.
The church had acquired estates through gifts of individuals and grants of
the king, and the same rights and duties attached to them as in the case of
the nobles. Thus, for example, great churchmen raised troops, which at
times they commanded themselves. The royal power was still further
limited in fact, because of the necessity of relying upon nobles or
churchmen to govern distant lands or to hold other posts of an
administrative and even of a judicial nature. The rulers of administrative
districts were the counts (condes) appointed by the king, and these
individuals often gave him considerable trouble,—as witness the uprisings
(at length successful) of the counts of Castile. The very necessities of civil
strife obliged the kings to yield privileges to one set of nobles in order to
get their aid against another. Nevertheless, great as was the nobles’
authority, it was not so excessive as elsewhere in western Europe.
Feudalism, the essence of which was the grant of lands in perpetuity with
rights of sovereignty attached, in return for which the grantee owed fealty
and some form of service, perhaps military, to the grantor, did not exist in
its fullness in northwestern Spain. By special grants the king might agree to
refrain from exercising his sovereign privileges, but in such cases certain
limitations were usually expressed. When judicial authority was conferred
on a noble, some attributes were retained,—for example, the trial of crimes
of murder and the right of appeal to the royal authority from the cases in
seigniorial courts. Again, when the lords made laws for their territories they
did so by special grant of the king, who frequently intervened to change the
seigniorial statutes or to enact others of his own. The difference from
European feudalism, however, was perhaps more juridical than actual.

Rise of the free towns.

One element appeared in this period which was to prove a great

limitation on seigniorial authority, and was to be an aid to the king in the
establishment of internal good order and unity. This was the plebeian town.
The most important type of this class was the villa, or concejo, which
originated in the tenth century. The villas were founded on lands conquered
by the kings, and were usually in frontier districts exposed to the enemy. On
this account special privileges were granted in order to induce people to
settle there. Anybody who could contrive to reach a villa was declared free,
even if of servile grade before. All citizens were not equal, however; there
were varying grades of rank, though all were free. The villas were
exempted from many duties to the state,—often from the payment of taxes.
They were also withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the counts, and were
granted much political authority. Each villa received its own fuero, or
charter, by a special grant, with the result that there was a great variety in
the terms of different charters, although certain of them tended to become
the types which were imitated in subsequent grants. As a general rule the
government of a villa was in the hands of the assembly of citizens, in which
local laws were enacted and judges and administrative officers elected.
These rights, added to a long line of exemptions, made veritable political
entities of the villas, which were independent of all but the king, and were
in great measure not subject to him. The villa extended beyond its own
walls to include neighboring rural districts as well. The rise of the villas on
royal lands compelled the nobility and the clergy to form similar
settlements in order to attract people to their territories or to avoid uprisings
of their dependents, although these towns did not achieve rights equal to
those of the villas.

Diversity and primitive character of the law.

Since privilege was the general rule, the law in northwestern Spain was
very far from being uniform. The Visigothic Fuero Juzgo continued to be
the general law, but it was often supplanted as a result of grants by the king
to nobles, clergy, and villas, and by the nobles and clergy to yet other units
under their rule. Very important, too, was the modifying effect of local
customs, which in the absence of other specific law were frequently cited.
These customs tended to resemble those of the Germanic invaders or even
of the indigenous peoples, since the type of life at this time was similar to
that of earlier unsettled periods. This era, therefore, was one of a marked
falling away from Roman traditions, which had to wait several centuries
before they again came into their own.

Economic backwardness.

As was natural in such an age of disorder, commerce and industry did

not flourish. With the rise of the towns a beginning was made, and at least
one town, Santiago de Compostela, seems to have attained to some
industrial importance. Commerce was hampered by innumerable obstacles,
such as the depredations of foreign enemies and robber lords, the duties
which had to be paid to the king, and the tolls which were collected by the
lords at highways, rivers, or bridges within their lands. Stock-raising and
agriculture and the production of the bare necessities of life were the
principal occupations. Even these suffered, not only from the raids of the
Moslems and the nobles, but also from the extreme weight of taxation,
which was all the worse in that it was levied at the caprice of the king, lord,
or churchman collecting it. The state of misery was so great that it is not
surprising that famine and epidemics harassed the people.

Ignorance and superstition.

Innovations in architecture.

In general culture, too, there was a decline to an even lower level than
that of the Visigothic period. Churches and monasteries maintained
something of the old intellectual traditions, and their schools were almost
the only resort for an education. Latin continued to be used in literature and
in official documents, but was already acquiring the new forms which were
to pave the way to the various Romance tongues of later days. The age was
one of superstition, which made itself manifest, as in other parts of Europe,
even in judicial procedure. The tests of wager of battle (or a duel between
litigants), the hot iron, and boiling water were all used to determine
innocence or guilt, in the belief that God would intervene on the side of the
man whose cause was just. Poverty and danger led men to live in groups,
thereby introducing a fresh departure from Roman individualism. In the
towns life more nearly resembled the Roman type. In architecture this
period marked the introduction of the buttress in some of the churches.
Naturally, it was an age of the building of castles and walls, although the
materials used were perishable. Most edifices were of wood, for in that day
Spain was covered with forests in regions where they no longer exist. The
burning of villages in times of war, especially during the Norman invasions,
led to an exchange from the wooden roof in church building to one of non-
combustible material of industrial manufacture.

Kingdoms of Navarre, Aragon, and Catalonia

The Christian reconquest of Catalonia.

In essentials, the social organization of north central and northeastern

Spain was not greatly different from that of the northwest. Navarre and
Catalonia were considerably affected by French influence,—Aragon less so.
The details for Navarre and Aragon are in any event obscure or lacking.
The Moslem invasion caused an emigration of the people of Catalonia
across the Pyrenees, with the result that most of the territory remained
deserted for two centuries. By 797 Gerona had been reconquered, and by
801 Barcelona was retaken, and these dates marked the beginning of the
social and political reorganization of what was to become Catalonia. Lands
were allotted to the Frankish conquerors and to a number of Catalans who
had either remained in that region, subject to the Moslems, or who came in
at the time of the reconquest. These estates were given free of obligation,
except for that of military service. The most important holders were the
various counts, but there were a number of lesser proprietors beyond their
jurisdiction. Many of these were converted in course of time into
feudatories of the counts. The counts were at first the appointees of the
French king; later they became hereditary; and finally independent. The
church also acquired vast territories in Catalonia, and was allowed to enjoy
immunity from obligations and an absolute dominion over its lands. The
most important holdings were those of the bishop of Gerona.
 Feudalism in Catalonia and Navarre.

From the above it appears that the feudalism of France had taken root in
Catalonia, where the nobles were more absolute in their own territories and
more free from the power of the king or lord to whom they were subject
than was the case in northwestern Spain. The greater importance of the
counts of Barcelona has already been alluded to; by the beginning of the
eleventh century they were saluted with the title of prince in recognition of
their sovereignty. Aside from their own estates, however, their legal
authority extended little further than that of a right to inspect judicial
tribunals (in order to see that their decisions were in accord with the general
law of the land) and to have certain cases appealable to their courts. The
Fuero Juzgo, in so far as it applied to the changed conditions of Catalonia,
was the general law, but numerous exceptions began to appear, much as in
the northwest, although the development of free towns was not nearly so
great. In Navarre the administration of justice belonged to the king, but on
the other hand the king could not hold court, or make war, peace, or a truce,
without consulting the nobles, and he was subject in every respect to the
laws which confirmed their privileges. Furthermore, he acquired his throne
by election, although the choice was confined as a rule to members of a
single family. Feudalism not only weakened the power of the monarchy in
north central and northeastern Spain, but also tended to impair the lot of the
servile classes, which were delayed in achieving emancipation in these
regions much longer than in other parts of Spain.

Coming of the monks of Cluny.

Backwardness of Pyrenean Spain.

The most important religious incident of the period was the entry of the
monks of Cluny into Spain. This order had taken it upon itself to combat
simony (the sale of church office) and offences against the ecclesiastical
law of celibacy (requiring that men who had taken holy orders should not
marry), both of which practices were than very prevalent in Christendom,
and to bring about a complete and effective submission of distant churches
to the bishop of Rome. These monks came into Spain by way of Navarre in
the reign of Sancho the Great, and by 1033 they were already in Castile.
Aside from their immediate objects they produced two other important
effects: they reinforced the French ideas which had preceded them; and they
accelerated the reconquest as a result of the influence which they acquired,
employing it to urge on the kings in wars against the Moslems. In economic
institutions, general culture, and the fine arts the north centre and northeast
were very backward, like the northwest. It is noteworthy, however, that by
the ninth century the Catalans were already beginning to engage in trade in
the Mediterranean.
DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY, 910-1492
 CHAPTER VII

ERA OF THE SPANISH CRUSADES, 1031-1276

General characteristics of the era.

THE period of a little more than two centuries after the downfall of the
caliphate was marked by a complete change from that preceding it, and in
like manner was quite independent of the next succeeding era. Up to this
time Moslem Spain had represented by far the principal element in the
peninsula. The Christian states had maintained themselves with difficulty,
making occasional gains, which were not infrequently followed by equally
great losses whenever the Moslem power was sufficiently united internally
to present its full strength. The civilization of the Christian kingdoms had
also been notably inferior in almost every respect to that of the Moslem
south. From the eleventh to the middle of the thirteenth century, however,
the region of Moslem Spain, divided against itself, could not make an
effective resistance, and the Christian powers began an offensive which
enabled them to reconquer all of the peninsula except for a narrow strip in
southern Andalusia. These wars partook very largely of the crusading spirit
then so prevalent in Europe, and although it was not nearly so persistent,
fervid, or exclusive an aim as is usually believed it seems appropriate to
characterize this era as that of the Spanish crusades. This was also a period
of noteworthy advance in internal organization in Christian Spain, for
although civil war and disorder were great as compared with some later eras
many regions enjoyed long terms of peace, very much more complete at
least than in the three preceding centuries. The pushing back of the Moslem
frontier conduced greatly to this end. The kings gradually became more
powerful than the great individual nobles, who had been able to meet them
on virtually equal terms before. The free commoners advanced both in
status and in numbers. In material well-being there was a marked
improvement. Finally, in general culture the same tendency appeared. In all
of these respects the fund of civilization was very slight compared with
what it was to become in succeeding centuries, but it was at least
something, whereas the period before had represented little more than bare
existence. Despite the fact that there was very little understanding of the
ideal of national unity, as evidenced by the frequency with which monarchs
divided their kingdoms, circumstances tended toward the accomplishment
of what men could not readily grasp. Two great states emerged in Christian
Spain, the kingdoms of Castile and Aragon. They were able even to act in
peace and concert at times in the wars against the Moslems. A third region
tended to withdraw from the current of peninsula unity, for it was in this
period that the modern state of Portugal had its independent beginnings.
Nevertheless, Moslem Spain, though less important than Castile and
Aragon, remained the keynote of the period, not alone because of the wars
against it, but also because its civilization, especially in material and
intellectual aspects, was still far superior to that of Castile and Aragon. It
was at this time, indeed, that the Moslem world produced its greatest
scholars and the Christian states became most strongly imbued with the
spirit of Moslem culture, with permanent results on Spanish character. This
era was unequal in length for Castile and Aragon, closing respectively in
1252 and 1276 with the deaths of Ferdinand III and Jaime I.

Moslem Spain
The taifa states and the rise of Seville.

With the dethronement of Hisham III in 1031 the caliphate broke up into
a number of states called taifas, from an Arabic word meaning “tribe,” or
“people.” Down to the close of the eleventh century there were many of
these states,—twenty-three at one time,—but the most important were those
of Cordova, Seville, Málaga, Granada, Almería, Denia and the Balearic
Islands, Saragossa, Toledo, and Badajoz. The rulers were usually Slavic or
Berber generals of the latter-day armies of the caliphate and their
descendants. Each desired to make himself sole caliph, and so an
internecine strife was waged almost continuously, especially in the south.
Seville soon forged ahead of its regional rivals, and was by far the most
important taifa of the century. Like several of the others it had been
founded as a republic (as early as 1023), but its skilful ruler, Abul Cassim
Mohammed of the Abbadite family, soon made himself absolute, while
retaining the forms of a republic. In order to overcome his most powerful
neighbors he pretended that Hisham II had reappeared, availing himself of a
mat-maker who resembled the dead caliph. The stratagem was so successful
that Carmona, Valencia, Denia, Tortosa, and even the republic of Cordova
recognized the pseudo-Hisham, whereupon the crafty Sevillian proceeded
to conquer large parts of the taifa states of Málaga and Granada. His
successors were equally fortunate, and by the end of the third quarter of the
century the greater part of Moslem Spain, especially in the west and south,
had acknowledged the rule of the lord of Seville. Seville, too, had become
every bit as noteworthy an intellectual centre as Cordova had been under
the caliphs.

Yusuf and the Almoravide conquest.

The Christian kings of Castile and León had meanwhile profited by the
wars of the taifa states to make conquests or to reduce many of the taifas to
the payment of tribute. Even Seville was tributary to a Christian king. This
inclined many of the Moslem princes, realizing their own helplessness, to
invite a newly-risen Mohammedan power in northwestern Africa to come to
their aid. The rulers of the taifas recognized that their own authority might
be endangered by the entry of their coreligionists, but their feelings were
well expressed in the words attributed to the ruler of Seville: “I would
rather be a camel-driver in Africa than a swineherd in Castile.” The African
people referred to were a branch of the Berbers who had dwelt apart in the
Sahara Desert. Converted at length to the Moslem faith, they became
fanatically religious, taking to themselves the name “Almoravides”
(religious men), and launching themselves forth to the conquest of all
northwestern Africa. The African empire of the Almoravides was already
an accomplished fact when their emperor, Yusuf, was invited to help the
Spanish Moslems under a promise that he would not deprive the taifa rulers
of their states. In 1086 Yusuf entered Spain, and encountered the army of
Alfonso VI of León at Zalaca, near Badajoz. Yusuf was completely
successful, and the Christian peril was rolled back, but no counter-
conquests of moment were made. Yusuf himself returned to Africa. Four
years later the Moslem princes had need of Yusuf, and once again he came
to avert the threatening danger. By this time popular opinion, reinforced by
the intrigues of the Moslem priesthood, desired the establishment of Yusuf’s
authority in Spain; the restoration of a single rule, it was believed, would
check the Christian kings, and bring peace and prosperity. By 1091 Yusuf
had reduced all of the taifa princes except the king of Saragossa, and the
latter was subjected by Yusuf’s successor. Thus the unity of Moslem Spain
was again accomplished.[18]

Rise of the Almohades.

The Almoravide rule rested very lightly on the Moslem population, but
only for a short time. The emperors lost their religious enthusiasm, and not
only did they fail to advance the conquest but they also gave themselves up
to a life of luxury and dissipation. Public security declined, with the result
that the people now wished to rid themselves of the sovereigns whom
formerly they had desired so much. At this time there came a tremendous
uprising in Africa in 1125 of the Moors of the Moroccan Atlas, an
uncivilized branch of the Berber family. They had become fanatical
Mohammedans, and like their Almoravide predecessors had taken a name
springing from their religious faith, that of “Almohades” (unitarians).
Uncultivated as they were, they were able to master the military art of that
day sufficiently to overwhelm the Almoravide power in Africa, though only
after a long war.

The Almohades in Spain.

The Christian reconquest.

Meanwhile, a second era of taifa states had sprung up in Spain, but in

1146 the Almohades entered the peninsula, and proceeded to reduce the
taifa princes. By 1172 all Moslem Spain was under their sway. Spain was
now formed into a province of the Almohade empire, the capital of which
was in Africa. The new conquerors did more than merely garrison the
peninsula,—they pursued the hated Arabs so zealously that the latter were
either destroyed or absorbed. The Berbers were for many years virtually the
only Mohammedan element in the peninsula except for the Renegados. The
wars with the Christians were also renewed. In 1194 Alfonso VIII of Castile
challenged the emperor Yacub to a battle. Yacub accepted, and the battle
was fought at Alarcos (Badajoz) in 1195, ending in the rout of the
Christians. The war continued, however, and in 1212 the united forces of
León, Castile, Navarre, and Aragon gained a great victory at Navas de
Tolosa in Andalusia. This was the turning-point in the Christian reconquest.
The Almohade state soon fell to pieces, and by 1228 the taifas began to
reappear, but one after another they were conquered by the Christian kings.
A single Moslem state escaped; in 1230 it had been founded at Arjona, and
presently took shape as the kingdom of Granada, establishing its capital in
1238 at the city of the same name. This tiny realm, extending at its greatest
from Almería to Gibraltar, was able to maintain itself for over two centuries
and a half.

León and Castile

Castilian conquests.

Alfonso VI.

By the will of Sancho the Great of Navarre, Castile had become legally a
kingdom in 1035. Ferdinand I (1035-1065) soon overwhelmed the king of
León, uniting all northwestern Spain under his rule. Wars with Navarre
followed until 1054, after which Ferdinand devoted himself with great
religious zeal to campaigns against the Moslem taifas, making numerous
conquests, and subjecting many states to the payment of tribute. Despite the
lesson of his own experience he divided his realm, at death, into the three
kingdoms of Castile, León, and Galicia, besides two lesser principalities. A
long civil war followed, out of which there emerged Alfonso VI (1065-
1109) as sole ruler of the domain of his father. Alfonso VI took up the wars
against the Moslems with great success, and on one occasion, in 1082, was
able to ride his horse into the sea in the extreme south of Spain at Tarifa,
when he is said to have exclaimed: “This is the last land in Spain, and I
have trod it.” The principal event of the reign was the capture of Toledo in
1085. Alfonso had promised to restore the taifa king of Toledo to his
throne, from which he had been ousted by a rebellion, but changed his
mind, and took the city for himself. From that time forward Toledo was of
great military importance to the Christians, serving as the centre of the
reconquest, and it was also the medium through which Moslem civilization
began to produce an effect on Castile. The treaty of capitulation was not
very faithfully carried out; for example, Alfonso had promised to allow the
Mohammedans to retain their principal mosque for purposes of worship, but
in his absence the monks of Cluny were able to persuade the queen to take
over that edifice as a Christian church. The incident is illustrative of a new
crusading spirit which had entered Spain with the monks of Cluny, although
it had not yet become general. Taifa after taifa now humbled itself before
Alfonso; Valencia was captured, and the former king of Toledo became its
nominal ruler, but with a Castilian army; and Alfonso could with reason
entitle himself “sovereign of the men of the two religions,” a phrase which
shows that Christian zeal was not altogether uncompromising. It was then
that the Almoravide invasion checked the Castilian king, but although he
lost Valencia he was able to maintain the principal part of his conquests.

The Cid.

It was in the reign of Alfonso VI that Rodrigo, or Ruy, Díaz of Vivar

(near Burgos), better known as “the Cid,” performed the achievements
which have made him a famous character in literature. Until recently he was
represented as a fanatically ardent, Christian crusader, ever drawing his
sword against the infidel or in defence of any just and noble cause, and
performing superhuman prodigies of valor. The true Cid was very far from
answering to that description, and was also so typical of his age that his real
career has historic value apart from literature. In the civil wars following
the death of Ferdinand I, Díaz was a partisan of Sancho II of Castile, and
contributed greatly to that monarch’s success,—a victory which was spoiled
by the assassination of his patron. Díaz then recognized Alfonso VI, and
was sent by the latter to collect the tribute due from the king of Seville. On
his return he was accused of having appropriated for himself certain of the
funds which he was bringing to the king, and was banished from Castile;
possibly Alfonso VI may still have felt resentment over Díaz’s part in the
victories of Sancho. Followed by only a few warriors Díaz wandered over
Spain, seeking wealth and honors in return for military aid. Finally he took
service with the Moslem king of Saragossa, and won fame in all the
peninsula as a result of his victories not only against Moslem enemies but
more than once against Christian kings; in fine, religion seems not to have
entered into his program to any appreciable extent; indeed, the name Cid
was applied by his Moslem soldiers, meaning “lord,” or “master.” In 1086
the Moslem king of Valencia, the same one who had been placed on the
throne by Alfonso VI, got into difficulties with his subjects, and sought the
aid of Saragossa. The Cid was sent with an army of mingled Christians and
Moslems to restore the authority of the Valencian monarch. This he did, but
under a contract which ignored his Saragossan master and enabled the Cid
to become the virtual ruler of Valencia. In 1092 on the death of the king of
Valencia the Cid converted his de facto into a de jure rule, reigning until his
death in 1099. As monarch of Valencia he was selfish and cruel, like others
of his time, sustaining his power by virtue of his army of Christians and
Moslems against foes of whatever faith, even against Castile. He espoused
one of his daughters to Ramón Berenguer III of Barcelona, and another to a
prince of the royal family of Navarre. After his death his state fell before
the advance of the Almoravides.

The anarchy of Urraca’s reign.

The beginnings of Portugal.

Alfonso VI was succeeded by his daughter Urraca (1109-1126), for he

left no sons, and her reign was a period of anarchy. Urraca, who was a
widow, was compelled by the nobles to remarry, on the ground that affairs
of state needed a man’s direction, while her infant son by a previous
marriage, Alfonso, was brought up in Galicia, being considered king of that
region. Alfonso I “the Battler” of Aragon was selected as a husband for
Urraca, but the marriage was not a happy one. Urraca was so imprudent in
her manner of life that the Battler saw fit to imprison her in a castle.
Furthermore, he displayed a clear intention of making himself ruler in
Castile as he was in Aragon, a course which the Castilian nobles were far
from approving. The scene having been set the wars began. A complication
entered from the side of Galicia, where Bishop Gelmírez of Santiago de
Compostela proposed that the infant Alfonso should reign in León as well
as in Galicia. The changes of side and fortune in these wars, not only by the
three principals, but also by individual nobles, need not be followed, except
to relate one incident which marked the first step toward the ultimate
independence of Portugal. Teresa, a sister of Urraca, had married a French
count, Henry of Lorraine, to whom (in 1095?) Alfonso VI granted
territories called the county of Portugal in the northern part of the land
which now bears that name. These estates were held as a fief, subject to
tribute and military service. Henry and later Teresa (on the former’s death)
profited by the civil strife to increase their holdings and acquire real
strength. Urraca died in 1126, and matters were arranged by the recognition
of the young Alfonso (Alfonso VII “the Emperor”) as king in his
grandfather’s domain, while Alfonso the Battler gained some territories
adjoining his kingdom of Aragon.[19]
 Alfonso “the Emperor.”

The death of Urraca did not end the internal strife in Christian Spain. For
ten years there were wars with Teresa and her son Affonso Enríquez of
Portugal; there were wars, too, against Aragon and Navarre, following the
death of Alfonso the Battler, out of which Alfonso VII procured some
extensions of territory. When the century was nearly half gone Alfonso was
able to turn energetically to an attack upon the Moslem states, especially
between 1144 and 1147 during the second era of the taifas. His conquests
were vast, but of brief duration, for the Almohades soon entered Spain to
deprive him of what he had won. Like Ferdinand I before him Alfonso VII
took the title of emperor, which then had a significance equivalent to that of
sole temporal ruler of Christendom in succession to the Roman emperors.
In the case of Ferdinand and Alfonso it may also have represented a protest
against the like pretensions of the Holy Roman Emperors, then reigning
principally in Germanic Europe. Alfonso seemed in a fair way to create a
peninsula empire, for he was able to make the kings of Aragon and Navarre,
the counts of Barcelona and Toulouse, various lesser princes of Spain and
southern France, and some rulers of the Moslem taifas swear fealty to him
as their feudal sovereign. The imperial confederation had no real strength,
however, for the spirit of separatism was as yet too deeply rooted. Alfonso
himself demonstrated this by dividing his realm at his death, in 1157, into
the two kingdoms of Castile and León.

The defence of Calatrava.

Alfonso VIII and the overthrow of the Moslems.

The next following reigns had their share of internal strife and one
important event in the course of the Moslem wars,—the defence of
Calatrava in 1158 by two Cistercian monks, who procured an army by
proclaiming a crusade. Out of this event there came the founding in 1164 of
the important military order of Calatrava. Alfonso VIII (1158-1214)
inherited the throne of Castile while still a child. War and disorder followed
until 1180, for the kings of León and Navarre and various nobles
endeavored as usual to profit for themselves at the expense of the newly
enthroned monarch. At length Alfonso VIII, who was one of the ablest
rulers of this period (both in internal organization and in external conquest),
directed his attention to the reconquest from the Moslems. After a rapid
succession of victories he was defeated, as already noted, at the battle of
Alarcos, on which occasion the kings of León and Navarre failed to accord
him the aid they had promised. Wars followed against the two kings, but
matters were at length adjusted and a tremendous army, including many
foreigners, was raised to combat the Almohades. All seemed to be imbued
with the crusading spirit, but most of the foreigners deserted before the
issue presented itself. Nearly all the peoples of Christian Spain were
represented in Alfonso’s host, however, and together they won the great
battle of Navas de Tolosa in 1212.

The independence of Portugal.

Meanwhile, the counts of Portugal had continued their policy of

complete separation from León and Castile, and had also extended their
frontiers southward by successful wars against the Moslems. Affonso
Enríquez took the title of king, and this was recognized in 1143 by Alfonso
VII, subject to the vassalage of the Portuguese monarch to León. Affonso
Enríquez managed to avoid this condition by submitting his state to the
sovereignty of the pope, who accepted it in 1144, though conferring only
the title of duke on Affonso. A few years later Pope Alexander III
recognized the Portuguese ruler as king. Thus Portugal withdrew from the
current of peninsula unity, and established her independence in law and in
fact.

Saint Ferdinand and the crusades in Spain.

Berenguela, daughter of Alfonso VIII of Castile, had married Alfonso IX

(1188-1230) of León, by whom she had a son, Ferdinand. Pope Innocent III
brought about an annulment of the marriage on the ground of
consanguinity, though he recognized the legitimacy of Ferdinand. On the
death of Henry I of Castile in 1217 Berenguela was proclaimed queen, but
granted the throne to her son, who as Ferdinand III, later Saint Ferdinand
(San Fernando), was to prove an even greater monarch than his grandfather,
Alfonso VIII. Wars with his father and with his nobles occupied the early
years of his reign, but by 1225, having overcome his Christian enemies, he
was able to renew the campaigns against the Moslems. City after city fell
into his power; Cordova was taken in 1236; Murcia became tributary in
1241; and the culminating blow came with the siege of Seville, which
surrendered to Ferdinand in 1248. Despite the fact that not a little crusading
zeal entered into these campaigns and that Ferdinand himself was an ardent
Christian, religious enthusiasm, even yet, was not as uncompromising as it
later became. Ferdinand was an ally at one time of the Almohade emperor,
whom he restored to his throne in Africa; he also accepted the alliance of
the Moslem prince of Granada in the campaign against Seville; and other
similar instances of his freedom from fanatical intolerance might be
adduced. Nevertheless, he planned to overwhelm the Moslem authority, and
would almost certainly have invaded Africa if he had lived a few years
longer. His Christian spirit, however, was along practical and national lines.
When Louis IX of France invited him to join in a crusade in the orient
Ferdinand is said to have replied: “There is no lack of Moors in my land.”
Not only by conquests but also by internal reforms he assisted in the
development of Castilian unity. One external event of capital importance
was the incorporation into Castile of the kingdom of León in 1230 on the
death of Alfonso IX, despite the latter’s attempt to deliver his dominions to
two daughters by a marriage previous to that with Berenguela. With
Ferdinand’s death in 1252 the era of the Castilian crusades came to an end.

Catalonia, 1035 to 1164

The extension of the authority of the counts of Barcelona.

At the time when Ramón Berenguer I (1035-1076) became count of

Barcelona, Catalonia was a federation of counties, acknowledging the ruler
of Barcelona as overlord. Possessed already of Barcelona and Gerona,
Ramón Berenguer soon acquired two more counties, which had been left by
his father to other sons. He extended his frontiers at the expense of the
Moslems, and laid the foundations of the later Catalonian power in southern
France through marriage alliances with princes of that region. It was in his
reign, too, that the Catalan code of the Usáticos, or Usatges (Usages, or
Customs), was compiled, though at the instance of his powerful vassals,
who wanted their privileges reduced to writing. By the end of his reign he
had united five Catalonian counties and many other territories under his
rule, including almost as much land in southern France as he possessed in
Spain. No further progress was made until the reign of Ramón Berenguer
III (1096-1131), who, through inheritance, without civil wars, acquired all
of the Catalonian counties but two and a great part of southern France. He
also waged wars against the Moslems, though perhaps the most notable
thing about them was that the Pisans fought as his allies. Indeed, he
established commercial and diplomatic relations with the various Italian
republics,—a beginning of Spain’s fateful connection with Italy. Ramón
Berenguer IV (1131-1162) inherited only the Spanish portions of his
father’s domain, but extended his authority over Tortosa, Lérida, and other
Moslem regions, being a notable warrior. In 1150 he married the daughter
of the king of Aragon, and in 1164 his son by this marriage united Aragon
and Catalonia under a single rule.

Aragon
The beginnings of Aragon and the union with Catalonia.

The kingdom of Aragon dates from the will of Sancho the Great of
Navarre in 1035. The new state was almost insignificantly small at the
outset, but, by inheritances, wars with the Moslems, and the peaceful
incorporation of Navarre in 1076, it already included a large portion of
north central Spain by the close of the eleventh century. The era of great
conquests began with Alfonso I “the Battler” (1104-1134), the same king
whose marriage with Urraca of Castile had resulted so unfavorably. Better
fortune awaited him on the Moslem frontier. In 1118 he captured Saragossa,
an event as important in Aragon as was the acquisition of Toledo a few
years before in Castile. He carried his campaigns as far south, even, as
Murcia and Andalusia, but the principal result of these invasions was that
he brought back ten thousand Mozárabes to settle his newly-won conquests.
Having no sons he tried to leave his realm to two military orders, but this
arrangement did not prove agreeable to his subjects. The nobles of Navarre
elected a king of their own, withdrawing from the union with Aragon, while
those of Aragon chose a brother of Alfonso, named Ramiro, who at the time
of his election was a monk. The reign of Ramiro II “the Monk” (1134-1137)
was exceptionally important for Spain, without any particular merit
accruing therefor to the king. The pope freed him from his vows and he
married. From this marriage there was born a daughter, Petronilla. Ramiro
espoused her to Ramón Berenguer IV of Barcelona, and soon abdicated,
returning to his monastery. Petronilla’s son, Ramón Berenguer, who
presently changed his name to the Aragonese-sounding Alfonso, was the
first to rule in his own right over Aragon and Catalonia in what came to be
called the kingdom of Aragon, although Catalonia was always the more
important part.

The act of vassalage to the pope and the French conquests in Aragonese dominions of southern
France.

Alfonso II inherited Catalonia in 1162, and became king of Aragon

proper in 1164 on the abdication of Petronilla. Later he inherited nearly all
of southern France. He was also a frequent ally of Alfonso VIII of Castile
against the Moslems, gaining some territories on his own account. In 1179
these two kings made a treaty dividing Spain between them, fixing the
limits of their respective present and future conquests,—a noteworthy
instance of the approach toward the unification of Spain. Alfonso II was
succeeded by Pedro II “the Catholic” (1196-1213) at a time when affairs
were in a critical state in his French dominions. That region had been in
constant turmoil, as a result both of the ambitions of the kings of France and
of the comparative independence and selfish aims of the feudal lords. There
was now added a new factor,—the widespread Albigensian heresy, which
had been accepted by the majority of the Provençal people and even more
by their lords. With matters in this state Pedro visited Rome in 1204, and,
while there, gave his dominions in vassalage to the pope, receiving them
back as a fief. This act was to have important consequences at a later time,
but if its immediate object was to check French pretensions to southern
France, as has been supposed, it was not very successful, for the pope
himself proclaimed a crusade against the Albigenses. The crusaders were
French nobles, who represented a purely French invasion quite as much as
they did an orthodox host. Under their leader, Simon de Montfort, they won
several victories, displaying such cruelty against Catholics and heretics
alike that they were censured by a famous religious at that time preaching
among the Albigenses, Domingo de Guzmán. Guzmán was the Spaniard
who later founded the Dominican order, named for him, and who became
canonized as Saint Dominic (San Domingo). Pedro II endeavored to
mediate to check the temporal designs of Montfort, but was persuaded by
the pope to recognize the French leader as his vassal in the regions he had
conquered. When Montfort continued in his aggressive designs Pedro II
declared war against him, but was defeated in a battle which cost him his
life.

Early years of the reign of Jaime “the Conqueror.”

The death of Pedro II brought to the throne the greatest Aragonese

monarch of the period, Jaime I “the Conqueror” (1213-1276), a worthy
contemporary of Ferdinand III of Castile. At the outset of his reign he was a
mere child in the dangerous possession of Simon de Montfort. On this
occasion the tremendous influence of the great pope, Innocent III, was
beneficial to Spain, for Montfort was constrained to surrender the boy king
to his people. Then followed the usual troubles which beset the early years
of a youthful monarch in that period. There were wars brought about by
ambitious nobles fighting for the possession of the king, wars of the nobles
among themselves, and wars of the nobles against the king. Though only a
boy, Jaime took a hand in the fighting, and was many times in danger,—
twice he was captured by hostile nobles,—but thanks to his courage and
coolness was always able to free himself from the perils which beset him.
Not until 1228 was he in full command of the situation. Meanwhile, civil
wars had been taking place in southern France, resolving themselves finally
into a struggle between the count of Toulouse, aided by the Catalans, and
Simon de Montfort. In this war Montfort lost his life, and the French power
in that region for the time being vanished.

The conquests of Jaime.

Backed by the sentiment of most of Catalonia, which desired territorial

and commercial expansion in the Mediterranean, Jaime now planned a
career of conquest. Many of the Aragonese and western Catalonian nobles
declined to join him in this enterprise; so he had to find means as best he
could without their aid. In 1229 he entered the island of Majorca, which for
centuries had been successively a pirate and Moslem stronghold. Having
achieved the conquest, which proved an easy matter, Jaime distributed the
lands among his Catalan followers. In 1232 Minorca was subjected, and in
1235 Ibiza, too. Thus the Balearic Islands fell into Jaime’s power and
received a Catalan civilization, which they still possess. The greatest prize,
however, was the rich kingdom of Valencia. Although handicapped by the
lukewarm support of his nobles Jaime proceeded to the conquest with such
success that he won the aid of those who had previously failed to help him,
and in 1238 the city of Valencia fell,—an event comparable with the capture
of Seville by Ferdinand III. The rest of the kingdom was not long in falling
into Jaime’s power, and the lands were distributed among his nobles, but the
Moslems were so numerous that they were able to rise in rebellion on two
occasions before the end of the reign. On achieving the conquest of
Valencia, Jaime had agreed with the king of Castile that the southern
boundary of that kingdom should be the limit of the Aragonese conquest,
while Murcia, which became tributary to Ferdinand III in 1241, was
reserved for the ultimate definitive conquest of Castile. The unquenchable
military ardor of Jaime I would not allow him to rest on his laurels,
however, and he engaged to conquer Murcia for the king of Castile. This he
accomplished in the years 1265 and 1266, giving the lands to his Catalan
nobles, who were subjected to the Castilian king, whereupon Jaime
withdrew. These relations between the kings of Castile and Aragon not only
instanced a somewhat rare good faith, but also marked a tendency which
was gradually manifesting itself toward the ultimate unity of Spain. Next,
the restless warrior-king planned to go on a crusade to Palestine, but his
fleet was wrecked, and he gave up the project, although some Catalan boats
did reach their destination. In 1273 Jaime wanted to conquer Granada for
Castile, but this time he could not persuade his Catalan nobles to follow
him. He did, however, send a fleet to attack the coast of Morocco.

Other characteristics of Jaime’s rule.

Jaime was not only a great conqueror; he was also a great administrator.
Owing to the entry of feudalism into northeastern Spain his nobles had such
power that even the able Jaime was obliged often to compromise or to yield
to their wishes. He took steps to reduce their power, at the cost of civil war,
and in many other respects bettered the administration of his kingdom.
Though deeply religious he was far from being an ascetic, as is evidenced
by the many illegitimate children descended from him, and although usually
magnanimous in character he was capable of acts of ferocious cruelty,—
such, for example, as that of ordering the tongue of the bishop of Gerona to
be torn out for the latter’s having revealed to the pope a secret of the
confession. In 1276 when the great king died he left a will which
contradicted the policies of centralization and the aggrandizement of the
kingdom which in his lifetime he had unfailingly pursued. He divided his
realms, giving Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia to his eldest son, Pedro, and
Majorca and the Roussillon (southern France) to his son Jaime. The
division was not to endure long, however.

Navarre
Navarre passes under French rule.

There is little worth recording in the history of Navarre in this period.

After the separation from Aragon in 1134 Navarre engaged periodically in
civil strife and in wars with Aragon or Castile. When the throne became
vacant in 1234 the French count of Champagne was elected king, and, with
this, Navarre was, for many years, more involved in the history of France
than in that of Spain. At length the heiress of Navarre married Philip IV of
France, whereupon Navarre ceased to be a kingdom, becoming a mere
dependency of the French monarch.
 CHAPTER VIII

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION IN SPAIN, 1031-1276

Moslem Spain
Absolutism in government.

THE principle of absolute monarchy continued to be followed in Moslem

Spain, and was even accentuated, whether in the eras of the taifas, or at
times of a single dominion. Indeed, this was virtually the case while the
taifas were still republics, although they soon converted themselves into
confessed monarchies. In furtherance of absolutism an excess of court
ceremonial was introduced, and the rulers rarely allowed their faces to be
seen, holding audiences, for example, from behind a curtain. The taifa kings
amassed great wealth, and their palaces were overflowing with luxury.

Social factors in Moslem Spain.

The most important social change was the complete overthrow of the
Arabic element, leaving the Berbers and Renegados in control. Arabic
influence had already done its work, however, and the passing of the
contemporary members of that race did not mean the uprooting of Arabic
traits in Spain. Social well-being declined, owing to the various factors of
war, the development of vast landed estates (at the expense of the small
proprietor), and the increase in taxation. The Jews enjoyed great
consideration for a while, exercising an important influence in material,
intellectual, and even political affairs. Under the Almoravides and
Almohades they were severely persecuted, and many of them emigrated to
Castile, where for the time being they were well received. The Mozárabes
were also persecuted, and in increasing degree with the advance of the
Christians, for they aided not a little in the reconquest. Many of them were
taken north by the Christian kings when they returned from their invasions,
whereupon those remaining in Moslem territory were all the more harshly
treated. The Almohades were particularly intolerant.
 León and Castile
Nobles and clergy.

The nobility continued to be the most important social class, with much
the same differences of grade among themselves, the same authority and
privileges, and the same tendencies to war against the king and with one
another and to commit acts of violence and robbery as in the preceding
period. The conflict of the nobility as a class against the king took definite
shape, and a numerous new nobility, the caballeros (knights), sprang up.
The caballeros proceeded from the plebeian ranks, being composed of
those who could equip themselves for war as cavalrymen. Although they
gained certain privileges, such as exemptions from taxation, thus weakening
the king’s power, they served in fact as a counterpoise to the hereditary
noble class. They were much favored by the kings, who needed well-
equipped soldiers for their wars. The clergy made distinct gains as regards
personal immunities and the freedom of their lands from the usual
obligations, especially from that of taxation. This bettering of their position
was not the result of general laws, but rather of the accumulation of
individual privileges, granted now to one religious institution, now to
another. Their advantages in these respects were not always well received
by others, and objections were made, especially by the popular element,
through their representatives in the national Cortes (Congress, or
Parliament),—of which institution presently.

The advance of the middle class.

Gains of the servile classes.

The free popular element, or middle class, which had been reborn in the
preceding period with the founding of the villas, or concejos, developed a
much greater social importance than formerly. Many factors contributed to
this end, such as the increase in the number of the villas, the concession of
new privileges, the material advance of Christian Spain (agriculturally,
industrially, and commercially), the important military services of the
municipal militia, and the fact that not only the caballeros but also the
leading jurisconsults began to be recruited from the middle class. As a rule
this element paid taxes, but it enjoyed not a few exemptions and privileges,
—for example, a right not to be required to make unusual contributions at
the mere will of the king, or in some cases a right to commute all of their
taxes to a single tribute. At the same time, the servile classes made striking
advances, in part through their own efforts, but aided also by an increasing
sentiment in favor of manumissions, by the need for population (both as a
result of the conquests and in consequence of economic development), and
by the protection accorded them in the villas. The movement for
emancipation was not uniform or free from setbacks, and this led to
numerous uprisings of serfs, who joined the enemies of their masters in
wars against the latter. The monks of Cluny, accustomed to the much
greater subjection of the servile classes in France, represented a strong
current of reaction. At Sahagún, the principal Cluniac centre, there were
such limitations on liberty as those requiring that all bread must be cooked
in the ovens of the monastery, and forbidding anybody to sell his wine
before the monks had sold theirs, or to buy cloth, fresh fish, firewood, or
other necessities before the monks had bought theirs, and there were other
restrictions of a like character. By the end of the twelfth century serfs
generally had gained such rights as the exact fixing of services due their
lords, the abolition of the practice of selling them with the land, and the
recognition of the validity of their marriages, whether consented to by their
lords or not. In the thirteenth century they gained almost complete personal
liberty, doing away with the malos usos, or bad customs, like those referred
to in the case of the monastery of Sahagún.

The four new social classes.

Four new social classes became important at this time, principally as a

result of the wars of reconquest,—the foreigners, Jews, Mudéjares, and
Mozárabes. As a general rule each group had its own law, differentiating it
from the national elements. Foreigners from every prominent western
European region came to León and Castile, attracted by the crusading
character of the wars or by the material development of this part of Spain or
perhaps fleeing from worse conditions in the lands whence they had come.
For the Jews this was the happiest period they ever enjoyed in Catholic
Spain, and great numbers of them entered Castile in order to escape the
persecution of the Almoravides and Almohades. For a while they were on
practically an equal footing socially and juridically with the Christians, and
were one of the principal agencies for the diffusion of Moslem culture in
León and Castile. By the opening of the thirteenth century their situation
began to change with the adoption of restrictive measures, although it was
not until the next period that these operated in all their harshness. As the
conquests proceeded, great bodies of Moslems were incorporated into the
Christian states, and they came to be called “Mudéjares.” Despite the
growth of intolerance with the advance in the crusading character of the
wars the Mudéjares were in general very well treated. Aside from treaties of
capitulation making promises to that effect, political and economic interests
made it advisable both on account of the numbers of the vanquished
Moslems and because of the need for population. Many of them, whether as
freemen or serfs, were agricultural laborers enjoying considerable
independence, including the right of publicly practising their religion. As
time went on they tended to gather into the cities, although subjected to
more restrictions than in the country,—such as the refusal to allow the
public practice of the Moslem faith (with a number of exceptions, however)
or requirements that they must wear a distinctive dress and live in a separate
section of the city. If they were not greatly molested in other respects they
did have to endure very heavy taxation, even including the tithe for the
benefit of the Christian church. The Mozárabes, though of the same race
and religion as the Leonese and Castilian population, had lived so long in
contact with Moslem civilization that they represented a class apart, having
their special laws differing from those of the native-born Christians.
Naturally, they were well received.

Forms of wedlock.

The family.

Among the social traits of the era may be noted a certain moral laxity.
Two forms of marriage were recognized, that of bendición (blessing of the
church), accompanied by a religious ceremony, and the wedding á yuras
(under oath), by a simple contract between the parties concerned. A third
form of union, similar to the latter but not recognized as lawful wedlock,
was that of barraganía (concubinage). The essential conditions of
barraganía were permanence and fidelity. Both parties were supposed to be
single, although the custom often extended to include married men; in the
latter case, but not in the former, the children were held to be illegitimate.
Many clergymen entered into this relation, despite efforts to prevent the
practice. Barraganía and the marriage á yuras have been considered to be a
Christian imitation of Moslem marital customs. Divorce was allowed for
serious cause. The father was recognized as the master of the family,
although the wife and children gained certain financial and personal rights
which had not formerly been accorded them. The bonds of family were so
strong, however, that individuals who were free by law to emancipate
themselves—for example, by marriage—often continued under the parental
roof. Thus great family groups living in common were formed.

Advance in domesticity.

Other social customs.

As a result of the greater economic wealth, the comparative peace back

from the frontier, and the development of the towns the manner of life
underwent a rapid change, which may be summed up by saying that people
began to live inside the house instead of out, giving more active play to the
domestic instinct of the woman, which in its turn had a much needed
softening effect upon the man. Houses now had hearths, although not
always a chimney and as late as the twelfth century no panes of glass in the
windows. Furniture reached a degree of luxury and comfort far in advance
of what it had been since the Roman era. It was heavy and very sober in
decoration at first, but increased in adornment later on. Beds were an object
of luxury in the eleventh century; people slept on benches or on the floor.
By the thirteenth century artisans and laborers usually had a bed, as also a
table, two chairs, and a chest. Chairs, throughout the period, were low, and
rarely had backs; those with both arms and a back were reserved for the
master of the house. Floors, even in palaces, were usually bare of cover.
Habits of cleanliness were not yet very much in evidence. Clothing was
customarily worn until worn out, without being changed or washed. At
table it was rare for the diners to have individual plates or napkins, and the
fork was not yet known. Bones and refuse were left on the table, or thrown
on the floor, and the use of water for any purpose other than for drinking
was unusual. The custom of public baths had some vogue in the cities,
however. Men still lived much in the open, but women habitually withdrew
from public view. Crimes against women, from those which were more
serious down to the comparatively mild offence of pulling a woman’s hair,
were punished with extreme severity,—not that women enjoyed high
esteem or even an equal consideration with men, for the supposed gallantry
of the medieval period did not in fact exist. Men wore their hair long, and a
long beard was considered as an indication of dignity,—so much so, that a
heavy penalty was imposed on anybody who pulled or cut another’s beard.
Amusement was provided by jugglers or by dancing and singing, especially
on days of religious festivals, or holidays, and during the holding of fairs.
Among the great people the French sport of the tourney was much in favor.
From France, too, came feudal chivalry, imposing the ideals of valor,
loyalty, and dignity (to the extent that nobody should doubt another’s
nobility, his word, or his courage) on those professing it. This exaggerated
sense of honor led to duelling, and comported ill with the real conduct of
the nobles. Epidemics of leprosy and plagues (bubonic?) were frequent,
resulting in the founding of hospitals and institutions of charity.

Political and administrative changes.

Fundamentally, León and Castile had much the same political

organization as before, but the popular element, as represented in the villas
and the Cortes, began to be a real political force, and the kings increased
their strength at the expense of the nobles, although their struggle with the
nobility as a class was not to result in complete royal victory for more than
two centuries yet. The throne continued elective in theory, but the tendency
was for it to become hereditary, although the question was not definitely
settled at this time. The right of women to reign became recognized with
the crowning of Berenguela. In administration many governmental districts
were enlarged to include various counties, the whole being ruled by a
governor appointed directly by the king, assisted by functionaries called
merinos mayores,[20] who had charge of civil and criminal jurisdiction. An
important reform was effected by removing the nobles from the post of the
king’s representative in the counties and substituting officials called
adelantados, whose authority at this time was more civil than military, and
therefore less dangerous.[21] Still others exercised respectively political and
military authority.

Beginnings of the Cortes.

Legislation.
 For centuries the kings had been in the habit of holding councils of
nobles or ecclesiastics, or both, although there was a tendency to exclude
the churchmen. In 1137 a council of nobles at Nájera was called the Cortes.
The popular element was first admitted in 1188, at a Cortes held in León,—
possibly the first occasion in the history of Europe when representatives of
the towns appeared in such an assembly. The first known instance in Castile
occurred in 1250. For a number of years, León and Castile, though become
a single kingdom, continued to have a separate Cortes. The kings called this
body whenever they wished, although they often made promises (which
they did not fulfil) to set regular intervals. None of the individuals called,
whether nobles, ecclesiastics, or representatives of the villas (or towns), had
the right to present themselves; that was left to the choice of the king, but
the custom gradually became fixed that certain towns should have the
privilege of being represented. Each member had one vote, but the number
of representatives from the towns differed, without being subject to a
general rule. The towns themselves chose who should represent them, but
the methods of choice were various. The Cortes was allowed to make
petitions to the king, each branch for itself, and to fix the sum of money that
it would grant him. It had no true legislative functions, but the king sought
its advice, or its approval for his laws, and its influence was such, that it
was able to procure desired legislation. The king presided in person at the
opening and closing sessions, and through officials of his own appointment
at the other meetings. The king continued to be the principal legislative
authority, and the law retained its former diversity and its fundamental basis
of privilege; the variety even increased, with the introduction of the new
social classes. The Fuero Juzgo, which was the common law, applied in but
few respects. The kings did something in the way of producing greater
juridical similarity, as by making dispositions of a general character at
meetings of the Cortes, and by using certain municipal charters as types,
while Ferdinand III commenced to draw up a uniform code, although he did
not live to complete it.

Political life of the towns.

Municipal organization retained the essential features of the preceding

era, such as the local assembly and the various officials, of whom the most
important were the judges. The latter came to be called alcaldes (from an
Arabic term meaning “the judges”),—an example of Moslem influence. In
many cities, there were representatives of the king, called merinos and other
names. Communication with the king was also maintained by the use of
messengers, now of the king, now of the city. The actual monarchical
authority was so slight that the towns often acted with complete
independence. Like the nobles they made forays against the Moslems on
their own account, or fought one another, or with very good reason attacked
neighboring, lawless nobles. For these wars they often formed leagues, or
brotherhoods (hermandades), of towns (or occasionally leagues which
included some nobles), for which special ordinances were drawn up without
previously consulting the king. Some of the towns of the north coast were
so independent that they joined in the wars between France and England,
against the latter. Often the towns changed their own charters without royal
permission, although this was not done in open defiance of the king, but,
rather, in secret and fraudulently. The privileges of the towns in respect to
taxation (although, indeed, they paid the bulk of what the king received
from his free, Christian subjects) have already been mentioned.[22] Taxes
were also collected within the towns for local purposes. In addition to
revenues from direct contributions the towns also imposed obligations of
personal service on their citizens, and owned lands which formed perhaps
their most important source of wealth. These lands were of two kinds, the
propios (estates “belonging to” a municipality and utilized to assist in
defraying public expenses), which were worked directly or rented by the
town, and the comunales, or land common, for the use of all, subject to
local regulations. In seigniorial towns, especially in those acknowledging an
ecclesiastical lord, great progress was made toward an approximation of the
rights enjoyed by the royal towns and cities. They had already gained
economic independence, but now wished to attain to political freedom as
well. They fought against the lord’s practice of arbitrarily choosing their
principal magistrates; next, they endeavored to gain for their own assembly
the exclusive right of choice; then they tried to increase the powers of the
locally chosen officials as compared with those appointed by the lord; and,
all along, they aimed to acquire more authority for their assemblies, or for
the council which came to represent them,—for example, the right to fix
wages. By the opening of the thirteenth century local autonomy had been
gained at Santiago de Compostela, and many other seigniorial towns (both
noble and ecclesiastical) had achieved equal, or nearly equal, good fortune.
 The administration of justice.

Justice belonged fundamentally to the king, but the alcaldes of the towns
usually exercised civil jurisdiction, and often criminal as well; in some
towns royal merinos or adelantados had charge of criminal jurisdiction. The
king might punish local judges, however, even removing them and
appointing others, but this power did not in fact enable him to check abuses.
Appeals went to the king, who also had the right to try in first instance the
serious crimes of murder, assault on a woman, robbery, and others. In such
cases the king was assisted in administering justice by a group of men of his
own appointment, called the Cort (not to be confused with the Cortes), but
this body merely advised him, for the decision was left to him. As might be
expected in an age of disorder, punishments were atrocious,—such, for
example, as mutilation, stoning to death, throwing over a cliff, burning,
burial alive, starvation, cooking, stripping off the skin, drowning, and
hanging; only the last-named has survived. On the other hand, composition
for murder, or the payment of a sum of money, was allowable,—for men
were valuable to the state,—although the murderer was not free from the
private vengeance of the dead man’s family. The so-called “vulgar
proofs,”—such as the tests of the hot iron and hot water, and the wager of
battle,—besides torture, were employed (as elsewhere in western Europe)
as a means for acquiring evidence, but these methods were already being
looked upon with disfavor. Real justice was in fact rare; the wealthy,
especially if they were nobles, were able to take matters into their own
hands or to procure favorable decisions, if affairs should reach the point of
litigation.

Methods of warfare.

Military service was obligatory upon all, but except for a small royal
guard there was no permanent army. Organization continued to be simple;
the seigniorial troops were commanded by the lord or his representative,
and the militia of the towns by an alférez (standard-bearer).[23] Large
numbers of foreigners joined in the wars against the Moslems, but perhaps
the most important element was that of the military orders. These orders
had a mixed religious and secular character, for, while some members took
the usual monastic vows, others were not required to do so. Aside from the
orders of general European prominence, like that of the Templars, there
were three which were confined to the peninsula, those of Calatrava,
Santiago, and Alcántara, all formed in the middle of the twelfth century.
Their membership became so numerous and their wealth so great that they
constituted one more important force with which the kings had to reckon in
the struggle for the establishment of royal authority, although the peril
proved greater in its possibilities than in the fact. War was absolutely
merciless, falling quite as heavily on the non-combatant as upon the
opponent with arms in his hands. The enemy population might be subjected
to the loss of their lands and to enslavement, unless this seemed
inadvisable, and pillage was legally recognized, with a share of the booty
going to the king. Such weapons as the sword, lance, and pike were still the
principal types. The use of flags was introduced as a means of inciting the
troops to deeds of valor, while priests were employed to provide a like
stimulus. The first navy in this part of Spain was the private fleet of Bishop
Gelmírez of Santiago de Compostela. Private navies were the rule. The first
royal navy was formed by Ferdinand III, as a result of the important part
played by the private naval levies which had assisted in the taking of
Seville.

The monks of Cluny and church reform.

Notwithstanding the increase in privileges accorded the church, the king

had always intervened in its affairs,—as by the appointment or deposition
of bishops, and even by taking under his own jurisdiction certain cases on
appeal from the ecclesiastical courts. The monks of Cluny, influential in so
many respects, set about to uproot the dependence of the church upon the
king and to bring about a closer relation of the clergy with the papacy.
Aided by the piety of the kings themselves they were able to achieve their
ends, although the monarchs maintained that the pope’s measures should
not be valid in the royal dominions without governmental consent.
Thenceforth, the pope and his legates began to take the place of the king in
church affairs. The same centralizing policy of the monks of Cluny and the
great popes of the era was employed to bring the Castilian church into
uniformity with that of Rome in matters of doctrine and rite. Some
difficulty was experienced in the latter respect, for the Spanish people were
attached to their form of worship, which was called the Visigothic, or
Mozarabic, rite. Earlier popes had recognized this as orthodox, but Gregory
VII asked Alfonso VI to abolish it. The king was willing, but the people and
the clergy were not. The matter was once left to the decision of the wager of
battle, and again to that of fire, but in each case the local rite came out
victorious. Finally, the king rode roughshod over judicial proofs, and
abolished the local rite.[24] It was in this period, therefore, that the hierarchy
of the church, depending on the pope, was established in Spain. At this
time, too, the monasteries (and the military orders as well) became
independent of the bishops, and ascended to the pope, or his legate, through
the medium of their abbots (or grand masters). The increasing wealth and
privileges of the church have already been sufficiently alluded to; many of
the orders degenerated greatly, even that of the monks of Cluny, as a result
of the luxury which their means permitted. At the moment when clerical
ostentation had become greatest there came the founding of the mendicant
orders, early in the thirteenth century. In the peninsula, as elsewhere, these
orders (whose principal vow was poverty) achieved a great work for the
church; the Franciscans went chiefly among the poor, and the Dominicans
dealt more with the upper classes, but both preached the necessity for
repentance and for conversion to the faith.[25] They also contributed greatly
to doing away with the loose practices which had become current among
the clergy in all parts of Christendom. One such practice persisted, despite
their efforts, the earlier efforts of the monks of Cluny, and the continuous
opposition of the kings (translated into severe laws),—that of priests
entering into the form of union called barraganía.

Aragon proper
Social institutions in Aragon.

In institutions, Aragon proper must be distinguished, throughout this

period, from the Catalonian region of the greater kingdom of Aragon.
Social differences were much more marked than in León and Castile, for
there was an excessively privileged feudal nobility, which had a despotic
power over the servile classes; the movement for emancipation from
slavery and serfdom belongs to a much later time. Lords had a right even to
kill their serfs. Slavery (confined usually to Moslems) was not personal, for
the slaves were attached legally to the land. What has been said for Castile
as regards the church, the Jews, Mozárabes, and Mudéjares applies
generally for Aragon. There were more Mudéjares than in Castile, but,
although they enjoyed equality with Christians before the law, they were on
a lower plane socially, and were more heavily taxed. The practice of living
in communal family groups was the rule in Aragon.

Political life and administration in Aragon.

The nobles had privileges of a political, as well as of a social character,

being virtually sovereigns on their own estates. One noteworthy official to
develop was the Justicia (Justice, or Justiciar), charged with hearing cases
of violation of privilege and complaints generally against the authorities.
The nobles tried to take the appointment of this official to themselves, but
failing in this were, nevertheless, able to compel Jaime I to recognize that
the functions of the Justicia were to be exercised in his own right, and not
by delegation of the king,—for example, in cases in which the Justicia
acted as judge, or mediator, between the nobles and the king. The free
towns usually sided with the crown, as in Castile, but they were not nearly
so numerous, and not equally an agency for the liberation of the servile
classes. According to some writers they were represented in the Cortes as
early as 1163 (which was earlier than in León), but others make 1274 the
date of their entry. There were four estates in the Aragonese Cortes,—the
higher nobility, the caballeros, the clergy, and the representatives of the
towns. Aragon and Catalonia continued to have a separate Cortes after the
union of the two states, and Valencia also received one of its own, but there
were times when a general Cortes of the entire kingdom was held. The
principal form of legislation was that of the royal charters. The same
diversity of law existed as in Castile, but Jaime I did something to bring
about unification by having a code drawn up. This code, called the
Compilación de Canellas (Compilation of Canellas), for one Canellas was
the compiler, embodied the traditional law of Aragon, supplemented by
principles of equity. It did not do away with the charters, applying only to
matters which they did not cover. The Roman law of Justinian and the
canon law, both of which greatly favored the king, were beginning to be
studied, but the nobility opposed the assertion of these legal principles in
courts of law. Taxes fell more heavily and more vexatiously on the common
people than they did in Castile, but a greater proportion went to the lords
and less to the king; Jaime I had to give his note for the royal dinners, at
times, and he paid his tailor by an exemption from taxation. The king was
not always able to persuade his nobles to join him in war, though in other
respects the military customs resembled those of Castile. The principal
difference in the religious history of the two regions was that the influence
of the monks of Cluny in favor of ecclesiastical dependence on the pope
was much earlier accepted in Aragon; the Visigothic, or Mozarabic, rite was
abolished as early as 1071. Pedro II’s submission of the kingdom to the
pope was not well received, however, by either the nobility or the people of
both Aragon and Catalonia.

Catalonia
 Social institutions in Catalonia.

Different as Catalonia was from Aragon, the two regions had many
features in common because of the existence of feudalism. The feudal
hierarchy was composed of counts, viscounts, valvasores (barons), and free
vassals, of whom the first three grades were noble. Underneath was the
institution of serfdom, equally harsh as in Aragon, and almost equally late
in advancing toward emancipation. Personal slavery (of Moslem prisoners
of war, as a rule) also existed. There were not many Mozárabes or
Mudéjares, but the Jews were fairly numerous. All enjoyed the same lenient
treatment as that accorded in Castile and Aragon,—with a beginning of
restrictive measures at the end of the period. The middle class of the cities
was more important than in Aragon, especially in the coast cities or towns,
where the citizens engaged in commerce. Although the communal family
group was the general rule in Catalonia, this institution was considerably
modified by the existence of the law of primogeniture, causing the
entailment of landed properties to each successive eldest son,—a variation
from the Fuero Juzgo. This aided in economic prosperity, because it kept
estates intact, and influenced younger brothers to go forth in order to build
up estates of their own. In other respects, social customs did not vary
materially from those of Aragon and Castile.[26]

Political life and administration in Catalonia.

Importance of Barcelona.

The only new factor of interest in general political and administrative

organization was the increase in the actual authority of the counts of
Barcelona (and, similarly, after they became kings of Aragon), although on
the same legal basis of feudalism as before. This came about through the
uniting of most of the counties in the single family of the counts of
Barcelona, who therefore were able to exercise a decisive influence in
Catalonian affairs. The rise in importance of Barcelona was the most
notable event in municipal history. Its commerce and wealth were so great,
and its prestige as capital of the county so influential, that it exercised a
veritable hegemony over the other towns. Each year the general assembly
elected five councillors, who in turn appointed a council of one hundred, or
Consell de Cent, which was the principal governing body of the city. The
city was allowed to coin money and to appoint consuls charged with
looking after the business interests of Barcelona in foreign lands. The
Consell also had mercantile jurisdiction. The Catalan commercial customs
were to pass over in a developed form into Castile, and from there to the
Americas. The Catalonian Cortes had but three estates, and was in other
respects similar to that of Castile. The representatives of the towns were
admitted in 1218, but their right to appear was not definitely affirmed until
1282. Barcelona had unusual weight in that body, for it possessed five
votes. The Usatges (the code adopted in the reign of Ramón Berenguer I)
merely expressed in writing the feudal customs which were already in
vogue, and therefore it was generally observed. It did not supersede the
charters, the Fuero Juzgo, and local customs, all of which continued in
effect. The Roman and canon law, despite the resistance of the nobility,
came to be regarded as supplementary to other legal sources, although not
as of right until centuries later. In naval affairs Catalonia was far ahead of
the rest of Spain. Both a merchant and a naval marine had existed since the
ninth century, and the former was encouraged by the suppression of taxes
and by favorable treaties with the Italian states. The navy had become a
permanent state institution by the middle of the twelfth century (in the reign
of Ramón Berenguer IV). Individual lords and towns had naval vessels of
their own, however. The history of the church followed the same course as
in Aragon; the Roman rite was adopted in the time of Ramón Berenguer I
(1035-1076).

Valencia
The royal power in the social and political life of Valencia.

When Jaime I conquered Valencia, he had an opportunity to put into

effect some of his ideas with regard to strengthening the principle of
monarchy, and did not fail to take advantage of it. In the distribution of
lands among the nobles, the king was recognized as the only lord;
furthermore, the majority of the lands were given outright, in small parcels,
to middle class proprietors, subject only to the royal and the neighborhood
taxes. Most of the recipients were Catalans, and thus the Catalan
civilization came to predominate in Valencia. The most numerous body of
the population, however, was that of the Mudéjares. Many of these were not
molested in their estates and their business, and some were even granted
lands, but the majority were obliged to pay heavy taxes in return for the
royal protection. The Mudéjar uprisings led to the introduction of more
rigorous measures. In political affairs, too, Jaime I established a system
more favorable to monarchy. The nobles wished to have the Aragonese law
apply, but the king introduced new legislation whereby the greater part of
the authority rested with him. The Valencian Cortes, of three branches,
dates from 1283.

Balearic Islands
Similarly in the Balearic Islands.

Jaime I pursued the same policy in the Balearic Islands as in Valencia,

avoiding the evils of feudalism, and treating the Mudéjares well,—for here
too they were in the majority.

Navarre
Feudalism and French influences in Navarre.

The extreme of feudal organization, similar to that in Aragon, existed in

Navarre. French peoples were an important element in the population, and
the power of the monks of Cluny was unusually great. Although the kings
established hereditary succession, the nobles continued to be virtually
absolute on their estates. The towns did not become as important a power as
elsewhere in Spain, and it was not until the next era, possibly in the year
1300, that their representatives were admitted to the Cortes.
 CHAPTER IX

MATERIAL AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS IN SPAIN, 1031-1276

Moslem Spain
Economic vicissitudes.

THE political vicissitudes of Moslem Spain could not fail to have an

unfavorable effect on industry and commerce. The economic decline did
not at once manifest itself and was not continuous in any event, for the
periods of depression were often followed by others of great prosperity.
Agriculture, industry, and the arts profited by new impulses, and trade was
carried on with eastern Mediterranean lands. The Christian conquests meant
an end of these commercial relations, but many of the industries survived in
the hands of Moslems, now become Mudéjares.

Moslem intellectual achievements.

Averröes and Maimónides.

In intellectual culture, Moslem Spain was even greater than it had been
in the days of its political power,—at least in the higher manifestations of
that culture. The taifa kings encouraged freedom of thought and expression,
even when unorthodox; yet, in literature and science the greatest heights
were reached, by both Jewish and Moslem writers, in the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries, during the rule of the intolerant Almoravides and
Almohades. That, too, was the period of their greatest influence on the
Christians. The principal service of Moslem Spain to western Europe was,
as has been said, the transmission of Greek thought, although not in its
purity, but with the modifications and variants of its later days, especially
those of the Alexandrian school. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries
many European scholars of note visited Spain, and took back with them the
Greco-oriental thought which was to be the chief basis of the philosophy
and science of Christendom, until the true Greek texts were discovered at
the time of the Renaissance. The Moslems were further advanced in
medicine than the other western European peoples, and were the first in
Europe since the days of the Greeks to cultivate the study of botany. In pure
mathematics and its applications, such as in astronomy and the pseudo-
science of astrology, they were equally to the fore. Their greatest influence
was to make itself felt, however, in the realm of philosophy, especially in
the works of Averröes and Maimónides, scholars who are to be compared
with Saint Isidore, both as respects the greatness of their achievements, and
as concerns the breadth, almost universality, of their attainments. Averröes
of Cordova (1126-1198), as commentator and propagator of the ideas of
Aristotle and Plato, was perhaps the principal resort of western European
scholarship for an early knowledge of Greek thought. He was also a
distinguished doctor and mathematician. Maimónides (or Moisés ben
Maimón), also of Cordova (1139-1205), was the founder of the rationalistic
explanation of Jewish doctrine and a bitter opponent of the neoplatonism[27]
of the Alexandrian school, but he was much influenced by Aristotle, whose
ideas he contributed to disseminate in western Europe. He was also a
celebrated physician. In addition to individual treatises on the various
sciences, many encyclopedias were written inclusive of all. As might be
expected, the rhetorical taste of Moslem Spain found abundant expression,
in both poetry and prose, and in subject-matter of a heroic, fabulous,
satirical, or amatory character. History, which at this time was more akin to
literature than to science, was also much cultivated. Aben-Hayyán of
Cordova wrote a history in sixty volumes, of the epoch in which he lived;
and there were others almost equally prolific who dealt with different
phases of the history of Moslem Spain. In the sciences, Jewish scholars
followed the current of their Moslem masters, but in philosophy and
literature they developed originality, inspired by their religious sentiments.
Their poetry had a somewhat more elevated tone than that of the Moslems.

Architectural mediocrity.

Although the Almoravides and Almohades were great builders, this

period was less important in Moslem architecture than either the preceding
or the following eras. The principal characteristic seems to have been a
withdrawal from Visigothic and classical forms, but the execution was less
correct and in poorer taste than formerly.
 León and Castile
Advance of agriculture and stock-raising.

The advance of the conquests, leaving large areas back from the frontier
in the enjoyment of a measure of peace, furthered economic development.
There continued to be civil wars in the interior, and personal security
against abuses of the lords and the attacks of bandits was none too great, but
matters were very much better than before, as a result of legislation
favorable to property, the greater importance of the towns, and the
emancipation of the servile classes. Agriculture was encouraged,—for
example, by laws granting unbroken lands to whoever should cultivate
them. The conquest made itself directly felt through the introduction of the
vine and the olive of Moslem Spain into regions which had not previously
cultivated them. Works of irrigation and the buildings of roads, so important
for the agricultural prosperity of Spain, seem not to have been undertaken,
however. Stock-raising was much more actively pursued than agriculture,
due in part to the traditional importance of that occupation, and in part to
the ease with which that form of wealth could be withdrawn from the
hazards of war,—an advantage which agriculture, naturally, could not share.
The age-long war of the stock-raisers against the farmers was usually
favorable to the former, who were wont to appropriate commons for their
animals and even to enter cultivated fields and damage or despoil them.
Associations of stock-raisers to protect their interests were already in
existence.

Industrial and commercial beginnings.

In the thirteenth century Castilian Spain made a beginning of industrial

and commercial life, of which Santiago de Compostela had been perhaps
the only representative prior to that date. Laborers united in guilds, just as
in other western European lands, working together according to the laws of
their guild, and living in the same street. Many of them were foreigners,
Jews, or Mudéjares. An export trade of raw materials and wine developed
between the towns of the north coast and the merchants of Flanders,
England, and Germany, and just at the end of the period the capture of
Seville added commercial wealth to Castile, through the trade of that city in
the western Mediterranean. Interior commerce still encountered the
difficulties which had harassed it in earlier times, but some of them were
overcome through the development of fairs to facilitate exchange. Certain
days in the year, usually corresponding with the feast of the patron saint of
the town, were set aside by important centres for a general market, or fair,
on which occasions special measures were undertaken to assure the safety
of the roads and to protect all who might attend,—Moslem and Jews as well
as Christians. Men naturally travelled in large groups at such times, which
was an additional means of security. The season of the fair might be the
only occasion in a year when a town could procure a supply of goods not
produced at home, wherefore this institution assumed great importance. The
increased use of coin as a medium of exchange demonstrates the
commercial advance of this period over the preceding.

The intellectual awakening.

In every branch of intellectual culture there was a vigorous awakening at

this time. The classical traditions of the Spanish clergy and the Mozárabes
were reinforced by western European influences coming especially from
France, while the Greco-oriental culture of the Mudéjares and Mozárabes
merged with the former to produce a Spanish civilization, which became
marked after the conquests of the thirteenth century. In the twelfth century
universities had sprung up in Italy and France, where the Roman and the
canon law, theology, and philosophy were taught. In those countries the
formal organization of the universities had grown naturally out of the
gatherings of pupils around celebrated teachers, but Spain had no Irnerius
or Abélard, wherefore the origins of the universities of the peninsula were
the result of official initiative. In 1212 or 1214 Alfonso VIII founded a
university at Palencia, but this institution lived only thirty-one years. About
the year 1215 Alfonso IX of León made a beginning of the more celebrated
University of Salamanca, the fame of which belongs, however, to the next
following era. By the close of the eleventh century the Castilian language
had become definitely formed, as also the Leonese and Galician variants.
By the middle of the twelfth century all three had become written
languages, and, by the middle of the thirteenth, Latin works were already
being translated into the Romance tongues.

Romance poetry.
 Beginnings of the drama.

One of the earliest forms of Romance literature was that of popular

poetry of an epic character, singing the deeds of Christian warriors. This
was of French origin, coming in with French crusaders and the monks of
Cluny. Two long poems of this class, both dealing with the life of the Cid,
have been preserved. One, the Poema (Poem), is believed to date from the
middle of the twelfth century, while the other, the Crónica (Chronicle), is
probably of later origin. Both mix legend with fact, but the former is the
less legendary. In the thirteenth century another type of poetry developed in
Castile called mester de clerecía (office of the clergy), also bound up with
French influences, but more erudite and formally correct and usually
religious in subject-matter, a Spanish expression of European scholasticism.
From the side of Aragon came the influence of southern France, in the
lyrical and erotic poetry of the Provençal troubadours. Galicia was much
affected by these foreign impulses, due to the journeys of pilgrims to
Santiago de Compostela, and developed a notable poetry of its own. In this
period, too, the Castilian theatre had its origins, in the mystery plays of the
church and in the popular performances of jugglers in the streets. Whereas
the former were in the nature of a religious ceremony, the latter, which were
ultimately to exercise the greater influence, were of a secular character,
usually satirical, and given to great liberty of expression.

History and science.

In historical literature there were two names of some note in this period.
Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, archbishop of Toledo (1170-1247), reduced the
early Spanish chronicles to a narrative form, embellished by erudite
references which his classical knowledge enabled him to employ. He may
be regarded as the father of Spanish historiography. Naturally, given the
age, his works were not free from legends and errors, and do not display the
critical spirit of modern times. Bishop Lucas of Tuy (died 1288), though far
inferior to Jiménez de Rada in both method and criticism, wrote a life of
Saint Isidore and other works which enjoyed great popularity in the
thirteenth century. In scientific literature there were no great names, for this
was a period of study and the translation of Arabic and western European
texts, rather than one of original composition.
 Romanesque architecture.

Early Gothic architecture.

Mudéjar architecture.

Sculpture, painting, and the lesser arts.

Just as the Romance tongues replaced the Latin, so Romanesque

architecture took the place of the decadent classical styles. Although there
was not a little variety in details, this style was characterized in León and
Castile by an accentuation of the cruciform ground plan, robustness of
form, heaviness in proportions, and profuse ornamentation, often of a rude
type. Arches were sometimes round, and sometimes slightly pointed. Over
the crossing there often appeared a polygonal dome or a tower with arcades
and a cap. The wooden roof was supplanted by barrel-vaulting in stone, and
this led to a strengthening of the walls, reducing the window space, and to
the use of heavy piers or columns and of exterior buttresses attached to the
walls. The west front, or portal, of churches was adorned in luxurious style,
notably with the sculptured work of men, animals, or foliage. At the same
time, new influences proceeding out of France were making themselves
felt, and by the thirteenth century the so-called Gothic style of architecture
was firmly established. In this the entire edifice was subordinated to the
treatment of the vault, which attained to a great height through the use of
the true pointed arch and of transversals to receive the weight of the vault.
For this purpose the flying buttress, now free from the walls, was greatly
developed. Edifices not only became higher, but also were enabled to use a
large amount of space for windows, since the walls no longer had to sustain
the thrust. At the same time decorative effects were increased, not only in
porticoes, but also in the glass of the windows, the capitals of columns,
water-spouts, pinnacles and towers, and in various forms of sculpture. The
spaces between the buttresses were often filled in to form chapels.
Remarkable as was the advance made in architecture, the work of this
period was sober and robust when compared with the later Gothic work.
Nevertheless, the development was very great, and is to be explained, very
largely, by social causes, such as the advance in the population and
importance of the cities and of the middle class. Greater cathedrals were
therefore needed, but they were also desired from motives of vanity, which
prompt new social forces to construct great monuments. The cathedrals
became not only a religious centre but also a place of meeting for the
discussion of business and political affairs, the heart and soul of the cities in
which they were located. Gothic architecture also manifested itself in
military and civil edifices. The castle was the characteristic type of the
former. The material now became stone, instead of wood. As in other parts
of Europe, there were the surrounding moat and the bridge, the walls with
their salients and towers, the buildings inside for the artisans on the one
hand, and for the lord and his soldiers on the other, and the powerfully built
tower of homage to serve as a last resort. The growth of the towns gave rise
to the erection of local government buildings, or town halls, and private
dwellings began to have an important architectural character. Another style
of architecture, usually called Mudéjar, existed in this period, combining
Arabic with Christian elements, of which the latter were Gothic of a
simplified character. The roof was of wood, but with the ornamentation of
the period. The body of the edifice was of brick, which was left without
covering on the outside, giving a reddish tone to the building. Sculpture had
an important vogue as an adjunct of architecture. Gradually, it passed from
the badly proportioned, stiff figures of the earlier years to something
approaching realism and to a great variety of form. Painting was notable
only for its use in the adornment of manuscripts and of windows, and in
these respects the work done was of a high order. Both sculpture and
painting were employed to represent sacred history or allegory. Rich tiles
were much used, both in the form of azulejos, and in that of compositions
of human figures, in which the usual symbolism appeared. The gold work
and furniture also bore witness to the greater wealth of this period as
compared with earlier times.

Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia

Economic differences in the kingdom of Aragon.

Catalan commerce.

Much that has been said about León and Castile as regards material
prosperity might be repeated for Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia. Aragon
proper was the poorest part of this region, economically. Stock-raising and
industries growing out of it were the principal occupations there. Catalonia,
though not backward in agriculture, was not too well adapted to it, since
certain crops, notably grain, could not be raised, but it had a varied
industrial life and an active commerce. Valencia was the most favored
region, being agriculturally wealthy, on account of the extensive use of
irrigation, and, like Catalonia, having a rich industrial and commercial life.
This was true also of Majorca. The Catalans had been engaged in
Mediterranean commerce since the ninth century, but in this period their
trade reached much greater proportions. Although Catalan boats went to
every part of the Mediterranean, the principal relations were with Italy;
there were frequent commercial treaties with Pisa and Genoa. Jaime I
brought about the sending of commercial representatives, or consuls, to
foreign countries, and was responsible for the establishment of mercantile
bodies, called consulados de mar (commercial tribunals of the sea) in
Catalan ports. A special maritime law sprang up, and was embodied in a
code, called the Libro del consulado de mar (Book of the consulado of the
sea).

Intellectual manifestations.

Raymond Lull.

The intellectual movement in Aragon and Catalonia ran along lines

parallel to that in León and Castile, but with more frequent contact with
French and Italian thought. Jaime I followed the custom of the era in
founding universities, establishing one at Lérida and another at Valencia.
One great name appeared in the literary history of this period, reaching over
into the next, that of Raimundo Lulio, known to English scholars as
Raymond Lull, or Lully (1232-1315), a philosopher, mystic, and poet, who
wrote many books which had a noteworthy influence on European thought.
Writing in the vulgar tongue and in a style adapted to the general public, he
attacked the pantheistic ideals of Averröes and held that all sciences, though
they have their individual principles, lead to a single all-embracing science,
which, for him, was Christianity; in other words, he represented the
reconcilement of Christianity with reason and science. The development of
the Romance tongues followed the same course as in Castile, but the
Catalan became widely separated from the other peninsular tongues, being
more akin to the Provençal, or language of southern France. The Provençal
influence on poetry was earlier in evidence in Catalonia than in Castile, and
was more pronounced. Lyric poetry, accompanied by music, was so high in
favor that great nobles and the kings themselves cultivated it. Alfonso II
(1162-1196) was the first Spanish troubadour, and other kings followed,
including Jaime I. History was the most important form of prose literature,
and the principal work was that of Jaime I himself, a chronicle of the
vicissitudes of his reign. Jaime I also compiled a collection of proverbs and
the sayings of wise men.

Architecture.

The Romanesque art of this region was less heavy and more gracefully
proportioned than that of Castile,—possibly, the result of Italian influences.
Catalan Gothic architecture was especially affected by Italian art,—so much
so, that it lacked some of the principal elements of the Gothic.

Navarre
Attention need be called only to the profound French influence in this
region.
 CHAPTER X

DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY: CASTILE, 1252-1479

General characteristics of the era.

AFTER the death of Ferdinand III and of Jaime I the reconquest of Spain
from the Moslems came to a virtual standstill for over two centuries. Some
slight accessions of territory were obtained by Castile, but no serious effort
was made to acquire the only remaining enemy stronghold, the kingdom of
Granada. Conditions had changed to such an extent that Moslem Spain for
the first tune in more than five centuries was of secondary and even minor
importance. Castile and Aragon devoted their principal attention to other
affairs, and both took great strides ahead in the march of civilization. In
Castile the chief problems were of an internal social and political nature. On
the one hand this period marked the change from a seigniorial country type
of life to that of the developed town as the basis of society; on the other it
witnessed the struggle of monarchy and the ideal of national unity against
seigniorial anarchy and decentralization for which the lords (including
many of the great churchmen) and the towns contended. As before, the
king’s principal opponents were the nobles, and the civil wars of this era,
whatever the alleged causes, were really only the expression of the struggle
just referred to. Outwardly the kings appeared to have been defeated, but in
no period of the history of Spain has the external narrative been more at
variance with the actual results, as shown by a study of the underlying
institutions, than in this. The real victory lay with monarchy and unity, and
this was to be made manifest in the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella
following this era. That reign was therefore the true end of this period, but
as it was even more the beginning of modern Spain it has been left for
separate treatment. The institutions of Castile from the thirteenth to the
fifteenth century were therefore of more than usual importance, and
particularly so since they formed the basis for the system which Spain was
so soon to establish in the Americas. In almost every aspect of life, social,
political, economic, and intellectual, Castile forged as far ahead over the
preceding period as that had over the one before it, although it did not reach
that high and intricate culture which is the product of modern times. Castile
was still medieval, like nearly all of Europe, but the new age was close at
hand.

Alfonso “the Learned.”

His foreign policy.

Alfonso X “the Learned,” or “the Wise” (1252-1284), was one of the

kings whose reign seemed to be a failure, but in fact it was he who sowed
the seed which was to bring about an eventual victory for the principles of
monarchy and national unity. Besides being a profound scholar Alfonso was
a brave and skilful soldier, but his good traits were balanced by his lack of
decision and will power, which caused him to be unnecessarily stubborn
and extremely variable. He engaged in a number of campaigns against the
Moslems, and made some minor conquests, but these wars were of slight
consequence except as they bore on his struggles with the nobles. The same
thing may be said for Alfonso’s European policy, which aimed not only at
the aggrandizement of Castile but also at his acquisition of the title of Holy
Roman Emperor. The kings of Castile had long claimed the throne of
Navarre, and Alfonso now attempted to invade that realm, but desisted
when it seemed that this might lead to complications with Jaime I of
Aragon. He also had a legal claim to the Basque province of Gascony,
which had come to the throne of Castile as the dowry of the wife of Alfonso
VIII, and planned to incorporate it into a de facto part of the kingdom, but
he renounced his rights to England upon the marriage of his sister to Prince
Edward, the later Edward I, of England. In 1257 the imperial electors chose
Alfonso X as Holy Roman Emperor, but many German princes supported
the pretensions of an English earl of Cornwall, and on the latter’s death
those of Count Rudolph of Hapsburg. For sixteen years Alfonso endeavored
to get possession of the imperial title, going to great expense in wars for
that purpose, but the opposition of the popes, wars with Granada and with
his own nobles, and a general lack of sympathy with the project in Castile
combined to prevent him from even making a journey to Germany in order
to be crowned. In 1273 Rudolph of Hapsburg was formally chosen emperor,
and Alfonso’s opportunity passed.

Causes of his strife with the nobles.

 Meanwhile, influenced by the Roman law, Alfonso had been enunciating
monarchical doctrines which were at variance with the selfish and
unscrupulous designs of the nobles, who fought the king at every turn.
Other causes for strife existed, but they were not fundamental. These were,
especially, the unwise measures employed by Alfonso to procure funds for
his sadly depleted treasury, and on the other hand his extravagant liberality.
Alfonso reduced the tribute due from Granada, debased the coinage,
increased the salaries of court officials, expended enormous sums in
celebration of the marriage of his eldest son, and was responsible for other
acts of a like character. In line with his claim of absolute royal power he
ceded the province of Algarve to the king of Portugal, renounced his right
to homage from that king, and as already noted gave Gascony to England,
all of which he did on his own authority. These acts were alleged by the
nobles, who fought him themselves, or even went so far as to join the
Moslems of Granada and Morocco against him. The most serious period of
the struggle was reserved for the last years of the reign. This was
precipitated by a fresh appearance of the Moslem peril.

War of succession between Alfonso and Sancho.

The Almohades had been succeeded in their rule of northern Africa by

the Benimerines, who were invited by the Moslems of Granada to join them
in a war against Castile. The invitation was accepted, but, although the
Benimerines landed and were for a time victorious, the danger was averted.
Its chief importance was that the king’s eldest son, Fernando de la Cerda,
was killed in battle in 1275, thereby precipitating a dynastic question.
According to the laws of succession which Alfonso had enacted the eldest
son of the dead prince should have been next heir to the throne, but this did
not suit Alfonso’s second son, Sancho, who alleged the superiority of his
own claim. He did not fail to support his pretension by promises of favors
to disaffected nobles, which procured him a backing strong enough to
persuade Alfonso himself to name Sancho as his heir. Later, Alfonso
decided to form a new kingdom in the territory of Jaén, though subject to
Castile, for the benefit of his grandson. Sancho objected, and persisted even
to the point of war, which broke out in 1281. The partisans of Sancho, who
included nearly all of the nobles, the clergy, and most of the towns, held a
Cortes in Valladolid in 1282, and deposed Alfonso. The latter soon won
over some of Sancho’s followers, and continued the war, but died in 1284,
disinheriting Sancho, leaving Castile to his grandson and smaller kingdoms
in southern Spain to two of his younger sons.

Sancho “the Brave.”

That the elements which supported Sancho were really fighting for their
own independent jurisdiction was early made clear. In 1282 they obtained
an acknowledgment from Sancho of the right of the nobles and towns to
rise in insurrection against the illegal acts of the king, and to bring royal
officials and judges to trial for their maladministration, being privileged to
inflict the death penalty on them. With their aid he was able to set aside his
father’s will and become King Sancho IV (1284-1295), later styled “the
Brave.” Once in possession of the throne he too showed a disposition to
check the turbulence of the nobles, for it was as impossible for a king to
admit the arbitrary authority of the lords as it was for the latter to accept the
same attribute in the king. Internal strife continued, but the pretext changed,
for Sancho’s opponents alleged the will of Alfonso in justification of their
insurrections. Sancho was at least an energetic character, and put down his
enemies with a stern hand, on one occasion having no less than four
thousand partisans of his nephew put to death. His brother Juan, whom
Sancho had deprived of the small kingdom which Alfonso had left him,
gave him the most trouble, at one time enlisting the aid of the Benimerines,
but without success.[28]

Ferdinand “the Summoned.”

María de Molina.

Ferdinand IV “the Summoned”[29] (1295-1312) was only nine years old

when his father died, wherefore the opponents of strong monarchy seized
the occasion for a new period of civil strife which lasted fourteen years. His
uncle, Juan, and his cousin, Alfonso,[30] renewed their pretensions,
furnishing an opportunity for the lords and towns to join one side or the
other, according as they could best serve their own interests, as also
affording a chance for the intervention of Portugal, Aragon, France, and
Granada with a view to enlarging their kingdoms. Although the towns
usually supported the king, they did so at the price of such privileges as had
been exacted from Sancho in 1282, showing that they had the same spirit of
feudal independence as the lords, despite the monarchical sentiment of the
middle class and the interest which they had in common with the king in
checking the turbulence of the lords. That the king was able to extricate
himself from these difficulties was due in greatest measure to his mother,
María de Molina, one of the regents during his minority. By her political
skill, added to the prestige of her word and presence, she was able to attract
many towns and nobles to Ferdinand’s side and to separate the more
dangerous foreign enemies from the conflict against him. This she did not
do without making concessions, but, at any rate, by the time the king had
attained his majority at the age of sixteen the most serious perils had been
overcome. Ferdinand IV showed himself an ingrate, demanding a strict
account from his mother of her use of the public funds. Not only was she
able to justify her administration, but she also demonstrated her devotion to
her son’s interests on later occasions, causing the failure of two
insurrections headed by Ferdinand’s uncle, Juan. Ferdinand made several
minor campaigns against the Moslems, but died while engaged in one of
them, leaving as his heir a year old boy.

Able rule of Alfonso XI in domestic affairs.

Alfonso XI (1312-1350) shares with Alfonso X the honor of being the

greatest Castilian king of this era, and he was by far more successful than
his great-grandfather had been. Naturally, civil wars broke out at the
beginning of the reign; a dispute over the regency served as one of the
pretexts. María de Molina came forward again, and saved her grandson as
she had saved his father, although she was unable to put down the
insurrections. In 1325, when he was but fourteen years old, Alfonso was
declared of age, and began his reign with an act which was characteristic of
the man and his time. He summoned an uncle of his, his principal opponent,
to a meeting at his palace, under a pretence of coming to an agreement with
him, and when the latter came had him put to death. He tried the same
policy with success against other leaders, and intimidated the rest so that he
soon had the situation under control. Alfonso combined a hand of iron with
great diplomatic skill, both of which were necessary if a king were to
succeed in that period. An exponent of the monarchical ideas of Alfonso X,
he proceeded by diverse routes to his end. Thus, in dealing with the nobles
he made agreements with some, deceived others, punished still others for
their infractions of the law, developed a distrust of one another among
them, employed them in wars against the Moslems (in order to distract their
forces and their attention), destroyed their castles whenever he had a
sufficient pretext, and flattered them when he had them submissive,—as by
encouraging them in the practices of chivalry and by enrolling them in a
new military order which he created to reward warlike services. In fine he
employed all such methods as would tend to reduce the power of the nobles
without stirring up unnecessary opposition. He was strong, but was also
prudent. He followed the same policy with the towns and the military
orders. For example, he promised that no royal town should ever be granted
to a noble (or churchman),—a promise which was not observed by his
successors or even by Alfonso himself. He was also successful in getting
generous grants of money from the Cortes, which assisted him materially in
the carrying out of his policy. He won the favor of the people by correcting
abuses in the administration of justice and by his willingness to hear their
complaints alleging infractions of the law, whether by his own officials or
by the nobles. He procured the comparative security of the roads, and in
other ways interested himself in the economic betterment of his people.
Meanwhile, he enhanced his own authority in local government, and always
maintained that the national legislative function belonged to the king alone,
not only for the making or amending of laws, but also for interpreting them.

The acquisition of Álava and repulse of a Moslem invasion.

Alfonso’s great work was the political and administrative organization of

the country, but there were two external events of his reign which are worth
recording. In 1332 the Basque province of Álava was added to Castile,
although with a recognition of the jurisdiction of the law of Álava. More
important, perhaps, was a great conflict with Granada and the Benimerines
of Morocco, who once more tried to emulate the successes of their
coreligionists of the eighth century. The kings of Aragon and Portugal
joined Alfonso to avert this peril, and a great battle was fought in 1340 at
the river Salado, near Tarifa, where the Moslem forces were completely
defeated. Though not yet forty at the time of his death Alfonso had already
written his name in large letters on the pages of Castilian history.

Pedro “the Cruel.”

 The work of Alfonso XI seemed to be rendered in vain by the civil wars
of the reign of his successor, Pedro I, variously called “the Cruel” or “the
Just” (1350-1369). In fact, the basis of the structure which Alfonso had
reared was not destroyed, and even Pedro took some steps which tended to
increase the royal power. He was not the man for the times, however, since
he lacked the patience and diplomacy which had distinguished his father.
He was, above all, impetuous and determined to procure immediate
remedies for any ill which beset him, even to the point of extreme cruelty.
He possessed a stern hand, energy, and courage, but he had to deal with a
nobility as turbulent and unsubmissive as was the spirit of Pedro himself.
The tale of his reign may be told at somewhat greater length than some of
the others,—not that it was more important, but by way of illustrating the
usual course of the civil wars in that time.

Civil wars of the reign of Pedro “the Cruel.”

Pedro I was the only legitimate son of Alfonso XI, who had left five
illegitimate sons by his mistress, Leonor de Guzmán, to each of whom he
had given important holdings and titles. On the death of Alfonso, his wife
(Pedro’s mother) procured the arrest of Leonor de Guzmán and later her
assassination. Naturally, this incensed the five sons of Leonor, although all
but the eldest, Count Henry of Trastamara, appeared to accept the situation.
Other pretexts for internal strife were not lacking. Pedro was a mere boy,
and at one time became sick and seemed about to die, whereupon the nobles
began to prepare for a dynastic struggle. Pedro lived, however, but caused
discontent by choosing a Portuguese, named Alburquerque, as his leading
adviser and favorite; the chief basis for the objections of the nobles was that
each one wished the post for himself. The resistance to Alburquerque was
the rallying-cry in the early period of the wars, in which Pedro’s illegitimate
brothers joined against him. Pedro was successful, and it is noteworthy that
he dealt leniently with his brothers, in contrast with his energetic cruelty
against the other rebels. In 1353, as the result of negotiations which had
been arranged by Alburquerque, Pedro married a French princess, Blanche
of Bourbon. Previously, however, he had entered into relations with a
handsome young lady of good family, named María de Padilla, to whom he
remained ardently devoted for the rest of his life. So blindly in love with her
was he that Alburquerque had to take him from the arms of María in order
to have him assist at his own wedding. Three days later the youthful Pedro
deserted his wife in favor of his mistress. Alburquerque wisely took himself
away, the Padillas were established as the favorites at court, and the young
queen was imprisoned. The nobles could no longer pretend that they were
fighting Alburquerque; on the contrary, they joined the very man they had
assumed to oppose, in a war against the king, with various alleged objects,
but in fact with the usual desire of seizing an opportunity for increasing
their own power. At one time they contrived to capture Pedro, but he
escaped and wreaked a fearful vengeance on his enemies, though once
again he allowed his brothers, who as usual were against him, to submit.
Meanwhile, Pedro’s marital experiences included a new wife, for he found
two bishops who declared his first marriage null, despite the pope’s efforts
to get the king to return to Blanche of Bourbon. Pedro married Juana de
Castro, but this time was able to wait only one day before returning to
María de Padilla. These events had their influence in the civil wars, for
many towns refrained from giving Pedro aid or joined against him out of
disgust for his actions.

The wars with Henry of Trastamara.

The wars were renewed from the side of Aragon, where Henry of
Trastamara, who for years had been the Castilian monarch’s principal
opponent, formed an alliance with the king of Aragon. The ruler of Aragon
at that time was Pedro IV, a man of the type of Alfonso XI. Having
overcome the seigniorial elements in his own realm he did not scruple to
take advantage of Pedro I’s difficulties in the same regard to seek a profit
for himself, or at least to damage a neighboring king of whom he felt
suspicious. Prior to the outbreak of hostilities Pedro I gave himself up to a
riot of assassinations, and among his victims were three of his half brothers
and several members of their families. His enemies were not yet able to
defeat him, however, even with the aid of Aragon, and a peace was signed
in 1361. Shortly afterward, both Blanche of Bourbon and María de Padilla
died, the latter deeply bemoaned by Pedro I. In 1363 Henry of Trastamara
and Pedro IV again formed a league against the Castilian king, and it was at
this time that Henry first set up a claim to the crown of Castile. To aid them
in their project they employed the celebrated “White companies,” an army
of military adventurers of all nations who sold their services to the highest
bidder. They were at that time in southern France and (as usually happened
in such cases) were regarded as unwelcome guests now that their aid was no
longer required there. The pope (then resident at Avignon) gave them a vast
sum of money on condition that they would go to Aragon, and Pedro IV
offered them an equal amount and rights of pillage (other than in his own
realm) if they would come. Therefore, led by a French knight, Bertrand du
Guesclin, they entered Spain, and in 1366 procured the conquest of most of
Castile for Henry, who had himself crowned king. Pedro I sought aid of his
English neighbors, for England at that time possessed a great part of
western France, and, in return for certain concessions which Pedro
promised, Edward III of England was persuaded to give him an army under
the command of the celebrated military leader, Edward, the Black Prince. It
was Henry’s turn to be defeated, and he fled to France. Pedro I now took
cruel vengeance on his enemies, disgusting the English leader, besides
which he failed to keep the promises by which he had procured his aid. The
English troops therefore went back to France, at a time when a fresh
insurrection was about to break out in Castile, and when Henry of
Trastamara was returning with a new army. Pedro I was utterly defeated at
Montiel, and was besieged in a castle where he took refuge. Captured by
Henry through a trick, he engaged in a hand-to-hand struggle with his half
brother, and seemed to be winning, but with the aid of one of his partisans
Henry at length got the upper hand and killed Pedro,—a fitting close to a
violent reign.
 Difficulties of Henry II.

Henry II (1369-1379), as the victor of Montiel was now entitled to be

called, did not retain his crown in peace. Despite the fact that he had
gravely weakened the monarchy by his grants of lands and privileges in
order to gain support, he was beset by those who were still faithful to Pedro,
or who at least pretended they were, in order to operate in their own
interest. Aragon, Navarre, Portugal, and England waged war on Henry, and
the two last-named countries supported Pedro’s illegitimate daughters by
María de Padilla, Constanza and Isabel (for Pedro had no legitimate
children), in their pretensions to the throne, as against the claims of Henry.
The most serious demands were put forward by John of Gaunt, Duke of
Lancaster and husband of Constanza, backed by Edward III of England.
Henry overcame his difficulties, although at the cost of concessions to the
nobles which were to be a serious obstacle to future kings.

Juan I and the battle of Aljubarrota.

The Prince and Princess of Asturias.

The reign of Juan I (1379-1390) was marked by two important events.

Juan married the heiress to the Portuguese throne, and the union of Spain
and Portugal seemed about to take place, but this arrangement did not suit
the Portuguese nobility. A new king of Portugal was chosen, and the
Castilian army was completely defeated at Aljubarrota in 1385. Shortly
afterward, the Duke of Lancaster landed in Spain with an English army to
prosecute the claims of his wife. This matter was settled by the marriage of
the Duke of Lancaster’s daughter, in 1388, to Juan’s heir, Prince Henry.
Thus was the conflict of Pedro I and Henry II resolved. Their descendants,
though tainted with illegitimacy in both cases, had joined to form the royal
family of Spain. The young prince and his consort took the titles of Prince
and Princess of Asturias, which have been used ever since by the heirs to
the Spanish throne.

Henry “the Sickly.”

Henry III “the Sickly” (1390-1406), though already married, was only a
minor when he became king, wherefore there occurred the usual troubled
years of a minority. Despite the pallor of his complexion (whence his
nickname) he was a spirited individual, and upon becoming of age (when
fourteen years old) set about to remedy some of the evils which had been
caused by the grants of favors to the nobles durng the regency and in
preceding reigns. He also adopted a vigorous policy in his relations with
Portugal, Granada, and the pirates of the North African coast, and even
went so far as to send two somewhat celebrated embassies to the Mogul
emperor and king of Persia, Tamerlane. One event of capital importance in
his reign may be taken as the first step in the Castilian venture across the
seas. In 1402 Rubín de Bracamonte and Juan de Bethencourt commenced
the conquest of the Canary Islands under the patronage of Henry. The
young king was also preparing to conquer Granada, when at the age of
twenty-seven his life was unfortunately cut short.

Juan II and Álvaro de Luna.

It seemed likely that the opening years of the reign of Juan II (1406-
1454) would witness a fresh period of civil struggle, since the king was not
yet two years old. That this was not the case was due to the appearance of a
man who was both able and faithful to his trust, the regent, Ferdinand of
Antequera, an uncle of Juan II. In 1412, however, he left Castile to become
king of Aragon, and a few years later Juan’s majority was declared at
fourteen years of age. Juan II was the first truly weak king of Castile. In the
history of Spanish literature he occupies a prominent place, and he was fond
of games of chivalry, but he lacked the decision and will-power to govern.
Fortunately he had a favorite in the person of Álvaro de Luna who governed
for him. On several occasions in the reign Álvaro de Luna was able to win
successes against Granada, but the fruits of victory were lost because of
civil discord in Castile. During most of the reign the nobles were in revolt
against Álvaro de Luna, and the weak king occasionally listened to their
complaints, banishing the favorite, but he could not manage affairs without
him, and Álvaro de Luna would be brought back to resume his place at the
head of the state. By 1445 the position of Álvaro de Luna seemed secure,
when a blow fell from an unexpected quarter. He had procured a Portuguese
princess as the second wife of Juan II, but she requited him by turning
against him. She persuaded Juan to give an order for his arrest, and, since
there was no cause for more serious charges, he was accused of having
bewitched the king, and was put to death in 1453. This time Juan could not
call him back; so he followed him to the grave within a year.

Henry “the Impotent” and Juana “La Beltraneja.”

The evil of internal disorder which for so many years had been hanging
over the Castilian monarchy came to a head in the reign of Henry IV “the
Impotent” (1454-1474). If Juan II had been weak, Henry IV was weaker
still, and he had no Álvaro de Luna to lean upon. He commenced his reign
with an act of characteristic flaccidity which was to serve as one of the
pretexts for the insurrections against him. War was declared upon Granada,
and the Castilian army reached the gates of the Moslem capital, when the
king developed a humanitarianism which hardly fitted the times, declining
to engage in a decisive battle lest it prove to be bloody. A more important
pretext for rebellion arose out of a dynastic question. Failing to have issue
by his first wife, Henry procured a divorce and married again. For six years
there were no children by this marriage, wherefore the derisive name “the
Impotent” was popularly applied to the king, but at length a daughter
appeared, and was given the name Juana. Public opinion, especially as
voiced by the nobles, proclaimed that the father was the king’s favorite,
Beltrán de la Cueva, on which account the young Juana became known
vulgarly as “La Beltraneja.” The Cortes acknowledged Juana, and she was
also recognized as heir to the throne by the king’s brothers and by his sister,
Isabella, but the nobles formed a league on the basis of her supposed
illegitimacy with the object of killing the favorite. They directed an
insulting letter to the king, demanding that his brother, Alfonso, should be
named heir. Instead of presenting a bold front against these demands, Henry
was weak enough to consent to them.

The seigniorial program and the vacillation of the king.

The dynastic question was far from being the principal one in the eyes of
the nobles. By this time it was perfectly clear that the real struggle was
political, between the elements of seigniorial independence and strong
monarchy. Thus the nobles and their allies had insisted that the king’s guard
should be disarmed and that its numbers should be fixed; that the judges in
royal towns and certain other royal officials should be deprived of their
office and be replaced by the appointees of the league; that the king should
be subjected to a council of state formed of nobles and churchmen, which
body was to intervene in the affairs formerly handled by the king himself,
including even the exercise of ordinary judicial authority; that all cases
against nobles and churchmen should be tried by a tribunal of three nobles,
three churchmen, and three representatives of the towns, and several of the
members who were to compose the tribunal (all of them opponents of the
king) were named in the document of these demands; and that there should
be a right of insurrection against the king if he should contravene the last-
named provision. After he had accepted the nobles’ terms Henry realized
the gravity of his act and changed his mind, declaring his agreement void.
The nobles then announced the deposition of the king, and named his
brother, Alfonso, in his stead, but the royal troops defeated them soon
afterward, and Alfonso suddenly died. The nobles then offered the crown to
Isabella, but she declined to take it while her brother was living, although
consenting to do so in succession to him, thus retracting her previous
recognition of Juana. On this basis the nobles offered peace to the king, and
he consented, which for the second time put him in the position of
acknowledging the dishonor of his wife and the illegitimacy of Juana. The
queen protested, and in 1470 Henry again recanted, but at the time of his
death, in 1474, he had not yet resolved the succession to the throne.

The marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella.

The union of Castile and Aragon.

Meanwhile Isabella had contracted a marriage of surpassing importance

in the history of Spain. In 1469 she married Ferdinand, heir to the throne of
Aragon, rejecting Henry IV’s proposal of a marriage with the king of
Portugal. Isabella was proclaimed queen on the death of her brother, but
many nobles now took the other side, upholding the cause of Juana,
including some who had formerly fought on the side of Isabella,—for
example, the archbishop of Toledo. The hand of Juana was promised to the
king of Portugal, who therefore joined in the war on her side. The forces of
Isabella were victorious, and in 1479 a treaty was made whereby she was
recognized as the queen. The unfortunate Juana chose to enter a convent. In
the same year, 1479, Ferdinand became king of Aragon, and at last a
political union of the greater part of Christian Spain had become a fact.
 CHAPTER XI

DEVELOPMENT TOWARD NATIONAL UNITY: ARAGON, 1276-1479

General characteristics of the era.

THE general remarks made with respect to Castilian history in this period
apply, with but few modifications, to that of the kingdom of Aragon. In
Aragon the victory of monarchy over seigniorial anarchy was externally
clear as early as the middle of the fourteenth century. The civil wars after
that date (and there were very few until the last reign of the period) were
due to the vast power of the city of Barcelona in conflict with the king, to
the difference in interests of Aragon proper and Catalonia, and to social
uprisings. Social progress in this region, but especially in Catalonia, was
much more marked than in Castile, merely because there was so much more
to gain, and great as were the advances made they did not bring the masses
to a state of social freedom equal to that which had been attained in Castile.
Of great importance to the future of Spain was the embarkation of Aragon
on a career of Italian conquest. Fatal as Spain’s Italian aspirations were to
be in succeeding centuries, that evil was balanced, at least in part, by a
contact with Renaissance influences proceeding out of Italy, and by a
favorable commerce which redounded in many ways to the benefit of
Spain. This was one of the periods when the advantages of the Italian
connection were greater than the disadvantages.

Pedro III and the nobles.

Pedro III (1276-1285) showed in his short reign that he was a man of his
father’s mould. Able as he was he had to yield not a little to his nobles and
the oligarchical towns, as indeed had Jaime I,—as witness the case of the
independent position of the Justicia won from Jaime I. From Pedro III these
elements, especially those of Aragon proper, obtained the rights embodied
in a document called the “General Privilege”; by this the Justicia was
proclaimed chief justice for all cases coming before the king, and was made
to depend more closely on the nobles and allied towns. They also gained
many other privileges, such as the restoration of the goods and lands taken
from them by Jaime, exemption from naval service, and a reduction in the
number of days of military service required of them. Yet Pedro was able to
keep them sufficiently in hand to enable him to embark upon an ambitious
foreign policy.

Foreign policy of Pedro III.

Pedro took the first step toward the reincorporation of the realm left by
his father to Pedro’s brother Jaime when he procured a recognition from the
latter that he held his kingdom of Majorca as a vassal of the king of Aragon.
Reaching out still farther he established a protectorate over the Moslem
state of Tunis, gaining great commercial advantages at the same time. The
next logical move was the conquest of the island of Sicily. Two events
combined to bring Pedro III into competition for dominion there. One was
his denial of vassalage to the pope, repudiating the arrangement of Pedro II,
and the other was his marriage to Constance, the daughter of King Manfred
of Sicily. The papacy had only recently won its struggle of several centuries
against the Hohenstaufen Holy Roman Emperors, and it claimed that the
territory of Naples, or southern Italy and Sicily, was at the pope’s disposal.
Manfred of Sicily was a member of the defeated imperial family, and would
not recognize the papal claim, whereupon the pope offered the kingdom as
a fief to the French prince, Charles of Anjou. Charles accepted and
succeeded in conquering the island, putting Manfred to death. He then
proceeded to rule in tyrannical fashion, until in 1282 he provoked the
celebrated uprising known as the “Sicilian vespers,” when a terrible
vengeance was wreaked upon the followers of Charles. Pedro III already
had a great army near by in Tunis, and when he was invited by the Sicilians
to help them he accepted, alleging the claims of his wife to the Sicilian
crown, and landing in Sicily in the same year, 1282. In a short time he was
master of the entire island, and through the exploits of his great admiral,
Roger de Lauria, in control of not a little of the Italian coast as well, though
only temporarily.

The French invasion.

Affronted both by the denial of vassalage and by the conquest of Sicily

the pope excommunicated Pedro, and declared his deposition as king of
Aragon, granting the throne in his stead to Charles of Valois, second son of
the king of France. He even went so far as to proclaim a crusade against
Pedro, and a great French army was prepared to carry out his decision and
to establish the claim of Charles of Valois. Allies were found in King Jaime
of Majorca and many of Pedro’s own nobles and churchmen. The French
forces soon overran much of Catalonia, but when matters looked darkest a
great naval victory by Roger de Lauria and an epidemic which broke out in
the French army turned the tide, and the invaders were driven across the
Pyrenees. In the same year Pedro died, but just before his death he offered
to return Sicily to the pope,—so strong was the prestige of the papacy in
that day.

Alfonso III.

Struggles with the nobility and the Privilege of the Union.

Pedro’s son, Alfonso III (1285-1291), had no idea of abandoning Sicily.

He made it into a separate kingdom under his brother Jaime, and the strife
with France and the pope went on. Alfonso was not of his father’s calibre,
however, and in 1291 agreed to renounce the Sicilian claim and to fight
Jaime if the latter should fail to comply with this arrangement; furthermore,
he agreed to pay the papal tribute of the treaty of Pedro II, including all
back sums still unpaid. Before Alfonso could act on this agreement he died.
His reign had not been free from struggles with the nobility, and the latter
were in no small degree responsible for the weak result of his foreign
policy; only an exceptionally capable monarch, such as Pedro III had been,
could handle successfully the grave foreign and domestic problems of the
time. The nobles and towns of Aragon proper and Valencia had banded
together in a league called the Union, and they used their combined
influence to exact new privileges from Alfonso. When he resisted they went
so far as to conspire for the succession of the French pretender, and took
other extreme measures which soon decided the king to give way. In 1287
he granted the famous “Privilege of the Union.”[31] By this document the
king was restrained from proceeding against any member of the Union
without the consent of both the Justicia and the Cortes, and a council was to
be appointed to accompany him and decide with him the matters of
government affecting Aragon and Valencia. If he should fail to observe the
Privilege in these and other respects (for there were other articles of lesser
note) the members of the Union might elect a new king. Thus, as Alfonso
III put it, “There were as many kings in Aragon as there were
ricoshombres” (great nobles). Jaime II (1291-1327), brother of the
preceding, contrived to reduce some of the privileges granted by this
document, although indirectly, for he recognized its legal force. He enacted
laws which were in fact inconsistent with it, and in this way managed to
deprive the Justicia of some of the vast power to which he had attained.

Jaime II and the Sicilian question.

The reign of Jaime II was especially interesting from the standpoint of

foreign affairs. Having been king in Sicily, Jaime was not disposed to
surrender the island to the pope, and left his son, Fadrique, there to govern
for him. Soon he changed his mind, and made a similar agreement to that of
Alfonso III, whereby the island was to be given to the pope, and Jaime was
to employ force, if necessary, to achieve this end. Jaime was soon afterward
granted Sardinia and Corsica in compensation for Sicily, although they were
to be held as a fief from the pope, and he was to make good his claim by
conquering them. The Sicilians were not favorable to Jaime’s agreement,
and proceeded to elect Fadrique king, resisting Jaime’s attempts to enforce
his treaty. After a long war, peace was made in 1302 on terms whereby
Fadrique married the daughter of the Angevin claimant, the papal
candidate, and promised the succession to his father-in-law. Toward the
close of Jaime’s reign Sardinia was conquered, in 1324, by the king’s eldest
son. It was at this time, too, that a body of Catalan mercenaries set up their
rule in the duchy of Athens, thus extending Catalan influence to the eastern
Mediterranean.[32]

Alfonso “the Benign.”

Alfonso IV “the Benign” (1327-1335) had a brief, not very eventful

reign, marked by wars with Pisa and Genoa for the possession of Sardinia,
but more especially interesting as a preparation for the reign to follow.
Alfonso’s second wife tried to procure a kingdom for her son by a partition
of the realm, thus depriving the king’s eldest son, Pedro, of his full
inheritance. Alfonso was willing to accede to her wishes, but the energetic
character of Pedro, backed by popular sentiment, obliged him to desist from
the project.

Pedro “the Ceremonious” and the overthrow of seigniorial anarchy.

 Pedro IV “the Ceremonious” (1335-1387) forms a curious parallel to his
Castilian contemporaries, the great Alfonso XI and the violent Pedro I. Like
the latter he was energetic, treacherous, and cruel, but was more
hypocritical, having a great regard for appearances and standing on the
letter of the law (hence his nickname). Withal, like Alfonso XI, he was the
type of ruler needed at the time, and was even more successful than the
great Castilian, for he definitely decided the question between the nobility
and the crown. The struggle began over a dynastic issue when Pedro, who
at the time had no sons, endeavored to arrange for the succession of his
daughter Constance, instead of his brother Jaime. The nobles and the towns
of the Aragonese and Valencian parts of the kingdom used this event as a
pretext for a renewal of the activities of the Union, and in the first conflict
they were too strong for Pedro. He was obliged in 1347 to acknowledge the
Privilege of the Union, and in addition had to consent to a division of the
kingdom into districts ruled by delegates of the Union, who had broad
powers, including a right to receive the taxes, which henceforth were not to
go to the king. Pedro was not a man to bow at the first defeat, and in the
same year renewed the contest. It is noteworthy that the Catalonian nobles
and towns were on the king’s side, possibly because of their interest in
Mediterranean expansion, which necessitated the backing of a strong
government. In addition, certain democratic towns in Valencia and Aragon
joined Pedro, as well as many individuals who resented the tyranny of the
recently victorious Union. In 1348 Pedro crushed the Aragonese opposition
at the battle of Épila, and then overwhelmed his opponents in Valencia,
punishing them afterwards with a ruthless hand, displaying a rather vitriolic
humor when he made some of his enemies drink the molten metal of which
the bell for calling meetings of the Union had been composed. The legal
effect of these victories was little more than the nullification of the Privilege
of the Union and a reduction of the powers of the Justicia and of the
exaggerated pretensions, social and otherwise, of the nobles, while the
General Privilege and other royal charters remained in force. In fact,
however, a death-blow had been struck at feudal anarchy, and the tendency
henceforth was toward centralization and absolutism.

Pedro’s successful foreign policy.

 The reign of Pedro was not without note, also, in foreign affairs. Even
before settling his dispute with the Union he had accomplished something
for the aggrandizement of Aragon. He somewhat treacherously provoked a
quarrel with the king of Majorca, and then conquered the island in 1343.
Proceeding at once against the same king’s possessions in southern France
he incorporated them into his kingdom. Pedro had also assisted Alfonso XI
of Castile against the Benimerines, contributing to the victory of the Salado
in 1340. The war with Genoa and the uprisings in Sardinia which had filled
the reign of his predecessor gave trouble also to Pedro, but after a campaign
in Sardinia in person he was able temporarily to get the upper hand. His
intervention in the civil wars of Castile has already been noted, and from
these he came out with some not greatly important advantages. He also cast
his eyes upon Sicily with a view to restoring it to the direct authority of the
Aragonese crown, although this was not accomplished in his reign, and he
encouraged commercial relations with the lands of the eastern
Mediterranean. In 1381 he accepted an offer to become the sovereign of the
Catalan duchy of Athens. These events were more indicative of a conscious
Catalan policy of predominance in the Mediterranean than important in
themselves.

Juan I and Martín I.

The dispute over the succession and the crowning of Ferdinand I.

The reigns of the next two kings, Juan I (1387-1395) and Martín I (1395-
1410), were more important from the standpoint of social institutions than
in external political events. In the former reign occurred the loss of the
duchy of Athens. In the latter, the island of Sicily, as foreseen by Pedro IV,
returned to the Aragonese line when Martín of Sicily succeeded his father
as king of Aragon. On the death of Martín without issue, a dispute arose as
to the succession to the throne. The most prominent claimants were
Ferdinand of Antequera, then regent of Castile, a son of Martín’s sister, and
Jaime, count of Urgel, son of a cousin of Martín. Ferdinand was supported
by the Aragonese anti-pope, Benedict XIII,[33] by the ecclesiastical and
popular elements of most of Aragon proper, by various nobles, and by the
political influence of the Castilian state, while Jaime counted on the popular
support of Catalonia and Valencia and of part of Aragon, as well as on
various noble families. Jaime had the advantage of being a native of the
kingdom, while Ferdinand was looked upon as a foreigner, but as a matter
of law Ferdinand had the better claim. For two years there were serious
disturbances on the part of the noble families, which united their personal
rivalries to the question of the dynastic succession. Finally, the matter was
left to a commission of nine, three each from Aragon, Catalonia, and
Valencia, and this body rendered a decision, in 1412, in favor of the
Castilian claimant, who thereby became Ferdinand I of Aragon (1410-
1416). Jaime resisted for a time, but was soon obliged to submit, and was
imprisoned in a castle, although well treated there.

Alfonso “the Magnanimous” and Aragonese expansion into Italy.

Ferdinand was succeeded by his son, Alfonso V, called variously “the

Learned” or “the Magnanimous” (1416-1458) under whom the Catalan
Policy of Mediterranean expansion advanced to a stage far beyond anything
previously attempted. Most of his reign was passed by him in warfare in
Italy. Invited by the queen of Naples, who adopted him as her heir, to assist
her against the house of Anjou, Alfonso was at length able to dominate the
land and to set up a brilliant court at the city of Naples. He also intervened
successfully in other wars, and even thought of attempting to reconquer
Constantinople from the Turks, for that city had been taken by them in
1453. Meanwhile, his absence from his Spanish dominions permitted of a
revival of internal disorders, which were to come to a head in the next
reign. Alfonso gave Naples (southern Italy) to his illegitimate son
Ferdinand, and the rest of his domains, including Sardinia and Sicily, to his
brother Juan.

Juan II, Juana Enríquez, and Charles of Viana.

The revolt of the Catalans.

Prior to his succession to the Aragonese throne Juan II (1458-1479) had

married the queen of Navarre, and at her wish, consented to by their son,
Charles, Prince of Viana, had continued to act as king of that land after his
wife’s death. He had contracted a second marriage with a Castilian lady,
Juana Enríquez, and her intrigues against Charles of Viana had already
caused that prince no little trouble. In the interests of her own children (one
of whom, the later great King Ferdinand, was to be a worthy exemplar of
the scheming traits of his mother) she plotted to deprive him of his rights,
first to the throne of Navarre, and later, after Juan had succeeded to the
Aragonese crown, to that of Aragon. The Catalans took up the cause of
Charles of Viana with enthusiasm, and when Juan refused to declare him his
heir civil war broke out, not only in Catalonia, but also in Aragon and
Navarre. Charles was at first successful, and his father consented to
recognize him as his successor and to appoint him governor of Catalonia,
but the agreement had hardly been signed when the young prince died.
Public opinion ascribed his death to poisoning at the instigation of his step-
mother, and so great was the general indignation over this event that civil
war in Catalonia broke out afresh. The Catalans were at a legal
disadvantage in not having a legitimate lord to set up against Juan II. They
elected various individuals as count of Barcelona, and even thought of
organizing a republic, but the successive deaths of their chosen rulers, and
the length of the war, which had already lasted twelve years, inclined many,
toward the close of the year 1470, to make peace with the king. The very
misfortunes of the latter, despite the crimes which he had committed, tended
to this end, for he had again become a widower, and was blind and alone,
for his son, Ferdinand, had remained in Castile after his important marriage
with Isabella in 1469. Finally, in 1472, a peace satisfactory to both sides
was arranged. It is to be noted that this war had nothing to do with the
earlier struggle of the lords against the king, but was sustained rather by the
city of Barcelona and the permanent committee, or deputation, representing
the Cortes of Catalonia, against the king, being fought mostly in Catalonia,
and being involved also with the attempts of the Catalan peasant classes to
shake off the social burdens which they had so long been obliged to bear.
The former seigniorial stronghold of Aragon proper was in this war the
most powerful royalist element. The closing years of Juan’s reign were
devoted to a war against France for the reconquest of Cerdagne and the
Roussillon, which had previously been granted by Juan to the French king
in return for support against the former’s Catalan enemies. This war was
still going on when, in 1479, Juan died, and Ferdinand ascended the throne,
to rule, jointly with Isabella, the entire realms of Castile and Aragon. Thus
had the evil intrigues of Juana Enríquez redounded to the benefit of Spain.

Navarre
 Navarre re-enters the current of peninsula history.

From 1285 to 1328 Navarre was a French province, but recovered its
independence under the house of Evreux on the death of Charles IV of
France without succession. The next heir after Charles of Viana was his
sister Blanche, but her father, Juan II of Aragon, had her imprisoned, and a
younger sister, Leonor, was enthroned in her stead.[34] Leonor and her
husband, the count of Foix, established a new dynasty which was destined
to be of short duration, for in 1512 Ferdinand of Aragon conquered Spanish
Navarre. French Navarre remained for a time under the rule of the house of
Foix, but presently became a part of the kingdom of France.

The Basque Provinces

Early history of the Basque provinces and their ultimate incorporation in the kingdom of
Castile.

The three Basque provinces of Álava, Vizcaya, and Guipúzcoa had more
of interest in their internal organization than in their external political
history, since in the latter respect they were closely united to Navarre and
Castile, which states disputed the dominion of these provinces. They were
usually subject to one power or the other, although some of their towns,
together with others of the Castilian north coast, formed themselves into
leagues (hermandades), and enjoyed a certain amount of independence in
their dealings with England and France. A number of popular beliefs exist
with regard to the history of these provinces, one of which is that they have
never been conquered. It is true that no conqueror ever stamped out the
indomitable spirit and the customs of the people, but the land was rarely
independent. It is believed that the Moslem invasion of the eighth century
did not extend to these provinces, but at a later time they did suffer from
Moslem incursions. With the organization of the kingdom of Asturias, both
Álava and Vizcaya seem to have been either dependent on that realm or at
least in close relationship with it. At times, from the eighth to the tenth
centuries, the counts of Álava were also counts of Castile. Passing into the
hands of Sancho the Great of Navarre, Álava was incorporated in that
kingdom until the reign of Alfonso VIII of Castile. Alfonso VIII won the
battle of Vitoria, and conquered the land in 1200. Thenceforth it remained
under the sovereignty of the Castilian monarch, although with an assembly,
the Cofradía (Fraternity, or Association) of Arriaga, of its own. In 1332, in
the reign of Alfonso XI, the incorporation with Castile was made complete,
although with a retention of the charters and liberties of the province.
Vizcaya also vacillated between Navarre and Castile as a more or less
independent, protected country, until in 1370 it passed over to the Castilian
crown by inheritance of the wife of Henry III. The course of events in
Guipúzcoa was very similar. In 1200 the province submitted to the
conqueror of Vitoria, and from that time forth the external political history
of Guipúzcoa was that of Castile.

Granada
Inconsequential character of Granadine political history.

The Moslem state of Granada was of very slight political importance in

this period, despite its by no means insignificant territorial extent, wealth,
and population. It was a mere political accident, annoying to the Christians
at times, but as a rule not worthy of serious consideration as an enemy. It
was precisely because it was not greatly to be feared or very troublesome
that it was permitted to maintain its independence. It is to be noted, also,
that there was very little of the crusading spirit in these centuries; if there
had been, Granada would soon have been conquered. On several occasions,
when the rulers of Granada called in the Benimerines and others from
Africa, the Moslems were a serious peril to Christian Spain, but the battle of
the Salado in 1340 proved decisive, being followed by a decline of the
political strength of the Moslem states of northern Africa. After 1340 the
rulers of Granada limited themselves, in their relations with the Christian
states, to intervening in Castile during periods of civil war, or to asking
Castilian aid at times of internal strife in Granada. Uprisings and
dethronements were of frequent occurrence, but so too were Moslem raids
into Castilian territory.
 CHAPTER XII

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION IN SPAIN, 1252-1479

Castile
Social changes of the era in Castile.

AS regards social organization this period represents merely an evolution

of the factors which had already appeared in the preceding era, and its chief
results were the following: the end of serfdom; the advance of the middle
class and its opposition to the lords, principally through its jurisconsults and
the caballeros of the towns; an increase in the privileges of the clergy; and
additional landed wealth for the nobles through the donations of the kings
or private conquests. The principal social struggle was no longer that of the
serfs against their lords, but rather of the middle class, as represented by the
wealthier citizens of the towns, against the nobles and clergy for legal
equality, especially as regards taxation and other duties to the state. The
disappearance of serfdom did not bring economic well-being to the
agricultural laborers; their fortunes in this regard were often as vexatious
and hard to bear as their former personal dependence had been. At the same
time, the poorer people of the towns became a fairly numerous class, but
they were in a position of inferiority as compared with the wealthier
citizens.

Social and political prestige of the nobility.

Primogeniture and latifundia.

Through civil wars and the weakness of the kings the power of the
nobles, both socially and politically, appeared to increase. They did not
confine their strife to opposition to the king, but fought one another
incessantly, not for any political or other ideal, but mainly for personal
reasons. Such was the nature of the wars, for example, between the Guzmán
and Ponce families of Seville. As time went on, these intra-class struggles
increased, being more numerous than ever in the fifteenth century. The
nobility would have destroyed itself if the kings had known how to take
advantage of the situation, but most of them failed to appreciate their
opportunity. Sancho IV, Alfonso XI, Pedro I, and Henry III tried to reduce
the nobles by direct attack, and Henry IV gave special attention to the
development of a new nobility as a counterpoise to the old, but usually the
kings dared to fight only indirectly, as by granting the petitions of the towns
which involved a diminution of seigniorial authority. Two circumstances in
addition to their political victories tended to secure the position of the
nobles: the adoption of the law of primogeniture with regard to the
succession to both their titles and their lands; and the increase in the
territorial domains in the possession of the nobles. By the law of
primogeniture the wealth of the family and the lustre of its name were given
in charge of the eldest son, maintaining in this way the powerful position of
the particular noble house. The second sons (segundones), in large measure
disinherited, sought a career as members of the clergy or as soldiers. Henry
II himself was partly responsible for the introduction of this new practice of
the nobility, and he and later kings usually required that the lands granted
by them to the nobles should be inalienable and subject to the law of
primogeniture. The royal donations, which were especially great from the
time of Henry II on, were usually of two kinds: honores (honors), or grants
of the fiscal rights which the king had in a specifically named place; and
tierras (lands), or grants of a fixed rent on a certain town or towns. Both
forms were termed generally grants in encomienda. The nobles increased
their holdings yet more by usurpations and private conquests. Early in the
reign of Henry IV, for example, the Duke of Medina Sidonia and other
nobles conquered territories of vast size from the Moslems, and these
latifundia, (broad estates) have influenced even to the present day the
economic life of Andalusia.

Decline of the military orders.

The caballeros of the military orders were a notably important element.

A noble of high rank was usually chosen as grand master, and this gave him
a preponderantly strong position. The vast power of these orders was the
cause of their downfall, the impulse for which came from without, through
the joint action of the French monarchy and the popes. The order of the
Templars, the strongest of all, was abolished by the pope in 1312, and this
reacted to cause a decline of the other orders. Furthermore, the reason for
their existence ceased with the entry of the Turks into Europe and the
cessation of the Spanish crusades. Except as concerned the military orders
the nobles seemed to have reached the height of their social ambitions,
conducting themselves in a lawless manner with a more or less complete
lack of loyalty, high ideals, or moral sense, but (as will be pointed out in the
following chapter) their authority appeared to be greater than it actually
was.[35]

Social importance of the clergy.

The personal immunities of the clergy were not only extended, but were
also made applicable to a greater number than formerly, and the wealth of
the church was increased. Not only priests, but also their servants and the
members of the religious orders, including even those of the lay orders,
acquired the so-called “benefit of clergy,” which exempted them from
certain financial obligations to the state and to the towns, and secured them
the privilege of being subject judicially to the ecclesiastical courts only.
Furthermore, entry into religious orders became so comparatively easy that
the number of ecclesiastics proper increased greatly, although many of them
continued to be business men, lawyers, administrative officers, and even
jugglers and buffoons, frequently leading a licentious life. Similarly, the
mendicant orders had lost their early ideals of poverty and self-sacrifice,
and besides being lax at times in their mode of life were devoting
themselves to the acquisition of wealth, especially by procuring
inheritances. These conditions were cited in complaint after complaint of
the national Cortes, asking the king for their redress. Finally, Henry II
issued a law, confirmed by Juan I, that clergymen should contribute to the
funds applied on public works, and that lands which had been tributary
should continue to pay taxes after their acquisition by the church. These
laws seem not to have been complied with, for the complaints were
renewed in later meetings of the Cortes; it was charged that the clergymen
excommunicated the tax collectors. On the other hand the right of the
church to collect the diezmo, or tithe (not precisely a tenth), of the produce
of lands not their own, a right which had already existed in some
jurisdictions, became general. The king profited by this arrangement, since
a portion called the royal thirds (tercias reales)[36] went to him for
expenditure for public charities or pious works, such as the building of
churches, although the kings did not always so employ it.[37]

Advance of the middle class.

The same causes which had conduced to the development of the middle
class in the preceding era were accentuated to procure a corresponding
advance in this,—such as the increase in population, the growth of industry,
commerce, and agriculture, the freedom of the servile classes, the
prominence of the jurisconsults and secondary nobility, or caballeros
(proceeding usually from the towns, and living there allied with the middle
class against the greater nobles), and the great political importance which
the towns acquired. The basis of the middle class was the town, partisan of
the centralizing, absolutist tendency of the kings so far as it related to the
nobles and clergy, but strenuously insistent on the retention of its own local
charter. The middle class had control of production and was the nerve of the
state, but was virtually the only element to pay taxes, despite the fact that
the great bulk of territorial wealth was in the hands of the nobility and the
church. The term “middle class” began to refer more and more clearly to
the wealthier, free, but untitled element, for the laboring class became more
prominent in the towns, sharing in the charter privileges of their richer
neighbors, but with certain limitations on their economic liberty. There was
no social conflict of consequence between the two classes, however, for the
laborers were not yet very numerous, and the evils of their situation were
not so great as they later became, besides which, self-interest united them
with the middle class against the nobles and clergy. Such strife as there was
between them was of a political, and not of a social, character. The so-
called popular element of the Cortes represented the middle class only. The
practice of forming leagues (hermandades) of towns and caballeros against
the abuses of the higher nobility was much indulged in, for it was not safe
to rely solely on the king. The victory in the end lay with the towns,
although they were far from obtaining their specific aims at this time.
Nevertheless, the fourteenth century was characterized by the
transformation of society from its earlier basis of chivalry and war, when
the scene had been laid in the castles of the country, to the bourgeois life of
the towns, devoted to industry and commerce.

Improved basis of rural society.

 Slavery.

The rural servile classes, which had all but won complete personal
liberty in the preceding period, attained both that and nearly complete
economic liberty at this time. Thus the ordinance of Valladolid, in 1325,
prohibited the lords from retaining either the realty or the personalty of any
man who should move from seigniorial to royal lands, preserving the
owner’s right to cultivate or sell his lands, and to make any use he saw fit of
his personal effects. The ordinance of Alcalá, of 1348, took a step
backward, limiting the owner’s freedom of sale, lest the lands fall into
privileged, non-taxpaying hands, and requiring him to keep somebody on
the land, so that there might always be a taxpayer there. Finally, the ideal of
the ordinance of Valladolid prevailed. At the same time, the old servile
relation whereby the lord procured the cultivation of his own lands changed
to one of landlord and tenant, based on the payment of a stipulated rent. The
fact that there were no social struggles in Castile in the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries is evidence of the comparatively satisfactory condition of
the rural classes. Naturally, there were abuses of an extra-legal character by
the nobles, such as the forced loans exacted by them, the compulsory
marriages of rich widows to members of a lord’s following, and outright
robbery, but the real interests of the lords called for them to use conciliatory
measures to attract population, and some of them at least did follow that
policy. Personal slavery still continued, but the number of slaves was very
greatly diminished and gradually got smaller,—a tendency which was
favored by the laws.

Treatment of the Mudéjares.

The free Mudéjares continued to receive lenient treatment, and their

numbers increased greatly; many of the Moslem faith preferred to leave
Granada and live in Christian Castile. The legislation of Alfonso X put
them under the royal protection and allowed them to have their own courts
and their own law. They were permitted to retain the mosques they already
had, but were forbidden to build new ones; they could not worship in public
in places settled chiefly by Christians, but otherwise no objection was
made; the obligations of former times as regards taxation, mode of dress,
and dealings with Christians were also retained; and the gathering of
Mudéjares into the cities, despite the greater number of restrictions imposed
upon them, went on, caused by the abuses of an unofficial character to
which they were subjected at the hands of the Christian population in the
country. In later reigns the restrictions were increased, but many of them
were not enforced. In fact, the Mudéjares enjoyed greater prosperity in the
last reign of the era than at any other time of the period, being a wealthy
and important social element, represented at court even, and enjoying a
number of advantages which for a long time had been denied them.

Harsh measures against the Jews.

The Marranos.

For a while the legal situation of the Jews was comparable to that of the
Mudéjares, but the Christian clergy was particularly vindictive against the
former, and popular sentiment was bitterly hostile to them, due not only to
the influence of the church, but also in part to hatred of the Jewish tax
collectors, and partly to the avarice awakened by the wealth of the Jews
(fabulously exaggerated as a rule). This enmity was evidenced in more and
more restrictive laws and in the open insults and violence of the Christian
populace. Popular feeling began to make itself more rigorously felt from
about the year 1391. In 1391 a great massacre of the Jews took place in
Seville, and this was a signal for similar massacres in other parts of Spain.
Shortly afterward the Jews lost their separate law courts; they were
forbidden among other things to engage in commerce with Christians, to
rent the taxes[38] or hold public positions, to be artisans, to carry arms, or to
have intimate relations with Christians; and they were even compelled to
listen to sermons preached with a view to their conversion. These laws were
not always enforced, but the position of the Jews was far from equalling
that of the Mudéjares. Great numbers of them were converted, but it was
believed, probably with truth, that they continued to practise the Jewish
faith in secret. The converts were insulted by their Christian brethren, even
in the name “Marranos” (pigs) applied to them as a class. They were also
envied because of their industry and wealth, and were accused of diabolical
practices of which they were almost certainly not guilty. In the last years of
the reign of Henry IV the massacres of Jews began to be extended to them
as well as to the unconverted element.
 Changes in the laws of marriage, the family, and property.

Two forces combined to change the former type of family life: the
Roman civil law (of tremendous importance); and the doctrines of the
church, which indeed in their judicial expression were influenced
profoundly by the Roman law. They were able to strike a death-blow at the
marriage á yuras; henceforth the law required the sanction of the church.
Barraganía still maintained a legal though restricted standing. Cases of
marriage and divorce were taken away from civil jurisdiction and turned
over to the ecclesiastical courts. As an illustration of the individualistic
tendencies springing from the influence of Roman jurisprudence it may be
noted that up to twenty-five years of age a daughter had to have her father’s
consent in order to contract marriage, but could dispense with his
permission after that time. The most important reform in family life was the
establishment of the rule of primogeniture, a practice which rapidly became
customary. The Roman law was equally influential in its effects upon
property. Whereas formerly the wealth of Castile had been based on
agriculture and stock-raising, with the land concentrated in few hands and
cultivated by serfs, now urban lands and personalty, based on industry and
commerce and adapted to Roman principles, became the more important;
and despite the latifundia of the era a large part of the former seigniorial
lands was now given over in small lots to free proprietors protected by the
law. The Roman formalism appeared to some extent also in the law of
property, contract, and wills, especially in the legislation of Alfonso X.

Survivals of medieval collectivity.

The collectivity of medieval times had a survival in the lands common of

the towns, and appeared also in the industrial guilds and the semi-religious
cofradías, or fraternities. The latter included various classes of people
organized into a group for the accomplishment of some social object, such
as to perform acts of charity or hold funerary dinners, as well as to provide
mutual aid; the law forbade associations for political, immoral, or illegal
purposes. The guilds were far more important, and were greatly favored by
the laws. At first they were closely dependent on the municipalities, which
intervened to regulate the trades, even in technical respects, but at length
the guilds began to receive charters directly from the king. The new
charters, too, in keeping with the practices of the era, were minute in their
directions with regard to the conduct of the various industries. By the
fifteenth century the guilds were paying little attention to the social matters
which formerly were their most important function,—these had passed over
to the cofradías,—and had become almost wholly economic and
professional, although their members marched together in processions, and
the guilds as a body rendered public service of one kind or another,—as, for
example, maintaining some public charity. They were also a factor in the
political life of the towns.

General social customs.

Dress.

Superstition.

Sports.

In general social customs, so far as they relate to the upper classes, for
the practices of the humbler elements are less well known, this era was
marked by great immorality, license in expression (even when referring to
matters of religion), luxury, a desire for honors and noble rank (even to the
point of falsely pretending to them), the mixture of an appetite for
knowledge with the pursuit of superstitions, and the exaggerated practice of
chivalric principles (professed more as an affectation than with sincerity).
The luxury of the times manifested itself in the usual ways, and it is worthy
of note that members of the middle class were now able to vie with the
nobles. Women painted and powdered and used exaggerated effects in their
dress, and men wore high-heeled boots, employed various devices to
correct the natural defects of the body, and used perfumes. Foreign
influences entered to modify clothing so that it tended more to fit the body
than before, with a resulting abandonment of the flowing garments of
earlier times. Men often wore stockings of different colors, a feather in their
hat, and a much-adorned, variegated cape. Color, too, was equally
prominent for its diversity in women’s dress, but the dress itself allowed
greater freedom of movement than the earlier styles had done. Superstitions
were prevalent, from the alchemy and astrology of the learned, to the
various forms of divination and ancient practices—such, for example, as the
mass for the dead dedicated to living persons—of the common people.
Jousts and tourneys and attempts to imitate the warlike feats of the heroes
of fiction in such works as Amadís de Gaula (of which later) formed a part
of the chivalric customs of the day. Bull-fighting was clearly in existence by
the time of Alfonso X, and thenceforth enjoyed great popularity.[39]
In social and political institutions Aragon proper, Catalonia, and
Valencia still differed from one another sufficiently to merit separate
treatment. While in many ways their customs were like those of Castile
there were certain variations worthy of record.

Aragon proper
Social differences in Aragon proper.

Prior to the reign of Pedro IV the nobles increased their authority both
with respect to their rights over the lower classes and in the exercise of
political power, but if Pedro reduced their privileges in the latter respect
neither he nor his successors did anything to prepare the emancipation of
the servile classes. The nobles retained their social privileges even to the
extent of procuring a law in 1451 doing away with the royal practice of
granting titles of nobility of the lower grades. Feudalism continued, though
in a modified form, for if the nobles could receive lands from the king and
reissue them to vassals of their own they were obliged to return them to the
king whenever he should ask them to do so, and were not allowed to build
castles without his consent; moreover, there were various other limitations
on their former nearly absolute sway. They collected taxes for themselves,
and were exempt from paying them to the royal treasury, but were under the
necessity of rendering military service when called upon. The clergy gained
increased social importance just as it did in Castile, and the middle class
became a prominent factor with the development of the towns, though far
from attaining to the high place of the same element in Castile. The towns
followed a divided policy, for those of the north were feudal in type and
allied with the nobility, while those of the south were more democratic and
royal. The condition of the servile classes was even worse than before, and
no serious attempt was made either by them or the Cortes to relieve their
hard lot.[40] The laws continued to recognize the lord’s right to deal with
them as he pleased, and even to kill them, and lands were still sold with the
men and women both Christians and others who dwelt thereon. The history
of the Jews and Mudéjares followed the same course that it did in Castile.
Not merely in Aragon proper but in all the dominions of the crown the Jews
were subjected to exceedingly harsh treatment. The Mudéjares of both
Aragon and Valencia were protected by the kings and the nobles with a
view to keeping their lands occupied so that they might not fail to yield
rents and taxes, and in both regions the rural population was principally
Mudéjar. The Roman law exercised a powerful influence in Aragon as
elsewhere. Thus freedom of testament was introduced, and primogeniture
attained to a predominant place. The guilds did not advance to the point
reached in Castile, existing rather for purposes of mutual aid, and lacking
the technical regulations of the Castilian guilds.

Catalonia
Revolts of the serfs.

There are two prime facts in the social history of Catalonia in this
period: the uprising of the serfs; and the outstanding importance of the
cities, especially Barcelona. The first marked the decline of the nobility and
the appearance of a new social factor; the second indicated the direction
which modern social organization was to take. Having lost their political
power the nobles concentrated their interest on getting wealth out of their
lands, especially through the tributes of their serfs. In this respect they had
the enormous advantage of possessing the greater part of Catalan territory.
[41] The serfs were subject to a great number of annoying personal services,
and (in a typical case) to as many as thirty different tributes, most of them
in kind, besides the ordinary rental for the land. They had already won a
right to redeem themselves for money, and Juan I, Martín I, and María (the
wife and regent of Alfonso V), as well as many jurisconsults, made some
more or less ineffectual attempts to better their condition. The plagues
which swept Europe in the fourteenth century were a greater aid, since
laborers became scarce and therefore more desirable. By the time of
Alfonso V the serfs had become sufficiently emboldened to formulate
demands, on the threat of a general uprising. Alfonso accepted a sum of
money from them, granted what they asked, and then withdrew his
promises when the nobles also bribed him. The revolt was delayed,
however, to the year 1462 in the next reign, when it formed one of the
complications in the wars of Juan II against the deputation of Catalonia and
the city of Barcelona. Both sides sought the aid of the serfs, but Juan was
able to win them to his support, although their military operations were
directed primarily against their own lords. The peace of 1472 did not solve
the social question; so there was another uprising in 1475, and it was still
going on at Juan’s death, in 1479, being left for solution to the reign of his
son, Ferdinand.

Decline of the nobility.

Persecution of the Jews.

As a result of these troubles the nobles declined even in social prestige,

for they had received very little in the way of tributes from the serfs since
the reign of Alfonso V, and had aggravated the situation by their wars with
one another or against the towns. Meanwhile, the caballeros and others of
the secondary nobility, natural enemies of the great lords, had advanced in
importance, and in the reign of Pedro IV had won a right to law courts of
their own, free from the jurisdiction of nobles of the upper grades. On the
other hand, the great nobles continued to receive donations of land from the
king, with more or less complete jurisdiction, since the existing needs of the
royal treasury usually seemed greater than the ultimate evil of the grants;
often the kings gave away towns which they had previously pledged their
word never to alienate. It is to be noted that the mere ownership of land did
not entitle the lords to exercise civil and criminal jurisdiction without a
specific grant of those powers from the king. In addition to the serfs and the
kings, the nobility had a third element against it, the very powerful
bourgeoisie, or middle class, which in this period attained to the greatest
splendor. The history of the Mudéjares at this time was unimportant, for
there were not many in Catalonia. The Jews suffered as they did in Castile.
The year 1391, which witnessed the massacre in Seville, was marked by a
similar event in Barcelona, where the Jewish quarter completely
disappeared. From that time on, harsh measures were taken in Catalonia,
and as a result the Jews came to be regarded as sharing with slaves (of
whom there were still a considerable number) the lowest level in the social
hierarchy.
 Catalan guilds.

The modifications of family life arising from the influence of the Roman
law were as notable in Catalonia as in Castile and Aragon. The guilds were
developed to a point even surpassing that of Castile. As early as the
fourteenth century they were already organizations for technical objects
related to their trade. Every trade had its guild, from the more important
associations of weavers, bakers, and the like, down to the more humble
blind beggars’ guilds.

Transition from medievalism to modernity in social customs.

All that has been said of Castile as regards the immorality, luxury, dress,
superstition, and chivalric pursuits of the aristocracy and middle class
applies generally, not only to Catalonia, but also to Aragon and Valencia.
The nobles endeavored to emulate the king in extravagances, with the result
that many were ruined, and their attempts to avoid paying their debts to the
Jews were one cause of the massacres of the latter. The luxury in dress
brought in its train the development of tailoring to such an extent that the
Catalan modes were well-known even in foreign countries. In many of the
amusements of the period,—dances, illuminations, pantomimes,
processions, masquerades, and others,—one sees the influence of
Renaissance tastes, which were to lead to modern civilization, although
these same diversions were also tainted with the rudeness of earlier times.
[42] In fine, the customs of the period were made up of a curious mixture of
passing medievalism and coming modernity. For example, while some
seigniorial castles were centres of luxury and entertainment, others retained
the austere, military customs of the past. Again, at the same time that there
appeared a veneer of literary and scientific culture, ideas as regards
sanitation, both public and private, were still rudimentary. Laws continued
to be passed forbidding people to wash clothes in public fountains, to throw
water and filth in the streets, and to loose pigs therein, but they were not
very generally obeyed. Even the public baths which had existed formerly
fell into disuse. Thus epidemics were frequent, but aside from prayers and
sequestration of cases not much was done to check their progress.

Valencia
 Victory of Catalan civilization in Valencia.

The majority of the Christian settlers of Valencia were both bourgeois

and Catalan, while the nobles were mostly Aragonese. Down to the time of
Pedro IV, the latter exerted themselves to deprive the former of the power
which Jaime I had given them, and they were successful to the point of
sharing in administrative posts which had formerly been denied them, and
also procured the application of the Aragonese law in the land. After their
defeat by Pedro IV they declined rapidly, hastening their fall by partisan
quarrels among themselves. The history of the Mudéjares and Jews
followed the same course as in Aragon; here, as elsewhere, the terrible year
1391 was a time of massacres of the Jews, followed by increasingly harsh
legislation. The influence of the Roman law in modifying family
institutions and the development of the guilds proceeded on lines analogous
to the same factors in Catalonia.
 CHAPTER XIII

THE CASTILIAN STATE, 1252-1479

General character and importance of the era in political institutions.

IN the relations of the seigniorial elements and the monarchy this was a
critical period for the latter, deciding as a result of the virtual, though not at
the time apparent, victory of the kings that Castile was to become a power
in the world. For that very reason the evolution of political institutions in
this era was important, for on the development of monarchy depended the
conquest of America, but they were also important because the institutions
which were set up in the new world had noteworthy antecedents at this
time. Influenced largely by the principles of the Roman law the kings
aspired to absolute monarchy in a centralized state, with a view to
overcoming the social and political strife resulting from the diffusion of
power inherent in the seigniorial system. Their most dangerous enemies
were the nobles, whose spirit of independence and self-esteem and whose
vast wealth in lands and fighting men made them a powerful factor in
themselves. They were yet stronger because the kings had to depend on
them for military service since there was no large standing army, and
because they in a measure developed a class consciousness in opposition to
absolutism, becoming a nobility rather than remaining a mere aggregation
of nobles. While the seigniorial ideal was not lacking in the towns, they
were not nearly so dangerous to the monarchy, because they were usually as
hostile to the nobility as the kings were. Often, however, they fought
against the kings, or exacted concessions for their services. The task for the
fulfilment of royal ideals was therefore a difficult one, requiring a sagacious
type of monarch, such as in fact rarely appeared in the period.
Circumstances fought better than the kings, and nowhere does this show
forth more clearly than in a review of the political institutions of the era.

Internal decline in the power of the nobles.

The external vicissitudes of the strife between the nobles and the kings
have already been traced, and it would appear from them that the former
gained the upper hand. In fact, however, their cause was already internally
dead. One symptom of their approaching dissolution was the change in the
practices of the nobles whereby they became more and more a court
nobility, plotting in the shadow of the king (like the chancellor López de
Ayala) instead of being semi-independent potentates on their own estates as
formerly. Despite their class consciousness, parties arose within their ranks
with distinct ideals, apart from personal ambition, dividing them against
one another. Thus in Seville the Guzmán faction represented conservatism,
while the Ponces were radical. Most important of all were the blows
resulting from the social and economic changes which deprived the nobles
of their serfs and created a new form of wealth in the hands of the middle
class, an element better fitted than the old nobility to acquire and develop
the new resources. The eagerness with which the nobles took up the
practice of primogeniture, leaving their estates nearly intact to their eldest
sons so that their house and their name might not be lost, showed that they
realized the force of the new order of things and were taking thought for the
future. In earlier times, when wealth was territorial and serfs were
numerous, the land-rich nobility had been secure, but that day had passed.

The absolutist ideal of Alfonso X.

The great representative of absolutism was Alfonso X, not that he

invented the idea or was the first to attempt its achievement, but because he
formulated the program more clearly than any of his predecessors,
embodying it in his legislation, and because he received the first shock in
defence of these principles. He enacted that the legislative, judicial, and
military powers and the right to coin money were fundamental, inalienable
rights of the king, who could not give them away for a period longer than
his own life, and declared that the lords could not exercise any judicial or
other sovereign powers on their estates except those which had been
granted to them by the king, or which they had enjoyed by immemorial
custom. His laws also prescribed certain forms of etiquette which should be
employed in treating with the king, establishing the ceremonial which has
always served as such a prop for monarchy. The divine origin of royal
power was asserted. Independence of the Holy Roman Emperors was
specifically proclaimed, but a measure of subjection to the pope was
admitted. The absolutism of Alfonso X did not pretend, even in principle,
that the king might exercise arbitrary or tyrannical authority; Alfonso
declared that the king was bound to observe the law and deal justly with the
people, acting as their guardian and administrator, and granting them certain
rights to inspect his conduct. Those who wrongly possessed themselves of
the royal power, or made bad use of it, were declared to be tyrants and not
legitimate kings. The people, on the other hand, owed respect, obedience,
and loyalty to the legitimate king, and even a species of guardianship to
prevent his non-fulfilment of obligations. Alfonso X was not able to sustain
his principles in open conflict, but they remained as the ideal of future
kings, even though some of them were modified by the legislation of later
reigns; thus Alfonso XI declared that sovereign rights might be acquired
from the crown by prescription, except the taxing power and high justice (or
the hearing of cases on appeal), and that the kings could alienate any of
their sovereign powers except those of high justice, coinage, and war.

Establishment of hereditary succession and development of court officialdom.

Two fundamental results of the centralizing, absolutist policy of the

kings were the final establishment of hereditary succession and the
development of consultive and other bodies about the king, the forerunners
of modern bureaucracy. The former has already been referred to. Alfonso
himself was the first to break his own law in this respect, but after his reign
the principle was definitely recognized. The pomp and ceremonial of
royalty increased the number of officials whose principal functions were
those of adding splendor to the court,—such, for example, as the king’s
cup-bearer, butler, and chamberlain. Great nobles also sent their sons to
court to be educated under the protection and with the favor of the king, and
these young men formed a special royal guard. In addition there began to be
an infinity of servants, notaries, doctors, and others occupying posts of a
less ornamental character. The most important novelty of the period was the
development of the Consejo Real.

The Consejo Real.

The kings had long been surrounded by a body of nobles and prelates
called the Consejo Real, or Royal Council, which advised them in matters
of government, or sat as the Cort, or supreme court, in appeals from lower
jurisdictions, but its membership and functions had not been very clearly
established, for it dealt indiscriminately with any subject upon which the
king might want advice. One important reform was the introduction of
representatives of the popular element in this body. Different kings, from
Sancho IV on, decreed that a certain number of the council should be “good
men,”—or members of the untitled, secular class,—although the practice
did not become fixed. A law of Juan I in 1385 provided that the council
should be composed of twelve men, of whom four should be plebeians. Two
years later it was required that the last-named should be letrados,—that is,
men learned in the law,—and shortly afterward they began to be called
oidores (hearers of cases). Juan II divided the council into two bodies, one
of government, the other of justice. It was not until the time of Ferdinand
and Isabella, however, that the Consejo Real acquired real stability.

The hierarchy of officialdom.

There were important developments, too, in the general administrative

and judicial hierarchy, although with a mixture of the two functions. The
hierarchy of officialdom, from the lowest grade to the highest, with especial
regard to comparative judicial authority, ran from the alcaldes of the towns
through merinos mayores or the adelantados, the alcalde del rey (royal
alcalde) of the court, and the adelantado mayor (or chief justice of Castile)
to the king himself. In some jurisdictions cases in first instance came before
alcaldes del rey (different from the above-named) with an appeal to merinos
menores[43] and merinos mayores, or directly to the latter, and thence
upward. The merinos menores limited themselves to jurisdiction in certain
criminal cases. The merinos mayores were, like the adelantados, governors
of large districts as well as judges in cases of appeal, for which latter
purpose they were assisted by men acquainted with the law. They took the
place of many of the former adelantados. The adelantado mayor also had
administrative functions, as the superior of the merinos and other officials
below him. Alfonso X employed the old term, cort, in the new and more
restricted sense of a royal judicial tribunal which acted for the king. In later
reigns this came to be known as the chancillería (chancery), or audiencia,
[44]—which latter name was eventually transmitted to the Americas for
bodies exercising similar functions.

Diversity of jurisdictions and tendencies toward centralization.

 Despite appearances, uniformity and order in the administrative and
judicial organization were far from being completely established. Not only
was there a great variety of jurisdictions, but there was also a great diversity
in the law, for one region would differ radically from another. The towns,
nobles, clergy, universities, and the great corporation of stock-raisers (the
Mesta) all had officials of their own and exemption from royal jurisdiction.
At the same time, great hermandades, or leagues of cities, were formed for
the maintenance of public security against highwaymen or other disturbing
elements, since royal activity in this regard left much to be desired, and
these also had their separate jurisdictions.[45] The current toward
centralization was very strong, however, being aided by the education in the
Roman law of the letrados, whom the king employed as his officials (for
these men were pronouncedly monarchical in sentiment), and by the
increase in powers to which the adelantados and merinos mayores were
attaining at the expense of the semi-independent elements. The successors
of Alfonso X, especially Alfonso XI, furthered this policy of centralization.
Royal judges began to appear in the towns, either taking the place of the
formerly elected officials, or acting concurrently with them, for the kings
took advantage of one pretext or another to make an opening for their own
appointees. Another important reform was the division of the audiencia into
two sections, one of which remained in Segovia, while the other went on
circuit for brief periods in Andalusia. Under Juan II there appeared in the
audiencia the official known as the fiscal, who at this time was a royal
prosecuting attorney, but who later was to become one of the most
important all-round administrative officials in Spanish and Spanish colonial
government. As an example, too, of the extension of royal jurisdiction may
be mentioned the so-called recourse of fuerza in cases of usurpation (by
force,—hence fuerza) of lands or jurisdiction by the clergy. The trial of
these cases was ordered to be held in the royal courts.

Judicial procedure.

Punishments for crime continued to be atrocious, and torture was still

employed, but only in the case of persons of bad reputation or when the
accused bore the evidences of crime. Privilege still obtained to modify the
punishment of the upper classes. A very notable reform was the
introduction of the pesquisa, or inquisitorial investigation, for the bringing
of an indictment, or accusation, of crime. Formerly the state had intervened
when one individual charged another with crime, a process which resulted
to the detriment of the weak, who would not dare to accuse the more
powerful. The pesquisa not only introduced the grand jury function of an
accusation by the state, without necessarily involving any individual
accusers, but it also made crime partake more of the nature of a public
offence than of a mere infringement of individual rights. The vulgar proofs,
with one exception, were abolished, and the importance of written
documents and the testimony of witnesses became more generally
recognized. This also caused the rise of the lawyers, who, after a lapse of
centuries, began again to be a noteworthy element in judicial affairs. The
riepto, or duel, a special form of the wager of battle, was the only one of the
vulgar proofs to remain in existence. This was a special privilege enjoyed
only by those of noble blood. The duel was hedged in by a number of rules,
one of which was that it must take place in the presence of the king. If the
challenger were killed, the innocence of his opponent was proclaimed, but
if the latter were killed, still protesting innocence, he was in this case, too,
declared guiltless. The challenger could win by defeating his opponent
without killing him, in which event the latter was banished, and half of his
goods were granted to the king.

The new system of taxation.

Although the expenses of the state were greater than formerly, the
income was also greater. Many new forms of taxation were introduced: the
royal monopolies on salt and mines; the alcabala, or tax on sales, which
first became general in the reign of Alfonso XI; stamp taxes; and the
consumo, or tax on all merchandise entering the city. These taxes fell upon
goods or upon acts of individuals in connection with the state (as
distinguished from the king) differing radically from the services of a feudal
character, with a multitude of exceptions and privileges, which had
formerly been the basis of the public income. Owing to the turbulence of
the era and the excessive alienation of public wealth by grants of the kings
to the nobles, receipts did not equal the royal needs, and resort was had
frequently to loans, debasement of the coinage, and arbitrary confiscations
of property. Even under the new system of taxation the nobles and clergy
very rarely had to pay any of the numerous taxes, and privileges and
exemptions were granted, much as before. Nevertheless, the methods
employed contained the germ of a sound financial system, which was to
develop in succeeding centuries. The collection of taxes was rented out as
formerly, being given in charge usually of Mudéjares, Jews, or Marranos.
Complaints against these collectors were so insistent that at one time
churchmen were substituted for them,—without diminishing the
complaints, for the fault lay in the system. There were royal financial
officials for receiving the funds and examining accounts, but no organized
treasury department was as yet developed.

The army and navy.

The principal military fact of the era was the increase in the number of
troops sustained by the king, but in other respects there was no fundamental
difference from the preceding period. Technically there were advances in
the art of war,—such as the development of a greater variety in the branches
of the service and the introduction of powder,—but except for cannon of not
very great utility the use of firearms did not become general. Complete
armor came in with the white companies. The royal navy, initiated by
Ferdinand III, was continued throughout the era, and this was a period of
brilliant victories against the Moslems in the Mediterranean and the English
in the north; on one occasion the Castilian admiral, Pero Niño, ravaged the
English coast. No results of note seem to have proceeded from these
victories, however.

Greatness and decline of the towns in political authority.

Advance of the seigniorial towns.

This was the most flourishing epoch in the history of the free Castilian
towns: their numbers and political importance increased; they received new
privileges; and they made their presence felt in national affairs through their
representatives in the Cortes. The most extreme example of municipal
independence was provided by the towns of the north coast, which
recognized the sovereignty of the Castilian king, but in fact governed
themselves, even intervening in foreign affairs through the agency of their
league. In the interior the towns were less independent politically and
administratively, and in the fourteenth century their authority began to
wane. The entry of royal judges into the towns has already been mentioned.
In administration the kings were also able at length to exercise influence.
This came about as a result of a number of political changes, such as the
substitution of a life term in office for one of a period of years, the
usurpation by the ayuntamiento (or body of municipal officials) of powers
formerly exercised by the general assembly, the limitation of the right to
hold office to the caballeros or to specified families, the disturbances at
times of election, and the corruption which occasionally manifested itself in
municipal administration. In the interests of internal peace the towns
themselves often sought intervention by the kings, who did not fail to profit
by the situation. Under Alfonso XI some towns began to be ruled by
officials appointed by the king, and that monarch also created the post of
corregidor,[46] a royal agent placed in many towns to watch the course of
local affairs and represent the king, acting with the local alcaldes. The
corregidores gradually acquired considerable influence, thereby reducing
the power of the popularly elected officials. Internal municipal strife
continued, but now the great families fought, not for the favor of the
electorate, but for that of the king, since this had become the surer route to
public office. The greater towns or cities suffered through the breaking
away of the villages and rural districts which had formerly been subordinate
to them. These villages were desirous of local autonomy, because the
municipalities on which they depended were wont to exploit them or to
exclude them from a share in government. The kings granted their petitions,
thus weakening the greater towns, even if they did extend the institution of
chartered municipalities. It should be said, however, that this decline of the
towns, with the incidents accompanying it, was not uniform, for a number
of them still retained their earlier liberties, including popular election, at the
end of the period. In the seigniorial towns, especially those under
ecclesiastical domination, there were frequent struggles with a view to
reducing the lord’s intervention in local affairs, and these ended almost
everywhere in a victory for the towns, which won a right to name their own
officers and to possess much the same degree of liberty enjoyed by the
royal towns. Here, too, the kings intervened, not only through the practice
of judicial appeals to the royal courts, but also in other ways, even with
armed forces, in order to reduce the power of the lords. The victory of the
seigniorial towns lessened the power of the lords to an appreciable extent;
the struggles of the lords with the kings were thenceforth maintained only
through combinations of nobles, often with Mudéjar levies, joined at times
by some of the towns.
 Great age of the Castilian Cortes.

The institution which most clearly represented the different factors of

Castilian political life, but especially that of the municipalities, was the
Cortes, which grew in importance until the fifteenth century, when it began
to show signs of decline. The Cortes was hardly mentioned in the
legislation of Alfonso X, for it did not comport well with his theories of
absolutism, but the later kings paid it great consideration, seeking the aid of
the popular branch against seigniorial anarchy. Its principal function
continued to be economic, rather than legislative, through the grants of
subsidies by the representatives of the towns. While these were not the only
source of royal revenue they were so urgently needed that the Cortes was
able to procure legislation from the kings in response to its petitions. The
fourteenth century was particularly rich in ordinances of the Cortes,
especially those arising from the meetings of 1329 (Madrid), 1348 (Alcalá),
1351 (Valladolid), 1366 (Burgos), 1371 (Toro), 1373 (Toro), 1377 (Burgos),
1379 (Burgos), and 1380 (Soria). In most cases the kings did not put the
ordinances (which should rather be considered petitions) into effect,
wherefore many of them were repeated time and again,—such, for example,
as the legislation requested against the Jews, against the granting of
Castilian benefices by the pope, against the abuses of royal officials and
renters of taxes, and against the royal donations to the lords. In a number of
instances the Cortes got what it asked for, even in cases affecting the king’s
personal authority, such as a law in 1329 which prohibited the issuing of
royal letters, or orders, in blank (whereby the possessor of the letter might
insert anybody’s name he chose,—a practice which usually served to
promote unjust ends, just as in the case of the lettres de cachet in France
prior to the French Revolution), and another of 1348 extending the
prohibition to letters which the kings were in the habit of granting to
individuals empowering them to marry designated persons, with or without
the latter’s consent. The kings also accepted petitions of a more general
character, such as those asking that steps be taken for the suppression of
banditry, the specification of the powers of royal officers, the correction of
various abuses, the lowering of certain taxes, the regulation of disputes
between the stockmen and the farmers, and the reform of judicial
procedure. It was also affirmed several times,—in 1348, for example,—that
there could be no new tax without a grant of the Cortes. The laws of
Alfonso X insisted upon the king’s sole right to legislate, however, and this
principle was maintained by the later kings, for despite the fact that a law of
1387 declared that the ordinances of the Cortes were irrevocable, unless by
the act of a Cortes itself, the kings proceeded according to their own
pleasure, apparently regarding the concession of 1387 as purely theoretical.
The ordinances of the various Cortes appeared without method or plan, and
lacked the full force of law, but they demonstrated the enormous activity of
this body, and were in fact a basis for much legislation, both at the time and
in later years. In organization the Cortes followed the general practices of
the preceding era. Among the comparatively few novelties may be
mentioned a law of Juan II, fixing the number of representatives from a
town as two, and a law of 1351 granting immunity from arrest to members
of the Cortes while that body was in session. Up to 1301 Castile and León
had a separate Cortes, although there were a number of joint meetings
before that date. After 1301 there was but a single Cortes for the entire
kingdom.

Diversity in the laws and tendencies toward unification.

Not only in the ordinances of the Cortes, but also in the general laws of
the king without intervention of the Cortes, in grants of municipal charters,
and in the innumerable private grants (often modifying the general law) this
period was exceedingly rich in legislation. The fame of the laws of Alfonso
X and of Alfonso XI has obscured the legislation of other reigns, but the
output of the other kings was great in quantity, if less in importance than
that of the two Alfonsos. Diversity was still a leading characteristic of the
legislation. For example, from Alfonso X to 1299 at least 127 local charters
were granted; in the fourteenth century at least 94; and in the fifteenth, at
least 5, although many were reproductions or slight modifications of certain
typical charters. The Fuero Juzgo continued to be the general law, but there
was very little of it which was not contradicted or changed by other
legislation. A tendency toward unification of the laws manifested itself in
many ways, however. Alfonso X issued a municipal charter in 1254,
variously named, but usually called the Fuero Real (Royal Charter), which
was a new model, more complete and systematic than those which had
preceded it, but based on those already in existence and on the Fuero Juzgo,
preserving the Visigothic and early Leonese and Castilian principles of law.
The Fuero Real was adopted as supplementary law for use in cases of
appeal to the royal courts, but was also granted as the local charter of a
great many towns, being the most extensively used of the typical charters,
although by no means in a majority of the municipalities. To bring about
unification at one stroke it is believed that Ferdinand III and Alfonso X
projected a code to apply in all the land. Ferdinand is said to have begun the
drawing up of the Setenario (or Septenary, so-called because it was to be in
seven parts), which was completed by Alfonso after the former’s death.
This code, if such it may be called, was never promulgated, and may rather
have been intended as an encyclopedia of law. A similar compilation of the
reign of Alfonso X was the Espéculo (or Espejo) de todos los derechos
(mirror of all the laws), but it, too, never became law, although used as a
reference book by jurisconsults. Yet another such compilation appeared in
this reign, the famous Leyes de las siete partidas (laws of the seven parts),
or simply the Partidas, and this was to attain to a very different lot from the
others just named.

The code of the Siete Partidas and the revival of Roman principles.

The Partidas was the work of a number of jurisconsults under the

inspection, and with more or less intervention, of Alfonso himself; these
men began work in 1256 and finished it in 1265. Some of the laws and
customs of Castile,—for example, the Fuero Juzgo and the Fuero Real,—
were used as sources, but the preponderant influences were those of the
canon law and the codes of the Roman emperor Justinian,—so much so that
the Partidas amounted to an encyclopedia of these two sources of law, both
of which were Roman in origin and very different from the customs,
Visigothic and otherwise, at that time prevailing in Castile. Whether
Alfonso intended that the Partidas should become the general law, or
merely that it should serve as an encyclopedia, it was not promulgated in
his day, and there were many later laws directly contradicting it.
Nevertheless, it constantly gained ground, favored especially by lawyers
and university men (both of which elements were strong partisans of the
Roman law), being used as a book of reference and as a text-book. Finally
the current in its favor became so strong that so far as it was not
inconsistent with certain specified compilations it was declared to be law in
the reign of Alfonso XI by the important ordinance of the Cortes of Alcalá
(1348). This set forth that the decisions of that Cortes should be the
principal fountain of Castilian law, followed in order of precedence by the
Fuero Real, the other municipal charters, and finally by way of supplement
by the Partidas, which was not to be enforced in such parts as it
contradicted the privileges of the nobility, for these also were confirmed.
Despite this lowly position of the Partidas and despite the vast quantity of
later laws which took precedence of the above-mentioned hierarchy of
sources, the ultimate victory of Alfonso’s code was assured from the time of
its official promulgation. Without any statute to that effect it gradually
became recognized, not as a mere supplementary source, but as the
principal law of the land. Reformations of its text were undertaken to make
it conform with the necessities of later times, but in substance the ideas of
the original remained.

Leading factors in ecclesiastical history.

Papal intervention in the Castilian church.

Wealth of the church.

Pilgrimages.

Next to the state the church was the most powerful and influential factor
in Castile. This period was one of serious internal disturbance in the
Castilian church and of relaxation in discipline. Despite the efforts of the
popes and some Castilian prelates, the practice of barraganía continued.
There also occurred such incidents as competitions in beauty between the
nuns of Seville and Toledo, such instances of lack of discipline as the armed
resistance of the dean of Sigüenza to the pope’s appointee as bishop, such
turbulent intervention in politics as that of the bishops of Seville and Toledo
in the time of Henry IV, and such cases of strife and violence as the attack
of the monks of Melón on those of Armenteira, and that of the bishop of
Mondoñedo on the Cistercians of Meyra. The disorder was enhanced owing
to the appearance of the Great Schism in the church at large, in which
Spanish countries were particularly interested, since several of the popes
and anti-popes were of Spanish blood. On the other hand, the popes
intervened more than ever in the affairs of the Castilian church. The ideas of
Gregory VII of the supremacy of the papacy over temporal rulers did not
fail to produce results in Castile. In the Partidas of the absolutist Alfonso X
it was recognized that one legitimate way of acquiring the crown was by a
grant of the pope, and that the latter might also absolve Castilian subjects
from obedience to the king in certain cases. The election of bishops,
normally the act of the cathedral canons, provoked many disputes between
the kings and the popes, for the latter frequently intervened to impose their
candidate, or even to make direct appointments, while the former claimed
that no election was valid until it had their approval. One of the most
unpopular practices of the popes was the appointment of foreigners to
Castilian benefices, and frequent protests were made against it, but usually
without avail. Although the popes got rather the better of the dispute over
appointments to bishoprics, the kings manifested their prerogative in other
respects, as by banishing prelates who worked against royal interests, by
prohibiting the publication of papal bulls which might do harm to the state,
and by employing the already mentioned process of recourse of fuerza in
cases of ecclesiastical usurpations of jurisdiction. The Partidas named
certain cases where clergymen lost their right of resort to ecclesiastical
courts,—for example, suits between clerical and lay individuals over lands
and inheritances. Even Alfonso XI, who (though somewhat immoral in
private life) was very pious and notably generous with churches and
monasteries, was very strict in guarding the rights of the state against the
intrusions of the church. On the other hand, he confirmed the jurisdiction of
the church courts in spiritual and related matters, including such cases as
those arising out of church taxation, marriage, births, divorce, adultery,
usury, and robbery in a sacred place, as well as those of a more purely
religious or ecclesiastical character. The wealth of the church in lands
increased greatly, both as a result of royal donations, and through the gifts
of individuals, especially in the fourteenth century when the terror of the
plagues which were sweeping Europe caused many to seek divine favor
through benefactions to the church. There were a number of protests in the
Cortes, especially in the case of the monasteries. The objections were based
on social and financial, rather than anti-clerical, grounds, since the
accumulation of landed wealth in the hands of the church tended to reduce
the agricultural classes to a perpetual condition of mere usufruct or rental of
lands, and resulted in vast tracts remaining uncultivated. Furthermore, these
lands as a rule became exempted from taxation. The Partidas recognized
the right of the church to receive such gifts, and no effectual steps were
taken to check them. It may be mentioned here that this was the golden age
of pilgrimages to holy places, due to religious devotion, or in fulfilment of
vows, or from pure love of travel and adventure. Naturally, Santiago de
Compostela was the chief objective of pilgrims in Spain, and to that place
went not only Spaniards but also many thousands of persons from all parts
of western Europe.
 CHAPTER XIV

THE ARAGONESE STATE, 1276-1479

Aragon proper
 Victory of the royal authority in Aragon proper.

THE struggle of the kings against the seigniorial elements of Aragon and
Valencia (in furtherance of their policy of absolutism and centralization) has
already been traced up to the point where royalty gained the upper hand in
the reign of Pedro IV. One result of Pedro’s victory was the reduction of the
power of the Justicia, no longer a creature of the nobility (to mediate
between them and the king) but a royal appointee, exercising strictly
judicial powers as chief justice of the realm. Even in this respect his
authority was limited by the founding of a tribunal to accompany the king.
Attempts continued to be made to establish the independence of the
Justicia, and the Cortes declared him irremovable, but the kings compelled
their appointees to give them a letter of resignation, with the date left blank,
or disregarded the prohibition of the Cortes altogether, deposing a Justicia
if it suited them to do so. Pedro IV enacted that no person of higher rank
than that of caballero should be governor in Aragon, thus removing another
factor which had formerly contributed to civil strife. Aside from the
abolition of the Privilege of the Union and the reforms just mentioned
(together with others of lesser note), the kings did not modify the political
organization of Aragon, but became in fact the principal element in the
state, working their will even to the point of acts at variance with the laws.
Great diversity in charter rights and jurisdictions continued to exist,
although a number of general compilations of legislation like those in
Castile were made. These became supplements to the already-mentioned
code of Jaime I.[47] Other volumes were prepared of the customs of the
realm, and the agreements of the Cortes were also an important legislative
source. The abolition of torture and of the vulgar proofs may be mentioned
among the reforms in judicial procedure. The nobles remained almost
wholly exempt from taxation, even with respect to the lands which they
might acquire in royal territory.

Relations of church and state in Aragon.

Benedict XIII.

The relations of the state and church in Aragon were more acute than in
Castile, because of the consequences of Pedro II’s act of vassalage and the
wars in Italy, and because of the Great Schism, in which Aragon played a
leading part, since one of the anti-popes, Benedict XIII, an Aragonese, fixed
his court in Aragon for a time, causing a divided allegiance of the clergy.
The matter of the election of bishops was settled early in favor of the popes
when Jaime II enacted that the pope himself should appoint them. This
occasioned a number of disagreeable results, especially at the time of the
schism, when there were two or more popes. Some appointments were
manifestly improper. Clement V appointed his nephew, a mere boy at the
time, as archbishop of Saragossa, and even Benedict XIII, though a man of
the highest character, made a similar appointment to the archbishopric of
Toledo. In other respects the kings often insisted on the rights of the state,
and intervened in matters of an ecclesiastical character. Alfonso V was the
first Aragonese ruler to pronounce for the retention of papal bulls when
their publication was against the interests of the monarchy, availing himself
of the pase regio (royal permit), on which the kings based their claims to
prevent documents which displeased them from being put into effect or
even from reaching their intended destination. Pedro de Luna had for a long
time been influential in Spain before he became Pope Benedict XIII; he it
was who persuaded Juan I of Castile and Juan I of Aragon to recognize
Clement VII of Avignon instead of the pope at Rome. He himself succeeded
Clement VII, and because of his upright character, piety, intellectual
capacity, and Spanish blood received the adhesion of most of the peninsula
prelates. It was largely through his support that Ferdinand of Antequera was
crowned king of Aragon instead of Jaime of Urgel. When a general church
council was called to elect a pope to replace the three then in power,
Benedict XIII alone of the three refused to abdicate. Ferdinand, who for a
time endeavored to support him, felt obliged at last to deny him obedience.
Benedict maintained himself in the fortress of Peñíscola until 1422 or 1423,
when he died,—almost certainly poisoned by a friar. His cardinals elected
Gil Muñoz, a canon of Barcelona, but in 1429 Muñoz renounced the title
and the schism ended.

Catalonia
Importance of the Catalan towns.
 The most marked feature in the political life of Catalonia in this period
was the rise of the towns, and especially the vast power exercised by the
city of Barcelona. The towns became veritable lords, buying jurisdictions,
privileges, immunities, castles, and lesser towns from the king, just as the
nobles were in the habit of doing. Important cities got to be protectors of
villages and towns, granting the right of carreratge, which entitled them to
be considered a street of the city. As a rule the kings favored this increase in
the power of the municipalities, and the latter might have made themselves
an irresistible force, had it not been for their internal party strife, and for the
armed struggles of rival cities. There began to be a certain uniformity in the
organization of royal towns in the thirteenth century, and in the fourteenth it
became more marked under the influence of the centralizing policy of Pedro
IV. The general assembly was the basis of government at first, but its place
was taken later by a council elected from the wealthy citizens; at times, the
officials themselves were the only ones to vote, and they too chose the
representatives to the Cortes. This aristocratic form of government did not
please the kings, since it tended to create a force which would be hostile to
them and led to social strife in the municipalities, wherefore matters were
adjusted at the close of the fourteenth century by the entry of the popular
element into the council. Just as in Castile, the nobles and churchmen were
forced to grant privileges to their towns almost equal to those enjoyed by
the royal municipalities, in order to retain the people. They still collected
certain taxes, exercised judicial powers, and appointed some officials, but
the greater part of local administration was in the hands of the towns
themselves, which developed along lines similar to those of the royal towns.

Greatness of the city of Barcelona.

The most accentuated representation of municipal life was to be found in

the city of Barcelona. The administrative organization of the preceding era
did not change fundamentally, but the power and privileges of the city
increased greatly, due to the concessions of the kings. The council of five
was at first composed only of honrats, or members of the bourgeois
aristocracy, but by the year 1455 only two were of this class, a third was a
merchant, a fourth an artist, and a fifth an artisan. The classes of lower
grade than the honrats were admitted to the Consell in 1387, and by the end
of the period the popular element had become preponderant. The five
councillors, though subject to the Consell, formed an administrative
commission for the government of the city. It was also their privilege to
advise the king, something which they frequently did, and they were
charged with the duty of maintaining the charter rights of the city, a matter
to which they attended most zealously, even to the point of war with the
king. Through purchase, annexation, royal donations, and the extensive
application of the institution of carreratge Barcelona acquired a great part
of Catalonia and other portions of the realm; the possession of Elche and
other towns in Valencian territory illustrates the far-reaching authority of
the great Catalan city. The subject towns had a right to protection and to the
privileges and exemptions of Barcelona, in return for which the latter had
more or less complete control of the administration of justice, was supposed
to have their coöperation in matters of general interest, and was entitled to
contributions of soldiers and the payment of certain tributes. The vast
power of Barcelona was not always exercised for the best interests of the
state, as in the case of the blow inflicted on the commerce of Valencia,
through the influence of Barcelona, whereby no merchandise was allowed
to be shipped from that port in foreign vessels. At times, the governing
authorities of Barcelona equalled, or even exceeded, the power of the
deputation of the Cortes of Catalonia, and sustained disputes with it. On the
other hand, Barcelona repeatedly intervened in the struggles of caballeros,
towns, and social classes to impose peace. The authority of the city was
reflected in the pride of its aristocracy, the honrats. They enjoyed the right
of riepto, or duel, the same as members of the nobility, and vigorously
protested against measures which seemed to place them on a lower level
than any other class of society,—for example, when the order of St. John
proposed to admit only the descendants of nobles. Anybody might become
an honrat if he combined certain prerequisites, such as wealth, with an
election by the council.

Struggle between absolutism and seigniorial society in Catalonia.

The same struggle of absolutism against the seigniorial elements

appeared in Catalonia as in Castile and Aragon, although the monarchy was
more consistently victorious there than elsewhere. The nobles opposed the
kings, though somewhat weakly, for they were more concerned with the
social problems of the era. The cities and towns, especially Barcelona, also
constituted a feudal element which was not always in accord with the king.
Although during most of the era there was no armed conflict between these
forces, there were a number of symptoms of discontent which at length
broke forth in the civil wars of the reign of Juan II. Some of the causes of
dissatisfaction were the following: the belief that their Castilian sovereign,
Ferdinand I, and his successors had an exaggerated ideal of absolutism; the
employment of foreigners in public offices, especially Castilians, by the
same monarchs,—a demonstration also of the lack of Spanish national
feeling; and the absence of Alfonso V in Italy and his expensive wars there,
although the Catalans were as a rule partisans of the policy of
Mediterranean expansion. Fundamentally, however, the strife at the end of
this period was a conflict between centralized absolute monarchy and
decentralization based on charter rights. Neither Juan II nor his
predecessors varied the charters or the political organization of the
principality, but nevertheless the blow was struck, and the downfall of the
sovereign rights of the lords and towns was already at hand.

The Catalan Cortes.

The Cortes continued to meet separately from that of Aragon and to be

chiefly important for its grant or refusal of taxes. The third estate
(representatives of the towns) endeavored to establish its right to participate
with the king in legislation, but the latter made laws independently of the
Cortes as before. When the Cortes was not in session, it was represented by
the general deputation, or Generalitat, usually made up of three members,
or one for each branch of the Cortes. In addition to keeping watch to see
that the laws were strictly observed, the deputation had certain police
powers, including the defence of the principality, and other less notable
administrative functions. The general Cortes of the entire realm held
occasional meetings, as did also a new Cortes for the Mediterranean
possessions of the kingdom (Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, and Naples).

Legislation in Catalonia.

Administration in general.

Legislation was characterized by the variety of jurisdictions of former

years, but the number of grants of new municipal charters diminished
greatly, and the general decrees of the kings increased. If this manifested a
tendency toward unity, the citation of the principles of the Roman law did
so even more. This had already proved influential in the preceding era, but
it did not establish itself securely until the fifteenth century. There was a
strong sentiment in its favor in Catalonia, and Pedro IV ordered its study
and its use in cases at law. Finally it was established in the Cortes of 1409
that the Roman and canon law might be cited as supplementary law after
certain other specified legal sources. Like the adoption of the Partidas in
Castile (in 1348) this meant an ultimate, complete victory for the Roman
principles. In most other respects the administration of justice in Catalonia
followed the course already described for Castile. In financial history the
only features worthy of note were the development of a system of taxation
by the deputation of Catalonia, whereby it met its own expenses and
provided funds for the grants to the king, and the growth of a system of
municipal finance in Barcelona on a scale in keeping with its extensive
power. In both military and naval affairs the authority of the deputation was
the most striking element. This body merely loaned the army and navy to
the king, specifying the cases when the loan was allowable. The principal
military force was that of the municipal militia, although the seigniorial
levies still formed part of the army. In addition to the flotilla of the
deputation there were the navies of the king, of the corporation of
merchants of the city of Barcelona, and of private individuals or towns. The
most persistent enemies in the Mediterranean were pirates, both the
Moslems of northern Africa, and the Christians from Majorca, southern
France, Italy, and Catalonia itself. Towers were built and a messenger
service developed to advise of the presence of pirates, but the evil was not
eliminated.

Power of the great prelates.

The general relaxation in the customs and discipline of churchmen

already mentioned in the case of Castile and the course of ecclesiastical
history described for Aragon apply equally to the church of Catalonia. The
most noteworthy characteristic in the relations of the church and state was
the continuation of the feudal authority of the more powerful prelates.
Principal among them were the bishops of Gerona, whose dominions and
wealth in personalty were greatly increased in this period. As they were
virtual monarchs on their lands, they were able to challenge the authority of
neighboring nobles or of the kings themselves, and they oppressed the
people. Their scant respect for the royal power was often displayed; on one
occasion they compelled two of the highest officials of the kingdom to walk
through the streets of Gerona in the garb of criminals, submitting all the
while to a beating, and made them ascend the long stairway fronting the
cathedral on their knees, wearing only a shirt, and carrying a candle.
Several of the bishops were banished, and even the nobles joined the kings
against the ecclesiastical lords. The Franciscans and Dominicans opposed
the bishops and abbots, but although they had popular sympathy in their
favor they did not have an equal political influence, since they were not
represented in the Cortes. The power of the great churchmen was not
materially diminished, but the last bishop of Gerona in the era was a strong
partisan of the king.

Valencia
Distinctive features in Valencian political life.

In some parts of Valencia the law of Aragon applied, but the usual rule,
especially after the victory of Pedro IV, was the jurisdiction of the laws, or
furs, granted by Jaime I, added to, or modified by, the grants of different
kings and the ordinances of the Cortes. The law of Barcelona applied in a
number of towns which were joined to that city by the institution of
carreratge. In general administration the practices were much the same as
those mentioned for Castile. The extreme harshness of judicial
punishments, possibly surpassing other regions, may be noted. The death
penalty was habitually given, and various cruel methods of execution were
employed. A sentence of imprisonment was rarely inflicted. The greatness
of the city of Valencia was almost as noteworthy in this part of Spain as that
of Barcelona in Catalonia. Valencia put itself at the head of the Union which
fought Pedro IV, only to go down in defeat.
 CHAPTER XV

ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION IN SPAIN, 1252-1479

Castile
General factors of Castilian economic life.

A CONTINUATION in this era of the factors which had tended in the

preceding period to develop material resources brought about progress in
agriculture, stock-raising, mining, industry, and commerce, although it was
not great enough to cause general economic prosperity. The stock-raisers, as
before, received more favors than their rivals, the farmers, and it was at this
time that the powerful corporation of sheepmen, the Mesta, was formed.
Alfonso X granted charters to various of these corporations, entitling them
to elect alcaldes with special jurisdiction in the affairs of the Mesta and its
disputes with the farmers. The different organizations were united in the
reign of Alfonso XI to form a single Castilian Mesta, a body which
possessed immense power. Gold, silver, quicksilver, and lead mines were
worked to some extent; these, with salt mines and fisheries, constituted a
royal monopoly, but were exploited by private individuals who paid rent to
the kings. The advance in industry was particularly marked. Santiago de
Compostela no longer enjoyed a unique position as a manufacturing centre,
for every important town now had its industries devoted to supplying the
needs of daily life and the exigencies of a growing artistic refinement, as
evidenced by the wealth in jewelry, arms, architecture and its
appurtenances, furniture, rich embroideries, and other articles far superior
in quality and quantity to those of the preceding era. The towns conquered
from the Moslems, especially the city of Seville, were particularly
noteworthy for their industrial life. Among the principal commercial outlets
for Castilian products were the ports of the Basque provinces; their exports
seem to have been chiefly raw materials, but there were also such items as
cloth, wine, oil, and sugar. It is probable, however, that most of the
manufacturing done in the Castilian towns was for the consumption of the
towns themselves and a very limited neighboring area. Distribution within
Castile was not well developed, for many of the same (or similar) products
as those exported were also imported. Industry and commerce were very
largely in the hands of foreigners, Jews, and Mudéjares.

Legislative helps and hindrances to economic progress.

Legislation showed the double tendency of encouraging economic

development and of checking it by laws looking to the temporary needs of
the royal treasury. The Partidas urged the cultivation of the soil, the
building of bridges and repair of roads, the prevention of frauds in customs
houses, and the exemption of certain imports from the payment of duty
when they seemed likely to aid in material progress,—such as farming
utensils when destined for use by the importer himself and not intended for
resale. Commercial treaties with foreign countries began to be made in the
fourteenth century, although often by merely a portion of the kingdom,
particularly the north coast ports; thus there were treaties of 1351 and 1366
with England. On the other hand there were the royal monopolies, the
alcabala, and the rigid maintenance of customs duties,—for the
exemptions, after all, were few in number. Not only was there the obstacle
of different state boundaries, but also there were the duties collected by
many, if not most, of the towns. No distinction was made as to the source of
goods, and those of Castile paid equally with foreign products. Another
hindrance to economic advance was the well-intentioned, but mistaken,
policy of excessive governmental regulation of the industries. Both the state
and the guilds themselves made laws fixing wages, the hours of labor,
prices, methods of contract, amount of interest, and even the way in which
goods should be made. These regulations were not uniform for all Castile,
but varied according to the special circumstances of the different regions.
The municipalities also intervened to fix prices for goods of prime necessity
or of general use. At times they granted an exclusive right of sale, or
established municipal shops.

Progress in commerce.

To facilitate commerce fairs and general markets were greatly resorted

to, being established by law, or, if already in existence, favored by grants of
new privileges. The insecurity of the roads and the civil wars prevented the
royal grants from having their full effect, and other circumstances, such as
the popular attacks on Jewish districts, the variety and uncertainty of coins
and of weights and measures, the debasement of the coinage by the kings,
and the prevalence of counterfeiting (despite the penalty imposed,—burning
to death), tended to interfere with commerce. Nevertheless, notable
progress was made. Bills of exchange first appeared in this era. Foreign
merchants visited Castile, and Castilians went abroad, especially to England
and Flanders; there were Castilian consuls in Bruges. The Jews figured
prominently in foreign trade, as money changers and makers of loans, while
their international relations due to the solidarity of their race enabled them
to act as bankers.

Public works.

Something, though little, was done to assist in economic betterment by

the building of public works. The lords, both lay and ecclesiastical, resisted
many of these projects, notably the building of bridges, since it deprived
them of the tolls which they were in the habit of collecting for ferrying
goods, animals, and persons across the rivers. Men travelled on horseback,
or on a litter, and goods were carried by pack-animals or carts, although the
latter could rarely be used because of the bad condition of the roads.
Measures to improve the highways were frequently taken, however. The
greater part of the revenues devoted to public works was still applied to the
building or repair of fortifications.

Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia

Economic factors in the kingdom of Aragon, especially in Catalonia.

The economic history of this region, based on the natural differences of

the three principal sections, followed much the same lines as before, but the
principal note was the all-round development in Catalonia. Grain in that
region was scarce, on which account large quantities were imported from
Aragon and from foreign countries, but some other agricultural products,
such as rice, grapes, and olives, were cultivated with success. Stock-raising
was also a prominent occupation. The most important source of Catalan
wealth continued to be in manufacturing, especially in Barcelona. A great
variety of cloths and fabrics was made, as also pottery, barrels, rope, glass,
and many other articles of practical utility. Aragon was less important in
commerce, as in other respects, than the other parts of the realm. Something
was done there by royal legislation to favor trade, and enough of it existed
to warrant the founding of a consulado in Saragossa (1391) with mercantile
jurisdiction. Catalan commerce was so great in volume that it rivalled that
of the Italian cities. From the Scandinavian lands in the northwest to the
extremes of the Mediterranean, Catalan ships might be seen, and if there
were many Italian vessels which visited the ports of Catalonia, so too the
Catalans carried their trade to the cities of Italy, where many Catalan
consuls resided. Kings, lords, and towns endeavored to build up Catalan
industry and commerce, by favorable legislation, by extending the
institution of the consulados, and by making commercial treaties.
Nevertheless, not a few obstacles were also raised, largely as a result of the
false economic ideas of the era. Thus, prices were often fixed; a precise
order, or sequence, of sale might be required,—for example, in La Bisbal
the crop of the bishop had to be sold first; the technical regulation of
industries was carried to excess, far beyond the rules established in this
respect in the other lands of the peninsula; taxes were numerous in kind,
and some were very heavy; and the policy of protection was carried to
extremes in favor of some municipalities as against others. Furthermore
there were dangers of piracy and the insecurity of the roads. Valencia was
commercially prosperous in only less degree than Catalonia. Both regions
were represented principally, in industry and commerce, by their great
capital cities.

The industrial and mercantile system of Barcelona.

Barcelona was easily the greatest industrial and mercantile centre in

Spain, and was also the leading exponent of the Catalan policy of
protection. Foreign goods like those produced in Catalonia were either
prohibited from entry or charged with excessive duties. On the other hand,
the importing of goods which had no counterpart in Catalonia, such as fine
cloths, or which existed in small quantity, such as grain, was encouraged. In
the case of grain, premiums were granted to importers, and heavy export
duties were collected, or its exportation entirely prohibited. From 1249 to
1347 the Consell exercised mercantile jurisdiction through the medium of
two consuls of the sea (consules de mar), but in the last-named year a
consulado was created to perform that function and to provide for the
protection of commerce against pirates. Both the deputation of the Cortes
and the two local councils occasionally intervened, however. The local
authorities appointed the consuls to represent Catalan interests in foreign
countries. This was a post of high consequence, and was rewarded by a
grant of a certain percentage of the purchases and sales of merchandise in
the entire realm of Aragon. The consuls acted as judges, mercantile agents,
and guardians and defenders of the persons and property of their
compatriots. The councils of Barcelona concerned themselves with the
introduction of new industries, bringing in foreigners skilled in such
manufactures. Financial and technical experts were maintained at municipal
expense. Not only do these facts evidence the attention paid by the people
of Barcelona to mercantile life, but they also demonstrate a surprising
modernity in point of view. It is no wonder that the merchants of that city
were notably wealthy, proud, and given to luxury.

Economic prominence of the city of Valencia.

Favored by the rich agricultural productivity of the Valencian kingdom,

the industrial traditions of the Moslem population, and the energy of its
Catalan bourgeoisie, the city of Valencia became a veritable rival of
Barcelona in industry and commerce, and enjoyed a wide fame in
Mediterranean lands, especially in Italy. A consulado was founded as early
as 1283, and the first bills of exchange known in the peninsula (from 1376)
were drawn up in Valencia. Legislation favoring Barcelona at Valencia’s
expense caused a considerable damage to the latter’s commerce, although it
continued to be important.

Public works.

In the erection of public works this was a notable era in all the kingdom
of Aragon. A number of bridges were built, and tolls were collected to
provide for their preservation and repair. The Catalans were particularly
mindful of improving their ports. That of Barcelona was enlarged in the
fourteenth century, and in the fifteenth an artificial port was begun and
completed. The fifteenth century also marked the beginning of work on the
artificial port of Valencia. Old roads were improved and new ones built. A
considerable advance was made in works of irrigation in all parts of the
realm. In this respect Valencia took the lead, making use of the canals
dating from the Moslem period, but amplifying and improving them. A mail
service developed at this time. The kings and the municipalities had their
separate mails, but in Catalonia there was also a private mail-carrying
industry as early as the latter part of the thirteenth century.
 CHAPTER XVI

INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS IN SPAIN, 1252-1479

Castile
Beginning of Castilian intellectual superiority in the peninsula.

General characteristics of the era.

WITH the advance of the Christian conquest against the Moslems the
political centre had passed from the northern coast to the Castilian table-
land, and thence to Andalusia, where for a time the court was set up in
Seville. There was a tendency, however, to return to Castile proper, since
the people of that region were the principal element in the conquest and in
internal political affairs. The political preponderance of the Castilian part of
the realm was so clearly established that it transformed that region in many
ways, and caused it to have for the first time a civilization superior to that
of the coastal plains, overcoming the geographical handicaps which hitherto
had held it back. The predominance of Castile in intellectual life was to
become yet more marked in later centuries. In earlier times the rude
Asturians and Galicians had joined with the no less rude Leonese and
Castilians against the Moslems, but they had become modified by contact
with the conquered people themselves and with the various foreigners who
joined them in the conquest. The indigenous people did not lose their own
individuality, however; rather they assimilated the new influences, and
paved the way for the brilliant and original manifestation of intellectual
culture of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The principal
characteristic of this epoch was the desire for knowledge, leading to the
incorporation into indigenous civilization of many other elements. The
conquest of Andalusia brought Castile into more intimate contact with
Moslem civilization, which reached its culminating point in science and in
art in the fourteenth century. French elements continued to affect polite
literature and didactic works. Especially noteworthy was the great
prominence of the influences coming out of Italy, giving a new direction to
Castilian literature, and substituting for the Moslem scientific element the
direct study of classical texts and the use of observation and experiment as a
means to knowledge. The entry of western European culture into Castile
was accelerated by those Castilians who went to France and Italy at this
time to study in the great schools and universities of those lands. The two
capital moments of the era were the reigns of Alfonso X and Juan II.

University and other education.

The universities increased in number and influence to the point of being

a vital factor in the intellectual life of the period. In the Partidas, Alfonso X
distinguished between the “general studies” founded by the pope, emperor,
or king, and the “particular studies,” the creation of an individual or town.
The former combined secondary and higher education, for the old trivium
and quadrivium were retained, with the addition of the Roman and canon
law.[48] Gradually the higher studies began to predominate, and associated
themselves with the term “university.” The “particular studies” were usually
conducted by a single master with a few students, and were confined to
some one or two branches of learning. Some of these subjects, when they
differed from the fundamental courses of the “general studies,” tended to be
adopted by the latter. Thus theology was added to the university curriculum
in the fifteenth century. Other subjects were also studied in the universities,
even though not common to all, such as medicine and surgery at Salamanca.
Primary education was neglected, although the church schools still
continued and some towns or individuals founded such schools. The
universities received considerable government aid, but were autonomous,
and depended in part on other sources of income, such as their own fees and
the gifts by individuals or corporations other than the state. The students
and teachers together formed a cofradía, or fraternity, which elected its own
rector, or president. A bishop, dean, or abbot was usually constituted a kind
of guardian by royal mandate. This official was gradually replaced by the
“schoolmaster of the cathedral,” who came to be judge in cases affecting
university students, and even arrogated to himself the right to confer
degrees, rivalling the president of the university in authority. All members
of the university were granted special legal privileges (approximately those
of the clergy) with respect to their persons and goods. The method of
teaching employed was the reading of a text by the teacher, who
commented upon and explained it. Examinations were held for the granting
of the bachelor’s and doctor’s degrees. Not only did each university possess
a library, but there were also many other public and private libraries, and
the trade of the copyist and the manufacture of books were markedly more
prominent than before. In the universities texts were loaned (not sold) to
students to enable them to correct their notes,—which shows that books
were still comparatively scarce. Some time before 1475, at an uncertain
date, the art of printing was introduced into Castile,—with effects which
belong to the following eras.

Moslem, Jewish, and other influences on Castilian thought and science.

The oriental influence on Castilian thought and science, or rather the

classical influences transmitted through Moslem and Jewish writers,
advanced for a time, and continued to be preponderant until the fifteenth
century, when European ideas, principally Italian, became the more
important. There was a change in direction of the Moslem influence,
however. Philosophy dropped back from the leading place, and was
substituted by juridical and moral studies, while the physical and natural
sciences, including their superstitious derivations, acquired a remarkable
vogue. Christian writers imitated Moslem philosophers and moralists, or
translated their works; many Castilian writers were of Moslem or Jewish
origin, or still continued to belong to those peoples and faiths; many Arabic
works were included in the libraries of the time; and the oriental form of
scientific exposition, the encyclopedia, was frequently used. The oriental
influence manifested itself especially in the natural sciences. Books of
mathematics, physics, chemistry, medicine, and astronomy were almost the
only ones to be translated from the Arabic, and these branches were also the
ones to which Mudéjar scholars of the period most frequently devoted
themselves. Moslems and Jews continued to be the most famous physicians
of Castile. The deductive method and dialectic forms were still employed
by them, rather than personal observation and experiment. The most
marked characteristic of the cultivation of the natural sciences was in their
extravagant applications with a view to a knowledge of the future or to
obtain vast wealth through supernatural agencies. Thus chemistry tended
toward alchemy, with the aim of finding the philosopher’s stone, whereby
base metals might be turned into gold, or with the object of producing
mysterious elixirs endowed with wonder-working virtues. Chemists and
alchemists came to be considered as practicers of magic arts in more or less
intimate communion with the Devil, a belief in which the individuals
themselves often shared. Men of high attainments were credulous
exponents of these superstitions,—for example, Archbishop Alonso de
Carrillo and the learned Enrique de Villena; the latter attained to a
legendary fame which has endured even to the present day. Similarly,
astronomers were at the same time astrologers. Both alchemy and astrology
served a useful purpose, however, in stimulating the study of the true
sciences, with a resulting advance in knowledge. The age of the Moslem
and Jewish philosopher was past, and very little that was original in the
realm of philosophy appeared in Castile in this period; even theological
writings were not prominent, despite the study of theology in the
universities and schools. Moral and political literature abounded, such as
discussions of the wiles or virtues of women on the one hand, and works on
the relations between church and state on the other. In the latter respect
ecclesiastical writers maintained the superior authority of the pope over the
king, but were in the main defenders of monarchy, although distinguishing
the legitimate king from the tyrant, and sustaining the ultimate dependence
of the monarch on his people. The Italian influence appeared in philosophy
through translations of classical (Aristotle, Plato, Cicero, Seneca) and
contemporary Italian (Colonna, Petrarch, Boccaccio) texts. The most
influential manifestation of Castilian thought was in the field of
jurisprudence, to which references have already been made in dealing with
the Partidas and other legal volumes. The entire period abounded in this
type of literature, not only in compilations of an official character, but also
in those of private individuals, all of them greatly influenced by the legal
works of Justinian.

The triumph of Castilian in polite literature.

External influences upon Castilian literature.

The same factors which affected the literary history of the preceding
period continued to exist in this, although occupying different positions, and
in addition competing with the Classical Renaissance and Italian elements,
which almost overwhelmed the others. Just as in the scientific works, so in
literature, these factors were assimilated and made over to produce the
original Castilian product of succeeding centuries. Castilian became the
language of poetry and of didactic works, routing its Galician and Latin
rivals. Latin works were translated to Castilian, and from the middle of the
thirteenth century the latter began to be used instead of the former in public
documents. Galician-Portuguese lyric poetry, half erudite, half popular,
born of the Provençal, which it had assimilated and transformed, advanced
to its highest point, and seemed to have won a victory over Castilian. About
the middle of the fourteenth century it commenced to decline, and by the
end of that century Castilian lyric poetry was already predominant; in the
fifteenth century Galician ceased to be a literary language, and even
Portuguese writers frequently used Castilian. Besides satire and even more
sensuality than its Provençal prototype the Galician literature often included
ethical and religious sentiments in the same poem. The Provençal
influences proper also affected Castile, but did not take root as in Catalonia,
because of the difference in language. When Galician poetry lost its place it
was the Castilian which became its successor, manifesting in one of its
forms the same curious mixture of ethics and satire. At length a satirical
element of a free and sensual type prevailed, and brought about a
degeneration of this kind of literature. With the fourteenth century the
powerful Classical and Italian Renaissance influences made themselves felt
in Castile both in poetry and in prose. Works of the classical poets (Homer,
Virgil, Ovid, Lucan) and writers of prose (Livy, Sallust, Cæsar, Plutarch,
and others) were translated, and served to enrich Castilian literature both in
form and in content. The Italian influence proper (Dante, Petrarch,
Boccaccio) was by far the greatest, however, especially that of Dante,
which vanquished the former French influence in poetry, and in part the
Galician, and banished the earlier Castilian literary forms. The Italian
influence was most deeply felt in its effects on lyric poetry. Epic poetry and
prose were not altogether uncultivated, however, and in this field French
influence continued to exist. Many of the older unwritten poems were
reduced to writing, and French poems of chivalry and French novels of
adventure, telling of the fantastic deeds of King Arthur, Charlemagne, the
magician Merlin, and others, were repeated or reconstructed in Castilian.
The fabulous element became predominant, leading to the books of
caballería, or chivalry, based on the extraordinary adventures of wandering
knights (caballeros andantes), full of the extravagant exaggeration of
unbridled imagination. The first great work of this sort in the peninsula, and
the best of its kind, was a novel by Vasco de Lobeira called Amadés de
Gaula, written originally in Portuguese, but already known in Castile in the
later fourteenth century. In the fifteenth century amatory novels began to
appear.

Historical literature.

The drama.

The advance of the preceding period in historical literature was

continued in this. One of the principal names was that of Alfonso X, who
was also a writer of note in other branches of literature and learning. His
principal work was a history of Spain, compiled probably by a number of
men under his direction, just as the Partidas was. Various sources were
employed, Spanish, French, Latin, and Arabic, and a certain spirit of
criticism, superior to that of the earlier histories, was displayed. On the
other hand the work was defective from the historiographical standpoint
because of its lack of proportion, its inclusion of epic poems in the body of
the narrative, and its manifestation of an ardent patriotism. Perhaps the best
historian of the era was the many-sided chancellor and litterateur, López de
Ayala, author among other historical works of a chronicle of the reigns of
Pedro I, Henry II, Juan I, and part of that of Henry III. López de Ayala
wrote in direct imitation of classical writers, especially Livy. Pérez de
Guzmán, as author of a collection of biographies reaching down to the
fifteenth century, made use of a psychological interpretation of human
events. Dramatic literature did not change from the religious dramas and
popular representations of jugglers of the preceding era, but progress was
made in both of these forms, and each attained to greater favor, preparing
the way for the rapidly approaching inauguration of the national theatre.

The developed Castilian Gothic architecture.

Mudéjar architecture.

Gothic architecture had its most brilliant expression in the early part of
this period, degenerating later largely through an exaggeration of its
elements. At the end of the thirteenth century Castilian Gothic may be said
to have differed from that of the other European countries in the following
respects: its maintenance of classical proportions, with scant difference
between the length and width of an edifice, reducing the height; less
development in the use of windows; greater robustness of walls, columns,
and piers, diminishing the importance of buttresses; more nearly flat roofs;
and the general use and ample size of cloisters in convents and churches.
The structural basis and sober character of early Gothic began to be lost
sight of in the fourteenth century, and, in particular, ornamentation was used
without any relation to structural needs. The corruption of Gothic became
more and more marked in the fifteenth century, when proportions and
structural ideals were forgotten, and adornment, notably in the use of
pinnacles, was employed in excessive degree. It was at this time that the
choir of Spanish cathedrals was moved to the centre of the nave, in front of
the high altar. This was the greatest age of Gothic civil and military art,
especially of the latter. Castles were more solidly and more richly built,
with handsome towers and other exterior defences and with embattled
walls. Towers and battlements also appeared on the walls of cities. Mudéjar
architecture continued to develop, notably in Toledo and Seville, in both
religious and civil edifices, and some of the best specimens of this art date
from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It was especially employed in
the interior decoration of palaces and private houses,—in panelling,
handsomely worked wooden roofs, painted and sculptured friezes, and the
use of tiles. On the outside it appeared in eaves and beams of brightly
colored woods.

The lesser arts.

Sculpture remained, as before, an adjunct of architecture, but was

employed more than formerly in the ornamentation of buildings. In form it
became more and more affected by Italian influences. The comparative
wealth and luxury of the era, as well as the needs of religion, led to an
advance in metal work and the making of jewelry and rich embroideries.
The illumination of manuscripts reached a higher level than before, but
declined before the end of the period, partly because of the invention of
printing. The painting of windows in cathedrals attained to a greater
richness and variety in scene, and wall painting acquired an independent
position. The Italian influence of Giotto was apparent in the fifteenth
century, although it did not get beyond the point of mere copying. The
Flemish influence was more important, dating from Van Eyck’s visit to
Spain in 1428, after which date paintings in the Flemish style abounded in
Castile, especially altar-pieces. Music turned upon singing, usually of one
part, although occasionally other parts were sung. Musical instruments were
employed solely for accompaniments of songs and dances.

Aragon
General characteristics of intellectual culture in the kingdom of Aragon.

In intellectual culture Aragon proper, Catalonia, Valencia, and Majorca

may be considered together. The same general line of progress was in
evidence as that already described for Castile. There was the same
eagerness for learning among the upper classes, the same development of
educational institutions, an analogous penetration of foreign influences
(especially French and Italian), and an identical practice of going to other
parts of Europe to study. The landmarks in intellectual history were the
reign of Pedro IV in didactic literature, that of Juan I for the Provençal
troubadour literature, and that of Alfonso V for the Classical Renaissance.

Education and printing.

The most noteworthy university founded in the period was that of

Barcelona, which evolved from an academy in the opening years of the
fourteenth century to the rank of a university in 1450, with courses in
theology, civil and canon law, philosophy, arts, and medicine. In addition to
numerous other schools similar to those of Castile there were two more or
less distinct types here: the primary school, much more frequently met with
than in other parts of the peninsula; and the Lulian schools (due originally
to the initiative of Raymond Lull, but carried on throughout the era), which
devoted themselves primarily to philosophy, but also to foreign languages,
especially Arabic. Naturally the invention of printing at the end of the
period gave a fresh impulse to intellectual culture. The first book to be
printed in this region was published in Valencia in 1474. In 1478, or a little
before, books began to be printed in Barcelona.
 Leading currents in thought and science.

Philosophy, medicine, nautical science, cartography, and cosmography

were the studies most cultivated. The influence of Raymond Lull continued
to be felt, both in the imitations and translations of Hebrew and Arabic
philosophers, especially Averröes, and in the reaction against them. In the
fifteenth century the Italian, and to a less extent the French, influences
began to be felt. The Neapolitan court of Alfonso V was the great centre for
the penetration of Italian and classical thought. Theologians proper
contributed little in this period, but there were numerous writings on
ecclesiastical subjects,—works of a controversial or moral nature,
translations, and histories of saints, mystics, ascetics, and sacred orators.
The extraordinary development of the study of medicine was due primarily
to Jewish and Moslem elements. Toward the end of the fifteenth century a
marked current of opinion against the deductive method in medicine and in
favor of experimental studies became apparent. Chemistry, the companion
study of medicine, was much in favor, as also was alchemy, which counted
King Juan I and Miguel Jiménez de Urrea, bishop of Tarazona, among its
devotees. The Catalans and Majorcans were famous for their knowledge of
cartography and the related sciences. To the Catalans were due the first map
of the Danish peninsula and the correction of the maps of the Norwegian
and Swedish coasts and the lands touching the Baltic Sea. Jaime Ferrer, a
Marrano of Majorca, was the leading nautical and geographical scholar of
those whom Prince Henry attracted to Portugal to prepare the Portuguese
for their rôle in the history of maritime exploration. In addition to the
kindred sciences of mathematics and astronomy the pseudo-science of
astrology was also much pursued. Just as in Castile, so in Aragon, juridical
studies in both the civil and canon law had a great vogue.

Struggle of the Catalan, Latin, and Castilian languages for predominance in polite literature.

At the close of the preceding era Catalan was already being employed in
prose works in Catalonia, while the Provençal predominated in poetry. In
this period the Catalan, which also found support in Valencia and Majorca,
invaded all types of literature. Against this current there appeared two
powerful forces which made themselves most felt in the last century of the
era,—Latin and Castilian. Latin was much more firmly rooted in Catalonia
than in Castile, and the Latin tradition was greatly reinforced by contact
with the Classical Renaissance influences throughout the period, owing to
the intimate political relations of the kings with Sicily and Naples. These
influences were at their height in the reign of Alfonso V. Castilian had the
support of Aragon proper, since the Aragonese tongue was very similar to
that of Castile, and it was furthered by the Castilian dynasty of Ferdinand I,
which began to rule in Aragon in 1410. The same element appeared at the
court of Alfonso V, much frequented by Castilian and Aragonese poets, and
even by Catalans who chose to write in Castilian. As a result Catalan began
to decline as a literary language, although it did not disappear, but on the
contrary improved in its elements and forms. Catalan poetry of the era
never completely effaced the Provençal influence, as evidenced by the
subject-matter, which was predominantly amatory, although somewhat
erudite, artificial, conventional, mystical, allegorical, satirical, and even
moral. Catalan prose appeared principally in novels of chivalry and in
history. Castilian poetry and prose also had interesting manifestations in the
entire realm of Aragon. The history of dramatic literature followed the same
course as in Castile, although in some of the choral representations at the
court of Alfonso V an approach to the modern theatre was made.

The fine arts.

With respect to architecture, sculpture, and the related arts the general
remarks about their development in Castile may be applied to the kingdom
of Aragon, subject to the observation already made[49] as to the difference
of Catalan Gothic from that of Castile. The Italian influences were
exceptionally strong in Catalonia and Valencia, and the French were marked
in regions near the Pyrenees and in Majorca. One type of edifice peculiar to
the eastern coasts was the defensive tower to which the inhabitants resorted
on the appearance of pirates or in times of military danger. In painting, the
Italian style of Giotto was more completely assimilated than in Castile.
Flemish influences were equally prevalent.

Mutual influence of Aragonese and other European civilizations.

Despite the long occupation of the duchy of Athens by Catalan rulers,

who used Catalan speech and customs, the Catalan-Aragonese civilization
had no noteworthy effect in Greece, and, similarly, neither the Byzantine
nor the Athenian civilization reacted upon the kingdom of Aragon. In
southern France, however, the Catalan-Aragonese civilization did produce
effects, just as it was in turn affected. The same mutual exchange of
influences was also observable between Aragon and Italy, if indeed the
civilization of the latter was recognized as superior by the Spanish
conquerors themselves. The principal impulse came at the time of Alfonso
V and the contemporary papal reign of the Spanish pope, Alfonso Borgia,
as Calixtus III (1455-1458). There was a great influx of Spaniards,
especially from the realm of Aragon, and as they occupied the highest
official posts in southern Italy, they could not but make their presence felt.
Many Spaniards left Italy upon the deaths of Alfonso V and Calixtus III, but
others remained, and political relations were maintained between the two
kingdoms, since the Neapolitan ruling family proceeded from the same
trunk as that of Aragon, thus preparing a new period of Spanish rule and
influence with the reign of Ferdinand of Aragon.
 CHAPTER XVII

INSTITUTIONS OF OUTLYING HISPANIC STATES, 1252-1479

So far as they have not already been discussed, in dealing with Castile
and Aragon, the institutions of Majorca, Navarre, the Basque provinces, and
Granada may be dealt with here, especially in their original aspects.

Majorca
Outline of Majorcan history.

By the will of Jaime I, Majorca and the Roussillon were constituted into
a kingdom apart from Aragon, but almost immediately afterward Pedro III
of Aragon compelled Jaime II of Majorca to acknowledge the overlordship
of the peninsula monarch. In 1349 Pedro IV of Aragon annexed Majorca,
but the political change was one of monarch only, for Majorca continued to
be a separate state with a history of its own. The political life of Majorca
centred about the workings of the municipal organization of Palma, its
capital city (on which the government of the island was based), and was
involved with social problems.

The peculiar social bases of Majorca.

After the conquest of the island by Jaime I nearly all of the great nobles
who had accompanied the king returned to the peninsula, granting their
lands to caballeros of their following, or renting them to plebeian
cultivators, and Jaime I did much the same. Thus the caballeros, or nobility
of the second grade, were virtually the only representatives of the feudal
aristocracy in Majorca, and laws were passed limiting the amount of land
which they might hold, so as to avoid the evil of vast estates. The
caballeros were reinforced by a Catalan middle class element which
constituted a majority of the Christians in the island in the early years
following the conquest. From these two elements there emerged a new
aristocracy, based on wealth, growing out of Majorcan commerce, an
aristocracy open to all, given to pomp and luxury, and dwelling mostly in
Palma. Some of the wealthy lived in the country, where there was also a
large number of free tillers of the soil. A few of these became wealthy, but
there was always a tendency for the rich to migrate to Palma. The position
of the rural classes was not satisfactory at any time, but two causes
appeared in the fourteenth century to make it worse. One was the increase
in taxation after the reincorporation into the crown of Aragon, and the other
a change in the form of wealth with the decline of Majorcan commerce in
the latter fourteenth century, when the aristocracy of Palma began to buy
lands and rights to collect taxes. Thus the rural districts became
economically dependent on the absentee landlords at the capital, who were
more zealous over the collection of their rents and taxes than in cultivating
the land. Society divided itself largely on the lines of the country and the
city, with the inhabitants of the former bitterly hostile to the aristocracy of
the latter.

Conversion of the Mudéjares and Jews.

Of the despised classes the Mudéjares, as such, soon disappeared,

despite their great numbers at the time of the conquest. Upon conversion to
Christianity or emancipation from slavery they mixed with the lower
classes of the Christians, and were completely absorbed. The history of the
Jews was almost identical with that of their race in the peninsula, but was
involved with the peculiar social problems of Majorca apart from race and
religion. The kings collected heavy tributes from them, but protected them,
allowing them the free exercise of their business and the practice of their
faith, exempting them from all taxation (even municipal) except the royal
tributes, aiding them in the collection of debts, and facilitating the entry of
Jews and Marranos into Majorca. Numerous attacks were made on them in
the fourteenth century, culminating in the sack of the Jewish quarter of the
capital in 1391 (the year which was so disastrous to the Jews in other parts
of Spain), when some three hundred men and women were killed. In
addition to the usual animosities against them because of their religion and
the incitement of debtors this attack was in part an outgrowth of the struggle
of the rural classes against the landlords, to whom the sack of the Jewish
quarter was a severe financial blow, since much of their wealth depended on
their relations with the Jews, with whom also they were wont to deposit
their jewels. The rioters were able to obtain decrees from the royal
governor-general extinguishing debts and interest due to the Jews,
confirming the title of those who had taken part in the attack to the money
and jewelry they had stolen, pardoning all offences committed, and ordering
an immediate conversion of the Jews. The general conversion took place at
once, but had to be repeated in 1435.

The municipal form of Majorcan government.

Since the outlying settlements were unimportant at the time of the

conquest, the government of the city of Palma was extended over the entire
island. At length the administration at the capital was organized on the basis
of a magistracy of six persons (a caballero, two citizens, two merchants,
and an artisan), who served for a year and appointed their successors. The
attempt to maintain this organization after the rural population had grown to
appreciable numbers was one of the causes of the social strife between the
rural and city elements. Within Palma itself there were also the disputes of
different social classes and of rival powerful families. By a reform of 1358
the rural population obtained some financial independence whereby their
contributions were limited to those which were to be applied for expenses
in which they had an interest in common with the city, and a portion was
assigned to them to spend on matters of their own, for which purpose a rural
organization was formed to provide for the management of their affairs.
Another reform established a council subordinate to the six magistrates, in
which the rural population had a minority representation, thirty in ninety-
three in 1398. This did not satisfy them, for they desired a complete
separation from the city government. Still other reforms were made, but
they did not get at the root of the evil, for the city remained dominant over
the affairs of the country, oppressing the people both economically and
politically.

The social wars of Majorca and Minorca.

Shortly after the successful issue of the attack upon the Jews in 1391 the
rural levies moved against their Christian enemies in Palma. This time they
failed, and a number of their chiefs were executed. No further conflict of
importance occurred until 1450, when a bitter civil war broke out. Aided by
the laboring classes of Palma the rural forces besieged the capital, but were
unable to take it. In 1452 the insurrection was put down. In 1463 there was
another uprising, and from that date to the end of the era a state of affairs
bordering on anarchy prevailed, enhanced by the economic decline of
Majorca, and by the disorders on the mainland which filled the reign of
Juan II. In the island of Minorca a parallel situation existed throughout the
era in the conflicts of the capital, Ciudadela, with the rural districts.

Greatness and decline of Majorcan commerce.

Majorca had an excellent climate and a fertile soil which fitted it for
agricultural wealth, and the Moslems had furthered this by their use of
irrigation. They had also engaged considerably in manufacturing, and had
an already well-developed trade at the time of the conquest. Under
Christian domination Majorca soon attained to an extraordinary commercial
importance, trading in all parts of the Mediterranean and in Flanders, and
having consuls and commercial exchanges in nearly all European countries.
In the fourteenth century more than thirty thousand sailors resided in Palma,
and many foreign merchants dwelt there. The wealthy trader was the
veritable great lord in the island, with his palaces, country estates, and his
display of luxury. The decline set in about the middle of the fourteenth
century, due in part to the annexation of Majorca to the kingdom of Aragon.
Other causes hastened the fall: disastrous plagues, earthquakes, and floods;
the advance of the Turks into Europe, cutting off a rich commercial field;
the increased importance of the Italian cities in the eastern Mediterranean
trade; the raids of pirates; the expensive wars of Aragon; and the persistent
social and political strife in Majorca itself. Nevertheless, a considerable
trade remained until the middle of the fifteenth century, when a new series
of misfortunes,—such as the fall of Constantinople in 1453, the prohibition
of the entry of Majorcan cloths into Naples, the competition of Rhodes and
Portugal in the east, and hostilities with the Moslem states of northern
Africa (thus cutting off that avenue of trade),—added to the continuing
effect of some of the already-named evils, brought about the complete
downfall of the Majorcan mercantile power. One advantage resulted, though
not great enough to offset the commercial loss: a beginning was made of a
more intensive cultivation of the agricultural wealth which the island was so
well able to produce.

Navarre
 Backwardness of Navarre.

The institutions of Navarre at this time were affected by French

influences, but in the main resembled those of the rest of the peninsula both
in form and in their evolution, except that they displayed a backwardness
which was natural in a region so thinly populated. The feudal régime
persisted, although some gains were made by the servile classes, the towns,
and the kings. A corporate sense of society, as manifested in the importance
of the family as a whole and in the associations of neighbors and citizens
(especially marked in the rural districts), still existed. The Mudéjares and
Jews were comparatively numerous, and their lot was the same as in other
parts of the peninsula. The marriage á yuras was sanctioned in Navarre
longer than elsewhere, although at length it was banished. Barraganía
(much resorted to by churchmen) survived, and received a measure of
acceptance. The customs of chivalry were greatly in vogue, and bull-
fighting and ball-games[50] were very popular. Agriculture, with the aid of
irrigation, and stock-raising were the principal occupations. In intellectual
culture and the fine arts Navarre was rather a continuation of France than a
part of Spain. The country was markedly backward in these respects,
however, as evidenced by the ignorance of the clergy, compared with
churchmen in other regions, and by the fact that the kings rarely had any
books other than those of prayer. Although Basque was the national tongue,
such books as were written usually appeared in Latin or in Castilian,—one
more demonstration of the intellectual predominance of central Spain.
French Gothic prevailed in architecture, sculpture, gold work, and painting.

The Basque provinces

Unique character of Basque institutions.

The three Basque provinces of Álava, Vizcaya, and Guipúzcoa have

always been unique in their history and institutions, and are the subject of
many popular legends more or less founded on fact, such as the one already
discussed that the Basques have never been conquered, and another that
they are all nobles. In this period they were becoming more and more
Castilian in customs, but they still retained much that was indigenous.

The social and political system in Álava.

 In general social organization Álava did not differ from other Spanish
regions. It was technically a behetría de mar á mar (free town from sea to
sea): made up of a group of small seigniorial estates, both noble and
ecclesiastical, whose rulers were free to elect a common lord without being
restrained to a determinate family. The untitled inhabitants were rural
laborers, who were either serfs or in a state but little removed from serfdom,
and the free, popular classes of the towns, but neither of these elements
exercised great influence. After the incorporation of Álava into Castile in
1332, the older type of government, based primarily on the Cofradía of
Arriaga and the elected lord, underwent a radical change. The overlordship
became fixed in the crown of Castile, and the cofradía disappeared,
although a similar body soon developed. The king was represented at times
by an adelantado as well as by lesser royal officials, and reserved high
justice to himself, besides rights to military service and a certain few taxes.
Local government was carried on by various assemblies, reaching in a
hierarchy from the lesser regional institutions to the general assembly for
the entire province. The general assembly was both a legislative and an
administrative body, but its principal function was the inspection of royal
orders to see if they conformed to the regional charters. A juridical
difference existed between the towns and the country, for the former were
ruled by Castilian law and the latter by ancient custom, resulting in the
economic dependence of the rural laboring classes, even after serfdom had
disappeared.

The social and political system in Vizcaya.

Until its consolidation with the Castilian crown by inheritance in 1370,

Vizcaya was a behetría de linaje (free town within a family), electing its
lord from a determinate family, but both before and after that date there was
a marked lack of regional solidarity, for various groups were to a great
degree autonomous. There were two principal types of jurisdiction: the
seigniorial estates, with the usual incidents found elsewhere; and the
indigenous Basque settlements, which pretended to the nobility of their
inhabitants, even to the point of refusing to permit foreigners to dwell
among them unless they too were of noble rank. The indigenous element
was to be found in rural districts, and was ruled by customs, which were
written down for the first time in 1452. The patriarchal form of family life
continued to exist here, as evidenced by the requirement that lands should
return to the family from which they proceeded in case of a failure of direct
heirs, and by the right to leave virtually one’s entire estate to a single
descendant. Custom recognized a right of way over the lands of others,
even when enclosed,—which would seem to indicate backwardness in the
development of means of communication. In government the king was
represented principally by a corregidor. The inhabitants of Vizcaya were
exempt from any taxes of Castilian origin, but paid certain other
contributions to the king, were subject to both military and naval service,
and acknowledged the right of high justice in the royal officials. The
general assembly of Vizcaya, like that of Álava, had a right to inspect royal
decrees.

The social and political system in Guipúzcoa.

The people of Guipúzcoa claimed to be of noble rank, and this status

was legally recognized for most of them by laws enacted before, during,
and after this period. Nevertheless the customs of the land itself amounted
to a denial of their claim, and the familiar social differences existed, even
though the majority of the people were legally nobles. There was a
seigniorial class of the usual variety, with dependents in a more or less
servile relation. A middle class nobility existed, composed of small
proprietors or the industrial laborers and merchants of the towns. This
element was very insistent on its noble rank (which indeed carried with it
special privileges, such as the exclusive right to hold public office and
certain exemptions from taxation), and enacted laws excluding those who
were not of noble blood from a right to live in the towns. These laws were
not enforced, however, and a popular class grew up, composed of
Guipuzcoans whose noble rank was not recognized and of foreigners, many
of whom settled in the land. Politically Guipúzcoa was a behetría subject
alternately to the kings of Navarre and Castile, until in 1200 the
overlordship became fixed in the Castilian crown. At first the king was
represented by an adelantado, who was customarily ruler at the same time
of Álava or of the county of Castile; later a corregidor for Guipúzcoa alone
was named, while there were a number of royal merinos as well. There was
no other organization for the entire province until the fourteenth century,
but each region dealt separately with the royal government. Gradually,
through the formation of groups of settlements, a general league and at
length a general assembly developed, with much the same powers as the
assemblies of Álava and Vizcaya. The municipalities continued to be the
principal centre of regional autonomy, however, especially the more
important towns, which protected the lesser settlements through an
institution similar to the Catalonian carreratge. Like the other Basque
provinces Guipúzcoa enjoyed a number of privileges, of which the most
prized was the exemption from general taxation, although certain specified
tributes were regularly collected. More than once the province rose in arms
to resist the imposition of taxes of Castilian origin.

Inter-relations of the Basque provinces.

Despite community of race and language the three provinces never

formed a political unit. At times Guipúzcoa and Álava had the same
adelantado or held general assemblies in common, and there were some
instances where the assemblies of all three provinces met to discuss matters
of common interest. Alliances were made between towns of the same or
different provinces, perhaps including towns in France, for such purposes as
the regulation of the use of lands common. In one respect there was a
certain amount of unity (in interest at least): in the conflict of the towns
against the great lords and their allies, the rural population, in all three
provinces. The lords were so turbulent that the kings joined with the towns
in attempts to suppress them, and the lords even fought one another,
wherefore their power was considerably reduced, though not entirely
broken.

Granada
Social and political decadence of Granada.

Economic wealth.

According to modern estimates Granada had a population of three or

four millions in its last days, which bespeaks a great density, due largely to
the migrations of Mudéjares from Christian lands. In social and political
organization Granada was a miniature of the early caliphate. The Arabs
reappeared as the principal element, and furnished the ruling family. They
had the same scornful and quarrelsome aristocratic pride as in other days,
and were opposed, as before, by the Berbers, who outnumbered them. The
most numerous element was that of the Renegados, which was also next in
importance to the Arabs. There were many thousands of Christian slaves as
well. Signs of social decay were everywhere visible, especially in the
passion of the wealthy for luxury and futile diversions at vast expense,
while on the other hand there existed the poverty-stricken proletariat.[51]
Internal political history reduced itself to a series of riots, assassinations,
rebellions, acts of vengeance, and exhibitions of partisan rancor. The
influence of Christian Spain was more and more intense, manifesting itself
in general customs and dress; even the practices of chivalry were
introduced. Given the richness of soil and favoring climate and the great
population of Granada, it was natural that there should have been a
considerable measure of economic prosperity there. This became less as the
period advanced, as a result of political weakness and social decay, but
Granada was still wealthy at the time (in the next era) it disappeared as a
kingdom.

Granadine architecture.

In sciences and letters Granada continued the intellectual traditions of

Moslem Spain, but it cannot be said that its influence was great. In the arts,
however, Granada introduced features of general importance, and especially
in architecture, of which the outstanding example is the palace of the
Alhambra in the city of Granada. The most salient note in Granadine
architecture was richness in ornamentation, in which it is not surpassed by
any other style in the world. The walls were adorned with relief work in
stucco, and variegated azulejos tiles were also used in great profusion. The
decorative motives were geometrical or floral, and the tout ensemble was
not only brilliant in color, but also harmoniously appealing. In structural
features, too, Granadine architecture attained to great beauty.
 CHAPTER XVIII

ERA OF THE CATHOLIC KINGS, 1479-1517

Transition from medieval to modern Spain.

THE joint reign of Ferdinand (1479-1516) and Isabella (1474-1504),

known as “the Catholic Kings,” witnessed the substantial fulfilment of the
aims of medieval Hispanic royalty, and at the same time began in striking
fashion that complexity of life and action which characterizes the modern
age. On the one hand the turbulent elements which had for so long stood for
decentralization and disorder as opposed to national unity and internal
peace were done away with or rendered powerless; on the other, life in its
various institutional phases approximated itself in a considerable degree to
that of our own times, and Spain stood forth from the domestic bickerings
which had formerly absorbed her attention to enter upon the career and
status of a world power. The greatest single event in the period was
undoubtedly the discovery of America, from which came, directly or
indirectly, Spain’s principal claims to the recognition of posterity. Important
only in less degree were the conquest of Granada, the establishment of the
Inquisition and the expulsion from Spain of the non-Catholic elements, and
Spain’s entry into the maelstrom of European politics on a greater scale
than ever before, through the medium of Ferdinand’s intervention in Italy.
Measured by the success attained in their own day the Catholic Kings
prospered in nearly everything they undertook, but the ultimate result,
which could not have been foreseen at the time, was in many respects to
prove disastrous to Spain herself, if, indeed, there were counter-balancing
advantages and a glorious memory. The wealth and greatness proceeding
from the conquest of the Americas were to be sacrificed in a fruitless
attempt to gain a predominant place in Europe,—which, indeed, Spain
might have had, much as England acquired it, if she had not pursued it so
directly and insistently, but had been willing to devote her attention to her
colonies. On the other hand, the Americas drained Spain of some of her best
resources in manhood, while the Italian wars brought her into the current of
the highest European civilization. These consequences, whatever attitude
one may take with regard to them, did not become manifest until a much
later time, but they had the most pronounced of their impulses, if not in all
cases their origins, in the reign of the Catholic Kings.

Nature of the union of Castile and Aragon.

Ferdinand’s accession to the crown of Aragon and the recognition of

Isabella as queen of Castile did not at that time bring about a political union
of the two kingdoms, and resulted in no radical change in the separate
institutions of either. They did mean the establishment of consistent policies
in each (especially in international affairs) which were to bring about a
more effectual union at a later day and produce the Spanish nation. The first
problem of the Catholic Kings was that of the pacification of their realms.
Aragon and Catalonia offered no serious difficulty, but the violence of the
Castilian nobility called for repression of a vigorous type. Galicia and
Andalusia were the regions where such action was most imperatively
needed.

Overthrow of seigniorial anarchy.

The real weakness of the seigniorial class is well illustrated by the case
of Galicia. The lawless conduct of the nobility and even of the high
functionaries of the church was traditional, besides which Juana la
Beltraneja had counted with many partisans there. Petty war, the oppression
of individuals and towns (through the medium of illegal tributes or the
collection of those belonging to the kings), and an almost complete
disobedience of royal authority were the rule. Resolved to do away with
such an evil state of affairs the Catholic Kings sent two delegates there in
1480, the one a soldier, Fernando de Acuña, and the other a lawyer and
member of the Consejo Real, Garcí López de Chinchilla, accompanied by
three hundred picked horsemen. Without loss of time and with praiseworthy
energy they proceeded to carry out the royal will. Forty-six castles were
demolished, the tributes which the nobles had been diverting from the king
were collected once more for the royal treasury, many individuals of greater
or less degree (both nobles and ordinary bandits) were put to death, and
others were dominated or compelled to flee the country. Similar action was
taken in Andalusia and Castile proper, wherefore within a few years the
pacification of the kingdom was achieved; the seemingly hopeless anarchy
of the period of Henry IV had been overcome.

The conquest of Granada.

At the same time that the Catholic Kings were engaged in the
establishment of good order in the realm of Castile, they were giving their
attention to another problem which may well be considered as of domestic
import,—the long delayed conquest of Granada. The last years of the
Moslem kingdom epitomized the history of that government during its more
than two centuries of existence, with the important difference that it was no
longer to escape the bitter pill of conquest which its own weakness and
decadent life had long rendered inevitable once a determined effort should
be made. There appeared the figure of the emir, Abul Hassan, dominated by
the passion which his slave girl, Zoraya, had inspired in him. Other
members of his family, notably his brother, El Zagal (or Al Zagal), and his
son, Abu Abdullah, best known as Boabdil, headed factions which warred
with Abul Hassan or with each other. Meanwhile, the war with Castile,
which had broken forth anew in 1481, was going on, and to the credit of the
Moslem warrior as a fighting man was being sustained, if not with success,
at least without great loss of territory. Ferdinand, to whom treachery was
only a fine art of kingship, availed himself of the internal disorder of
Granada to gain advantages to which his military victories in open combat
did not entitle him. Twice he had Boabdil in his power as a prisoner, and on
each occasion let him go, so that he might cause trouble for El Zagal, who
had become emir, at the same time making promises of peace and of
abstention from conquest which he disloyally failed to observe. Another
time, El Zagal was similarly deceived. By these means, after ten years of
war, Ferdinand was able to enter the Granadine plain and besiege the
Moslem capital, courageously defended by Boabdil and his followers. The
military camp of Santa Fe was founded, and for months the siege went on,
signalized by deeds of valor on both sides. Overcome by hunger the
defenders were at length obliged to capitulate, and on January 2, 1492, the
Castilian troops occupied the Alhambra. Some time later Boabdil and his
household departed for Africa. It is fitting to observe that many of the
legends concerning this prince, notably those which reflect on his courage
and manliness, are without foundation in fact.
 Forced conversion of the Mudéjares of Castile.

The terms of surrender had included numerous articles providing for the
security of the Moslem population. Virtually they amounted to a promise
that the Mudéjar, or Moslem, element would not be molested in any respect,
whether in Granada or elsewhere in Castile. Such a treaty could not long be
enforced in the face of the religious ardor and intolerance of the age. The
greatest men of the kingdom, and among them the most notable of all, the
archbishop of Toledo, Ximénez de Cisneros, confessor of the queen, joined
in urging a different policy. Pressure began to be exerted in direct
contravention of the treaty to bring about an enforced conversion of the
Mudéjares to Christianity. A Moslem uprising was the result, and this was
seized upon by Ximénez as justifying a complete disregard, henceforth, of
the terms of the capitulation, on the ground that the Moslems had nullified
the treaty by their rebellion,—a convenient argument which did not enquire
into the real causes of the outbreak. Christianization by force, not without a
number of serious uprisings, now went on at a rapid rate, and was
completed by a royal decree of 1502 which ordered that all Mudéjares in
the Castilian domains should accept Christianity or leave the country. Many
took the latter course, but the greater number remained, Christians in
outward appearance if not so at heart. Officially there were no more
Mudéjares in Castile except slaves. The newly converted element became
known, henceforth, as “Moriscos,” thus attaching them by association of
ideas to their ancient faith, and since their Christianity did not inspire much
confidence they were made subject to the dread Inquisition.

Castilian activities in northwestern Africa and the Canary Islands.

The discovery of America in 1492, together with other factors, directed

Castilian attention to the Canary Islands and northwestern Africa, bringing
the Spanish kingdom into contact and rivalry with the Portuguese, who had
devoted themselves to exploration, conquest, and colonization in that region
for nearly a century. It may suffice here to say that in successive treaties of
1480, 1494, and 1509 Portugal recognized Castile’s claim to the Canaries
and certain posts in northwestern Africa. The security of the American
route was not the principal motive of Castilian interest at that time in
northwestern Africa. The wars with Granada and the danger of fresh
invasions, coupled with the crusading zeal which had been aroused against
the Moslems, and aggravated by the activities of North African corsairs,
were perhaps the leading factors affecting the policy of the Catholic Kings.
In 1494 the definitive conquest of the Canary Islands was made, and at the
same time a post was established on the neighboring coast of western
Africa to serve as a centre for the resistance to the Moslems. Meanwhile,
private attacks by Spaniards on North African ports were being made, but it
was not until 1497 that the Catholic Kings formally embarked on that
enterprise. Bent upon checking piracy in that region they took possession of
Melilla, which thenceforth became an important Spanish post.

Ferdinand’s European policy.

While Ferdinand had much to do with the events which have thus far
been discussed, he and his subjects of Aragon and Catalonia were more
interested in other affairs. Ferdinand aimed at nothing less than a
predominant place for Spain in European affairs, to be preceded by the
establishment of Aragonese supremacy in the Mediterranean. The principal
stumbling-block was the power of the French kings. Ferdinand schemed,
therefore, to bring about the isolation and humiliation of France. The
entering wedge came through the French possession of the Catalan regions
of Cerdagne and the Roussillon which had been granted to the king of
France by Juan II. Charles VIII of France consented to restore the two
provinces, but in return exacted Ferdinand’s promise not to interfere with
the former’s designs respecting the kingdom of Naples. Ferdinand readily
agreed in 1493 to aid no enemy of the French king save the pope, and not to
form matrimonial alliances between members of his family and those of the
reigning houses of Austria, England, and Naples. With Cerdagne and the
Roussillon in his possession he proceeded with characteristic duplicity to
disregard the treaty. Marriage alliances were projected or arranged, some of
them to be sure before 1493, not only with the ruling families of Portugal
and Navarre but also with those of Austria and England. Thus Ferdinand
hoped to secure considerable accessions of territory and to avoid any
interference on the part of the Holy Roman Empire and England, the only
outstanding powers which might be able to hinder his plots against France.
It is perhaps poetic justice that these plans, so cleverly made and executed
at the time, were to have an ultimate result which was quite different from
that which Ferdinand had reason to expect. Untimely deaths rendered the
various Portuguese alliances of no effect; the authorities of Navarre would
have nothing to do with Ferdinand’s proffer; and Spanish Catherine in
England was to figure in the famous divorce from Henry VIII, precipitating
the English Reformation. One marriage was productive of results, that of
Juana, heir of Ferdinand and Isabella, to Philip the Handsome of Burgundy.
Thus the Spanish kings were brought into the line of the Hapsburg family
and of imperial succession, which was to prove less a boon than a fatality.

The acquisition of Naples.

Charles VIII wished to revive the Angevin claim to the Neapolitan

territory held at the time by the illegitimate branch of Alfonso V of Aragon,
related by blood to Ferdinand the Catholic. Alleging that Naples was a fief
of the pope and therefore excepted from the treaty of 1493, Ferdinand
resisted the pretensions of Charles, and formed an alliance with the pope,
the emperor, Venice, and Milan against him. The forces of the league
proving too much for him, Charles was forced in 1497 to suspend
hostilities, whereupon Ferdinand agreed with him in secret to divide Naples
between them, renewing the agreement with Louis XII, who ascended the
French throne in 1498. The division was carried into effect, but a quarrel
sprang up over a certain portion of the territory, and war broke out. Thanks
to the military genius of the great Spanish leader, Gonzalo de Córdoba,
Ferdinand was victorious by the year 1504, and Naples came under his
authority.

Juana la Loca and Philip the Handsome.

In the same year, 1504, Isabella the Catholic died, leaving her throne to
her elder daughter, Juana, and in case she should prove unable to govern to
Ferdinand as regent until Juana’s heir should become twenty years of age.
Since Juana had already given evidence of that mental instability which was
to earn for her the soubriquet “La Loca” (the Crazy), it was the intention of
both Isabella and Ferdinand that the latter should rule, but Philip the
Handsome, husband of Juana, intervened to procure the regency for
himself. This was a serious set-back to the plans of Ferdinand, but
fortunately for him there occurred the unexpected death of Philip in 1506.
On the occasion of the latter’s burial Juana gave such ample proof of her
mental unfitness that it was now clear that Ferdinand would be called in as
regent. In 1507 he was so installed, and he now had the resources of Spain
at his back in the accomplishment of his ambitious designs. Leaving
Cardinal Ximénez to effect conquests in northern Africa and to carry into
execution other Castilian projects Ferdinand once again turned his attention
to the aggrandizement of Aragon in Italy.

The aggrandizement of Aragon in Italy and the conquest of Navarre.

In 1508 Ferdinand joined an alliance of the pope, the emperor, and Louis
XII of France against Venice, whereby he rounded out his Neapolitan
possessions. Seeing that the French were gaining more than he desired he
formed a new alliance, in 1511, with the pope, the emperor, Venice, and
Henry VIII of England against France. The French were defeated and
thrown out of Italy. Meanwhile, Ferdinand had taken advantage of the
French sympathies of the ruler of Navarre and the excommunication of that
king by the pope to overrun Navarre in 1512. The pope sanctioned the
conquest of that part of the kingdom lying south of the Pyrenees, and it was
definitely added to the Spanish domain. The French became dangerous
anew with the accession of the glory-loving, ambitious Francis I in 1515.
Ferdinand hastened to concert a league against him, into which entered the
pope, the emperor, Milan, Florence, the Swiss states, and England, but war
had hardly broken out when in 1516 Ferdinand died. For good or evil he
had brought Spain into a leading place in European affairs. If his methods
were questionable they were in keeping with the practices of his age; he
was only worse than his rivals in that he was more successful.

The accession of Charles I.

Juana was still alive, but was utterly incompetent to act as head of the
state. The logic of events and the will of Ferdinand pointed to her eldest
son, Charles of Ghent, as the one to rule Aragon and Navarre and to act as
regent of Castile (during his mother’s life), although he had not attained to
his twentieth year, a condition which had been exacted by the will of
Isabella. Until such time as he could reach Spain, for he was then in the
Low Countries, Cardinal Ximénez served as regent. With two acts of
doubtful propriety Charles I, the later Charles V of the Empire, began his
reign in the peninsula. He sent word to Ximénez, demanding that he be
proclaimed king of Castile, despite the fact that the queen, his mother, was
living. Notwithstanding the opposition of the Cortes and his own
unwillingness Ximénez did as Charles had required. In 1517 Charles
reached Spain, surrounded by a horde of Flemish courtiers. Foreseeing the
difficulties likely to result from this invasion of foreign favorites Ximénez
wrote to Charles, giving him advice in the matter, and hastening to meet
him asked for an interview. Instead of granting this request Charles sent him
a note, thanking him for his services, and giving him leave to retire to his
diocese “to rest and await the reward of Heaven for his merits.”
 CHAPTER XIX

SOCIAL REFORMS, 1479-1517

Leading elements in the social history of the era.

THE most important events in Spain of a social character during the

period of the Catholic Kings were the expulsion of the Jews and the
conversion of the Castilian Mudéjares, with the relations of the new
Inquisition to both of these elements of Spanish society. Other events of
more than ordinary note were the deprivation of the nobility of some of
their former prestige, the settlement of the dispute between the serfs and
lords of Catalonia, the purification of the Castilian clergy, and the definitive
triumph of the Roman principles in private law. Greater than all of these
were the problems which were to arise through the Spanish subjection of
new races in the colonies overseas.

Prestige of the nobility, despite their reverses.

Though with diminished prestige the nobility continued to be the leading

social class in Castile, sharing this honor with the higher officials of the
church. Much of the former economic preponderance of the nobles was
gone, due to the development of personalty as a form of wealth as
distinguished from land, the fruit of the commerce and industry of the Jews,
Mudéjares, and middle classes. They suffered still further through Isabella’s
revocation of the land grants they had received at times of civil war and
internal weakness in former reigns, especially in that of Henry IV. Few
nobles or great churchmen, for the decree applied equally to the latter,
escaped without loss of at least a portion of their rents, and some forfeited
all they had. Naturally, the measure caused not a little discontent, but it was
executed without any noteworthy resistance. On the other hand, through the
continuance of the institution of primogeniture and through new
acquisitions of land in return for services in the war against Granada, the
greater nobles still possessed immense wealth. The Duke of Medina
Sidonia, for example, offered Philip the Handsome two thousand caballeros
and 50,000 ducats ($750,000) if he would disembark in Andalusia. Not only
in political authority but also in prestige the nobles were lowered by the
measures of the Catholic Kings. Such practices as the use of a royal crown
on their shields and the employment of royal insignia or ceremonial in any
form were forbidden. On the other hand, the ancient privileges of the
nobility, both high and low, were confirmed to them,—such, for example, as
exemption from taxation and from the application in certain cases of the
penalties of the law. At the same time, the Catholic Kings offered a new
kind of dignity, depending for its lustre on the favor of the crown. Nobles
were encouraged to appear at court and strive for the purely ornamental
honors of palace officialdom. Many came, for those who remained on their
estates consigned themselves to obscurity, being without power to improve
their fortunes by a revolt as their ancestors had done. In Aragon and
Catalonia they still displayed tendencies to engage in private war and
banditry, a condition of affairs which endured throughout this period and
into the next, though it was by no means so serious a problem as it had been
in earlier times.
 Grades of nobility.

The grades of nobility remained much as before, but with a change in

nomenclature. The old term of ricoshombres for the great nobles
disappeared (though not until 1520 officially), and was substituted by that
of grandes, or grandees. Among the grandees the title of duke (duque) and
marquis (marqués) now became of more frequent usage than the formerly
more general count (conde). In the epoch of the Catholic Kings there were
fifteen grandees in Castile, but eight of them had been created, with the title
of duke, by Isabella. For the nobility of the second grade, the terms
hijosdalgo (modern hidalgo) and caballero, used in a generic sense to
denote noble lineage, were employed indiscriminately. Nobles without
fortune lived, as formerly, under the protection of the grandees, or took
service in the military orders or even in the new royal army.

Advance of the rural masses.

The situation of the former servile classes of Castile, aside from the
slaves, had been rendered very nearly satisfactory from a juridical point of
view in the previous era, but their new liberty was insecure and was not
freely accorded in practice. The Catholic Kings energetically cut short the
greater part of the abuses, and definitely decided that a man adscripted to
the land (a solariego) could sell or carry away his personalty, and go
wherever he willed. In Aragon proper the problem was more serious,
because of the social backwardness of that region. The first step toward
freedom from serfdom was taken at this time, consisting in the frequent
uprisings of the serfs. Ferdinand made some attempts to modify the malos
usos, or evil customs, of the relation of lord and serf, but found the
institutions too deeply rooted in his day for remedy. In Catalonia, Ferdinand
inherited the problem of the warfare of the serfs with the nobles and the
high churchmen, against the latter of whom, particularly the bishop of
Gerona, the wrath of the rural classes was especially directed. At the outset
he attempted, as had Alfonso V and Juan II before him, to utilize the quarrel
to serve his own political and financial ends, accepting bribes from both
sides. Finally, an agreement was reached whereby the king was to serve as
arbitrator, without appeal, between the warring elements. The Sentence of
Guadalupe, so-called because the evidence was taken and the decision
rendered at Guadalupe in Extremadura, in 1486, was the judgment
pronounced by Ferdinand. It went to the root of the matter by abolishing the
malos usos and declaring the freedom of the rural serfs. Furthermore, the
lords were deprived of criminal jurisdiction over their vassals, this right
passing to the crown, and the same privileges as that just recorded in the
case of the solariegos of Castile was granted to the rural masses of
Catalonia. On the other hand, the now freed serfs were obliged to pay a
heavy ransom to their lords. The decision satisfied neither party to the issue,
but was accepted, and proved in fact the solution of the evil. A rural class of
small proprietors soon grew up, while many other persons occupied lands
for which they paid rent instead of the former irksome services.

Policy of the Catholic Kings toward the Mudéjares.

If a policy of benevolent assimilation had been followed by the

Christians of Spain with regard to the other great elements of the
population, the Mudéjar and the Jewish, it is possible that the two latter
might have been made use of to the advantage of the peninsula, for they
were Spanish in most of their habits, and had intermarried with Christians,
even those of high rank. For centuries, however, a different practice, based
primarily on religious intolerance, had tended to promote the adoption of an
opposite course, and it was in the reign of the Catholic Kings that the first
steps were taken to bring the matter to an issue. The measures by which the
Mudéjares were compelled to emigrate from Castile or become converted
as Moriscos have already been chronicled, and the same procedure was
taken with regard to Navarre and the Basque provinces. Ferdinand, who
was less zealous in this undertaking than his pious consort, did not go to the
same lengths in Aragon. On the petition of the lords, who had many
Moslem vassals and feared to lose them, he confirmed the privileges of the
Mudéjares, though forbidding the erection of new mosques, and permitted
of preaching to bring about their voluntary conversion.

Expulsion of the Jews.

The hatred of the Christians for the Jews was so great that the time was
ripe for the final step in the measures taken against them, and early in the
reign of the Catholic Kings it was decided to expel them from the
peninsula. While the religious motive was the principal one, Ferdinand and
Isabella were also actuated, as indeed also in the case of the Mudéjares, by
their ideal of a centralized absolutism, wherefore an element which was not
in sympathy with the religion of the state seemed to them to constitute a
political danger. Their action was hastened, no doubt, by popular
fanaticism, which expressed itself in numerous acts of violence against the
hated race. With Granada conquered the Catholic Kings lost no time in
promulgating a decree, dated March 31, 1492, requiring conversion or
expulsion, and applicable to both Castile and Aragon. The Jews were
granted four months to dispose of their affairs and leave Spain. The blow to
them financially was ruinous. Forced sales, especially when there was so
much to be sold, could not be expected to yield a fair return, and this was
aggravated by prohibitions against carrying away any gold, silver, coin, or
other kinds of personalty, except what the laws ordinarily permitted to be
exported. The full effect of this harsh legislation was avoided by some
through a resort to the international banking agencies which the Jews had
established. A number preferred to become Christians rather than go into
exile, but thousands took the latter course. Some computations hold that as
many as 2,000,000 left the country, but a more careful estimate by a Jewish
historian gives the following figures: emigrants, 165,000; baptized, 50,000;
those who lost their lives in course of the execution of the decree, 20,000.
The exiles went to Portugal, North Africa, Italy, and France, but were so
harshly treated, especially in the two first-named lands, that a great many
preferred to return to Spain and accept baptism. Portugal and Navarre soon
followed the action of Castile and Aragon, thus completing the cycle of
anti-Jewish legislation in the peninsula. In law there were no more Jews;
they had become Marranos.

Activities of the Inquisition in Castile.

Not a few of the converts, both Mudéjar and Jewish, became sincere
Christians, and some of them attained to high rank in the church. Hernando
de Talavera, for example, at one time confessor of the queen and one of the
most influential men in the kingdom, had Jewish blood in his veins. A great
many, very likely the majority, remained faithful at heart to the religion of
their fathers, due partly to the lack of Christian instruction, and even when
they did not, they were suspected of so doing, or maliciously accused of it
by those who were envious of their wealth or social position. This had led
the Catholic Kings to procure a papal bull, as early as 1478, granting the
monarchs a right to name certain men, whom they should choose, as
inquisitors, with power to exercise the usual authority of ecclesiastical
judges. This was the beginning of the modern Spanish Inquisition. Leaving
aside, for the present, its formal constitution and procedure, its activities
against converts may here be traced. The Inquisition began its work in
Seville in 1480, with the object of uprooting heresy, especially among the
Marranos. Afraid of being accused many fled, but enough remained for
scores to be apprehended. In 1481 the first auto de fe (decision of the faith)
was held, and sixteen persons were burned to death. From Seville the
institution spread to other cities, and the terror became general. There is no
doubt that the inquisitors displayed an excess of zeal, of which various
papal documents themselves furnish ample proof. A great many were put to
death, especially while Juan de Torquemada was at the head of the
institution, 1485 to 1494. Some charge his inquisitorial reign with the death
of 8000 persons, but more dispassionate estimates reduce the figures
greatly, calculating the number to be 2000 for the reign of Isabella, ending
in 1504. Very many more were either burned in effigy or put in prison,
while confiscation of goods was one of the usual concomitants of a
sentence involving loss of life or liberty. Books were also examined and
burned or their publication or circulation forbidden, and in every way
efforts were made to prevent heresy as well as to stamp it out. By far the
greatest number of sufferers were the Judaizantes, or those Marranos who
practised the Jewish faith in secret. It must be said that public opinion was
not by any means on the side of the Inquisition; in course of time it became
universally hated, as also feared, for nobody was entirely safe from
accusation before the dread tribunal.

The Inquisition in Aragon.

The Inquisition had existed in the kingdom of Aragon since the

thirteenth century, but Ferdinand now introduced the Castilian body. In
1485 the Inquisition became a single institution for all Spain, although it
was not until 1518 that this became definitive. The new organization had
not been welcomed in Castile, but it found even less favor in Aragon, not
only because of its excessive pretensions and rigors, but also because it
superseded the traditional Aragonese Inquisition, was in the hands of
Castilian “foreigners,” and interfered with business. The city of Barcelona
was especially resentful on this last account, because its prosperity
depended not a little on the trade in the hands of Jewish converts, whom
fear was driving away. On the first occasion of their appearance, in 1486,
the inquisitors were obliged to leave Barcelona, and no less a personage
than the bishop joined in the act of ejecting them, but in 1487 they returned
to stay. The fear of the Inquisition and certain social and political
disadvantages of being regarded as of Jewish or Moslem descent
occasioned the introduction of documents of limpieza de sangre (purity of
blood), attesting the Catholic ancestry of the possessors, although the
development of this custom was more marked in the reign of Charles I.

Reform of the Castilian church.

One of the most signal reforms of the period, to which the pious Isabella,
aided by Ximénez, gave her attention, was the purification of the Castilian
clergy. The church, like the great nobles, had suffered from the revocation
of land grants it had gained in times of stress, and was obliged, furthermore,
to restore the financial rights, such as the alcabala and certain rents, it had
usurped from the crown. Nevertheless, its wealth was enormous. The rents
of the secular church in all Spain are said to have amounted to some
4,000,000 ducats ($60,000,000), of which the archbishop of Toledo alone
received 80,000 ($1,200,000). The regular clergy were equally wealthy.
Vast as these sums appear, even today, their real value should be considered
from the standpoint of the far greater purchasing power of money in that
age than now. Whether or not the members of the clergy were softened by
this wealth and by the favors they received as representatives of the church
at a time of great religious zeal on the part of the Spanish people, it is
certain that ignorance and immorality were prevalent among them. Despite
the centuries of conflict against it, the institution of barraganía still had its
followers, among others, Alfonso de Aragón, archbishop of Saragossa, and
Cardinal Pedro de Mendoza. Laws were passed imposing fines, banishment,
and the lash,—without avail. Church councils met to discuss the various
evils within the church. Ximénez at length applied to the church of Castile
the methods Isabella had used in suppressing seigniorial anarchy. A
Franciscan himself, he proceeded to visit the convents of the order and to
administer correction with a heavy hand, expelling the more recalcitrant. It
is said that some four hundred friars emigrated to Africa, and became
Mohammedans, rather than submit to his rulings. From the Franciscan order
the reforms passed on to others. Isabella intervened more particularly in the
case of the secular clergy, exercising great care in the choice of candidates
for the higher dignities, selecting them from the lower nobility or the
middle class instead of from the families of great nobles as had formerly
been the practice. At the same time, she took steps with considerable
success to prevent the appointment of foreigners by the popes to Castilian
benefices. In Aragon the same evils existed as in Castile, but the reforms
did not come at this time to modify them.

Triumph of Roman principles in Castilian private law.

In private law, especially as regards the family, the long struggle of the
Roman principles to gain a predominant place in Castilian jurisprudence
ended in triumph. The victory came with the legislation of the Cortes of
Toledo in 1502, but as it was not published until the time of the Cortes of
Toro in 1505 it became known as the Leyes de Toro (Laws of Toro). For
example, the complete emancipation of children after marriage, the
prohibition of the gift of all one’s possessions to other than the heirs, the
increase in the formalities required in the case of wills, and the lengthening
of terms of years on which to base claims by prescription were all
recognized in the new laws.

General social customs.

Dress.

In immorality and luxury the reign of the Catholic Kings differed little
from the preceding era; abundant evidence thereof appears in the literary
works of this period and the opening years of the next. The most
extravagant taste was exhibited both by men and women in matters of dress.
Clothing was made up of ruffs and puffs, ribbons and rings, many-
materialed and many-colored component parts, clothes which dragged
behind and clothes which were immodestly short, open-work waists and
cloaks which were not infrequently used to cover adventures, fancy laces,
daggers, purses, pouches, and a host of other accessories which must have
been considered ornamental, since they were only slightly useful. Isabella
herself, serious-minded and religious though she was, liked to appear in
public richly gowned and bejewelled. This lavish magnificence seems only
to have been on display for gala occasions; at other times Spaniards lived
and dressed soberly and modestly. As an Italian traveller expressed it, the
Spaniard was prodigal on holidays, and lived sadly the rest of the year, for
his occasional extravagances demanded more protracted economies. This
was true, even in the palace, for, numerous as were the employes there, the
annual expenditure was the equivalent of only about $100,000. Other social
customs, such as sports, including bull-fighting, did not undergo any
changes sufficient to require comment.
 CHAPTER XX

POLITICAL REFORMS, 1479-1517

Tendency toward Spanish unity under Castile.

IT has already been pointed out that the union of Castile and Aragon
under the Catholic Kings lacked a real political or institutional basis. Both
monarchs signed papers applicable to the two kingdoms and exercised
personal influence, each with the other, but although Ferdinand assisted his
consort in Castilian affairs, Isabella was clearly regarded as ruler in Castile,
as Ferdinand was in Aragon. The latter’s will advised Charles I to maintain
the separation of the kingdoms and to conduct their affairs through native
officials. Nevertheless, the long continuance of the same royal family at the
head of both was bound to produce a greater unity eventually. Castile was
drawn into European politics through the medium of the Aragonese wars in
Italy. On the other hand, she tended to become the centre of authority and
influence on account of the greater extent of her territory (especially with
the addition of Granada, Navarre, and the Americas), her greater wealth, the
royal practice of residing in Castile, and the more advanced social and
political condition of Castile as the result of Isabella’s reforms.

Masterships of the military orders incorporated into the crown.

Both sovereigns followed the policy of centralization in their respective

kingdoms. In Castile the major problem was the reduction of the
oligarchical nobility, for the middle classes had already been won over in
great part when Isabella ascended the throne. Her success in reducing the
lawless nobles has already been discussed; it only remains to point out the
significance of the act by which she completed this task,—her incorporation
of the masterships of the military orders into the crown. The principal
element in the three great orders of Santiago, Calatrava, and Alcántara were
the segundones of great noble families and members of the lesser nobility.
Not only by their military power but also by their numbers and wealth these
orders constituted a potential danger to the crown unless their action could
be controlled. An estimate of the year 1493 showed that there were 700,000
members and vassals in the order of Santiago, and 200,000 and 100,000
respectively in those of Calatrava and Alcántara. The first-named had
annual revenues of some 60,000 ducats ($900,000), and the two last
combined, some 95,000 ($1,425,000). With the masterships in royal hands
the probability of civil strife was greatly lessened.

Increase of the royal authority and tendency toward unity in municipal life.

Decline of the Castilian Cortes.

As regards the towns the Catholic Kings followed precisely the same
practices which had been employed with such success in the previous era. It
was rare, indeed, that they suppressed charters, but circumstances like those
already recorded[52] enabled the corregidores and other royal officers to
exercise virtual control. Meanwhile, the process of unification was going on
through the ordinances of the Cortes and royal decrees, fortified by the
unrecorded development of similarity in customs in Castilian municipal
life. This was furthered by the representatives of the towns themselves, for
royal and municipal interests were usually in accord. Noteworthy
extensions of royal authority appeared in the subjection of local officials to
the residencia (or trial during a number of days after the completion of a
term of office, to determine the liability of an official for the wrongful acts
of his administration) and in the sending of royal pesquisidores, or
enquirers (in cases of crime), and veedores (inspectors), later more often
called visitadores (visitors), to investigate matters of government, such as
the accounts of financial agents and the conduct of public officers. These
institutions were later transferred to the Americas, becoming an important
means of sustaining the authority of the mother country. In some instances
the Catholic Kings resorted to force to reduce municipalities which were
too autonomous in character, notably in the case of the hermandad of the
north coast towns, whose decadence dates from this reign.
The royalist ideal was manifested strikingly in the relations of the
Catholic Kings with the Castilian Cortes. From 1475 to 1503 the Cortes
was summoned but nine times, and during the years 1482 to 1498, at a time
when Granada was being conquered, America discovered and occupied, the
new Inquisition instituted, and the Jews expelled, it did not meet even once.
Its decline was evidenced still further in the increasingly respectful
language employed whenever it addressed the monarch and its growing
dependence on the Consejo Real, which body subjected the acts of the
Cortes to its own revision and whose president acted in a similar capacity
for the Cortes.

Decline of the Aragonese Cortes and of the power of Barcelona.

Ferdinand followed the same policy in Aragon. The various Cortes of

Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia and the general Cortes of all three were
infrequently called; the king acted in an arbitrary manner in his methods of
raising funds, without observing the spirit of the laws. It was in his dealings
with Barcelona that he most clearly manifested the royalist tendency, for
that city was the most powerful element in the kingdom. Through his
intervention the practice of electing the five concelleres, or councillors, was
suspended in favor of royal appointment, and the Consell, or council of a
hundred, was altered so that it was no longer democratic but represented the
will of the monarch. The fact that these changes were made without
provoking resistance and almost without protest shows how utterly dead
were the political ideals of the past.

The new bureaucracy.

The concentration in royal hands of so many powers which were

formerly exercised by the lords and towns made necessary the development
of a numerous and varied officialdom to assist the monarch. As the basis of
the new bureaucracy in Castile the Catholic Kings had at hand the Consejo
Real, which with some changes was admirably adapted to the purpose. The
first step was to rid it of the great nobles. In 1480 the untitled letrados
became a majority in this body. The counts, dukes, and marquises were still
allowed to attend, but were deprived of the right to vote. Shortly afterward
they were excluded altogether, and the Consejo Real now responded
without question to the will of the king. It served as the head of the various
branches of the bureaucratic organization, with the final decision, subject to
the wishes of the king, in all matters of government. Pressure of work led to
the formation of three additional councils, those of the Inquisition
(Inquisición), the military orders, (Órdenes Militares), and the Americas, or
Indies (Indias), while there were still others in the kingdom of Aragon.
Particularly important among the other officials was the monarch’s private
secretary, who came to have a very nearly decisive influence, owing to the
favor he enjoyed with the head of the state. A horde of other officers, old
and new, made up the ranks of the bureaucracy. Among the older group it is
to be noted that the adelantados were supplanted by alcaldes mayores, until
only one of the former was left. Among newer officials the important
inquisitors and veedores, or visitadores, should be noted.

Administration of justice.

A similar development to that of the executive branch was experienced

in the administration of justice. The fountain-head was the chancillería at
the capital, Valladolid, to which were subordinate in a measure the several
regional audiencias, which were now established for the first time, besides
the hierarchy of the judiciary of lower grades. In addition to unifying and
regulating the judicial system the Catholic Kings gave attention to the
internal purification of the courts, with a view to eliminating the unfit or
undesirable and to checking abuses. The corrupt practices of those outside
the courts were also attacked, especially powerful persons who attempted to
overawe judges or procure a miscarriage of justice. One of the principal
difficulties encountered was that of conflicts of jurisdiction, notably in the
case of the church courts. Good Catholic though she was, Isabella was
determined in her opposition to ecclesiastical invasions of royal
jurisdiction, but despite her energetic measures the issue was far from being
decided in her day. In line with the royal policy of settling disputes by law
rather than by force the use of firearms was prohibited, gambling was
persecuted, and the riepto (or judicial duel, the last survival of medieval
procedure) was abolished. Good order in the present-day sense was far from
existing, and this led to a revival of the medieval idea of the hermandades
for the punishment of crimes committed in uninhabited places or small
villages as well as for the pursuit and execution generally of those guilty of
felony. The Santa Hermandad, with its capital at Toledo, was created as a
kind of judicial body, sustained by the groups of citizens who formed part
of it, employing a militia of mounted men, and making use of summary
methods and extreme penalties in its procedure. Its life as an effective body
was brief, although it continued to exist for many years. On the other hand
the medieval hermandad of Toledo enjoyed a revival of life and usefulness.
[53]
 Reforms in Aragon.

It is hardly necessary to trace the administrative and judicial reforms of

Ferdinand in Aragon. Suffice to say that they followed the Castilian pattern
much more closely, indeed, than in the matter of social organization.

Procedure of the Inquisition.

The Castilian Inquisition, first created in 1478 for specific and temporary
objects, underwent considerable modification when retained as a permanent
body to combat heresy in general. The popes refused to allow it to be in all
respects a royal instrument, and retained the right of appointing or
dismissing inquisitors, permitting the kings to recommend candidates. The
expansion of the institution from Seville to other cities in Spain and the
creation of a supreme council of the Inquisition have already been
mentioned. Ximénez, who became head of the Inquisition of Castile in
1507, extended its operations to Africa and the Americas. The methods of
trial were harsh, though less so if gauged by the standards of that time.
Torture was used as a means of obtaining confessions. The accused was
kept utterly apart from his family and friends, who did not learn what had
become of him until his liberation or his appearance in an auto de fe. The
same secrecy was employed in dealing with the prisoner, who was informed
of the general charge against him, without the details and without knowing
his accuser’s name. He was allowed to indicate those in whom he lacked
confidence, and if he should chance to hit upon an accuser that person’s
evidence was eliminated. Two witnesses against him were sufficient to
outweigh any testimony he might give. He might have a lawyer, but could
not confer with him in private. He might also object to a judge whose
impartiality he had reason to suspect, and could appeal to the pope.
Penalties varied from the imposition of a light penance to imprisonment or
burning to death. Burning in effigy of those who escaped or burning of the
remains of those who had died was also practised. The auto de fe
represented, as the words imply, merely the decision in the given case, and
not the imposition of the penalty as has often been stated. The general rule
was for the executions to take place on holidays, which in Spain are indeed
“holy days,” or days in celebration of events in church history. A procession
was held, in which the functionaries of the Inquisition took part. A public
announcement of the decisions was made, and those who were condemned
to death were turned over to the civil authorities, who carried out the
execution in the customary place. As has already been said, the imposition
of sentences was accompanied by confiscations or the levy of fines. Since
the Inquisition was supported by these amercements there were numerous
scandals in connection therewith. Certain royal orders implied, and
complaints by men of such standing as Juan de Daza, bishop of Cordova,
directly charged, that the Inquisition displayed a too great eagerness to
insure its financial standing by confiscations. On one occasion it seems that
the estate of a wealthy victim of the Inquisition was divided between
Cardinal Carvajal, the inquisitor Lucero, the royal treasurer Morales, and
Ferdinand’s private secretary. The funds did not belong in law to the
Inquisition. That body collected them and turned them over to the king,
who granted them back again.

Financial administration.

The new Castilian and Aragonese states required greatly increased funds
and a royal army, and both of these matters received the careful
consideration of Ferdinand and Isabella. In financial affairs their activities
were twofold: to procure more revenues; and to bring about greater
economy in their collection and administration. The revocation of earlier
land grants was one measure productive of income, since the taxes from
them now went to the crown rather than to the lords. Two sources of
revenue of a religious character were procured by papal grant. One of these
was the cruzada, or sale of indulgences, based on the crusade (cruzada)
against the Moslems. Designed for a temporary purpose it became an
enduring element in the royal income. The other was the diezmo, or tithe,
presumably for the same objects as the cruzada, although it too was
diverted to other uses. Great attention was paid to the administration of the
remunerative alcabala, and to stamp taxes and customs duties. The treasury
department as a modern institution may be said to date from this era. In
addition the Catholic Kings corrected abuses in the coinage of money. The
final result is shown in the increase in the revenues from about 900,000
reales[54] in 1474 to well over 26,000,000 in 1504. Expenses were so heavy,
however, that more than once a resort to loans was necessary.

Modernization of the army.

 The royal navy.

The army kept pace with other institutions in the advance out of
medievalism into modernity. The seigniorial levies, unequal in size and
subversive of discipline as well as a potential danger, were virtually done
away with after the Granadine war, although such bodies appeared
occasionally even in the next era. In their place were substituted a larger
royal army at state expense and the principle of universal military service.
One man in every twelve of those between twenty and forty years of age
was held liable, but did not take the field and was not paid except when
specifically called. The glory of the new professional army attracted many
who had formerly served the great lords, including a number of the nobility
and the adventurous element. Under the leadership of Gonzalo de Ayora
and especially of the “great captain,” Gonzalo de Córdoba, noteworthy
reforms in tactics were made. The army was now an aggregation of equal
groups, based on battalions and companies, while the larger divisions were
assigned a proportionate number of infantry, cavalry, and artillery. From
this period date many current military titles: colonel, captain, and others.
Arms and equipment were much improved and military administration
bettered. The importance of firearms was just becoming recognized;
cannon, firing balls of stone, played a prominent part in the war with
Granada. A similar if less pronounced development appeared in the navy.
The admiral of Castile, who had enjoyed a semi-independent sinecure, now
lost much of his authority, for many of his powers were taken over by the
crown.

The Ordinance of Montalvo and other codifications of the laws.

The reforms which have been chronicled were the result of a great body
of legislation, most of which emanated directly from the crown, although
some important laws were enacted in conjunction with the Cortes. Taken
with the variety of legislation in preceding years it caused not a little
confusion as to the precise principle governing a specific case. This led to
the compilation by Alfonso Díaz de Montalvo of the Ordenanzas Reales de
Castilla (1484?), or Royal Ordinances of Castile, commonly called the
Ordinance (Ordenamiento) of Doctor Montalvo, in which were set forth
various ordinances of the Cortes since that of Alcalá in 1348 and certain
orders of the kings from the time of Alfonso X, together with some
provisions of earlier date. In all, 1163 laws were included, of which 230
belonged to the era of the Catholic Kings. Although it is not certain, the
Ordenanzas seems to have been promulgated as law, and in any event was
very influential, running through thirteen editions down to the year 1513.
The compilation was far from meeting the full requirement of the times,
however. Besides being incomplete, as was only to be expected, it
contained various inaccuracies of form and substance. Furthermore, with
such varying elements still in effect as the Partidas and the medieval fueros,
besides the unwritten transformation and unification which had been going
on for two centuries (as a result of royalist policies), there was need for a
clear and methodical revision of Castilian legislation. Various other
publications covering special phases of the laws, such as the Ordenanzas de
Alcabalas (1491), or Ordinances of the Alcabala, the already mentioned
Leyes de Toro (1505), and the privileges of the Mesta (1511), date from this
era, while there was a similar tendency toward legislative publication in the
Catalonian and Valencian parts of the kingdom of Aragon.

Relations of church and state.

Although the piety of Ferdinand and Isabella earned them the sobriquet
of the “Catholic Kings,” particularly merited in the case of Isabella, they
did not let their regard for the church interfere with their conceptions of the
royal authority. Something has already been said about their resistance to
the intrusions of ecclesiastical courts and their objection to appointments of
foreigners to Spanish benefices. The same conflict with the pope was
maintained with regard to papal appointments of Spaniards. In the case of
Granada and the Americas the crown gained the patronato real, or royal
patronage, in such degree that the monarch became the virtual
administrative head of the church, but the concession for the rest of Spain
was not so complete. Nevertheless, the royal nominees were usually
appointed. The Catholic Kings displayed great consideration for the church
when the interests of the latter did not run counter to the monarchical ideal,
and in Castile the confessors of the queen obtained a certain ascendency
which made them among the most powerful individuals in the state. They
proved to be well deserving of their influence, however, notably cardinals
Mendoza, Talavera, and Ximénez, of whom the last-named was, after the
Catholic Kings, by far the most important figure of the times.
 CHAPTER XXI

MATERIAL AND INTELLECTUAL PROGRESS, 1479-1517

Economic medievalism.

Privileges of the Mesta.

THE Catholic Kings attacked the economic problems of their era with
much the same zeal they had displayed in social and political reforms, but
without equal success, for medievalism in material affairs was more
persistent than in social, political, and intellectual institutions. The same
false economic ideas of the past were still operative. Especially was this
manifest in the belief that legislation and state intervention in business
provided a panacea for all evils, when the real needs were the development
of the wealth at hand and the modification of geographical conditions in
such a way as to permit of additional productivity. Protection and excessive
regulation were the keynote of the laws. As a result manufactures were
stimulated on the one hand, and various cities of the two kingdoms became
notable industrial centres, but on the other hand, these same industries were
hindered by inspections, by laws regulating the fashion and style of goods
and fixing prices, wages, and the hours of labor, and by a host of other
measures which killed initiative and hindered rapidity of work. In part to
promote this artificial industrial life, so that raw wool might be readily
procured, the Catholic Kings recognized and even extended the privileges
of the great corporation of the Mesta. Starting from La Mancha and
Extremadura in April, flocks of sheep annually ravaged Castile, returning in
September to the place whence they had come. The cañada real, or royal
sheepwalk, was set aside for their exclusive use, and a prohibition was
placed on clearing, working, or enclosing any part of that strip. In fact the
sheepmen ventured beyond the legal limits, and although required by law to
pay damages in such cases were so powerful that they rarely did so. Withal,
the stimulus to manufacturing was almost purely artificial, and the Spanish
cities, even Barcelona, found competition with foreign cloths and other
goods too keen. In the main, Spain continued to be a raw material land,
exporting primary articles to foreign countries, in return for manufactures.

Lack of progress in agriculture.

Attempts were made to encourage agriculture, but the spirit of legislative

interference and the superior importance accorded the grazing industry were
not conducive to progress. The menace of the Mesta was responsible for the
almost complete destruction of forestry and agriculture in many regions
which were suitable to development in those respects, while the irrigation
ditches of Andalusia and other former Moslem lands were too often allowed
to decay.

Vicissitudes of commerce.

The same royal solicitude appeared, to assist and to retard commerce.

Interior customs lines were to some extent done away with, notably on the
frontier of Castile and Aragon proper. Shipbuilding was encouraged, but
favors were shown to owners of large ships, wherefore the smaller ship
traffic was damaged, at the same time that the larger boats were too big for
the needs of the trade. A flourishing foreign commerce developed,
nevertheless, but it was in the hands of the Jews and, after their expulsion,
of foreigners of Italian, Germanic, and French extraction. Many laws were
passed subjecting foreigners to annoyances, lest they export precious metal
or in other ways act contrary to the economic interests of the peninsula as
they were then understood. It was in this period that the commerce of the
Mediterranean cities of the kingdom of Aragon sank into a hopeless
decline. Other factors than those of the false economic principles of the day
were primarily responsible, such as the conquests of the Turks, which ended
the eastern Mediterranean trade, and the Portuguese discovery of the sea-
route to India, along with the Castilian voyages to America, which made the
Atlantic Ocean the chief centre of sea-going traffic and closed the era of
Mediterranean supremacy.

Advance in wealth.

Nevertheless, the net result of the period was a marked advance in

material wealth,—in part, perhaps, because the false economic ideas of the
Catholic Kings were shared by them with the other rulers of Europe,
wherefore they did not prove so great a handicap to Spain, and, in part,
because some of their measures were well calculated to prove beneficial. At
this time, too, the wealth of the Americas began to pour in, although the
future was to hold far more in store.

Extension of intellectual culture and the triumph of Humanism.

Brief as was the span of years embraced by the reign of the Catholic
Kings it was as notable a period in intellectual progress as in other respects,
bringing Spain into the current of modern life. This was due primarily to the
rapid extension of printing, which had appeared in the peninsula in the
closing years of the preceding period, and which now came into such
general use that the works of Spanish and classical writers became available
to all. Through private initiative many schools were founded which later
became universities, although this activity was limited to Castile. Most
notable of these institutions was that of Alcalá founded by Ximénez. This
undertaking was due to the great cardinal’s desire to establish a Humanist
centre of learning, where Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and philology could be
studied to the best advantage. The most learned Spanish Humanists
assembled there, together with many foreigners, and works of note were
produced, such as the famous polyglot Bible in Hebrew, Greek, Chaldean,
and Latin, with accompanying grammars and vocabularies. Not a little of
the advancement in intellectual manifestations was due to the
encouragement of the Catholic Kings, especially Isabella. Books coming
into Spain were exempted from duty; ordinances were made regulating
university life, and ridding it of much of its turbulence and abuses; and the
court set an example in showing favor to distinguished scholars, who were
engaged as teachers of the royal children. The great nobles imitated royalty,
and invited foreign savants to Spain, among whom was the Italian, Peter
Martyr of Anghiera, celebrated as the author of the first history of the
Americas, the De orbe novo (Concerning the new world). The most marked
impulse to the spread of Humanist ideals came through Spaniards studying
abroad, and these men returned to give Spain her leading names in
intellectual production for the period. The greatest of them was Antonio de
Nebrija, educated in Italy, a man of such encyclopedic attainments that he
left works on theology, law, archæology, history, natural science, geography,
and geodesy, although particularly noteworthy as a Latin scholar. Cardinal
Ximénez is deserving of a high place in the achievements of the era for his
patronage of letters, for it was through his aid that some of the most
valuable work of the period was accomplished. Education was a matter for
the higher classes only; people had not even begun to think, yet, of popular
education.

Progress in the sciences.

Although the extension of intellectual culture and the triumph of

Humanism were outstanding facts of the period, there were notable
cultivators, too, of the sciences, moral, social, and natural, especially the
last-named. Studies in geography, cosmography, and cartography received a
great impulse through the discovery of America, and many scientific works
along these lines were due to the scholars connected with the Casa de
Contratación (House of Trade), or India House. Medical works were even
more prominent, not a few of them on the subject of venereal disease. A
number of these works were mutilated or condemned altogether by the
Inquisition, in part because of their doctrines, but also because of the
anatomical details which they contained, for they were considered immoral.

Polite literature.

La Celestina.

History.

The theatre.

In polite literature the leading characteristics were the complete victory

of the Italian influence, the predominance of Castilian, the popularity of the
romances, and the beginning of the Castilian theatre. The Italian influence
manifested itself both in the translation of Classical and Italian Renaissance
works and in an imitation of their models and forms. Castilian was
employed, not only in Castile and Aragon proper, but even in the literary
works of Portuguese, Catalans, Valencians, and not a few individuals
(Spaniards in the main) at the court of Naples, although Catalan and
Valencian poetry still had a vogue. The poetry of the era often exhibited
tendencies of a medieval character,—for example, in its use of allegory. It is
curious to note also the prevalence of two somewhat opposed types of
subject-matter, religious and erotic; in the latter there was a vigorous school
which often went to the extreme of license. The romances of love and
chivalry gained even greater favor than in the preceding period. The Amadís
de Gaula (Amadis of Gaul) of Vasco de Lobeira was translated from the
Portuguese by Garcí Ordóñez de Montalvo, and many other novels on the
same model were written. One of these was Las sergas de Esplandián (The
deeds of Esplandián) by Ordóñez de Montalvo himself, references in which
to an “island California” as a land of fabulous wealth were to result in the
naming of the present-day California, once believed to be just such an
island. Much superior to the amatory or chivalric novels was a remarkable
book which stood alone in its time, the Tragicomedia de Calixto y Melibea
(The tragi-comedy of Calixtus and Melibea), better known as La Celestina
(1499), from the name of one of the characters, believed to have been the
work of Fernando de Rojas. In eloquent Spanish and with intense realism
La Celestina dealt with people in what might be called “the under-world.”
This was the first of the picaresque novels (so-called because they dealt
with the life of pícaros, or rogues), out of which was to develop the true
Spanish novel. History, too, had a notable growth. The outstanding name
was that of Hernando del Pulgar. His Crónica (Chronicle) and his Claros
varones de España (Illustrious men of Spain), besides being well written,
noteworthy for their characterizations of individuals, and influenced by
classical Latin authors, showed a distinct historical sense. The already
mentioned De orbe novo of Peter Martyr and the letters of Columbus were
the chief contributions to the history of the new world. As to the theatre,
while the religious mysteries continued to be played, popular
representations in dialogue, some of them religious and others profane in
subject-matter, began to be written and staged. The most notable writer was
Juan del Enzina (1468-1534), who has been called the “father of Spanish
comedy.” His compositions were not represented publicly in a theatre, but
only in private houses or on the occasions of royal or aristocratic feasts.

Plateresque architecture.

Sculpture and the lesser arts.

The transitional character of the age was nowhere more clear than in the
various forms of art. The principal architectural style was a combination of
late Gothic with early Renaissance features, which, because of its
exuberantly decorative character, was called plateresque, for many of its
forms resembled the work of plateros, or makers of plate. Structurally there
was a mingling of the two above-named elements, with a superimposition
of adornment marked by great profusion and richness,—such, for example,
as in the façade of the convent of San Pablo of Valladolid. At the same time,
edifices were still built which were more properly to be called Gothic, and
there were yet others predominantly representative of the Renaissance,
characterized by the restoration of the later classical structural and
decorative elements, such as the slightly pointed arch, intersecting vaults,
columns, entablatures, pediments, and lavish ornamentation. Sculpture
displayed the same manifestations, and became in a measure independent of
architecture. Noteworthy survivals are the richly carved sepulchres of the
era. Gold and silver work had an extraordinary development not only in
articles of luxury but also in those for popular use, and as regards luxury the
same was true of work in rich embroideries and textures.
 Advance in painting.

Music.

The contest between the Flemish and Italian influences on Spanish

painting resolved itself decidedly in favor of the latter, although a certain
eclecticism, the germ of a national school, made itself apparent in the works
of Spanish artists. Characteristics of a medieval type still persisted, such as
faulty drawing, color lacking in energy and richness, a sad and sober
ambient, and a disregard for everything in a painting except the human
figures. Like sculpture, painting began to be dissociated from architecture,
and was encouraged by the purchases of the wealthy. It was not yet the
custom to hang paintings on the walls; they were kept in chests or otherwise
under lock and key except when brought out for temporary display. Music,
employed principally in song as the accompaniment of verse, enjoyed a
favor comparable with that of the plastic arts.
 CHAPTER XXII

CHARLES I OF SPAIN, 1516-1556

Historical setting of the era of the House of Austria.

FROM the standpoint of European history the period of the House of

Hapsburg, or Austria, covering nearly two centuries, when Spain was one of
the great powers of the world, should be replete with the details of Spanish
intervention in European affairs. The purposes of the present work will be
served, however, by a comparatively brief treatment of this phase of
Spanish history; indeed, the central idea underlying it reduces itself to this:
Spain wasted her energies and expended her wealth in a fruitless attempt,
first to become the dominant power in Europe, and later to maintain
possessions in Italy and the Low Countries which were productive only of
trouble; what she took from the Americas with the one hand, she
squandered in Europe with the other. Internally there were changes which
were to react on the Spanish colonial dominions, wherefore a
correspondingly greater space must be accorded peninsula history than
directly to the wars in Europe. The greatest feature of the period was the
conquest of the Americas, accomplished in part by the spectacular
expeditions of the conquistadores, or conquerors, and in part by the slower
advance of the Spanish settlers, pushing onward the frontier of profits. Not
only was this the most notable achievement when considered from the
American angle, but it was, also, when taken from the standpoint of Spain,
and possibly, too, from that of Europe and the world.

Vast empire of Charles I of Spain, the Emperor Charles V.

The Italian venture of the Aragonese kings had yielded probably more of
advantage than of harm down to the time of Ferdinand, and it may be that
even he did not overstep the bounds of prudence in his ambitious designs.
When his policies were continued, however, in the person of Charles I,
better known by his imperial title as the Emperor Charles V, the results were
to prove more disastrous to Spain than beneficial. The circumstances were
in fact different for the two monarchs, although their aims were much the
same. Some writers have supposed that Ferdinand himself recognized the
danger of a union of the Austrian, Burgundian, and Spanish dominions
under one king, and they assert that he planned to make Charles’ younger
brother, Ferdinand, ruler of Spain and the Two Sicilies in case the former
should be elected emperor. In his will, however, he respected the principle
of primogeniture, and left all to Charles, eldest son of Philip the Handsome
and Juana la Loca. Through his mother and Ferdinand, Charles inherited
Castile, Aragon, and Navarre, the Castilian dominions in Africa and
America (where the era of great conquests was just about to begin), the
Roussillon and Cerdagne across the Pyrenees, and Sardinia, Sicily, and
Naples in Italy; through his father he had already become possessed of the
territories of the House of Burgundy, comprised of Flanders and Artois in
northern France, Franche-Comté and Charolais in the east, Luxembourg,
and the Low Countries. This was not all, for Charles was heir of the
Emperor Maximilian, and in addition to inheriting the latter’s Austrian
dominions might hope to succeed to the imperial title as ruler of the Holy
Roman Empire. To be sure, the system of electing the emperors by the
electoral princes still obtained, but the Germanic states of the empire were
almost certain to prefer a powerful Hapsburg, with such dominions as
Charles had, to any other candidate, if only to serve as a counterpoise to the
ambitions of France. Nevertheless, the electors did not miss the opportunity
to make a profit out of the situation, and encouraged the candidacy of
Henry VIII of England and especially of Francis I of France as well as that
of Charles, receiving bribes and favors from all. In the end, following the
death of Maximilian in 1519, they decided in favor of Charles. He was now
ruler, at least in name, of one of the most vast empires in the history of the
world.

Inherent weakness of his empire.

The mere possession of such extensive domains inevitably led to an

imperialistic policy to insure their retention. Each of the three principal
elements therein, Spain, Burgundy, and the Austrian dominions, was
ambitious in itself and especially hostile to France, and all of these
aspirations and enmities were now combined in a single monarch. Charles
himself was desirous not only of conquest but also of becoming the most
powerful prince in the world, thus assuring the Hapsburg supremacy in
Europe, and making himself the arbiter in European political affairs and the
protector of Christianity; he may even have dreamed of a world monarchy,
for if he did not aspire to such a state for himself he believed its attainment
possible of realization. In the achievement of a less vast ideal, however,
Charles was certain to experience many difficulties, and at some point or
other was bound to encounter the hostility not only of France but also of the
other states of Europe. If this were not enough there came along the
unforeseen dilemma of the Reformation. Finally, his own dominions were
none too strongly held together, one with another or within themselves.
They were widely separated, some indeed entirely surrounded by French
territory, leading to a multiplicity of problems of a military and a political
nature. The imperial rank carried little real authority in Germany, and the
Burgundian realms were not a great source of power. It appears, therefore,
that the empire was more a matter of show than of strength, and that Spain,
who already had a surfeit of responsibility, what with her conquests in Italy,
Africa, and the Americas, must bear the burden for all. The reign of Charles
would seem to be the parting of the ways for Spain. If she could have
restricted herself to her purely Spanish inheritance, even with the incubus of
her Italian possessions, she might have prolonged her existence as a great
power indefinitely. A century ahead of England in colonial enterprise, she
had such an opportunity as that which made the island of Britain one of the
dominant factors in the world. Even as matters were, Spain was able to
stand forth as a first rank nation for well over a century. Whatever might
have happened if a different policy had been followed, it hardly admits of
doubt that Spain’s intervention in European affairs involved too great a
strain on her resources, and proved a detriment politically and economically
to the peninsula.

Dissatisfaction over foreign favorites and increased taxation.

Charles had been brought up in Flanders, and, it is said, was unable to

speak Spanish when he first entered the peninsula as king of Spain. His
official reign began in 1516, but it was not until his arrival in the following
year that the full effect of his measures began to be felt. Even before that
time there was some inkling of what was to come in the appointments of
foreigners, mostly Flemings, to political or ecclesiastical office in Castile.
At length Charles reached Spain, surrounded by Flemish courtiers, who
proceeded to supplant Spaniards not only in the favor but also in the
patronage of the king. The new officials, more eager for personal profit than
patriotic, began to sell privileges and the posts of lower grade to the highest
bidders. Such practices could not fail to wound the feelings of Spaniards,
besides which they contravened the laws, and many protests by individuals
and towns were made, to which was joined the complaint of the Cortes of
Valladolid in 1518. To make matters worse Chièvres, the favorite minister
of the king, caused taxes to be raised. The amount of the alcabala was
increased, and the tax was made applicable to the hitherto privileged
nobility, much against their will. In like manner the opposition of the clergy
was roused through a bull procured from the pope requiring ecclesiastical
estates to pay a tenth of their income to the king during a period of three
years. Furthermore it was commonly believed, no doubt with justice, that
the Flemish office-holders were sending gold and other precious metals out
of the country, despite the laws forbidding such export. Nevertheless the
Cortes of 1518 granted a generous subsidy to the king, but this was
followed by new increases in royal taxation. Opposition to these practices
now began to crystallize, with the nobles of Toledo taking the lead in
remonstrance against them.

Charles’ manipulation of the Cortes in Galicia.

The situation in Castile was complicated by the question of the imperial

election. Between the death of Maximilian in January, 1519, and the
election of Charles in June of the same year it was necessary to pay huge
bribes to the electoral princes. Once chosen, Charles accepted the imperial
honor, and prepared to go to Germany to be crowned, an event which called
for yet more expenditures of a substantial nature. So, notwithstanding the
grant of 1518, it was decided to call the Cortes early in 1520 with a view to
a fresh subsidy. Since all Castile was in a state of tumult it was deemed best
that the meeting should take place at some point whence an escape from the
country would be easy in case of need. Thus Santiago de Compostela in
Galicia was selected, and it was there that the Cortes eventually met,
moving to the neighboring port of Coruña after the first few days’ sessions.
The call for the Cortes provoked a storm of protest not only by Toledo but
also by many other cities with which the first-named was in
correspondence. Messengers were sent to the king to beg of him not to
leave Spain, or, if he must do so, to place Spaniards in control of the affairs
of state, and complaints were made against the practices already recounted
and numerous others, such, for example, as the royal use of the title
“Majesty,” an unwonted term in Spain. From the first, Charles turned a deaf
ear, refusing to receive the messengers of the towns, or reproving them
when he did give them audience, and he even went so far as to order the
arrest of the Toledan leaders. The Cortes at length met, and gave evidence
of the widespread discontent in its demands upon the king. In accordance
with their instructions most of the deputies were disinclined to take up the
matter of a supply for the king until he should accede to their petitions.
Under the royal eye, however, they gradually modified their demands, and
when Charles took it upon himself to absolve them from the pledges they
had given to their constituents they voted the subsidy without obtaining any
tangible redress of grievances. The king did promise not to appoint any
foreigners to Spanish benefices or political holdings during his absence, but
broke his word forthwith when he named Cardinal Adrian, a foreigner, as
his representative and governor during his absence. This done, Charles set
out in the same year, 1520, for Germany.

War of the Comunidades in Castile.

Meanwhile, a riot in Toledo, promoted by the nobles whom Charles had

ordered arrested, converted itself into a veritable revolt when the royal
corregidor was expelled from the city. This action was stated to have been
taken in the name of the Comunidad, or community, of Toledo, and served
to give a name to the uprising which now took place in all parts of Castile.
Deputies to the Cortes who had been faithless to their trust, some of whom
had accepted bribes from the king, were roughly handled upon their return
home, and city after city joined Toledo in proclaiming the Comunidad. In
July, 1520, delegates of the rebellious communities met, and formed the
Junta of Ávila, which from that town and later from Tordesillas and
Valladolid served as the executive body of the revolution. For a time the
Junta was practically the ruling body in the state; so complete was the
overturn of royal authority that Cardinal Adrian and his advisers made no
attempt to put down the rebellion. Time worked to the advantage of the
king, however. The revolt of Toledo had begun as a protest of the nobles
and clergy against the imposition of taxes against them. The program of the
Junta of Ávila went much further than that, going into the question of the
grievances of the various social classes. At length many of the comuneros
began to indulge in acts of violence and revenge against those by whom
they regarded themselves as having been oppressed, and the movement
changed from one of all the classes, including the nobles, against the royal
infractions of law and privileges, to one of the popular element against the
lords. Thus the middle classes, who objected to the disorder of the times as
harmful to business, and the nobles, in self-defence, began to take sides
with the king. City after city went over to Charles, and late in 1520 the
government was strong enough to declare war on the communities still
faithful to the Junta. Dissension, treason, and incompetent leadership
furthered the decline of the popular cause, and in 1521 the revolt was
crushed at the battle of Villalar. Charles promised a general pardon, but
when he came to Spain in 1522 he caused a great many to be put to death.
Not until 1526 did he show a disposition to clemency. Moreover he retained
his Flemish advisers.

Social wars in Valencia and Majorca.

During the period of the revolt of the Comunidades in Castile even more
bitter civil wars were going on in Valencia (1520-1522) and Majorca (1521-
1523). The contest in Valencia was a social conflict from the start, of
plebeians against the lords, whereas the Castilian conflict was
fundamentally political. In Majorca the strife began over pressure for
financial reforms, but developed into an attempt to eliminate the nobility
altogether. Both uprisings were independent of the Castilian revolt,
although serving to aid the latter through the necessary diversion of troops.
As in Castile, so in Valencia and Majorca, Charles took sides against the
popular element, and put down the insurrections, displaying great severity
toward the leaders.

Charles’ difficulties in Germany and war with France.

While the civil wars were at their height Charles was having more than
his share of trouble in other quarters. The princes of Germany compelled
him to sign a document affirming their privileges, in which appeared many
paragraphs similar to those of the Castilian petitions to the king, together
with one requiring Charles to maintain the empire independently of the
Spanish crown. The acceptance of these principles by the emperor is an
evidence of the weakness of his authority in the subject states of Germany,
for not only was he a believer in the divine origin of the imperial dignity, a
doctrine which would have impelled him to establish his personal and
absolute rule in all of his realms if possible, but he seems also to have
intended to make Spain the political centre of his dominions, because she
was, after all, his strongest element of support. At the same time, a fresh
difficulty appeared in Germany with the Lutheran outbreak of 1521.
Charles himself favored reform in the church, but was opposed to any
change in dogma. Before he could confront either the political or the
religious problem in Germany, he found himself attacked on another
quarter. Francis I of France had seized upon Charles’ difficulties as
affording him a rich opportunity to strike to advantage; so in 1521 he twice
sent French armies into Spain through the western Pyrenees on the pretext
of restoring the crown of Navarre to the Labrit family. With all these
questions pressing for solution Charles was in an exceedingly unsatisfactory
position. Thus early in the period lack of funds to prosecute European
policies was chronic. Spain herself, even if there had been no civil wars,
was not united internally like the compact French nation, and the other
Hapsburg dominions could give but little help. Finally, Charles could not
depend on the alliance of any other power, for his own realms were
neighbors of all the others, and his designs were therefore generally
suspected. Nevertheless, Charles brought to his many tasks an indomitable
will, marked energy, a steadfast purpose, and an all-round ability which
were to do much toward overcoming the obstacles that hindered him.

Wars with France, the pope, the Italian states, and German princes.

The outcome.

It is profitless, here, to relate the course of the wars with France and
other European states. In the years 1521 to 1529, 1536 to 1538, and 1542 to
1544, France and Spain were at war, and at other times, down to the death
of Francis I in 1547, the two countries enjoyed what was virtually no more
than a truce. Meanwhile, Charles was usually in conflict with the popes,
whose temporal dominions in central Italy were threatened by the growing
power of Spain and the empire in the Italian peninsula. Other states in Italy
fought now on Charles’ side, now against him, while the princes of
Germany were an equally variable quantity. England favored each side in
turn, but offered little effective aid to either. As affecting the history of
religion these wars gave Protestantism a chance to develop. Neither Charles
nor Francis disdained the aid of Protestant princes, and the former had little
opportunity to proceed against them on religious grounds. Francis even
allied himself with the Moslem power of Turkey. On the whole, Charles
was the victor in the wars, and could point to the occupation of Milan as a
tangible evidence of his success,—about the only territorial change of
consequence as a result of the many campaigns. Perhaps the most
noteworthy fact as affecting the history of Spain and Spanish America was
the financial drain occasioned by the fighting. Time and again lack of funds
was mainly responsible for defeats or failures to follow up a victory. Spain
and the Americas had to meet the bills, but, liberal as were their
contributions, more were always needed.

Wars with the Turks and the Moslems of northern Africa.

The wars with Turkey had a special significance because of the ever
impending peril from Moslem northern Africa. The pirates of the Berber, or
Barbary, Coast, as the lands in northwestern Africa are often called, seemed
to be more than ever audacious in the early years of the reign of Charles.
Not only did they attack Spanish ships and even Spanish ports, but they also
made numerous incursions inland in the peninsula. Aside from the loss in
captives and in economic wealth that these visitations represented, they
served to remind the authorities of the Moslem sympathies of Spanish
Moriscos and of the ease with which a Moslem invasion might be effected.
Furthermore the conquests of Isabella and Ximénez had created Castilian
interests in northern Africa, of both a political and an economic character,
which were in need of defence against the efforts of the tributary princes to
free themselves by Turkish aid. The situation was aggravated by the
achievements of a renegade Greek adventurer and pirate, known best by the
sobriquet “Barbarossa.” This daring corsair became so powerful that he was
able to dethrone the king of Algiers and set up his own brother in his stead.
On the death of the latter at the hands of the Spaniards in 1518, Barbarossa
placed the kingdom of Algiers under the protection of the sultan of Turkey,
became himself an admiral in the Turkish navy, and soon afterward
conquered the kingdom of Tunis, whence during many years he menaced
the Spanish dominions in Italy. Charles in person led an expedition in 1535
which was successful in dethroning Barbarossa and in restoring the former
king to the throne, but an expedition of 1541, sent against Algiers, was a
dismal failure. On yet another frontier, that of Hungary, Spanish troops
were called upon to meet the Turks, and there they contributed to the
checking of that people at a time when their military power threatened
Europe. The problem of northern Africa, however, had been little affected
by the efforts of Charles.

Charles’ failure to stamp out Protestantism.

Meanwhile, the religious question in Germany had all along been

considered by Charles as one of his most important problems. The first war
with France prevented any action on his part until 1529, since he needed the
support of the Protestant princes. The movement therefore had time to
gather headway, and it was evident that Charles would meet with
determined opposition whenever he should decide to face the issue. Various
factors entered in to complicate the matter, such, for example, as the fear on
the part of many princes of the growing Hapsburg power and the belief that
Charles meant to make the imperial succession hereditary in his family. A
temporary adjustment of the religious situation was made by the imperial
Diet held at Spires in 1526, when it was agreed that every prince should
decide for himself in matters of religion. With the close of the war with
France in 1529, Charles caused the Diet to meet again at Spires, on which
occasion the previous decision was revoked. The princes devoted to the
reform ideas protested, giving rise to the name “Protestant,” but without
avail. The Diet was called for the next year at Augsburg, when Charles sat
in judgment between the two parties. The Protestants presented their side in
a document which became known as the confession of Augsburg. The
Catholic theologians replied, and Charles accepted their view, ordering the
Protestant leaders to submit, and threatening to employ force unless they
should do so. The international situation again operated to protect the
reform movement, for the Turks became threatening, and, indeed, what with
the wars with France and his numerous other difficulties Charles was
unable to proceed resolutely to a solution of the religious problem until the
year 1545. At last he was ready to declare war. In 1547 he won what
seemed to be a decisive victory in the Battle of Mühlberg, resulting in the
subjection of the Protestant princes to the Roman Church. They protested
anew, and, aided by the opposition to Charles on other grounds,—for
example, because of his introduction of Italian and Spanish soldiery into
what was regarded as a domestic quarrel,—were able to present a warlike
front again. This time they were joined by Charles’ former powerful ally,
Maurice of Saxony, through whose assistance they successfully defended
themselves. Peace was made at Passau in 1552, ratified by the Diet of
Augsburg in 1555, whereby the Protestant princes obtained equal rights
with the Catholic lords as to their freedom in religious beliefs.

Other failures of Charles and his abdication.

Great as were to be the results of Charles’ reign on its European side, it

had nevertheless been a failure so far as Spain and Charles’ own objects
were concerned. Yet other disappointments were to fall to his lot. He
aspired to the imperial title for his son Philip. In this he was opposed both
by the Germanic nobility, who saw in it an attempt to foist upon them a
Spanish-controlled absolutism, and by his brother Ferdinand, who held the
Austrian dominions as a fief of the empire and aimed to become emperor
himself. Unable to prevail in his own policy Charles eventually supported
Ferdinand. For many years, too, he thought of establishing an independent
Burgundian kingdom as a counterpoise to France, but changed his mind to
take up a plan for uniting England and the Low Countries, with the same
object in view. For this latter purpose he procured the hand of Queen Mary
of England for his son Philip. The marriage proved childless, and Philip
was both unpopular and without power in England. The death of Mary in
1558 ended this prospect. At last Charles’ spirit was broken. For nearly
forty years he had battled for ideals which he was unable to bring to
fulfilment; so he resolved to retire from public life. In 1555 he renounced
his title to the Low Countries in favor of Philip. In 1556 he abdicated in
Spain, and went to live at the monastery of Yuste in Cáceres. He was unable
to drop out of political life completely, however, and was wont to intervene
in the affairs of Spain from his monastic retreat. In 1558 he gave up his
imperial crown, to which his brother Ferdinand was elected. Thus Spain
was separated from Austria, but she retained the Burgundian inheritance
and the Italian possessions of Aragon. The marriage of Philip the
Handsome and Juana la Loca was still to be productive of fatal
consequences to Spain, for together with the Burgundian domains there
remained the feeling of Hapsburg solidarity.

Greatness of Charles in the history of Spain and Spanish America.

Charles had failed in Europe, but in Spain and especially in the Americas
he had done more than enough to compensate for his European reverses.
His achievements in Spain belong to the field of institutional development
rather than to that of political narrative, however. As for the Americas his
reign was characterized by such a series of remarkable mainland conquests
that it is often treated as a distinct epoch in American history, the era of the
conquistadores, and Spanish America is, after all, the principal monument
to the greatness of his reign. The Emperor Charles V was a failure; but King
Charles I of Spain gave the Americas to European civilization.
 CHAPTER XXIII

THE REIGN OF PHILIP II, 1556-1598

Resemblance of the reign of Philip II to that of Charles I.

IN underlying essentials the reign of Philip II was a reproduction of that

of Charles I. There were scattered dominions and family prestige to
maintain, the enemies of the Catholic Church to combat, the dominant place
of Spain in Europe to assure, the strain on Spanish resources, and, as
glorious offsets to general failure in Europe, the acquisition of some
European domains and the advance of the colonial conquests. Only the
details varied. Philip had a more compact nation behind him than had fallen
to the lot of Charles, although there was still much to be desired in that
respect; France was hostile, though less powerful than formerly, but
England and Philip’s rebellious Protestant Netherlands more than made up
for the weakness of France; issues in Germany no longer called for great
attention, but family politics were not forgotten; on the other hand Philip
achieved the ideal of peninsula unity through the acquisition of Portugal,
carrying with it that country’s colonies; and, finally, his conquests in the
new world, though less spectacular than those of Charles, compared
favorably with them in actual fact.

Education and character of Philip II.

Historians have often gone to extremes in their judgments of Philip II.

Some have been ardently pro-Philip, while others were as bitterly
condemnatory. Recently, opinions have been more moderately expressed. In
addition to native ability and intelligence Philip had the benefit of an
unusually good education in preparation for government. Charles himself
was one of the youth’s instructors, and, long before his various abdications,
had given Philip political practice in various ways,—for example, by
making him co-regent of Spain with Cardinal Tavera during Charles’ own
absence in Germany. Philip also travelled extensively in the lands which he
one day hoped to govern,—in Italy (1548), the Low Countries (1549), and
Germany (1550). In 1543 he married a Portuguese princess, María, his first
cousin. One son, Charles, was born of this marriage, but the mother died in
childbirth. His fruitless marriage with Mary Tudor, in 1553, has already
been mentioned. He remained in England until 1555, when he went to the
Low Countries to be crowned, and thence to Spain, of which country he
became king in 1556, being at that time twenty-nine years old. His abilities
as king of Spain were offset in a measure by certain unfortunate traits and
practices. He was of a vacillating type of mind; delays in his administration
were often long and fatal, and more than once he let slip a golden
opportunity for victory, because he could not make up his mind to strike. Of
a suspicious nature, he was too little inclined to rely upon men from whose
abilities he might have profited. A tremendous worker, he was too much in
the habit of trying to do everything himself, with the result that greater
affairs were held up, while the king of Spain worked over details. Finally,
he was extremely rigorous with heretics, from motives of religion and of
political policy.

War with the pope.

The principal aim of Philip’s life was the triumph of Catholicism, but
this did not hinder his distinguishing clearly between the interests of the
church and those of the popes as rulers of the Papal States. Thus it was not
strange that Philip’s reign should begin with a war against Pope Paul IV.
The latter excommunicated both Charles and Philip, and procured alliances
with France and, curious to relate, the sultan of Turkey, head of the Moslem
world. The pope was defeated, but it was not until the accession of Pius IV,
in 1559, that the bans of excommunication were raised.

Wars with France.

There was a constant succession of war and peace with France

throughout the reign, with the campaigns being fought more often in
northern France from the vantage ground of Flanders than in Italy as in the
time of Charles. In 1557 Philip might have been able to take Paris, but he
hesitated, and the chance was lost. Many other times Philip’s generals won
victories, but attacks from other quarters of Europe would cause a
diversion, or funds would give out, or Philip himself would change his
plans. France was usually on the defensive, because she was weakened
during most of the period by the domestic strife between Catholics and
Protestants. When in 1589 the Protestant leader became entitled to the
throne as Henry IV, Philip and the uncompromising wing of the French
Catholic party endeavored to prevent his actual accession to power. At one
time it was planned to make Philip himself king of France, but, as this idea
did not meet with favor, various others were suggested, including the
proposal of Philip’s daughter for the crown, or the partition of France
between Philip and others. Henry IV settled the matter in 1594 by becoming
a Catholic, wherefore he received the adhesion of the Catholic party. Philip
was not dissatisfied, for it seemed that he had rid himself of a dangerous
Protestant neighbor. Had he but known it, Henry IV was to accomplish the
regeneration of a France which was to strike the decisive blow, under Louis
XIV, to remove Spain from the ranks of the first-rate powers.

War with the Granadine Moriscos.

While Philip had no such widespread discontent in Spain to deal with as

had characterized the early years of the reign of Charles, there was one
problem leading to a serious civil war in southern Spain. The Moriscos of
Granada had proved to be an industrious and loyal element, supporting
Charles in the war of the communities, but there was reason to doubt the
sincerity of their conversion to Christianity. The populace generally and the
clergy in particular were very bitter against them, and procured the passage
of laws which were increasingly severe in their treatment of the Moriscos.
An edict of 1526 prohibited the use of Arabic speech or dress, the taking of
baths (a Moslem custom), the bearing of arms, the employment of non-
Christian names, and the giving of lodging in their houses to
Mohammedans whether free or slave. The Moriscos were also subjected to
oppressive inspections to prevent Mohammedan religious practices; they
were obliged to send their children to Christian schools; and a branch of the
Inquisition was established in Granada to execute, with all the rigors of that
institution, the laws against apostasy. The full effect of the edict was
avoided by means of a financial gift to the king, but the Inquisition was not
withdrawn. For many years the situation underwent no substantial change.
The clergy, and the Christian element generally, continued to accuse the
Moriscos, and the latter complained of the confiscations and severity of the
Inquisition. In 1567, however, the edict of 1526 was renewed, but in harsher
form, amplifying the prohibitions. When attempts were made to put the law
into effect, and especially when agents came to take the Morisco children to
Christian schools, by force if necessary, an uprising was not long in
breaking out. The war lasted four years. The Moriscos were aided by the
mountainous character of the country, and they received help from the
Moslems of northern Africa and even from the Turks. The decisive
campaign was fought in 1570, when Spanish troops under Philip’s half-
brother, Juan (or Don John) of Austria, an illegitimate son of Charles I,
defeated the Moriscos, although the war dragged on to the following year.
The surviving Moriscos, including those who had not taken up arms, were
deported en masse and distributed in other parts of Castilian Spain.

Wars with the Turks.

Juan of Austria.

The external peril from the Moslem peoples had not confined itself to
the period of the Morisco war. Piracy still existed in the western
Mediterranean, and the Turkish Empire continued to advance its conquests
in northern Africa. Philip gained great victories, notably when he compelled
the Turks to raise the siege of Malta in 1564, and especially in 1571, when
he won the naval battle of Lepanto, in which nearly 80,000 Christians were
engaged, most of them Spaniards. These victories were very important in
their European bearings, for they broke the Turkish naval power, and
perhaps saved Europe, but from the standpoint of Spain alone they were of
less consequence. Philip failed to follow them up, partly because of the
pressure of other affairs, and in part because of his suspicions of the victor
of Lepanto, the same Juan of Austria who had just previously defeated the
Moriscos. Juan of Austria was at the same time a visionary and a capable
man of affairs. He was ambitious to pursue the Turks to Constantinople,
capture that city, and restore the Byzantine Empire, with himself as ruler.
Philip withdrew his support, whereupon Juan devised a new project of a
great North African empire. Juan even captured Tunis in pursuance of his
plan, but Philip would give him no help, and Juan was obliged to retire, thus
permitting of a Turkish reconquest. Philip was always able to offer the
excuse of lack of funds,—and, indeed, the expenditures in the wars with
Turkey, with all the effects they carried in their train, were the principal
result to the peninsula of these campaigns.

Wars in the Low Countries.

 The greatest of Philip’s difficulties, and one which bulked large in its
importance in European history, was the warfare with his rebellious
provinces in the Low Countries. Its principal bearing in Spanish history was
that it caused the most continuous and very likely the heaviest drain on the
royal treasury of any of Philip’s problems. The war lasted the entire reign,
and was to be a factor for more than a half century after Philip’s death. It
got to be in essence a religious struggle between the Protestants of what
became the Netherlands and Philip, in which the latter was supported to a
certain extent by the provinces of the Catholic Netherlands, or modern
Belgium. Religion, however, was not the initial, or at any time the sole,
matter in controversy. At the outset the causes were such practices as the
Castilian communities had objected to in the reign of Charles, namely: the
appointments of foreigners to office; the presence of foreign (Spanish)
troops; measures which were regarded as the forerunner to an extension of
the Spanish Inquisition to the Low Countries (against which the nobles and
the clergy alike, practically all of whom were Catholic at that time, made
strenuous objections); Philip’s policy of centralization and absolutism; the
popular aversion for Philip as a Spaniard (just as Spaniards had objected to
Charles as a Fleming); and the excessive rigors employed in the suppression
of heresy. The early leaders were Catholics, many of them members of the
clergy, and the hotbed of rebellion was rather in the Catholic south than in
the Protestant north. It was this situation which gave the Protestants a
chance to strike on their own behalf. The war, or rather series of wars, was
characterized by deeds of valor and by extreme cruelty. Philip was even
more harsh in his instructions for dealing with heretics than his generals
were in executing them. Alba (noted for his severity), Requesens (an able
man who followed a more moderate policy), Juan of Austria (builder of air
castles, but winner of battles), and the able Farnese,—these were the
Spanish rulers of the period, all of them military men. The elder and the
younger William of Orange were the principal Protestant leaders. In open
combat the Spanish infantry was almost invincible, but its victories were
nullified, sometimes because it was drawn away to wage war in France, but
more often because money and supplies were lacking. On various occasions
the troops were left unpaid for so long a time that they took matters into
their own hands. Then, terrible scenes of riot and pillage were enacted,
without distinction as to the religious faith of the sufferers, for even
Catholic churches were sacked by the soldiery. The outcome for the Low
Countries was the virtual independence of the Protestant Netherlands,
although Spain did not yet acknowledge it. For Spain the result was the
same as that of her other ventures in European politics, only greater in
degree than most of them,—exhausting expenditures.

The annexation of Portugal.

In the middle years of Philip’s reign there was one project of great
moment in Spanish history which he pushed to a successful conclusion,—
the annexation of Portugal. While the ultimate importance of this event was
to be lessened by the later separation of the two kingdoms, they were united
long enough (sixty years) for notable effects to be felt in Spain and more
particularly in the Americas. The desire for peninsula unity had long been
an aspiration of the Castilian kings, and its consummation from the
standpoint of the acquisition of Portugal had several times been attempted,
though without success. The death of King Sebastián in 1578 without issue
left the Portuguese throne to Cardinal Henry, who was already very old, and
whom in any event the pope refused to release from his religious vows.
This caused various claimants to the succession to announce themselves,
among whom were the Duchess of Braganza, Antonio (the prior of Crato),
and Philip. The first-named had the best hereditary claim, since she was
descended from a son (the youngest) of King Manuel, a predecessor of
Sebastián. Antonio of Crato was son of another of King Manuel’s sons, but
was of illegitimate birth; nevertheless, he was the favorite of the regular
clergy, the popular classes, some nobles, and the pope, and was the only
serious rival Philip had to consider. Philip’s mother was the eldest daughter
of the same King Manuel. With this foundation for his claim he pushed his
candidacy with great ability, aided by the skilful diplomacy of his special
ambassador, Cristóbal de Moura. One of the master strokes was the public
announcement of Philip’s proposed governmental policy in Portugal,
promising among other things to respect the autonomy of the kingdom,
recognizing it as a separate political entity from Spain. A Portuguese Cortes
of 1580 voted for the succession of Philip, for the noble and ecclesiastical
branches supported him, against the opposition of the third estate. A few
days later King Henry died, and Philip prepared to take possession. The
partisans of Antonio resisted, but Philip, who had long been in readiness for
the emergency, sent an army into Portugal under the Duke of Alba, and he
easily routed the forces of Antonio. In keeping with his desire to avoid
giving offence to the Portuguese, Philip gave Alba the strictest orders to
punish any infractions of discipline or improper acts of the soldiery against
the inhabitants, and these commands were carefully complied with,—in
striking contrast with the policy which had been followed while Alba was
governor in the Low Countries. Thus it was that a Portuguese Cortes of
1581 solemnly recognized Philip as king of Portugal. Philip took oath not to
appoint any Spaniards to Portuguese offices, and he kept his word to the
end of his reign. Portugal had now come into the peninsula union in much
the same fashion that Aragon had joined with Castile. With her came the
vast area and great wealth of the Portuguese colonies of Asia, Africa, and
more particularly Brazil. If only the Spanish kings might hold the country
long enough, it appeared inevitable that a real amalgamation of such
kindred peoples would one day take place. Furthermore, if only the kings
would have, or could have, confined themselves to a Pan-Hispanic policy,
embracing Spain and Portugal and their colonies, the opportunity for the
continued greatness of the peninsula seemed striking. The case was a
different one from that of the union of Castile and Aragon, however, for a
strong feeling of Portuguese nationality had already developed, based
largely on a hatred of Spaniards. This spirit had something to feed upon
from the outset in the defeat of the popular Antonio of Crato and in the
discontent of many nobles, who did not profit as much by Philip’s accession
as they had been led to expect. It was necessary to put strong garrisons in
Portuguese cities and to fortify strategic points. Nevertheless, Philip
experienced no serious trouble and was able to leave Portugal to his
immediate successor.

Causes of the war with England.

Philip’s relations with England, in which the outstanding event was the
defeat of the Spanish Armada, had elements of importance as affecting
Spanish history, especially in so far as they concerned English depredations
in the Americas. They were more important to England, however, than to
Spain, and the story from the English standpoint has become a familiar one.
From the moment of Protestant Elizabeth’s accession to the English throne
in 1558, in succession to Catholic Mary, there was a constant atmosphere of
impending conflict between Spain and England. Greatest of the motives in
Philip’s mind was that her rule meant a Protestant England, a serious break
in the authority of Catholic Christianity, but there were other causes for war
as well. English aid of an unofficial but substantial character was helping to
sustain the Protestant Netherlands in revolt against Spain. In the Americas
“beyond the line” (of Tordesillas) the two countries were virtually at war,
although in the main it was a conflict of piratical attacks and the sacking of
cities on the part of the English, with acts of retaliation by the Spaniards.
This was the age of Drake’s and Hawkins’ exploits along the Spanish Main
(in the Caribbean area), but it was also the age of Gilbert and Raleigh, and
the first, though ineffectual, attempts of England to despoil Spain of her
American dominions through the founding of colonies in the Spanish-
claimed new world. Incidents of a special character served to accentuate the
feeling engendered by these more permanent causes,—such, for example,
as Elizabeth’s appropriation of the treasure which Philip was sending to the
Low Countries as pay for his soldiers: the Spanish vessels took shelter in an
English port to escape from pirates, whereupon Elizabeth proceeded to
“borrow,” as she termed it, the wealth they were carrying. Hard pressed for
funds as Philip always was, this was indeed a severe blow.

Why a declaration of war was delayed.

Nevertheless, a declaration of war was postponed for nearly thirty years.

English historians ascribe the delay to the diplomatic skill of their favorite
queen, but, while there is no need to deny her resourcefulness in that
respect, there were reasons in plenty why Philip himself was desirous of
deferring hostilities, or better still, avoiding them. In view of his existing
troubles with France and the Low Countries he drew back before the
enormous expense that a war with England would entail, to say nothing of
the military difficulties of attacking an island power. Though he received
frequent invitations from the Catholics of England and Scotland to effect an
invasion, these projects were too often linked with similar proposals to the
kings of France, the leading European opponents of the Spanish monarch.
Philip wished to break the power of Elizabeth and of Protestantism if
possible, however, and gave encouragement to plots against the life of the
English queen or to schemes for revolutionary uprisings in favor of Mary
Stuart, a Catholic and Elizabeth’s rival, but none of these designs met with
success. Many Spanish leaders urged a descent upon England, among them
Juan of Austria, who wished to lead the expeditionary force himself,
dreaming possibly of an English crown for his reward, but it was not until
1583 that Philip viewed these proposals with favor.
 Preparations for a descent upon England.

Once having decided upon an expedition Philip began to lay his plans.
Mary Stuart was persuaded to disinherit her son, who was a Protestant (the
later James I of England), and to make Philip her heir. The pope was
induced to lend both financial and moral support to the undertaking,
although it was necessary to deceive him as to Philip’s intentions to acquire
England for himself; the pope was told that Philip’s daughter was to be
made queen of England. The proposed descent upon England was no secret
to Elizabeth, who made ready to resist. With a view to delaying Philip’s
preparations, Drake made an attack upon Cádiz in 1587, on which occasion
he burned all the shipping in the bay. This only strengthened Philip’s
resolutions with regard to the undertaking, and tended to make him
impatient for its early execution. Plans were made which proved to be in
many cases ill considered. The first mistake occurred when Philip did not
entertain a proposition of the Scotch and French Catholics that he should
work in concert with them, thus declining an opportunity to avail himself of
ports and bases of supply near the point of attack; political reasons were the
foundation for his attitude in this matter. Against advice he also decided to
divide the expedition into a naval and a military section, the troops to come
from the Low Countries after the arrival of the fleet there to transport them.
The worst error of all was that of Philip’s insistence on directing the
organization of the fleet himself. All details had to be passed upon by the
king from his palace of the Escorial near Madrid, which necessarily
involved both delay and a faulty execution of orders. Evil practices and
incompetence were manifest on every hand; quantities of the supplies
purchased proved to be useless; and the officers and men were badly
chosen, many of the former being without naval experience. A great
mistake was made in the appointment of the Duke of Medina Sidonia to
lead the expedition; the principal recommendation of the duke was that of
his family prestige, for he was absolutely lacking in knowledge of maritime
affairs, and said as much to the king, but the latter insisted that he should
take command.
 Defeat of the Armada.

At length the fleet was able to leave Lisbon, and later Coruña, in the year
1588. Because of its great size it was termed the Armada Invencible (the
Invincible Fleet), a name which has been taken over into English as the
Spanish, or the Invincible, Armada. In all there were 131 ships, with over
25,000 sailors, soldiers, and officers. The evil effect of Philip’s management
followed the Armada to sea. He had given detailed instructions what to do,
and the commander-in-chief would not vary from them. Many officers
thought it would be best to make an attack on Plymouth, to secure that port
as a base of operations, but Philip had given orders that the fleet should first
go to the Low Countries to effect a junction with the troops held in
readiness there. The story of the battle with the English fleet is well known.
The contest was altogether one-sided, for the English ships were both
superior in speed and equipped with longer range artillery. Nevertheless,
storms contributed more than the enemy to the Spanish defeat. The Armada
was utterly dispersed, and many vessels were wrecked. Only 65 ships and
some 10,000 men were able to return to Spain.

Domestic troubles and death of Philip.

The decisive blow had been struck, and Spain was the loser. The English
war went on into the next reign, and there were several spectacular military
events, not all of them unfavorable to Spanish arms, but they affected the
general situation only in that they continued the strain on the royal
exchequer. In the final analysis Philip had failed in this as in so many other
enterprises. This fact was clear, even at the time, although the eventualities
of later years were to make the outcome appear the more decisive. Philip’s
evil star did not confine its effects to his international policies. His eldest
son, Charles, proved to be of feeble body and unbalanced mind. Getting
into difficulties with his father, he was placed in prison by the latter’s
orders, and was never seen again, dying in 1568. Charges have been made
that Philip caused his death, but he was probably blameless, although he did
plan to disinherit him. Philip had no other son until 1571, when his eventual
successor was born, by his fourth wife. Certain other domestic troubles, not
divorced from scandal (although the evidence is in no case conclusive),
may be passed over, except to mention the crowning grief of all. It early
became clear that his son and heir, the later Philip III, was a weak character.
“God, who has given me so many kingdoms,” Philip is reported to have
said, “has denied me a son capable of ruling them.” In 1598 Philip died. His
last days were passed in extreme physical suffering, which he endured with
admirable resignation. Philip, like the Emperor Charles, his father, had been
indeed a great king, but he was a victim, as Charles had been, of a mistaken
policy. Nevertheless, they had ruled Spain in her century of greatness, when
Spain was not only the leading power in Europe, but was planting her
institutions, for all time, in the vast domains of the Americas.
 CHAPTER XXIV

A CENTURY OF DECLINE, 1598-1700

Spanish defeats of the sixteenth century.

THE unfortunate policies of Charles I and Philip II were continued during

the seventeenth century in the reigns of Philip III, Philip IV, and Charles II,
but Spain was no longer able to hold her front rank position in European
affairs, especially after the buffets of fortune which fell to her lot in the
reign of Philip IV. Not only that, but a decline also set in which affected
Spanish civilization in all its phases. The impetus of Spain’s greatness in the
sixteenth century carried her along to yet loftier heights in some
manifestations of her inner life, notably in art and literature, but even in
these characteristics the decline was rapid and almost complete by the end
of the reign of Charles II. Italy, France, and the Low Countries continued to
absorb Spanish effort, but now it was Spain’s turn to acknowledge defeat,
while France, the great power of the century, took toll for the losses she had
suffered at the hands of Charles I and Philip II. The unsuccessful Catalan
revolt and the victorious war of the Portuguese for independence assisted to
drain Spain of her resources, financial and otherwise, while the last-named
event destroyed peninsula unity, carrying with it such of the Portuguese
colonies as had not already been lost. Spain yielded the aggressive to her
strongest opponent, and endeavored herself to maintain the defence.
Nevertheless, great achievements were still the rule in the colonies, even if
of a less showy type than formerly. Spain was still the conqueror and
civilizer. On the other hand, the efforts of other nations to found colonies in
lands claimed by Spain began to be successful, and this movement gathered
force throughout the century, together with the direct annexation of some
lands which were already Spanish.

Philip III and Spanish relations with England, the Low Countries, and the Empire.

Philip III (1598-1621) was the first of three sovereigns, each of whom
was weaker than his predecessor. The fifteenth-century practice of
government by favorites was restored. Philip III turned over the political
management of his kingdom to the Duke of Lerma, while he himself
indulged in wasteful extravagances, punctuated by an equal excess in
religious devotions. He had inherited wars with England and the Protestant
Netherlands, but the first of these was brought to an end in 1604, shortly
after the accession of James I of England. The war in the Low Countries
was characterized by the same features which had marked its progress in
the previous reign. Philip II had endeavored to solve the problem by making
an independent kingdom of that region, under his daughter and her husband
as the rulers, with a proviso for a reversion to Spain in case of a failure of
the line. This measure was practically without effect, for Spanish troops and
Spanish moneys continued to be the basis for the wars against the Dutch, or
Protestant, element. Before the end of Philip III’s reign the decision for a
reversion to Spanish authority had already been made and accepted. There
were two factors in the Dutch wars of the period worthy of mention. For
one thing the Dutch became more bold on the seas, and began a remarkable
career of maritime conquest which was to last well over half a century. As
affecting Spain this new activity manifested itself mainly in piratical attacks
on Spanish ships, or in descents upon Spanish coasts, but a number of
Philip’s Portuguese colonies were picked up by the Dutch. The Dutch wars
also produced a man who was both a great soldier (a not uncommon type in
that day of Spanish military importance) and a great statesman, who sensed
the evil course which Spain was following in her European relations and
argued against it, all to no avail. This man was Ambrosio Spínola. Spínola
won victory upon victory from the Dutch, but was often obliged to rely on
his personal estate for the funds with which to carry on the campaigns; so
when the Dutch asked for a truce he favored the idea, and on this occasion
his views were allowed to prevail. A twelve-year truce was agreed upon in
1609, one condition of which was the recognition of the independence of
the Protestant states. In 1618 the great conflict which has become known as
the Thirty Years’ War broke out in Germany, having its beginnings in a
dispute between the Hapsburg emperor, Ferdinand, and the Protestant
elector of the Palatinate. Spain entered the war on the side of Ferdinand,
largely because of family reasons, but also in support of Catholicism.
Spínola was sent into the Palatinate with a Spanish army, where he swept
everything before him. Thus casually did Spain enter a war which was to be
a thirty-nine years’ conflict for her (1620-1659) and productive of her own
undoing.
 Relations with France, the Italian states, Turkey, and the pirates of the Barbary Coast.

Affairs with France were characterized by a bit of good fortune which

postponed the evil day for Spain. Henry IV had reorganized the French
kingdom until it reached a state of preparation which would have enabled it
to take the offensive, a policy which Henry had in mind. The assassination
of the French king, in 1610, prevented an outbreak of war between France
and Spain at a time when the latter was almost certain to be defeated. Marie
de Medici became regent in France, and chose to keep the peace. Italy was
a constant source of trouble in this reign, due to the conflict of interests
between the kings of Spain and the popes and princes of the Italian
peninsula. There was a succession of petty wars or of the prospects of war,
which meant that affairs were always in a disturbed condition. The Turks
continued to be a peril to Europe, and their co-religionists and subjects in
northern Africa were the terror of the seas. Spain rendered service to
Europe by repulsing the attempts of the former to get a foothold in Italy, but
could do nothing to check piratical ventures. The pirates of the Barbary
Coast plied their trade both in the Mediterranean and along Spain’s Atlantic
coasts to their limits in the Bay of Biscay, while English and Dutch ships
were active in the same pursuits.

Philip IV and Olivares.

The storm broke in the reign of Philip IV (1621-1665). Philip IV was

only sixteen at the time of his accession to the throne. He had good
intentions, and tried to interest himself in matters of government, but was of
a frivolous and dissolute nature, unable to give consideration for any length
of time to serious affairs. The result was the rule of another favorite, the
Count-Duke of Olivares. Olivares was possibly the worst man who could
have been chosen, precisely because he had sufficient ability to attempt the
execution of his mistaken ideas. He was energetic, intelligent, and well
educated, but was stubborn, proud, irascible, boastful, and insulting. He was
able to make plans on a gigantic scale, and had real discernment as to the
strength of Spain’s enemies, but lacked the practical capacity to handle the
details. The times were such as demanded a Spínola, but the counsels of
Olivares prevailed, and their keynote was imperialism in Europe and a
centralized absolutism in the peninsula.
 Spanish losses in the Thirty Years’ War.

The truce with the Dutch came to an end in 1621. Spínola urged that it
be continued, but Olivares gave orders for the resumption of hostilities. No
advantages of consequence were obtained by Spain, but the Dutch were
again successful in their career on the seas. The Thirty Years’ War
continued to involve Spain. France, though Catholic and virtually ruled by a
Catholic cardinal, Richelieu, was more intent on the development of the
French state than upon the religious question, and aided the Protestants
against their enemies. Richelieu did not bring France into the war until
1635, but, in the meantime, through grants of money and skilful diplomacy,
he was able to make trouble for Spain in Italy and in the Low Countries.
When at length it seemed as if the Catholic states might win, due largely to
the effectiveness of the Spanish infantry, France entered the war on the side
of the Protestant princes. Spanish troops continued to win battles, without
profiting greatly because of the incessant difficulties from lack of funds. In
1643 the French, under Condé, defeated the Spaniards at Rocroy. The moral
effect of this victory was tremendous, like the surrender of the ancient
Spartans at the Island of Sphacteria, for it was the first time in some two
centuries that the Spanish infantry had been defeated in pitched battle under
nearly equal conditions. Henceforth defeats were no novelty. The tide had
turned; Rocroy spelled Spain’s doom as a great power. The treaties of
Westphalia in 1648 affected Spain only so far as concerned the war with the
Protestant Netherlands. Dutch independence was reaffirmed, and the
colonies which the Dutch had won, mainly from the Portuguese in the East
Indies, were formally granted to them. The Catholic Netherlands remained
Spanish. The war with France went on until 1659. In 1652 Cromwell
offered Spain an alliance against France, but the price demanded was high;
one of the conditions was that Spain should permit Englishmen to trade
with the Spanish colonies,—an entering wedge for an English commercial
supremacy which might easily be converted into political acquisition. Spain
declined and Cromwell joined France. The English conquest of Jamaica in
the ensuing war was the first great break in the solidarity of the actually
occupied Spanish domain, marking a turning point in colonial history, as
Rocroy had done in that of Europe. By the treaty of 1659 Spain gave up the
Roussillon and Cerdagne, thus accepting the Pyrenees as the boundary
between herself and France. Spain also surrendered Sardinia and large parts
both of the Catholic Netherlands and of her former Burgundian possessions.
The most fruitful clause in the treaty was that providing for the marriage of
the Spanish princess, María Teresa, with Louis XIV of France. The former
was to renounce for herself and her heirs any rights she or they might
otherwise have to the Spanish throne, while a considerable dowry was to be
paid by Spain on her behalf. The results of this marriage will be mentioned
presently.

Catalan discontent.

Intimately related to the wars just referred to was the Catalan revolt. The
Catalans had long been a nation so far as separate language and institutions
go, and their traditions compared well with those of Castile, which had now
come to dominate in the Spanish state. The whole course of the revolt is
illustrative of the difficulties under which Spain labored in this era of
European wars. The Catalans had objected for centuries, even before the
union with Castile, to the policy of centralization and absolutism of the
kings, alleging their charter rights which were thus contravened. Such acts
as the failure of the kings to call the Catalan Cortes, the increases in
taxation, or the levying of taxes like those paid in Castile, and the
introduction of the Castilian Inquisition had been unfavorably received in
the past. Now came the monarchical designs of Olivares, coupled with the
unavoidable exigencies of the wars, to heighten the discontent. Aside from
the increased taxation there were two matters to which the Catalans were
strenuously opposed on the ground that they were against their legal rights,
—the maintenance of foreign troops (even Castilians and Aragonese being
so regarded) in Catalonia and the enjoyment of public office by persons
who were not Catalans. Furthermore they objected to the employment of
Catalan troops in foreign countries, holding that their obligations were
limited to defending Catalonia, and similarly they maintained that funds
raised in Catalonia should not be used for wars outside that province. Philip
IV tried to procure a subsidy from the Catalan Cortes in 1626, but the grant
was denied. Another attempt was made in 1632, on which occasion
Olivares imprudently followed the methods of Charles I at the time of the
Cortes of Santiago-Coruña. He got the funds, but his action caused great
dissatisfaction in the province. Meanwhile the danger of an invasion from
France had led to the sending of troops to Catalonia, and constant friction
followed their arrival. The imperfect military discipline of that age, together
with the annoyances usually inseparable from the presence of armies,
resulted in many abuses, which were resented even to the point of armed
conflict; as early as 1629, eleven years before the outbreak, there was a
bloody encounter between the citizens and the soldiery at Barcelona. The
irksome requirement calling upon the towns to lodge the troops was also
productive of ill feeling. By law the most that could be demanded was the
use of a room, a bed, a table, fire, salt, vinegar, and service, while all else
must be paid for. Lack of funds was such, however, that more than this was
exacted. In addition to this there came an order from Madrid calling for the
imposition of the quinto, or fifth, of the revenues of the municipalities.
France took advantage of the situation to fan the flame of discontent and to
win certain Catalan nobles of the frontier to her side. Nevertheless, when
the French invaded the Roussillon in 1639 the Catalans rushed to arms and
helped to expel them early in 1640.

Beginning of the Catalan revolt.

The questions of lodging the soldiers and of procuring additional funds

continued to provoke trouble. Olivares said in an open meeting of the
Consejo Real that the Catalans ought to be made to contribute in proportion
to their wealth. Later he ordered an enforced levy of Catalan troops for use
in Italy, and stated in the decree so providing that it was necessary to
proceed without paying attention to “provincial pettiness” (menudencias
provinciales). The impulse for the outbreak proceeded, however, from the
conflicts between the soldiers and the peasantry of the country districts,
especially on account of the excesses of the retreating royal troops at the
time of the French invasion of the Roussillon. Curiously enough, the
peasantry acted very largely from religious motives. Many of the soldiers
were utter foreigners to the Catalans,—such, for example, as the Italians
and the Irish, both of which elements were present in considerable numbers.
To the ignorant peasants these strange-mannered people, who were
Catholics in fact, seemed most certainly heretics. Attacks on the soldiery
began in the mountain districts early in 1640, and soon extended to the
cities as well. In June a serious riot occurred in Barcelona, during which the
hated royal viceroy was killed. That act marked the triumph of the
revolution and the beginning of the war.

The war against the Catalans.

 It is possible that a policy of moderation might still have avoided the
conflict, but such action was not taken. The war lasted nineteen years, and
was fought bitterly until 1653. In 1640 the Catalans formed a republic, and
made an alliance with France, putting themselves under the protection of
the French monarchy. The republic was short-lived; in 1641 the
monarchical form returned, with a recognition of the king of France as
ruler. French troops aided the Catalans in many expeditions, but in this very
fact lay the remedy for the grievances against Spain. The Catalans found
that French officials and French soldiers committed the same abuses as
those which they had objected to in the case of Castile. Coupled with a
statement of Philip IV that he had never intended to interfere with the
Catalan fueros, or charter rights (although Olivares certainly had so
intended), this proved to be the turning point. Philip confirmed the charters
in 1653, but the fighting went on in certain regions until 1659, when
Catalonia was recognized as part of Spain in the treaty of peace with
France. The war had one good result; it occasioned the dismissal of
Olivares in 1643. Nevertheless, the evil had been done beyond repair,
though the dispute had experienced a turn for the better, dating from
Olivares’ deprivation from office.

Mildness of Spanish rule in Portugal.

Meanwhile, Olivares had involved Spain in another direction. From the

time of the acquisition of Portugal by Philip II that region had been
exceedingly well treated by the Spanish kings: no public offices were given
to any but Portuguese; no military or naval forces and no taxes were
required for purely Spanish objects; the Portuguese colonies were left to the
Portuguese, and the route around Africa to the Far East was closed to
Spaniards; Lisbon continued to be the centre of Portuguese colonial traffic,
as Seville was for Spain; and even the members of the House of Braganza,
despite their dangerous claim to the throne, were allowed to remain in
Portugal, and were greatly favored. Furthermore, Philip II abolished
customs houses between Portugal and Castile, made advantageous
administrative improvements (among other things, reforming colonial
management, on the Spanish model), and attempted something in the way
of public works. The annexation weighed very lightly on the country. The
king was represented by a viceroy; there were a few Spanish troops in
Portugal; and some taxes were collected, though they were far from heavy
in amount. Spain has been charged with the responsibility for the loss of
many Portuguese colonies, on the ground that Portugal became involved in
the wars against the Spanish kings, and therefore open to the attack of
Spain’s enemies. There is reason for believing, however, that the connection
served rather as a pretext than a cause; this was an age when the North
European powers were engaging in colonial enterprises, and it is worthy of
note that the Dutch, who were the principal successors to the Portuguese
possessions, continued to make conquests from Portugal after they had
formed an alliance with that country in the war of Portuguese independence
from Spain. In fact, very little passed into foreign hands prior to the
Portuguese separation from the Spanish crown as compared with what was
lost afterward.

The imperialism of Olivares and the uprising in Portugal.

While the nobility and the wealthy classes favored the union with Spain,
there were strong elements in the country of a contrary opinion, for whom
leaders were to be found in the lower ranks of the secular clergy and
especially among the Jesuits. The masses of the people still hated
Spaniards; several generations were necessary before that traditional feeling
could be appreciably lessened. A current of opposition manifested itself as
early as the reign of Philip III, when the Duke of Lerma, the king’s favorite
minister, proposed to raise the prohibition maintained against the Jews
forbidding them to sell their goods when emigrating, and planned to grant
them civil equality with Christians. This had coincided with a slight
increase in taxation to produce discontent. It was natural that the
imperialistic Olivares should wish to introduce a radical change in the
relations of Spain and Portugal. He early addressed the king on the
advisability of bringing about a veritable amalgamation of the two
countries, and suggested that Portuguese individuals should be given some
offices in Castile, and Castilians in like manner awarded posts in Portugal.
When this purpose became known it was used as one of the principal means
of stirring up opposition to Spain, on the ground that Portugal was to be
deprived of her autonomy. The renewal of legislation such as that proposed
by the Duke of Lerma with respect to the Jews and an increase in taxation
added to the dissatisfaction in Portugal to such an extent that there were
several riots. Spain’s financial difficulties arising from the European wars
led Olivares to turn yet more insistently to Portugal, and in the year 1635
new and heavier taxes began to be imposed, together with the collection of
certain ecclesiastical rents which had been granted to the king by the pope.
This produced the first outbreak against the royal authority. A revolution
was started at Évora in 1637 which soon spread to all parts of Portugal, but
the nobles, the wealthy classes, and the Duke of Braganza were not in favor
of the movement, and it was soon suppressed. The condition of affairs
which had provoked it continued, however, and was accentuated by new
burdens and fresh departures from the agreement of Philip II. Taxes became
heavier still; Portuguese troops were required to serve in the Low
Countries; and the Duke of Braganza, of whom Olivares was unreasonably
suspicious, was appointed viceroy of Milan, with a view to getting him out
of Portugal. It was this last measure which was to bring about a fresh and
more determined uprising than that of 1637. The duke refused the
appointment, whereupon Olivares completely changed front, possibly with
a view to concealment of his real suspicions, and made Braganza military
governor of Portugal, besides sending him funds with which to repair the
fortifications of the kingdom. The duke would almost certainly have been
satisfied with this arrangement, had it not been for his wife, whose
ambitious character was not duly taken into account by Olivares. This lady
was a Spaniard of the family of the dukes of Medina Sidonia, but she was
desirous of being a queen, even though it should strike a blow at her native
land. She conspired to bring about a Portuguese revolution headed by her
husband, who should thus become king of Portugal. The Catalonian
outbreak of 1640 furnished a pretext and the propitious occasion desired.
The Duke of Braganza and the nobility generally were ordered to join the
royal army in suppressing the Catalans. Instead, the nobles rebelled, and the
revolution broke out on the first of December in the same year, 1640.
Fortresses were seized, and the Duke of Braganza was proclaimed as João
(or John) IV, king of Portugal.

The war of Portuguese independence.

The war lasted twenty-eight years, but, although it might well have been
considered as more important than any of the problems of the time, other
than the equally momentous Catalan revolt, it was not actively prosecuted
by Spain. Spain was engaged in too many other wars, to which she gave
perhaps an undue share of her attention, and was more than ever beset by
her chronic difficulty of lack of funds. France, England, and the Protestant
Netherlands gave help to Portugal at different times, whereby the last-
named was able to maintain herself against the weak attacks of Spain. The
decisive battle was fought at Villaviciosa in 1665, but it was not until 1668,
in the reign of Charles II, that peace was made. Portugal was recognized as
independent, retaining such of her former colonies as had not already been
taken by the Dutch,—with one exception; the post of Ceuta, in northern
Africa, remained Spanish,—the only reminder of Spain’s great opportunity
to establish peninsula unity through the union with Portugal.

Other revolts and plottings.

Still other difficulties arose in Italy and in Spain to harass the reign of
Philip IV. There were revolts in Sicily in 1646-1647, and in Naples in 1647-
1648, both of which were put down. An Aragonese plot was discovered,
and there was no uprising. A similar plot in Andalusia was headed by the
Duke of Medina Sidonia, captain general of the province and brother of the
new queen of Portugal. This too was uncovered in time to prevent an
outbreak. In Vizcaya there was a serious revolt, growing out of an alleged
tampering with local privileges, but it was eventually put down. In fine, the
reign had been one of disaster. Olivares had been the chief instrument to
bring it about, but, after all, he only represented the prevailing opinion and
traditional policies. The moment of reckoning had come.

Charles “the Bewitched.”

French aggressions.

The reign of Charles II (1665-1700) was a period of waiting for what

seemed likely to be the end, unless fate should intervene to give a new turn
to affairs. The king himself was doubly in need of a regent, for he was only
four years old when he succeeded to the throne and was also weak and sick
in mind and body. He was subject to epileptic fits, on which account he was
termed Charles “the Bewitched” (el Hechizado), and many people believed
that he was indeed possessed of a Devil. This disgusting, but pitiful,
creature was expected to die at any moment, but he lived to rule, though
little more than in name, for thirty-five years. The whole reign was one of
plotting for the succession, since it early became clear that Charles II could
have no heir. There was a pro-French party, a pro-Austrian party, and a very
strong group which favored a Spaniard, Juan of Austria, illegitimate son of
a Spanish king, as his predecessor of the same name had been. Juan of
Austria became virtual ruler in 1677, but died in 1679, thus eliminating the
only prominent claimant in Spain. France, at the height of her power under
Louis XIV, was unwilling to wait for the death of Charles II before profiting
by Spanish weakness, and therefore engaged in several wars of aggression,
directed primarily against Spain’s possessions in the Low Countries and
against the Protestant Netherlands. In many of these wars other powers
fought on the side of Spain and the Dutch, notably the Holy Roman
Emperor, many princes of Germany, and Sweden, while England and the
pope joined the allies against the French military lord in the last war of the
period. Four times Spain was forced into conflict, in 1667-1668, 1672-
1678, 1681-1684, and 1689-1697. Province after province in northern
Europe was wrested away, until, after the last war, when Louis XIV had
achieved his greatest success, little would have remained, but for an unusual
spirit of generosity on the part of the French king. Instead of taking further
lands from Spain, he restored some which he had won in this and previous
wars. The reason was that he now hoped to procure the entire dominions of
Spain for his own family.

Plottings of the Austrian and French parties for the succession.

The leader of the party favoring the Hapsburg, or Austrian, succession in

Spain was the queen-mother, María Ana, herself of the House of Austria.
After many vicissitudes she at length seemed to have achieved a victory,
when she brought about the marriage of Charles II to an Austrian princess
in 1689, the same year in which the king’s former wife, a French princess,
had died. The situation was all the more favorable in that Louis XIV
declared war against Spain in that year for the fourth time in the reign. The
very necessities of the war, added to the now chronic bad administration
and the general state of misery in Spain, operated, however, to arouse
discontent and to provoke opposition to the party in power. Thus the French
succession was more popular, even during the war, than that of the allied
House of Austria. After the war was over, the French propaganda was
established on a solid basis, for it was evident, now, that Charles II could
not long survive. Louis XIV put forward his grandson, Philip of Anjou, as a
candidate, and the Holy Roman Emperor urged the claims of his son, the
Archduke Charles. Not only did Philip have the weaker hereditary claim,
but he also had the renunciation of his grandmother, María Teresa, wife of
Louis XIV, against him. The last-named objection was easily overcome,
since Spain had never paid the promised dowry of María Teresa, wherefore
Louis XIV held that the renunciation was of no effect.

Success of the French party.

The fight, after all, was a political one, and not a mere determination of
legal right, and in this respect Louis XIV and his candidate, Philip, had the
advantage, through skilful diplomacy. The French party in Madrid was
headed by Cardinal Portocarrero, a man of great influence, assisted by
Harcourt, the French ambassador. The imperial ambassador, Harrach, and
Stanhope, the representative of England, worked together; the union of
France and Spain under Bourbon rulers, who would probably be French-
controlled, represented a serious upsetting of the balance of power,
wherefore England desired the succession of the Archduke Charles, who at
that time was not a probable candidate for the imperial crown. For several
years Madrid was the scene of one of the most fascinating diplomatic
battles in European history. The feeble-minded king did not know what to
do, and asked advice on all sides, but could not make up his mind about the
succession. The Austrian party had his ear, however, through his Austrian
wife, and through the king’s confessor, who was one of their group, but by a
clever strike of Portocarrero’s the king was persuaded that his wife was
plotting to kill him, and was induced to change confessors, this time
accepting a member of the French party. To divide his opponents Louis XIV
proposed the dismemberment of Spain and her possessions among the
leading claimants, assigning Spain, Flanders, and the colonies to a third
candidate, the Prince of Bavaria. The French king did not intend that any
such division should take place, and in any event the Bavarian prince soon
died, but through measures of this type Louis XIV eventually contrived to
supplant in office and in influence nearly all who opposed the Bourbon
succession. Meanwhile, the unfortunate king was stirred up and worried,
although possibly without evil design, so that his health was more and more
broken and his mentality disordered to the point of idiocy, hastening his
death. Strange medicines and exorcisms were used in order to cast out the
Devil with which he was told he was possessed, exciting the king to the
point of frenzy. In 1700 Louis XIV abandoned his course of dissimulation
to such an extent that it became clear that he would endeavor to procure all
the Spanish dominions for Philip. Henceforth it was a struggle between the
two principal claimants for exclusive rule. The wretched Spanish monarch
was at length obliged to go to bed by what was clearly his last illness. Even
then he was not left in peace, and the plotting continued almost to the very
end. On October 3, Philip was named by the dying king as sole heir to all
his dominions. On November 1, Charles II died, and with him passed the
rule of the House of Austria.
 CHAPTER XXV

SOCIAL DEVELOPMENTS, 1516-1700

Principal events in the social history of the era.

AS compared with the two preceding eras there was little in this period
strikingly new in social history. In the main, society tended to become more
thoroughly modern, but along lines whose origins dated farther back. The
most marked novelty in Spain was the conversion of the Mudéjares of
Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia, followed less than a century later by the
expulsion of the Moriscos from every part of Spain. The most remarkable
phase of social history of the time, however, was the subjection, conversion,
and to a certain extent the civilization of millions of Indians in the
Americas. The work was thorough enough to mark those lands permanently
with the impress of Spain.

Gradual approximation of the nobility to present-day society.

By a process of natural evolution from the practices current in the reign

of the Catholic Kings the nobles came to exhibit characteristics very similar
to those of present-day society. They now went to court if they could, or
else to the nearest large city, where they became a bourgeois nobility. Those
who remained on their estates were soon forgotten. Through social prestige
the nobles were still able to procure not only the honorary palace posts but
also the majority of the greater political and military commands. Now and
then, an untitled letrado would attain to a viceroyalty or other high position,
but these cases were the exception. In this way, the great body of the nobles
were able to counteract the economic losses of their class occasioned by the
new importance of mercantile and industrial wealth. Nevertheless, the
wealthiest men of the times were nobles, with whom the richest of middle-
class merchants could hardly compare in material possessions. The more
extraordinary accumulations of wealth, based on vast lands and the
institution of primogeniture, were confined to a few of the greatest nobles
of the land, however. The vast horde of the segundones and others of the
lesser nobility found service as before at court, or in the train of some great
noble, in the army, and in the church. The nobles retained most of the
privileges they had previously enjoyed, but except in Aragon proper lost
much of the political jurisdiction they had formerly exercised over their
own lands. The sentiment in favor of the royal authority was now so strong
that any limitation on the power of the sovereign was viewed with
disapproval. The jurisdiction which the lords retained was limited by many
royal rights of intervention, such as the superior authority of the king’s law,
or the royal institution of the pesquisa. Some remnants of the lords’ former
political and social power over their vassals existed, but in general the
relation was the purely civil one of landlord and tenant. In Aragon, despite
attempts to effect reforms, the lords still possessed seigniorial authority,
accompanied by the irksome incidents of serfdom; required personal
services of their vassals; collected tributes of a medieval character;
exercised a paternal authority (such as that of permitting or refusing their
vassals a right to marry); and had the power of life and death.

Hierarchy of the nobility.

Social vanity.

Survivals of medievalism among the nobles.

The hierarchy of the nobility was definitely established in this period. At

the top, representing the medieval ricoshombres, were the grandees
(Grandes) and the “titles” (Títulos). The principal difference between the
two was that the former were privileged to remain covered in the presence
of the king and to be called “cousins” of the monarch, while those of the
second grade might only be called “relatives,”—empty honors, which were
much esteemed, however, as symbolic of rank. These groups monopolized
all titles such as marquis, duke, count, and prince. Below them were the
caballeros and the hidalgos. The word hidalgos was employed to designate
those nobles of inferior rank without fortune, lands, jurisdiction, or high
public office. The desire for the noble rank of hidalgo and the vanity
marked by the devising of family shields became a national disease, and
resulted in fact in the increase of the hidalgo class. The people of
Guipúzcoa claimed that they were all hidalgos, and received the royal
recognition of their pretension. Measures were taken to check this
dangerous exemplification of social pride, but on the other hand the
treasury found the sale of rights of hidalguía a profitable source of income.
In 1541 there were less than 800,000 taxpayers in Castile, but over 100,000
hidalgos. The nobles did not at once forget their medieval practices of
duelling, private war, plotting, and violence. There were instances of these
throughout the era, and in Aragon and Majorca they were almost
continuous. Nevertheless, the situation did not become so serious as it had
been in the past; it merely represented the deeply rooted force of noble
tradition, which objected to any submission to discipline. Both the
hierarchy of the nobility, with all its incidents of broad estates, jurisdictions,
class pride, and vanity, and the irresponsible practices of the nobles passed
over into the Americas.

Advance of the plebeian classes through the rise of the merchants and the letrados.

While there were many different categories of free Christian society the
essential grades were those of nobles (or members of the clergy) and
plebeians. There were many rich merchants of the middle class who aped
the nobility in entailing their estates and in luxurious display, and there
were learned men who received distinguished honors or exemptions from
duties to the state, but in social prestige they could not compare with the
lowest hidalgo. Many of them became noble by royal favor, and especially
was this way open to the learned class of the letrados. These men provided
lawyers and administrative officers for the state, and, as such, occupied
positions which put them on a level, at least in authority, with the nobles.
The advance of the merchants and the letrados represented a gain for the
plebeian class as a whole, for any free Christian might get to be one or the
other and even become ennobled. The economic decline of Spain in the
seventeenth century was a severe blow to the merchants, while the letrados
were unpopular with nobles and plebeians alike; nevertheless, thoughtful
men agreed that the regeneration of the country must come from these two
elements.

Improvement in the legal condition of the masses.

The masses were poor, as always, but their legal condition, except in
Aragon, had been improved. There were many social wars in Aragon
throughout the period, but the serfs, unable to act together, could not
overcome their oppressors. Something was done by the kings through the
incorporation into the crown of seigniorial estates where abuses were most
pronounced. The same state of chronic warfare existed in Catalonia, where
the rural population, though now freed from serfdom, was still subject to
certain seigniorial rights. By the end of the period the victory of the
plebeians was clear, and the ties which bound them to the lords were
loosened. The social aspects of the civil wars in Castile, Valencia, and
Majorca at the outset of the reign of Charles I have already been referred to.
These revolts failed, and there were no similar great uprisings of the
Christian masses in these regions, but the tendency of the nobility to go to
court and the expulsion of the Moriscos were to operate to break down the
survivals of seigniorial authority.

Slavery.

The gypsies.

Although objections were raised to the enslavement of the Indians in the

Americas, the institution of slavery itself was generally recognized; even
charitable and religious establishments possessed slaves. Moslem prisoners
and negroes (acquired through war or purchase), together with their
children, made up the bulk of this class, although there were some slaves of
white race. Conversion to Christianity did not procure emancipation, but the
slaves were allowed to earn something for themselves with which to
purchase their freedom. Certain restrictions—such, for example, as the
prohibition against their living in quarters inhabited by newly converted
Christians, or against their entering the guilds—were placed upon them
once they had become free. Only a little higher in status than the slaves
were the Egipcianos, or gypsies. About the middle of the fifteenth century
they had entered Spain for the first time by way of Catalonia, and,
thenceforth, groups of them wandered about the peninsula, stealing and
telling fortunes for a living, and having a government of their own. A law
of 1499 required them to settle down in towns and ply honest trades on pain
of expulsion from Spain or of enslavement, but the gypsies neither left
Spain nor abandoned their nomadic ways, and they were a continual
problem to the kings of the House of Austria. Various royal orders provided
that they must take up an occupation, although their choice was virtually
limited by law to the cultivation of the soil; they were not to live in the
smaller villages, were forbidden to use their native language, dress, or
names, or to employ their customs in marriage and other matters, and were
prohibited from dwelling in a separate quarter of their own. Fear lest the
Christian population become contaminated by gypsy superstitions and a
regard for public security were the guiding motives for this legislation.
Severe penalties were attached, but the evil was not eradicated; similar laws
had to be enacted as late as the eighteenth century.

Forced conversion of the Mudéjares of the kingdom of Aragon.

After the time of the Catholic Kings there were no free Mudéjares in
Castile, although there were many Moriscos, but in Aragon, Catalonia, and
especially in Valencia the Mudéjares were numerous. Many elements,
including the majority of the clergy (the officers of the Inquisition in
particular), the king, and the Christian masses were in favor of their forcible
conversion with a view to the establishment of religious unity in the
country, although other reasons were alleged as well. The nobles were
warmly opposed, mainly on economic grounds because the Mudéjares
formed the principal element among their agricultural workers. Many of the
higher clergy joined with them for the same reason, although some of them
voiced their objections on the ground that compulsory baptism would only
result in apostasy. During the social war in Valencia early in the reign of
Charles I the popular faction had forcibly converted a number of the
Mudéjares who had fought against them on the side of the lords. The
question arose whether these baptisms were valid. Charles decided that they
were, and ordered the children of the Mudéjares, who had thus unwillingly
become Moriscos, to be baptized also. This provoked a storm of protest on
the part of the lords, for the continuance of such a policy might result in
emigrations or uprisings, much to their detriment. They cited the royal oath
of Ferdinand and of Charles himself to the Cortes of Aragon not to compel
the Mudéjares to abjure their faith, but this difficulty was easily overcome.
The pope was persuaded to absolve Charles from his oath, and gave his
consent to the forcible conversion of the free Mudéjares, on pain of
perpetual enslavement or expulsion from Spain. In 1525 Charles published
a decree in accordance with the terms of the papal license. The objections
of the nobles and the Cortes were overruled, and several isolated rebellions
were put down. While many Mudéjares went to Africa, thousands accepted
conversion, and, although it was clear that they did not do so of their own
free will, were at once made subject to the usual rules applying to converts,
including the jurisdiction of the Inquisition. Soon afterward, however,
Charles consented to exempt them from religious persecution for a number
of years.

Failure of the attempts to Christianize the Moriscos.

The problem of religious unity was now officially solved; all Spain
legally had become Christian. The Moriscos were the subject of grave
suspicions, however, as regards their orthodoxy, and with reason, since
most of them continued to be Mohammedans in fact. The harsh legislation
of other days was resurrected, and was applied with even greater severity.
Prohibitions extended to the use of anything reminiscent of their former
religion or customs, such as amulets, the Arabic language, Arabic names,
their special form of dress, their characteristic songs and dances, and their
habit of taking baths. The laws applying to Granada were particularly harsh,
provoking the already mentioned war of 1568-1571. After the suppression
of that rebellion and the deportation of the Granadine Moriscos to other
parts of Castile, steps were taken to prevent their return and to keep them
under surveillance. The Moriscos were not allowed to dwell together in a
district of their own; they might not stay out overnight, or change their
residence without permission; and their children were ordered to be brought
up in the homes of Christians of long standing, or at any rate to be sent to
Christian schools. Prohibitions against carrying arms and other measures
designed to prevent the Moriscos from endangering the peace were general
throughout Spain. Gradually the idea arose that the best thing to do would
be to get rid of the Moriscos in some way. In the first place the attempt to
convert them had been a failure. The Moriscos were not altogether to
blame, for no adequate steps had been taken to instruct them in the
Christian religion. Orders to do so had been issued, but for many reasons
they were difficult to execute. Such a task would have been enormously
expensive, and the funds were not at hand; few Christian priests were
competent to serve as instructors, since not many of them knew Arabic;
there existed the serious obstacle of the hatred of the Moriscos for the
Christian religion, due to the bad treatment they had received and their fear
of the Inquisition; and the nobles threw the weight of their influence against
molesting the Moriscos in this way as in others. In the second place, the
very hatred of the Christian masses for the Moriscos had rendered their
conversion difficult. Some of the charges made against them would seem to
indicate that prejudice was the real foundation of this animosity. It was said
that the Moriscos ate so little meat and drank so little wine that Christians
had to pay nearly all of the alcabala, or the tax on their sale; they were
denounced because they monopolized the industrial arts and trades, to the
disadvantage of Christians; complaints were made that they always married,
never becoming monks, wherefore their numbers increased more rapidly
than those of the Christian population. Thus their frugality, industry, and
domesticity were made the subject of accusations. Naturally there were
more serious grounds of complaint than these, such as the inevitable private
conflicts of old Christians and Moriscos, but differences in race, religion,
and general customs were enough to cause popular hatred in that day, when
intolerance was the rule. In the third place, it must be said in measurable
justification of Spanish policy that the Moriscos did represent a danger to
the state. They were numerous, and, naturally enough, hostile to the
government; time and again they were proved to have fostered or taken part
in uprisings and to have worked in conjunction with Moslem pirates;
finally, the likelihood of a fresh Moslem descent from Africa, assisted by
Spanish Moriscos, was not to be disregarded.
 Expulsion of the Moriscos.

The failure of the attempts to convert the Moriscos had long been
recognized, and the question arose what to do with them. Some men
proposed a general massacre, or sending them to sea and scuttling the ships.
Others suggested that they be sent to the Americas to work in the mines,—a
solution which might have had interesting consequences. From about 1582,
however, the idea of expelling them from Spain became more and more
general, and was favored by men of the highest character,—for example, by
Juan de Ribera, archbishop of Valencia (canonized in the eighteenth
century). The expulsion was virtually decided upon as early as 1602, but the
decrees were postponed for several years. In September, 1609, the
expulsion from Valencia was ordered. All Moriscos except certain specified
groups were required to be at various designated ports within three days;
they were allowed to carry such movable property as they could, while the
rest of their possessions was to go to their lords,—a sop to the nobles, for
whom the expulsion meant great economic loss; they were informed that
they would be taken to Africa free of charge, but were told to carry as much
food as they could. Six per cent of the Morisco men and their families were
excepted by the decree, so that they might instruct the laborers who should
take the place of the expelled Moriscos. Various other groups, such as
slaves, small children (under certain specified conditions), and those whose
conversion was regarded as unquestionably sincere, were also exempted.
The Moriscos were unwilling to avail themselves of the exceptions in their
favor, and a general exodus began. The decree was cruelly executed, despite
the government’s attempt to prevent it. Murder, robbery, and outrages
against women went unpunished; even the soldiers sent to protect the
Moriscos were guilty of these abuses. Many Moriscos were sold into
slavery, especially children, who were taken from their parents. When news
came that the peoples of northern Africa had given a harsh reception to the
first of the Moriscos to disembark there, many preferred to take the chances
of revolt rather than submit to expulsion, but these uprisings were easily put
down. Decrees for the other parts of Spain soon followed; the decree for
Castile proper, Extremadura, and La Mancha came in the same year, 1609;
for Granada, Andalusia, and Aragon in 1610; and for Catalonia and Murcia
in 1611, although the execution of the decree for Murcia was postponed
until 1614. The terms of all, while varying in details, resembled that of
Valencia. More time was given, usually a month; the permission to carry
away personalty was accompanied by a prohibition against the taking of
money or precious metals; and in some cases all children under seven were
required to remain in Spain when their parents elected to go to Africa. On
this account many Moriscos made the voyage to Africa by way of France,
on the pretence that they were going to the latter country, thus retaining
their children.

Failure of the expulsions to stamp out the Morisco and Jewish elements in Spanish blood.

Various estimates have been made as to the number of the expelled

Moriscos. It is probable that some half a million were obliged to emigrate.
Many remained in Spain, forming outlaw bands in the mountains, or hiding
under the protection of their lords, while thousands had long since merged
with the Christian population. Almost from the start a current of re-
immigration set in, for, after all, the Moriscos had in many respects become
Spaniards, and they found that conditions in the lands to which they had
gone were far from agreeable. Throughout the seventeenth century laws
were enacted against returning Moriscos, but were of such little effect that
the government virtually admitted its powerlessness in the matter. Southern
Spain and the east coast below Catalonia remained strongly Moslem in
blood, and the other provinces of the peninsula were not a little affected as
well, but as regards religion the Morisco element was gradually merged,
and this matter never became a serious problem again. Similar questions
arose over returning Jews, who came back to Spain for much the same
reasons the Moriscos did. They were not nearly so numerous, however,
wherefore their return did not represent such a political danger as did that of
the Moriscos.

Influence of Roman principles on the institutions of the family and private property.

The legal status of the family underwent no striking change in this

period, except that the victory of Roman principles was more and more
confirmed. The decisions of the Council of Trent (1545-1563), a famous
general council of the Catholic Church, prohibited divorce, clandestine
marriage, and in general any kind of marital union not made according to
the solemnities and forms of the church, and these principles became law in
Spain, but they represented tendencies which had long before appeared in
the Partidas and the Leyes de Toro. Unions lacking the sanction of the law
did not disappear; rather they were one of the prominent features of the
immorality of the times. It was in its economic aspects that the family
experienced its most marked change, and this was due to the exceptional
favor with which the institution of primogeniture had come to be viewed,
keeping pace with the vanity and the furor for ennoblement of the age. The
very extension of the practice was its saving grace, for not only the great
nobles but also persons of lesser note, including plebeians with not too vast
estates, were wont to leave their properties to the eldest son; thus
accumulation in the hands of a very few was avoided. For the same reason
the crown often favored the custom for the smaller holdings, but restricted it
in the case of the latifundia,—for example, in the prohibition issued against
the combining of two such great estates. The individualism and capitalism
of the Roman law was most marked of all in matters of property. One
interesting attempt was made to get around the laws against usury through
the purchase of annuities, the censo consignativo. Popular opinion,
reinforced by the ideas of the moralists and jurisconsults and even by a bull
of the pope, opposed the practice, and it did not survive. Despite the
supremacy of the Roman ideas there were many writings of a socialistic
character citing the collectivism of the Peruvian Incas or other such states
of society as desirable of adoption in Spain. The philosopher Luis Vives, for
example, favored a redistribution of natural resources and their equal
enjoyment by all.

Evolution of the guilds.

While the law frowned upon the spirit of association, even prohibiting
the founding of new cofradías, the guilds enjoyed their greatest era of
prosperity. This was due in part to the intervention of the state, which
supplanted the municipalities in control of the institution. State regulation,
even in technical matters, went further than it had in the fifteenth century.
Despite government interest, as evidenced by the according of numerous
privileges, the germs of the decline of the guilds were already apparent at
the close of the seventeenth century. The exclusive spirit of the guilds
whereby they endeavored to keep trade in the hands of their own members
and their families, without admitting others who were competent to belong,
was one cause of this decline, while their loss of liberty (due to government
intervention) and the strife within and without the guild were contributing
factors. One novelty of the era was the growing distinction between the
manual arts and the liberal professions, the latter of which rose to a higher
consideration. Thus lawyers, notaries, and doctors were rated above those
engaged in manual labors, while there was also a recognized hierarchy
among the last-named, from the workers in gold, silver, jewelry, and rich
cloths down to the drivers of mules. The great association of the Mesta still
enjoyed wide powers, as did also that of the carriers.

Low moral tone of the era.

In laxness of morals and in luxury this period was much like the two
preceding. It seems worse, but this may be due to the greater variety of
materials at hand for study, such as books of travel, novels, plays, satires,
letters, laws, and the frequently appearing “relations of events,” which in
that day took the place occupied by the modern newspaper. A Spanish
writer has characterized the practices of the time in the following language:
“The ideal of an exaggerated sense of honor, chivalric quixotism, religious
fanaticism, and the exalted predominance of form over the essence of things
ruled Spanish society of the seventeenth century, absolutely and
tyrannically. Duels and stabbings at every moment to sustain the least
question of etiquette or courtesy; scandalous conflicts of jurisdiction
between the highest tribunals of state; absurd and ridiculous projects to
make silver without silver, fomented by the leading ministers; extremely
costly and showy feasts to solemnize ordinary events, while cities, islands,
provinces, and even kingdoms were being lost through bad government and
worse administration; frequent and pompous public processions; blind
belief in the miraculous virtue of some medal, stamp, or old rag of Mother
Luisa or some other impostor; politico-religious sermons within and
without the royal palace; the most abominable and nefarious sins scattered
to an almost unbelievable extent among all classes of Madrid society; the
vice of gambling converted into a profession by many persons; and, in fine,
the censure of our court, by those who formed part of it and by those who
did not, for its astonishing abundance and its depraved life of strumpets and
wenches.... It is true that there were men of high degree who preferred the
coarse sackcloth of the religious to the rich clothing of brocade and gold,
and military leaders who exchanged the sword for the monkish girdle, but
these were exceptions, which by the very fewness of their numbers stand
out the more strongly from the general stock of that society, so accustomed
to laziness, hypocrisy, routine, and external practices as it was, removed
from the true paths of virtue, wisdom, and progress.” If to these
characteristics there are added those of the misery and ignorance of the
common people, and if an exception is made of the men devoted to
intellectual pursuits, the above is fairly representative of Spanish society in
this period. Loose practices were prevalent in excessive degree at Madrid,
which had become the capital in the time of Philip II. While such a state of
affairs is not unusual in all great capitals, immorality infected all classes of
society in Madrid, and little if any stigma attached in the matter. Philip IV
had thirty-two illegitimate children, and Charles I and even the somewhat
sombre Philip II were not without reproach. Much that is unspeakable was
prevalent, and gambling was generally indulged in. Lack of discipline also
manifested itself in frequent duelling, despite prohibitive laws, and in the
turbulence of the people on different occasions; university students were
somewhat notorious in this respect, indulging in riots which were not free
from incidents of an unsavory character. Other cities were little better than
Madrid, and those of the south and east, where Moslem blood had been
most plentiful, especially Seville and Valencia, had a yet worse reputation;
Valencia had even a European notoriety for its licentious customs. These
practices passed over into the Americas in an exaggerated form. The
Andalusian blood of the conquerors and their adventurous life amidst
subject races were not conducive to self-restraint. These evils were not to be
without effect in the moulding of the Spanish American peoples. In the
smaller Spanish towns and villages there was probably less vice, but there
was more ignorance and greater lack of public security. Bands of robbers
infested the country.

Royal extravagance.

In luxury as in immorality the example was set by the kings themselves.

Some of its manifestations were meritorious (except that expenditures were
out of proportion to the resources and needs of the state), especially the
encouragement of art through the purchase of paintings and the construction
of palaces. But if Charles I and Philip II were lavish, Philip III and Philip
IV were extravagant. Both of these kings, in addition to their fondness for
the theatre, bull-fighting, dancing, and hunting, were responsible for the
most ostentatious display on occasions of court celebrations. When Philip
III went to San Sebastián in 1615 to attend the double wedding which was
to bind together the houses of Austria and Bourbon, he was accompanied by
a train of 74 carriages, 174 litters, 190 state coaches, 2750 saddle mules,
374 beasts of burden (of which 128 had coverings embroidered with the
royal coat of arms), 1750 mules with silver bells, and 6500 persons, besides
an escort of 4000 Guipuzcoans. Equal pomp and extravagance marked the
reception to the Archduchess María Ana of Austria when she came to Spain
as the fiancée of Philip IV; similarly, the entertainment accorded the Prince
of Wales (the later Charles I of England) and the Duke of Buckingham
when they visited Spain early in the reign of Philip IV; and likewise the
various masquerades during the period of Olivares, one of which is said to
have cost over 300,000 ducats (nearly $5,000,000). It would seem that war
was not alone responsible for the drains on the Spanish treasury. There was
a decline in expenditures in the reign of Charles II, due principally to the
fact that there was little left to spend.

Luxury in general.

Dress.

Private individuals could not equal the kings in extravagance, but they
did the best they could. Houses often lacked comforts in the way of
furniture, but made a brave showing in tapestries and paintings. Naturally,
great attention was paid to dress. Under Charles I, just as in art, so also in
dress, clothing was in a stage which may be called the transition from the
“plateresque” to the “Spanish Renaissance.” For example, influenced by
German and Swiss fashions, men wore puffs on their forearm or between
the waist and hips, variegated oblong pieces in their jackets, bright colors
generally, and a tall conical hat. In keeping with the greater sobriety of
Philip II, styles became “Herreran” in that the puffs were abandoned,
obscure colors replaced gay, and a cap superseded its more pretentious
predecessor. Philip III inaugurated the “baroque” in dress with a return to
the styles of Charles I, but in an exaggerated form.

Sports and amusements.

General social customs.

 Men were much given to sports and outings. The duel as a sport passed
out at the beginning of the era, and jousts and tourneys lost their vogue by
the end of the sixteenth century, but a host of new games took their place,
such as equestrian contests of skill in the use of reed spears, lances, or
pikes, but, more than all, the game which has ever since gripped Spanish
interest, the bull-fight. Dances, parties, excursions, picnics, and
masquerades were also in high favor. Dancing on the stage had a tendency
to be indecent,—so much so, that it had to be prohibited. Tobacco was
introduced from America at this time. Bathing was unpopular, partly
because of the stigma attaching to that hygienic practice as a result of
Moslem indulgence therein, but it was also the subject of attacks by writers
on ethics, who complained of the immoral uses to which bath-houses were
put. Public celebrations of feast days and carnivals were characterized by
exhibitions of rough horse-play which were far removed from modern
refinement. People considered it amusing to empty tiny baskets of ashes on
one another, to trip up passers-by with a rope across the street, to put a
lighted rag or a piece of punk in a horse’s ear, to pin an animal’s tail or
some other unseemly object on a woman’s dress, to loose harmless snakes
or rats in a crowd, to drop filthy waters on passers-by in the streets below,
and to hurl egg-shells full of odorous essences at one another, varying the
last-named missile with what the present-day American school-boy knows
as the “spitball.” These were not the acts of children, but of ladies and
gentlemen! Nevertheless, there was a beginning of refinement in table
manners. Napkins were introduced, first as an unnecessary luxury, and later
more generally,—replacing the use of the table cloth! It also became a
polite custom to wash one’s hands before eating. The same progress is to be
noted in another respect; Charles I indulged in the somewhat “plateresque”
custom of kissing all ladies who were presented to him at court; Philip II in
true “Herreran” style gave it up.

Bad care of cities.

Cities were badly cared for. Barcelona, Madrid, and Seville were alone
in being paved. Uncleanly human practices, despite efforts to check them,
led to the accumulation of filth and odors in the streets, and this condition
was not remedied, although there were officials charged with the duty of
street-cleaning. No city had a lighting system worthy of the name; in
Madrid the only street lights were the faintly glimmering candles or lamps
which were placed before sacred images. All Europe exhibited the same
social defects as those which have just been detailed, but Spain seemed
reduced more than other countries to a state of poverty and misery,
displaying every manifestation of mortal decay.
 CHAPTER XXVI

POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS, 1516-1700

The establishment of absolutism.

TWO outstanding features marked the history of Spanish political

institutions in the era of the House of Hapsburg, or Austria: the absolutism
of the kings; and the development of a modern bureaucratic machinery. The
Hapsburgs did not introduce absolutism into Spain, but, rather, succeeded to
a system which the efforts of their predecessors, especially the Catholic
Kings, had made possible. Nevertheless, it was in this period that the kings,
aided by greater resources than former Spanish monarchs had possessed, by
the prestige of ruling the most extensive and powerful dominions in the
world, and by the predominantly royalist ideas of the age, including the
theory of divine right, were able for the first time to direct the affairs of
state much as they chose. To be sure, they were still supposed to respect the
laws and to rule for the good of their subjects, but in practice it was left to
them to interpret their own conduct. Instances have already been given of
Charles I’s infringements of the law,—for example, in his employment of
Flemish favorites. He also introduced a system of personal rule, making
himself the head and centre of all governmental action. It was Philip II,
however, who carried the ideal of personal rule to the greatest extreme.
Suspicion and direct intervention in state affairs were the basic principles of
his government, wherefore he gave no man his full confidence, but tried to
do as much as he could himself. If the methods of Philip II, the most
bureaucratic king in history, often had unfortunate results,—for example, in
the case of preparing the famous Armada,—those of his successors were far
more disastrous. Under Philip III and Philip IV the royal authority was
granted to favorites, while the power of Charles II had necessarily to be
exercised most of the time by some other than the feeble-minded king
himself. Thus these reigns were a period of continual intriguing by different
factions for the king’s confidence, in order that the victors might rule Spain
for their own enrichment.

Tendencies toward centralization.

 At first sight it would seem that the kings were not successful in their
policy of centralization. It was hardly to be expected that the dominions
outside the peninsula could be brought under the same system of law and
custom as governed in Castile, and the case was much the same as regards
Portugal when that kingdom was added to the monarchy. With respect to the
rest of the peninsula, however, Olivares expressed what was at least a
desirable ideal, when he wished to bring about an amalgamation on the
Castilian pattern, both in law and in common sentiment, of the dominions
of the crown. Some changes were in fact made which tended to promote
legal unification, but in essentials the ancient customs of Navarre, Aragon,
Catalonia, Valencia, and the Basque provinces were left undisturbed. It is
possible that the merger might have been attempted with safety at almost
any time before 1640, when Olivares tried it,—quite probably so in the
sixteenth century. That it was not undertaken may have been due to the
attention given to foreign wars, but in any event the autonomy of the non-
Castilian kingdoms of the monarchy was more apparent than real. The
nobility and many of the people were intensely royalist, and even when they
were not so in principle they supported the kings because, like them, they
were profoundly Catholic. Furthermore, the organization representing the
old régime had declined internally to such an extent that it was a mere
shadow of its former self. Centralization had in fact been going on without
process of law, and for that very reason it was easy in the next period to
make it legally effective.

Submissiveness of the Castilian Cortes.

Comparative independence of the other Cortes.

Nowhere was the absolutism of the kings more manifest than in their
dealings with the Castilian Cortes. The principal functions of this body had
always been to grant or withhold subsidies and to make petitions, which the
kings might, or might not, enact into law. In this period the deputies were so
submissive that they never failed to grant the required subsidy, despite the
exhaustion of the country, while their petitions received scant attention.
Under the circumstances, since the grant of a subsidy by the representatives
of the towns was now the only reason for calling a Cortes, the nobles and
the clergy were not always summoned. Charles I encountered some
resistance of the Cortes in the early part of his reign, but in later years the
kings experienced no serious difficulty. The deputies themselves lost
interest, and not infrequently sold their privilege of attendance to some
individual who might even be a non-resident of the town he was to
represent. The kings procured the right to appoint many of the deputies, or
else issued orders to the towns, directing them how to instruct their
delegates, and also gave pensions to the deputies, thus insuring the
expression of their own will in the meetings of the Cortes. It is not strange
that the Cortes was called frequently,—forty-four times down to 1665. In
1665 the function of granting subsidies was given directly to the towns,—
with the result that no Cortes was held in the entire reign of Charles II. The
various other Cortes of the peninsula were more fortunate than that of
Castile. Those of the kingdom of Aragon (Aragon proper, Catalonia, and
Valencia) had always participated more than that of Castile in legislation,
and had been more prone to voice their grievances. The calling of a Cortes
in these regions involved difficulties, especially in Valencia, where the king
was obliged to be present, in order to constitute a legal meeting. The need
for funds was such, however, that a number of Cortes were summoned,—
seventeen in Aragon, thirteen in Catalonia, fourteen in Valencia, and
seventy-three in Navarre,—but the kings did not obtain a great deal from
them. Often the delegates refused to make a grant, or else gave so little that
it hardly covered the expenses of the king’s journey to the place of meeting.
No effort was made to join these bodies with that of Castile to form a
national Cortes; the force of particularism was as yet too strong to attempt
it.

Subservience of the towns to the royal will.

Just as in the case of the Castilian Cortes, so also in that of the towns,
the absolutism of the kings made itself felt to a marked degree, for the way
had been prepared in previous reigns, and in this instance the royal
authority was equally as noteworthy in Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, and
Majorca as in Castile. This was brought about principally through the
decline of the towns in political spirit, a movement which had been going
on since the fourteenth century. As a result the ayuntamientos had usurped
the powers which formerly belonged to the general assembly of citizens,
and now their functions became absorbed more and more by the kings
through their officials in the towns, such as the corregidores and others. So
great was the authority of the kings that they were able to make a profit for
the treasury by the sale in perpetuity of local offices, and when the evils
which resulted became too pronounced they gave orders abolishing all such
positions acquired before 1630. Furthermore, all local legislation of an
important character had to receive the sanction of the Consejo Real. Much
the same local officials as in the past administered the affairs of the
municipalities, and the methods of their acquisition of office continued to
be diverse, being in some towns by election, in others by lot, in still others
by inheritance, and in yet others by royal appointment; but in all of the large
royal towns (realengos) the king’s authority was paramount. In fine, local
autonomy was virtually dead, although the forms of the period when the
towns were a virile political factor still persisted. In two classes of
municipalities the royal victory was not complete. One was that of the small
villages, where the system of the medieval villa, or concejo, obtained, but
since these units were of small consequence the retention of their earlier
liberties had little or no effect on the general situation. The other was that of
the seigniorial towns, most of them in Aragon, Catalonia, and Navarre,
where the struggles of past eras, of the citizens against the lords, were
repeated in this.

Importance of the bureaucracy.

With the advance both in royal authority and in the scope and extension
of government it was inevitable that the new bureaucracy, which had made
its appearance in the modern sense under the Catholic Kings, should
increase in the number of its officials and in power until it absorbed a great
part of the functions which the kings themselves had formerly exercised in
person. Aside from the royal secretaries, the governor-generals (during the
absence of the king), regents, and members of the various administrative
groups there were often individuals without portfolios who exercised great
power as private counselors of the king. Some of the members of the
Consejo Real were also prominent in this extra-official way. The
importance of the royal secretaries, of whom there were always more than
one, was notably great in this period. Whenever one of them became the
favorite, the others were nevertheless retained, grouping themselves around
the one who had the ear of the king. The office of the latter became a
universal bureau and secretariat of state (Secretaría de Estado y del
Despacho Universal), presiding over the others.
 Power of the Consejo Real.

Meanwhile, the Consejo Real advanced in power, and new councils were
added. The most notable reform in the Consejo Real was its division in
1608 into four sections, or salas, respectively of government (Gobierno),
justice (Justicia), “fifteen hundred” (Mil y quinientos), and the provinces
(Provincia). The last three had to do with affairs of justice, while the Sala
de Gobierno, the most important of the four, was supposed to concern itself
mainly with politics and administration. Nevertheless, the variety of
functions which had always characterized the Consejo as a whole applied in
like manner to each of the salas. Thus the Sala de Gobierno handled such
widely divergent matters as the extirpation of vice and sin, the economic
development of the country, the decision in cases of conflict of laws or
jurisdictions, cases of recourse of fuerza, the cleaning and improvement of
Madrid, questions of peace and war, together with a great number of others.
Moreover, many of its functions were judicial in character. Important
affairs, especially those on which the king requested advice, were taken up
by the Consejo in full (en pleno),—that is, by a joint meeting of the four
salas. While the Consejo had been in origin a purely consultive body, it
now acquired the privilege of making suggestions to the king of its own
volition and of indicating its objections to any measures he might have
taken. It was natural that the decisions, or autos, of the Consejo should have
great weight, both as affecting matters of justice, and as concerned
government and administration in general, since the Consejo might make
new laws and annul or dispense with old ones, although of course
consulting with the king before publishing its decision. The autos of the
Consejo became, therefore, an important source of legislation, and in 1552
it was decided that they should have the same force as the laws of the king
himself. Late in the sixteenth century it became customary to call the
Consejo the Consejo de Castilla (Council of Castile), by which name,
henceforth, it was more generally known.

Importance of the Cámara.

In like manner other councils were formed (in addition to those dating
from the era of the Catholic Kings) which relieved the monarch of many of
his responsibilities. The most important was the Consejo de la Real Cámara
(Council of the Royal Chamber), more often called the Cámara de Castilla,
or simply the Cámara. This was founded by Philip II in 1588 to assist him
in handling such matters as the kings had always retained for themselves,
apart from the Consejo Real, such as questions arising in connection with
the patronato real, or royal patronage, of the church and appointments
generally to the various councils, audiencias, and other important posts in
Castilian administration. Men of the highest character were chosen to
compose the Cámara, and secrecy as to their discussions was imposed upon
them. In 1616 the Cámara advanced a step further, in that certain affairs—
such as pardons for crime, authorizations for entailing estates in
primogeniture, the naturalization of foreigners, and the removal of civil and
political disabilities from individuals subject to them—were left for it to
resolve without consulting the king. The king still intervened in the more
important matters. Among the new councils of the era were those of finance
(Hacienda), war (Guerra), and indulgences (Cruzada), all of Castilian
origin.

Expansion of the royal judiciary.

The expansion of officialdom in the peninsula made its presence felt in

the judiciary as elsewhere. The three judicial salas of the Consejo Real and
in some cases the Sala de Gobierno as well became the fountain-head of
justice, under the king. This was especially true of the full Consejo, which
met weekly. This body also named special judges, such as visitadores, both
to procure information for the Consejo and to inspect the tribunals of lower
grade. The number of audiencias was increased until there were five in the
peninsula and one each in Majorca and the Canary Islands, besides a
number in the Americas.[55] Below these was the hierarchy of the lesser
officials. There were still various outstanding jurisdictions, such as those of
the towns, the military orders, the Inquisition, and the church, but one of the
keynotes of the era was the advance of the royal courts at the expense of the
others. The administration of justice left much to be desired, however. As a
result of the wars and civil conflicts and the general state of misery and lack
of discipline, public security was almost non-existent. Banditry and crime
went unsuppressed, and legislation served for little in the face of the
corruption of officials and the lack of means to make the laws effective.

Vastness of the royal expenditures.

 Frequent references have already been made to the desperate state of
Spanish finances in the era of the House of Austria and to its importance as
an ultimate factor affecting Spanish dominion in the Americas. Vast sums
were expended for political and military ends, the only compensations for
which were extensions of territory and power and a satisfaction of the
desire for glory, without reflecting themselves in an increase of public
wealth, the well-being of Spaniards, or even in commercial advantage; on
the contrary, economic development was checked or hindered by the
continual wars in which the kings engaged. Expenditures very greatly
increased over what they had been before. It will be sufficient to explain
this if some comment is made on two noteworthy objects to which state
revenues were devoted: the maintenance of the court; and the cost of the
wars. The ordinary expenses of the royal family jumped under Charles I to
about 150,000 ducats ($2,250,000) a year,—more than ten times the amount
required by the Catholic Kings. To this should be added the vast sums
granted to the princes; in 1550 Philip (the later Philip II) received 55,000
ducats (over $800,000) in the course of four months. The expenditures of
the court constantly increased. In 1562 the ordinary court expenses
amounted to 415,000 ducats (well over $6,000,000), and under Philip III
they were 1,300,000 (nearly $20,000,000) annually. In addition there were
the fiestas (festivities) and royal marriages, on which tremendous sums
were squandered. As for military expenditures the war in Flanders alone
consumed 37,488,565 ducats (nearly $600,000,000) in the space of eleven
years, 1598 to 1609, and other campaigns were costly in proportion,—and
this in spite of the fact that supplies were often not provided and salaries
were left unpaid, leading to tumults on the part of the soldiery. To gain an
adequate idea of the vastness of these sums one must bear in mind, not only
the greater purchasing power of money in that day and the comparatively
small population of the peninsula, especially the small number of taxpayers,
but also the fact that the resources of the Spanish state then were as little, as
compared with those of the present day, as they were great in comparison
with those of medieval Spain.

Tremendous increase in taxation in Castile.

It is no wonder that the people through their representatives in the Cortes

began to ask for peace and the termination of military adventures, even in
the period when victories were frequent; the nobles also favored an end of
the wars,—when the kings endeavored to get them, too, to grant a subsidy.
One result of the greater financial requirements of the state was an increase
in taxation, both in the collection of the existing taxes at a higher rate, and
in the imposition of new ones. The grants, or servicios, of the Castilian
Cortes were frequent and large in amount. In 1538 there appeared the new
tax of the millones, so-called because it was calculated in millions of
ducats. This was an excise on articles of prime necessity,—meat, wine, oil,
and vinegar. It was extended soon to powder, lead, sulphur, red ochre,
vermilion, sealing-wax, and playing cards, which together were called the
siete rentillas (seven little rents). Salt, gold, silver, mercury, and many other
materials were the subject of a state monopoly, and to them were added in
the reign of Philip IV the monopoly on tobacco, which was to prove an
exceptionally profitable source of revenue. The diezmo and cruzada
(otherwise Bula) continued to be collected from the church, together with
several new rents which were authorized by the pope. One of these was the
subsidio de galeras (subsidy of the galleys), or galeras, so-called because it
was theoretically designed to assist in the expenses of the galleys used in
fighting the Moslem peoples. This was granted in 1561, and consisted of an
annual subsidy of 420,000 ducats (over $6,000,000). The alcabala and the
various customs duties were increased. Stamp taxes were extended to new
types of documents. The nobles were required to pay a tax called lanzas
(lances) in lieu of military service. Various offices and titles were made
subject to the media anata (half annates), a discount of a half year’s salary,
or rents, in the first year of enjoyment. The transmission of a title of
nobility to one’s heir was also taxed. Vanity was seized upon as likely to
yield a revenue, and money was collected in return for the privilege of
using the word “Don” before one’s Christian name. In like manner
illegitimate children were pronounced legitimate on payment of a specified
sum. Other methods were employed to obtain ready cash which tended
ultimately to dry up certain sources of revenue: the coinage was debased;
portions of the government rents were disposed of; public offices and royal
towns were granted in perpetuity; and the title of hidalgo was sold to many
persons, who thereby entered the non-taxpaying class. Other ways of
acquiring funds were made use of, ranging from the high-handed to the
shameless. Under the name of donativos (gifts) the government resorted to
forced loans, or even trickery, to exact money from the nobles and
churchmen; confiscations of goods for offences against religion and for
other delinquencies were frequently ordered; and most disgusting of all was
the limosna al rey (alms for the king), which was collected by gentlemen of
the court, each accompanied by a parish priest and a friar, in a house to
house canvass of the citizens, who were asked to give what they could
spare. If the kings and their favorites thought of the most obvious way to
accumulate funds, economy in expenditures, they at least did not try to put
it into practice; the court fiestas were held, even if the king’s gentlemen had
to beg the money and the nation had to starve.

Taxes in the other kingdoms.

The above refers to taxes collected in Castile, but the other dominions of
Spain, peninsula and otherwise, produced considerable amounts for the
state. Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia yielded much less than Castile. The
Low Countries were profitable for a time; Charles I procured 450,000
ducats a year (nearly $7,000,000) at the outset of his reign. Under Philip II,
however, they were the scene of heavy expenditures. The Americas have
often been considered as the principal financial resort of the Spanish kings,
and although this is not certain and may even be doubtful they did yield
vast sums. Prior to the conquest of Mexico the annual revenues were only
some 70,000 ducats (about $1,000,000), but the conquests of Cortés,
followed soon by those of Pizarro in Peru, resulted in an enormous increase.
Under Philip II they amounted annually to about 1,200,000 ($18,000,000)
according to some writers, and to as much as 2,000,000 ($30,000,000) in
the opinion of others. Castilian taxes were applied in the new world,
together with certain others arising out of the special circumstances of
colonial affairs, such as the royal fifth on precious metals from the mines
and the poll tax collected from the Indians. Data are not at hand for an
accurate estimate of the entire revenues of Spain, but it seems clear that
they increased enormously in the period. They may have reached their
highest point under Philip III, when it was estimated that they were some
24,000,000 ducats ($360,000,000) a year, of which not more than half
reached the Spanish treasury. An estimate made toward the close of the
century gave the revenues as about 17,750,000 ($270,000,000), of which
only a third was actually available.

Growth of the national debt.

 Despite these relatively great sums the national debt was a constant
factor, and advanced greatly in amount under Philip II, who is said to have
left a debt of 100,000,000 ducats ($1,500,000,000). This was reduced in
later reigns, but was still 70,000,000 (well over $1,000,000,000) in 1690,—
a huge sum as national debts went then, even though creditors were
frequently scaled down or not paid at all. One of the important elements in
the debt was that of the loans made by Flemish, German, and Italian
bankers, especially those of Genoa. The frequency with which these loans
were sought and the high rate of interest required have caused Spain to be
characterized, with accuracy, as a mere bridge over which the wealth of the
Americas (and, to be sure, that of the peninsula itself) passed to other
nations as interest and part payment of the nation’s debts. In 1539 this form
of indebtedness amounted to about 1,000,000 ducats ($15,000,000), and in
1560, some 7,000,000 (over $100,000,000). When the Spanish kings were
unable to pay a note that had become due, as much as 33-1/3 per cent might
be charged for its renewal; indeed, the ordinary rate of interest ranged from
15 to 30 per cent. The inability of Philip II to meet his obligations caused
all but the Genoese bankers to refuse him credit, and they joined with the
others when he suspended the payment of interest on their notes. Unable to
get funds in any other way, Philip surrendered to the Genoese, who exacted
as part payment for fresh loans a share in various revenues of the Spanish
state, such as in that of the salt monopoly and in certain of the taxes
collected from the church,—thus belying the original object for which the
latter had been imposed. The Cortes, though it had declined in other
respects, was perhaps the most important organ of public finance. It not
only voted subsidies but also collected them, a function which it had
exercised in previous eras. It had charge of several other taxes as well, such
as the productive alcabala and the millones. For these purposes special
committees of the Cortes were formed. Nevertheless, the Consejo de
Hacienda, founded in 1593, grew rapidly in functions and in power, and by
the close of the seventeenth century is said to have had over 60,000
employes. This vast number was due in part to the variety in the origin and
character of the various tributes. Without taking into consideration the
inevitable accompaniment of graft, such a horde of officials involved the
state in a heavy cost for the collection and administration of the revenues.

The Spanish army in the days of its greatness.

 The principal element in the Spanish army was the volunteer soldiery in
the king’s pay. Foreign mercenaries were obtained for stated lengths of time
or for specific campaigns, but Spaniards enlisted for indefinite service, and
thus became the veterans of the army. Military life was popular during the
sixteenth century and the early part of the seventeenth, and the army
abounded in hidalgos and others of yet higher rank who did not disdain to
serve as privates. Later the number of Spanish recruits grew less, when the
state began to fail in its regularity of payments, and their withdrawal
marked the era when defeats became frequent. Among the noteworthy
changes in tactics was the appearance of the regiment. Firearms had now
come into general use, and cannon were greatly improved, but it was the
pikemen of the Spanish infantry who formed the principal branch of the
army until near the close of the period. Because of the inferiority of their
weapons the troops with firearms were regarded as a mere auxiliary to the
pikemen. Armies were small; 20,000 to 40,000 men was perhaps the usual
rule. Even in the century of Spain’s greatness many lands were left without
garrison, as occurred nearly always in the case of the Americas; one report
of the period of Charles I stated that there was not a port in the colonies
which could resist an attack of three hundred men. The worst evils in
connection with the army were those of bad administration and a lack of
regularity in paying the troops and in remitting funds for munitions and
other supplies. Fraud and graft accounted for a great deal of the money
which the state did apply to the army. These factors contributed to a lack of
military discipline; it was not unusual for ragged and starving soldiers to
beg from door to door, and it is not to be wondered at that the troops
occasionally took the matter of the collection of their wages into their own
hands. It was customary for women of bad repute to accompany the armies,
and it sounds strange today that one of the military manuals of the time
recommended that there should be eight women, who should be common to
all, for every hundred soldiers. Nevertheless, the Spanish infantry, for more
than a century, enjoyed the reputation of being the most capable military
unit in Europe.

Naval warfare.

Despite the frequency of naval warfare and the necessity of maintaining

communications with the Americas, comparatively little attention was paid
to the marine establishment, and properly speaking there was no official
navy in the entire period. The principal method employed to assemble a
fleet was by renting ships, whether from Spaniards or foreigners. In
addition a few were built by the state, or purchased, and in times of stress
merchant vessels were pressed into service, but this proved ruinous to
commerce and ship-building alike. So long as other powers used the same
methods Spain was not greatly handicapped, but with the development of
national navies in England, France, and the Protestant Netherlands, she was
placed at a disadvantage. Nevertheless, considerable fleets were often
assembled. In 1643 a special fleet called the Armada de Barlovento (fleet of
the Barlovento, modern Windward, Islands) was organized at colonial
expense for the defence of the Americas. It was soon withdrawn,—but the
tax remained. The fleet of the Catalonian deputation was maintained for a
while, but disappeared early in the seventeenth century. There were also a
number of private fleets, engaged principally in reprisals against the
Moslems, a kind of piracy. While privateering of this sort was forbidden by
law the kings frequently granted dispensations which enabled the traffic to
be carried on almost continuously. Greater strictness was employed in the
Americas lest the privateers should fail to resist the temptation to pick up
Spanish merchantmen, but the prohibition there was at length removed, and
the Spanish boats rendered great service against pirates and national
enemies. During the sixteenth century Spanish fleets were manned by
volunteer forces, but this was changed in the seventeenth to compulsory
service of the fishermen of the coasts. The heavier work, especially the
rowing of the galleys, was done by captives in war and by criminals, who
served terms in the galleys rather than in prison. During most of the period
the galley, with three banks of oars, was the principal type of vessel. In
ocean warfare, the nao, or light sailing-vessel, soon came into use, and this
was gradually supplanted by heavier ships, until late in the era there
developed the fragata, or frigate, of over two thousand tons, capable of
carrying as many as 120 cannon. While the artillery was the principal arm
of the fleet, Spanish tactics were at fault in depending on getting close to
the enemy and boarding him, making a military action out of the combat
and paying little attention to the use of cannon of long range. The same
evils which have been described in connection with the army—graft,
irregularity of payments, and laxity of discipline—obtained also in the
navy; in the expedition of Charles I against Tunis, room on board was found
for four thousand enamoradas (sweethearts!) of the soldiers and sailors.
 Beginnings of diplomacy.

In common with other European countries Spain developed a diplomatic

service in this period. The sending of special embassies and the making of
treaties had been customary since ancient times, but the practice of
appointing ministers to reside at foreign courts and that of receiving those
sent from abroad did not begin in Spain until the reign of Charles I. The
initiative had come earlier from the Italian republics. From this time
forward Spanish diplomacy, like that of other countries, took on a modern
form, and ambassadors sent reports about the state of the countries to which
they were accredited, strove to obtain advantages for Spain, endeavored to
check the intrigues of the ambassadors of other nations, and made treaties.
The use of spies as an auxiliary to ambassadorial work was general. For a
time Spanish diplomacy enjoyed a high reputation for success, but in the
later seventeenth century it was quite overshadowed by the French.

The Nueva Recopilación and other codes.

The absolutism of the monarchy, its bureaucratic character, and the

instinct of the letrados for reducing everything to rules and regulations
produced an abundance of legislation, much of which was exceedingly
minute in detail and casual in subject-matter. It was natural therefore that
there should be a desire for a fresh codification, and this at length took
shape in a compilation by Bartolomé de Arrieta in 1567 of the Nueva
Recopilación (New Compendium, or Compilation), so-called with reference
to the code of Montalvo, its predecessor, of the period of the Catholic
Kings. The new collection, which was for Castile only, filled nine volumes,
and amounted to little more than an elaboration of the Ordenanzas of
Montalvo, with the addition of laws enacted since 1484. It contained the
same defects, omitting many royal orders or petitions of the Cortes which
had been granted, neglecting to eliminate obsolete laws, and failing to
correct others whose text contained errors. Furthermore, in perpetuating the
hierarchy of legal sources which had been established in the Leyes de Toro
it failed to distinguish between laws in the so-called supplementary codes
(such as the Partidas) which were indeed supplementary or obsolete and
those which had in fact come to be in force as the principal law. As a result
the Nueva Recopilación was generally discredited, and the Roman law of
the Partidas, or even of the code of Justinian, was cited in preference. The
force of government maintained the new code, however, and it ran through
four more editions,—1581, 1592, 1598, and 1640,—and in each case added
legislation since the preceding publication. The zeal for codification found
expression also in Aragon, Catalonia, Vizcaya, and Guipúzcoa, while the
laws with regard to the Americas were gathered together, after various
lesser publications had been made in earlier times, in the Recopilación de
las Leyes de Indias, first issued in 1680. The tendency toward the legal
unity of the peninsula was not systematically striven for by the kings, since
the variety in private law did not greatly affect their political sovereignty.
Nevertheless, something was accomplished along these lines, and within
each separate unit a great deal was effected. Thus, in Castile many of the
former privileges which made for a division into classes and for consequent
differences in the law were done away with, and the same process, though
on a smaller scale, made itself felt in the other kingdoms of the peninsula.

Underlying discontent of the people over the Spanish political system.

The submissiveness of the Spanish peoples under absolute rule has often
been greatly exaggerated. In fact, neither then nor ever since were they loth
to criticise the “mal gobierno” (bad government). Evidences are to be found
on every hand of complaints against the bureaucratic organization which
was absorbing a great part of the national wealth and of dissatisfaction with
the system of government by favorites, the evils of which were only too
apparent. Not a few went so far as to desire a republic. Nevertheless, as a
general rule, people favored the principle of monarchy, and did not object to
the reigning house, but they did desire a reform of the existing régime. The
ideal of limited monarchy found strong support among political thinkers,
due in a measure to the resentment of Catholics over the enforced apostasy
of the subjects of Protestant princes. On this account the Cortes had
numerous defenders, some of whom urged its participation in legislation.
Many treatises also pronounced against such practices as the sale of public
offices or the grant of posts in perpetuity, and against others which have
been described as current in this era. In fine, Spaniards were well aware of
the evils of their political system and, though patient, were keenly desirous
of reform,—despite which, little attention was paid to their wishes.
 CHAPTER XXVII

RELIGION AND THE CHURCH, 1516-1700

Outstanding facts in the religious and ecclesiastical history of the era.

PRIOR to the era of the House of Austria it is possible to deal with the
ecclesiastical institutions in Spain at the same time with other
manifestations of a social, political, economic, or intellectual character, but
the period of Hapsburg rule was so replete with interest on the religious side
and so important in that respect in its ultimate results on the Americas that
this phase of Spanish life in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is
deserving of separate treatment. Two ideas dominated the period: the
struggle for the maintenance of the Catholic faith against the inroads of
Protestantism and other heretical beliefs; and the efforts of the Spanish state
to acquire a virtual political supremacy over the church. Few periods of
history more clearly illustrate the distinction maintained in Catholic
countries between Catholicism as a religious faith and the Catholic Church
as an institution, a difference which people of the United States do not
readily grasp. Thus it was entirely consistent that the kings of Spain should
have been almost the most ardent champions in Europe of Catholic
Christianity, officers of the church not excepted, and also most persistent in
their endeavors to limit the ecclesiastical authority in Spanish domains. The
greatest exponent of the latter policy as well as of the former was Philip II,
one of the most devout monarchs who ever occupied the Spanish throne. In
both of these controversies the kings were successful. Heresy made no
headway in Spain or in the colonies, and the king gained the upper hand in
the management of the Spanish and American church. Meanwhile Spanish
missionaries were carrying on one of the greatest campaigns of proselytism
ever waged. The thoroughness of the conversion of the natives in Spain’s
colonial possessions has been questioned, but there is no doubt that
something of the external forms and the glamour—so much, at least—of the
Catholic religion was implanted in the Americas in such a way that it has
withstood the experiences of centuries. Spanish American peoples, like
Spaniards, were to have their conflicts with the church,—very bitter ones in
recent years,—but never, since the Franciscan, Dominican, and Jesuit
Fathers first preached their doctrine, has favor been shown for any great
length of time to the other exotic faiths, or has any noteworthy success been
met with in the attempts, usually short-lived, at a reversion to the earlier
native creeds. The work of the Spanish missionary was indeed a permanent
factor of indisputable importance in the new world.

Religious exaltation and the increase in the prestige and wealth of the clergy.

One of the effects of the attainment of religious unity by the conversion

or expulsion from Spain of the Jews, Mudéjares and Moriscos was to exalt
the feeling of religious sentiment in the peninsula. The Protestant
Reformation and the religious wars which accompanied it tended to keep
alive these emotions among Spaniards, partly because of the spirit of
controversy they excited, and partly because of the blows and suffering they
involved, and this spirit of religious exaltation was sustained by the
increasing vigor of the Inquisition and by the activities of the Jesuit order,
founded in this period. In consequence the power and social influence of the
clergy were materially enhanced. The regular clergy was looked upon with
especial favor, with the result that both in riches and in membership they far
surpassed the secular branch. Many new orders were founded, while the
older ones received fresh stimulus. At the beginning of the seventeenth
century there were some 200,000 members of the regular clergy and over
9000 convents for men, and in both cases the numbers increased thereafter,
while the population of the peninsula declined,—a factor which caused
political and economic writers, many of whom were churchmen, not a little
concern.[56] Despite this fact the clergy enjoyed the highest social
consideration, and intervened in all phases of Spanish life. This was due not
only to the religious sentiment of the people but also in great measure to the
superior intellectual attainments of some of the clergy. Thus they
distinguished themselves on the one hand as theologians, students of the
canon law, jurisconsults, men of letters, historians, and university
professors, and on the other as members of state councils, or in high
political positions in the Americas. The increase in the landed wealth of the
church, while it was the subject of numerous unsuccessful petitions of the
Cortes to forbid the giving of lands in mortmain, was largely responsible
for the imposition of taxes on the clergy, thus diminishing the immunities
they had formerly enjoyed. The church could well afford to pay, for if not
the richest proprietor in Spain it was certainly among the first; toward the
middle of the sixteenth century the combined rents of the clergy amounted
to some 5,000,000 ducats ($75,000,000) a year, or half the total for the
kingdom, four-fifths of which amount was paid to the establishments of the
regular clergy. Part of the funds was expended in charities for the benefit of
the poor, such as the maintenance of asylums, hospitals, and soup-kitchens,
measures which (disinterested though they might be) served also to
augment their popularity with the masses.

Prevalence of loose practices among the clergy.

Despite the flourishing condition of the Spanish clergy and their high
standing in the peninsula the state of morality among them left much to be
desired. Abundant evidences on this score are at hand, not only in the form
of unsympathetic attacks and satires, but also in the works of zealous and
devout reformers. The fact that such writings were not condemned by the
Inquisition argues the need for reproof. The practice of barraganía was not
unknown, even among bishops, some of whom entailed estates to their
sons. Among the lesser churchmen, more particularly the secular clergy, the
custom was more general. Solicitation by confessors and the avarice of
clerical collectors of revenues were also frequently censured in the writings
of the time. Nevertheless, it is but fair to consider these evils from the
standpoint of that era. As compared with previous periods this age was one
of marked advance in the average of clerical rectitude, and there were even
writers who could claim that the Spanish clergy surpassed the churchmen of
other countries in moderation and chasteness of life. Meanwhile, reforms
like those instituted in the time of the Catholic Kings by Ximénez were
being pushed on vigorously and effectively, and were reinforced by the
decisions of the great church council of Trent (1545-1563).

Prominence of Spanish kings and prelates in church reform.

The Protestant Reformation and the Catholic Reaction, or Counter-

Reformation, belong rather to European and church history than peculiarly
to that of Spain, although Spain played a leading part in the events
connected with them. Much in regard to them may therefore be omitted,
except in so far as they affected problems in the peninsula itself and, by
extension, the Spanish colonies. Charles I was an ardent partisan of church
reform, but was desirous that it should be effected without change in
dogma, and in this attitude he was joined by many of the greatest Catholic
churchmen of the day, including some of the popes, who recognized the
prevalence of abuses of which the Protestant leaders were able to make
capital in the furtherance of their reforms. One of the principal policies of
Charles I was the calling of a general church council for the discussion of
this matter, and despite the resistance of several of the popes he labored to
attain this end until he was at length successful. In 1545 there began the
series of congresses which are called collectively the Council of Trent.
Spanish prelates were one of the most important elements at these meetings,
and in accordance with the ideas of Charles I and Philip II resisted the
attempts made at a suspension of the sessions and the efforts of certain
popes and other churchmen to bring about their failure. They were not only
among the most frank in their references to the need for reform, but were
also most rigid in their insistence upon disciplinary methods, even
suggesting the application of the Spanish institution of the residencia to
officers of the church. The eventual success of the council was due in no
small degree to Spaniards, who also were among the most active in
executing the corrective measures which were decided upon.

Failure of Protestantism to gain a substantial footing in Spain.

The kings of Spain combated heresy within the peninsula to the fullest
extent of their ability, supported by the general opinion of Spanish
Christians, who were almost unanimously opposed to the new ideas.
Measures were taken to prevent the dissemination in Spain of the works of
Martin Luther or other heretical thinkers. In 1546 Charles I caused the first
Index, or list of prohibited works, to be published, and this was reproduced,
with the addition of some other volumes, by the Inquisition. Later the Bible
was included in the Index, except the authorized Latin version, on the
ground that the reading of the scriptures by uncultivated persons might
result in misconceptions as to the true religion. Nevertheless, Protestantism
gained devotees in the various cities of Spain, more particularly in Seville
and Valladolid. The number of heretics was at no time great, but it was
recruited from the highest ranks of society. Churchmen, more often friars,
were the principal element, and they found converts in not a few members
of noble families. Foreigners from northern lands frequently cast in their lot
with the Protestant groups. As was natural, proselytism on a wide scale
could not be carried on; the Valladolid group numbered only about fifty and
that of Seville one hundred and thirty (although there is some evidence to
the effect that the latter body attained a membership of eight hundred),
while those of other cities were still fewer in numbers. The greatest name in
the Sevillian movement was that of Constantino Ponce de la Fuente, whom
a modern writer has ventured to compare with Martin Luther for his high
qualities, within the Protestant movement. Ponce, who was at one time the
confessor of Charles I and Philip II, was the author of various heretical
works. Discovered, at length, he was imprisoned, and shortly afterward was
found dead. In the year 1559 great activity was displayed by the Inquisition
in ferreting out and punishing the Protestant communities. Some individuals
escaped to foreign countries, but many were condemned to die at the stake,
meeting their fate, almost without exception, with admirable fortitude. The
most celebrated case was that of Bartolomé Carranza, archbishop of Toledo.
Head of the Spanish secular church though he was, only the efforts of Pope
Pius IV saved him. After more than seven years of imprisonment he was
allowed to go to Rome. Some years later he was required to forswear some
of his writings which had figured in the original proceedings against him in
Spain, shortly after which he died. In all of this vigorous persecution of
Protestantism, Charles I and Philip II took the lead. By the end of the
sixteenth century the new faith was no longer a problem in Spain. Under
Philip IV a degree of toleration which would not have been dreamed of in
earlier years began to be allowed. By that time Catholic France was Spain’s
principal enemy, and this tended to soften the attitude of Spaniards toward
Protestants, although the restrictions of the laws were still enforced. In 1641
a treaty was made with Denmark, permitting Protestants of that country to
enter the peninsula. From this time forward Spain was to evolve toward a
more lenient policy still. A discussion of Spanish Protestantism would not
be complete without a reference to the numerous Spaniards who took refuge
in Protestant lands, and even for a time in Italy and France. They wrote a
number of works which were remarkable for the excellent literary qualities
of the Castilian they employed and for the scientific value of their content.
While most of their writings were of a controversial, religious type they
also made translations into Castilian or even wrote volumes of a scientific
character dissociated from religion. Juan de Valdés and Juan Díaz were
outstanding names among them. Miguel Servet and Pedro Galés, whose
heresies were equally in disfavor with Catholics and Protestants, were also
men of great distinction.

The Illuminist and Quietist heresies.

Protestantism was not the only heterodoxy to menace the religious unity
of the peninsula. The conversion of the Mudéjares of the eastern provinces
and the expulsion of the Moriscos have already been mentioned. The Jews
also gave occasional trouble. Of the other sects the most noteworthy was
that of the Iluminados (Illuminati). The origins of this faith are obscure.
Many believe it to have been purely Spanish, a conclusion to which the
peculiar mystical character of the creed lends color. Others hold that it was
of German extraction. In any event, though the time of its founding is not
clear, it antedated the Lutheran outbreak, for it was in existence at least as
early as 1512. Many of the doctrines sustained by Luther were a part of its
creed, and indeed it paved the way for the entry of Protestantism into Spain.
In addition it upheld the following tenets: the abdication of one’s own will
in that of the divine; and the capacity of the faithful, by means of ecstacies,
to put themselves in personal communication with the divine essence, on
which occasions it was impossible for them to commit sin. The practical
result of these beliefs was an indulgence in all manner of licentious
practices while in the sinless state. As in the case of Protestantism, so in
this, the devotees were usually members of the clergy, especially friars and
nuns. The Inquisition attacked the new faith with vigor, but found it
difficult to extirpate in entirety. A notable derivation from Illuminism was
that of Quietismo (Quietism), or Molinismo, founded in the seventeenth
century by Miguel de Molinos, a member of the clergy. This creed, though
similar even in its licentiousness to Illuminism, was not at first considered
unorthodox, wherefore it gained many converts, but in the end it was
condemned.

Spanish Mysticism.

Similar in some respects to the two heretical creeds just mentioned was a
peculiarly Spanish religious philosophy, that of Catholic Mysticism. It
traces back through the ideas of Raymond Lull to those of the Arabic
philosophers, but in the main it was a product of the Spanish religious
thought of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The fundamental idea
was that of direct communication with God through prayer, love of God,
and the renunciation of earthly things, which enabled the purified soul in a
state of ecstasy to appear in the divine presence. The whole process was
accompanied by miracles, but without any loss to the individual of his
spiritual existence or of his intelligence for an understanding of God. At
first the ecclesiastical authorities were suspicious of it, prohibiting the
writings of the mystics and conducting investigations into the conduct of
those who professed a belief in it. At length, however, it was accepted as
orthodox, and its devotees were not molested. They produced a rich
literature, in which they set forth not only the fundamental bases of their
belief but also the experiences they had in journeying to God. One of the
mystics, María de Jesús de Ágreda, is famous as “the Blue Lady” of the
American (United States) southwest and Pacific coast, for she is said to
have visited these regions while in a state of ecstacy and to have converted
many of the natives, recounting her travels in her published works. She is
also famous for her correspondence with Philip IV. The greatest names,
however, were those of Santa Teresa de Jesús[57] and San Juan de la Cruz,
the former notable in literature for the excellence of her prose, and the latter
equally noteworthy as a poet. The writings of these and other mystics also
displayed a profound psychological study, such, for example, as was
required by their ability to distinguish between the processes of the soul on
the way to communication with God, and as was evidenced by their skill in
differentiating between the various elements in religious sentiment.

The Inquisition as an instrument of the kings and an agency to suppress heresy.

The two principal instruments employed to combat heresy were the

Inquisition and the Jesuit order. So far as the former concerned itself with
matters of the faith, it had the support of the Spanish people, who equally
with the kings were desirous of the establishment and maintenance of
religious unity. The Inquisition had acquired various powers and privileges,
however, which were not directly connected with its principal office. Papal
bulls had been procured giving it jurisdiction in cases of usury, crimes
against nature, and improper solicitations of confessors; it claimed
exemption for its officers and servants from the operation of the civil law
courts; and its relations with these courts, made necessary by the legal
incapacity of the Inquisition to execute its own sentences, often gave rise to
conflicts and misunderstandings. The people of Spain were perfectly able to
distinguish between the Inquisition as an instrument of the faith and the
Inquisition in these extra-jurisdictional phases, and protested vigorously
against that body in the latter sense. The various Cortes of Castile, Aragon,
and Catalonia presented many a petition on this score to the kings, and it
was a prominent factor in the Catalan revolt of 1640. Nevertheless, the
kings consistently sustained the Inquisition. When the Aragonese Cortes
secured a papal license reducing the Inquisition to the same footing as the
other ecclesiastical courts, Charles I procured the withdrawal of the license.
Philip II prohibited all appeals from or complaints against the Inquisition
before the audiencias or the Consejo Real. The decisions of the Inquisition
thus became final, although it is true that cases of appeal and the recourse of
fuerza (also forbidden by Philip) were occasionally allowed to go beyond
that body. When there seemed to be a likelihood that the Council of Trent
might deprive the Inquisition of some of its authority, Charles I used every
effort to cause a failure of the project. In fact the Inquisition was virtually
an instrument of the kings, who did not hesitate to direct its action as if it
were legally subject to them, and who were always able to procure the
appointment of members of the Consejo Real to the Council of the
Inquisition. As regards heresy the period, naturally, was exceedingly fruitful
in prosecutions and was marked by an excess of suspicion, such that
individuals whose purity of faith was hardly open to question were not
infrequently brought to trial,—among others, Ignacio de Loyola (Saint
Ignatius), and Teresa de Jesús, who, like Loyola, was later canonized.
Extreme rigor was displayed in placing the ban on unorthodox books and in
expurgating those which were allowed to circulate. Charles I required all
books to have the authorization of the Consejo Real before they could be
published. Foreign books were also scrutinized carefully, and libraries were
made subject to inspection. The grant of a license by the Consejo Real did
not mean that a book might not be placed on the Inquisition’s Index of
forbidden works. It is worthy of note, too, that the Spanish Index and that of
the Inquisition of Rome often varied from each other in their lists; thus a
book condemned at Rome might circulate in Spain, and vice versa, but this
of course was not the general rule. The Spanish Inquisition did not make its
way to Spain’s Italian possessions, but was established in the Low
Countries, where it was very active, and in the Americas.

Ignacio de Loyola and the founding of the Jesuit order.

 The other important agency of the Spanish Counter-Reformation, the
Jesuit order, was the creation of a Spaniard, Ignacio de Loyola (1491 or
1495-1556), who became Saint Ignatius (San Ignacio) with his canonization
in 1609. As a youth Loyola led the somewhat wild life of a soldier.
Wounded in 1521 during the defence of Pamplona from an attack of the
French, he was a long time in recovering his health, devoting the period of
his convalescence to the reading of religious works. He thereupon resolved
to dedicate his life to religion, and as soon as he was restored to health
made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Upon his return he pursued religious
studies at the universities of Barcelona, Alcalá, Salamanca, and Paris.
While at Alcalá, where he and several companions made a practice of
wearing sackcloth and preaching in the streets, he was arrested by the
Inquisition, but was set free without other penalty than an order to give up
his sackcloth and his preaching. A similar fate befell him in Salamanca.
Eventually Loyola and his companions found their way to Rome, where
they continued their street preaching, despite the opposition of the
Augustinian order and some of the cardinals. They applied to themselves
the name “Company of Jesus” (hence Jesuits), and in 1539 organized an
order in military form, vowing implicit obedience to their superiors,—
especially to the pope,—prescribing the rule of a general for life, and
pledging themselves to the founding of colleges. The new order was
formally approved by the pope in 1540, and Loyola became the first
general.

Characteristics of the Jesuit order.

While an extended discussion of the characteristics of the Jesuit order is

not necessary, some of the respects in which it differed from the others
should be pointed out, in order to make clear the effect of the Jesuit
appearance in Spain and the Americas. Great emphasis was placed on the
military side; Loyola was wont to say that he had never ceased to be a
soldier,—he had merely become a soldier of God. Obedience to superiors
and to the pope was not a new idea, but with the Jesuits it was as rigidly
literal as in an army. They became one of the principal supports of the
popes at a time when many church leaders were advocating the reform of
the papacy with a view to limiting the powers of the head of the church.
Like soldiers, they attacked the enemies of the pope, church, and the
Catholic religion, and were charged with employing methods which gave
rise to the term “Jesuitry” in an opprobrious sense. They did not stay in
convents, but went forth among the people to fight for the principles for
which they stood. There was no election of their leaders; the attainment of
office came through appointment by the general, who even chose his own
successor. Education was their principal weapon,—education of the high
and the low. In other respects the Jesuits were at the same time more simple
and more mundane in their exterior practices—at least in the beginning—
than the other orders. They opposed choral singing, the wearing of a
distinctive habit, participation in religious processions, the monastic life,
and asceticism. They believed in the individual poverty of their members,
but were willing that the order and its separate institutions should prosper in
a material way. In other words they were going into the world, not away
from it, and were desirous of the best equipment for the struggle which lay
before them.

Spanish opposition to the Jesuits.

The influence of the new order soon made itself felt throughout the
world. At first Spaniards were in the majority, and it was natural that the
Jesuits should establish themselves in Spain’s dominions. By 1547 they had
five institutions in Spain, and by 1566 sixteen. Soon afterward they began
to appear in the Americas, where they became one of the principal agencies
of the Spanish crown in the conversion and subjection of the natives, being
perhaps the most effective of the missionary orders. Not only as
missionaries but also as theologians, scientists, and men of letters the
Spanish Jesuits were among the most distinguished men of the age. They
were not welcomed by their fellow-countrymen in Spain, however; rather,
they had to contend against some of the most powerful elements in the
peninsula. Members of the clergy, both regular and secular, were opposed to
them,—notably the Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustinians, and the officers
of the Inquisition, the first named especially,—while the universities and at
the outset the kings were also hostile. Melchor Cano, a Dominican and one
of the most influential men of his day, charged the Jesuits with heresy,
claiming that their vows savored of the doctrines of the Iluminados. The
archbishop of Toledo, Cardinal Siliceo, forbade them to preach, confess, say
mass, or administer sacraments, but was obliged by the pope to retract his
decrees. Arias Montano attacked them in the preface of his polyglot Bible,
asserting that the Jesuits claimed that they alone had knowledge and that
they were the nearest of all men to Jesus. These are but a few instances out
of many, showing the difficulties encountered by the Jesuits in establishing
themselves in Spain. It seems likely that jealousy may have entered into
much of the resistance to them, for they early began to outrank and even
supersede other elements in teaching and in learning. Charles I and Philip II
objected to them because they placed the pope ahead of the king, not
acknowledging the latter’s authority over them, and this was not altogether
in accordance with the royal ideal of centralization. Furthermore, the Jesuits
were such an aggressive factor that they were hard to manage. The
Inquisition took exception among other things to the Jesuit claim of a right
to absolve their own members from the charge of heresy, and imprisoned
the Jesuit provincial, or commanding official, in Spain, together with other
members of the order. Philip II took sides with the Inquisition, but the pope
sustained the Jesuits. By the seventeenth century the Jesuits had succeeded
in overcoming their rivals, although they never ceased to have enemies.
Their success was due in the first place to the continued support of the
popes; in the second to the change of heart experienced by Philip II late in
life, when he began to realize that they were one of the most effective
instruments for the religious unification of his dominions, and in so much
furthered his ideal of centralization; in the third place to the backing of the
opponents of their enemies, especially those who were hostile to the
Inquisition; and, finally, and perhaps most of all, to their own superior
attainments, whereby they were able to win a devoted following among all
ranks of society. The successors of Philip II followed the later policy of that
king, with the result that the seventeenth century was the most prosperous
era in the history of the Jesuit order.

Limpieza de sangre and the fervor of Spanish Catholicism.

One thing Spanish kings failed to do elsewhere in Europe they achieved

in Spain,—their ideal of religious unity. At the same time that they were
suppressing heresy they were giving a welcome to Catholics fleeing to
Spain from Protestant persecution, notably to the Irish, who came to the
peninsula in great numbers. The ideal of Catholic unity was carried to an
excess which transcended unity itself through an extension of the institution
of limpieza de sangre. Certificates of limpieza de sangre (that is to say,
sworn statements that the bearer had no Jewish, Moslem, or heretic
antecedents) now began to be required for the holding of various church
offices or for entry into religious orders and often also for admission to the
guilds. As a matter of fact there were few families which could have
withstood a close examination of their ancestry; the upper classes would
almost surely have been found to contain Jewish blood, and the masses,
certainly in the east and south, would have had a Moslem admixture in their
veins. The attainment of religious unity and the extreme suspicion in which
non-Catholics were held did not succeed in making the Spanish people
respond to the moral code of their faith. Not only such licentious practices
as have already been alluded to were in vogue, but also a surprising lack of
reverence was displayed, as exemplified by the improper use of sacred
places and sacred objects and the mixture of the human and the divine in
masquerades. Nevertheless, it is not too much to say that the principal
preoccupation of Spaniards in the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries
was the salvation of their souls. The worst of men would want to confess
and seek absolution before they died, and many of them no doubt believed
themselves to be good Catholics, even though their every-day life would
not have borne inspection. One notable religious manifestation of the era
was the ardent insistence of Spaniards on the mystery of the Immaculate
Conception at a time when Catholics of other countries were not yet ready
to accept that view.

Conflict of the kings with the popes in matters of temporal import.

In distinguishing between the spiritual and the temporal phases of papal

authority the kings of the House of Austria followed the policy of the
Catholic Kings, but surpassed the latter in their claims of the superiority, or
independence, as the case might be, of the royal power. Various factors
contributed to this attitude in Spain. The monarchical ideal of a centralized
absolutism, now that it had triumphed over the nobility and the towns,
sought out the church in its civil aspects as the next outstanding element to
dominate; the interests of the Spanish kings in Italy continued to bring them
into opposition to the popes as sovereigns of the Papal States; and the
problems of ecclesiastical reform often found the kings and the popes
widely, even bitterly, apart. Charles I had frequent conflicts with the papacy,
but Philip II had even more serious contests, in which he displayed yet
more unyielding resistance than his father to what he regarded as the
unwarranted intrusions of the popes into the sphere of Spanish politics.
When in 1556 it seemed likely that Philip would be excommunicated and
his kingdom laid under an interdict, Philip created a special council to
exercise in Spain such functions as were customarily in the hands of the
pope. In this as in his other disputes of a political nature with the papacy he
was able to count on the support of the Spanish clergy. One document
reciting Philip’s grievances against Pope Paul IV, applying harsh epithets to
him, and expressing doubt as to the legitimacy of his election, is believed to
have been written by a member of the clergy. Another document, the
Parecer, or opinion, of Melchor Cano, a Dominican, argued the lawfulness
of making war on the pope, and said that in such cases, when
communication with Rome was insecure, the bishops might decide
ecclesiastical questions which were ordinarily left to the pope.

Interference of Charles I and Philip II in papal elections.

To avoid such disputes and to assure Spain of an ally in Italian affairs

Charles I and Philip II bent their efforts to procure the election of popes
who would be favorable to them. Charles had much to do with the choice in
1522 of Adrian VI, who as a cardinal had been one of his principal
administrative officers during his own absence from the peninsula in the
early years of his reign. Philip was successful in the same way when in
1559 he was able to cause the elevation of his candidate to the papal throne.
This pope, Pius IV, proceeded to annul the action of his predecessor, Paul
IV, against Charles and Philip, and condemned to death two members of the
deceased pope’s family, one of them a cardinal. At the election of 1590
Philip was again fortunate, but the new pontiff, Urban VII, lived only
thirteen days. A fresh conclave was held, at which Philip went to the
extreme not only of excluding the candidates whom he opposed but also of
naming seven Spanish churchmen as the only ones from among whom the
cardinals were to choose. One of the seven was elected, taking the name
Gregory XIV, and no pope of the century was more unconditionally
favorable to the wishes of a Spanish king. This constant intrusion of Philip
ended by exasperating the high authorities of the church, who a few years
later under another pope condemned Philip’s practices and declared him
ipso facto excommunicated. This proved to be a decisive blow to the
influence of the Spanish crown.

The pase regio as an aid to the kings in the conflict with the popes.
 One of the principal struggles between the popes and the kings was the
royal claim of the pase regio, or the right to examine papal bulls and
pontifical letters and, if deemed advisable, to retain them, prohibiting their
publication and therefore their execution in Spanish domains. The origin of
this claim on the part of the Spanish monarchs seems to date from the
period of the Great Schism, when Urban VI (1378-1389) granted such a
privilege to the princes allied with him. It was not officially decreed in
Spain until the early years of Charles I, when provision for the pase regio in
all Spanish dominions was made in a document drawn up by Cardinal
Ximénez. According to this arrangement papal communications were to be
examined in the Consejo Real, and if found to be contrary to the royal
prerogative or otherwise objectionable their circulation was to be postponed
and the pope asked to change or withdraw his dispositions. Usually the
retention of such documents took place without giving official notice to the
pope,—which in the case of a hostile pontiff would have been in any event
unavailing. If the popes insisted on their point of view the royal prohibitions
were nevertheless continued. If any subjects of the king resisted his will in
this matter, even though they were churchmen, they might incur the penalty
of a loss of goods or banishment or both, and notaries or attorneys might
even be condemned to death. When Paul IV excommunicated Charles I and
Philip II, the latter put into effect the pase regio. Unable to procure the
publication of his bull in Spain, Paul IV summoned to Rome two Spanish
bishops who were intensely royalist in their sympathies. Philip II protected
them by retaining the papal order, so that the individuals did not learn
officially of the summons. Not only in serious contests of this character but
also in matters of comparatively little moment the kings exercised the right
of retention,—for example, in the case of a bull of Sixtus V about the dress
and maintenance of the clergy. The above are only a few instances out of
many. One of the most bitter conflicts was waged by Philip II in opposition
to a bull of Pius V excommunicating those who retained papal dispositions.
Philip II retained this bull, and punished some bishops of Spain’s Italian
domains who had published it within their dioceses. The pope threatened to
put Spain under an interdict, but Philip declined to yield. The bull was
never published in the peninsula, and the pope did not make use of the
interdict.

The case of Cardinal Borja.

 Interference of Charles I and Philip II in matters of church reform.

The successors of Philip II were equally insistent upon the royal

prerogative in their relations with the church. One of the most curious
incidents in the disputes of the kings and the popes occurred in the reign of
Philip IV. Cardinal Borja and several other Spanish cardinals were sent to
Rome to present the king’s grievances against the pontiff arising out of
matters connected with the wars against the Protestants. Borja was roughly
handled on making his protest; it is said that Cardinal San Onofre punched
him in the face by direction of the pope. When this event was reported in
Spain a general meeting of royal councillors was held, in which it was even
discussed whether it would be lawful to challenge the pope to settle the
matter by means of a duel! In this and other matters there was talk of an
appeal from the pope to a church council. As the royalist attitude toward the
popes was often defended in books, many of them by churchmen, a practice
sprang up at Rome of placing such works in the Index as writings which the
faithful were forbidden to read, but these volumes did not appear in the
Index of the Spanish Inquisition. Finally the attitude of superiority on the
part of the monarchs made itself evident, as already indicated, in questions
of the reform of the church. Charles and Philip II labored to establish their
views at the Council of Trent not only in matters of administration but also
in those of doctrine. Indeed, many Catholics believed that it was the duty of
the kings to remedy the evils of the church. With the conclusion of the
Council of Trent, Philip II hesitated for a year before publishing its
decisions, because of his belief that some of the provisions of the council
diminished, or might diminish, his royal authority. When he at length did
publish them, he did so with the reservation that they were not to be
considered as introducing any variation from the usual jurisdiction of the
king. Consequently, various canons of the council remained without effect
in Spain and her possessions.

Royal restrictions on the powers of papal nuncios and the nunciature.

The same conflict of authority between the church and the monarch
manifested itself in the relations of the kings with papal nuncios, who in the
reign of Charles I began to reside at the Spanish court as permanent
ambassadors. In 1537 Charles I obtained a license from the pope for the
creation of the tribunal of the nunciature, or court of the papal embassy in
Spain. This court, composed in part at least of Spanish officials, was to hear
the numerous cases in ecclesiastical law which had customarily been settled
at Rome. At the same time, the nuncio was empowered to grant the
benefices which formerly lay within the jurisdiction of the popes. The
nuncio also collected the considerable sums which went to the popes from
ecclesiastical prebends, or livings, from the expolios of deceased bishops
and archbishops (accretions in their benefices which they had procured out
of rents), and from the income of vacantes, or vacant benefices (that which
accrued between the death of a bishop or archbishop and the appointment of
his successor). Once having transferred authority from the pope to the
nuncio and nunciature the kings proceeded to attack these elements near at
hand so as to reduce their power of interference with the royal authority. In
this they were aided by all classes. The churchmen were royalist and at the
same time opposed to papal intervention in ecclesiastical administration in
Spain. People generally objected to such wide jurisdiction being in the
hands of a foreigner, for the nuncios were usually Italians. There were
frequent complaints that the nunciature was guilty of the advocacy of
lawsuits and the collection of excessive costs, with the result that the court
was sustained out of Spanish funds instead of by the popes. All of these
matters were the subject of criticism in both the Cortes and the Consejo
Real, and the inevitable result was the employment of restrictive measures.
The pase regio was applied to the directions by the popes to the nuncios,
and the intervention of the nunciature in ecclesiastical cases in first instance
was prohibited. There were times when the relations of the kings with the
nuncio were indeed strained; Philip II went to the extreme of expelling a
nuncio who had endeavored to publish a papal bull which the king had
decided to retain; the same thing happened under Philip IV, who closed the
papal embassy. Matters were arranged in 1640 by the Fachenetti concordat,
or agreement of the nuncio of that name with the king. This document
reduced the procedure of the nunciature and the attributes of the nuncio to
writing, and although it did not remove all the causes of dispute served as
the basis for diplomatic relations with the papal embassy until the middle of
the eighteenth century.

Subjection of the ecclesiastical organization in Spain to the royal will.

The relations of the kings with the popes and nuncios formed only part
of the former’s royalist policy with the church. The same course was
followed with the ecclesiastical organization in Spain. The gradual
reduction of the clergy to a tributary state as regards payment of taxes has
already been referred to. Charles I procured various grants of a financial
nature from the popes, such as the right to sell certain ecclesiastical
holdings (whose proceeds were to be devoted to the war with the Turks),
the collection of various church rents yielding over 1,000,000 ducats (some
$15,000,000), and finally the gift of expolios and vacantes. On the other
hand, despite the petitions of the Cortes and the opinions of leading
jurisconsults, the kings declined to prevent the giving of lands in mortmain,
or in other words the acquisition of estates by the church. The most serious
conflicts arose over questions of immunities, growing out of the survival of
ecclesiastical jurisdictions of a seigniorial character and out of the relations
of the church courts to those of the king and to the royal authority in
general. Many of the seigniorial groups were incorporated into the crown,
especially by Philip II. As regards the legal immunity of churchmen it came
to be accepted as the rule that it could be claimed only in cases within the
jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts. This was diminished still further by
royal invasions of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, as by limiting the scope of the
church courts, prohibiting (under severe penalties) the intrusions of their
judges in civil affairs, and intervening to correct abuses, real or alleged. The
king reserved a right of inspection of the ecclesiastical courts, exercised for
him by members of the Consejo Real or the audiencias, and if anybody
were unduly aggrieved by a decision of the church courts he might make
use of the recourse of fuerza to bring an appeal before the Consejo Real, the
Cámara, or the audiencias. The effect of this was to suspend the execution
of an ecclesiastical sentence, subordinating the church courts to the royal
will. Many matters of a religious character were taken over into the
exclusive jurisdiction of the Consejo Real or the Cámara, such as the
inspections of convents of the regular clergy and the action taken as a result
thereof and the execution of the decisions of the Council of Trent. Laws
relative to the recourse of fuerza were amplified so as to prohibit
ecclesiastical judges from trying cases which were considered by any of the
litigants concerned as belonging to the civil law; other laws forbade the
summoning of Spaniards before foreign judges; and still others diminished
the number of appeals to Rome. Even churchmen took advantage of the
recourse of fuerza to have their cases removed to the royal courts when it
suited their convenience, despite the attempts of the popes to check the
practice. In such instances, as in so many others, the pase regio was
employed to prevent effectual action by the popes. Even in the case of the
provincial councils of the Spanish church the king sent delegates, on the
ground that no conventions or congresses of any sort could be held without
the consent of the king and the attendance of his representatives. In 1581
Pope Gregory XIII ordered the archbishop of Toledo not to admit anybody
to a council about to be held at that time who was not a member of the
clergy. Philip II sent his delegate, nevertheless, and his successors followed
his example. In like manner religious processions were forbidden unless
authorized by the civil authorities.
 The patronato real as a source of royal authority over the clergy.

The royal authority over the Spanish church is largely explained by the
institution of the patronato real, or royal patronage. Charles I early gained a
right to make nominations to most of the bishoprics and abbacies in Spain,
although the pope had to approve before the appointment should take effect.
Even in the case of benefices still reserved by the pope the kings insisted
that the appointees should be Spaniards. As regards the Americas the
church was yet more completely under the king’s control, thus giving still
other lucrative posts into his power to grant. Under these circumstances it is
not surprising that the Spanish clergy should favor the king, to whom they
owed their rents and dignities, rather than the pope, and should even
consent to diminutions in the privileges of Spanish churchmen. Indeed,
faithful service as a councillor might be the stepping-stone to a bishopric.
Nevertheless the kings did not allow churchmen to intrude in political
affairs without being asked, and instances of official reproof on this score
were numerous, despite which fact the clergy took a prominent part in
political intrigues, and were possibly the principal factor in the Portuguese
war of independence from Spain. Furthermore, the solicitation of
inheritances by churchmen was insistently forbidden by the king; on one
occasion when accusations of this character were made against the Jesuits
of Flanders the Duke of Alba annulled all testamentary dispositions to that
order and provided for the inheritance of the legal heirs.
 CHAPTER XXVIII

ECONOMIC FACTORS, 1516-1700

Comparative backwardness of Spain in economic development.

WHILE this era was marked by a brief period of prosperity, and while
there was a noteworthy advance out of medievalism in the evolution of
mercantile machinery, the keynote of the times was the failure of Spain to
keep pace in material welfare with her high standing in other aspects of life.
Spain continued to be a raw material country, although artificial attempts
were still made to create a thriving industrial development. These efforts,
when they did not fail altogether, accrued to the advantage of foreigners or
resulted in establishments which were of slight consequence in comparison
with those of other European lands. A combination of evils at length sank
Spain to such a state of economic degradation and misery as comported ill
with her political reputation in European affairs and with the opportunities
she had had and failed to employ to advantage. Nevertheless, Spain’s
decadence, overwhelming though it was, is to be viewed from a relative
standpoint. Medieval Spain at its best, except possibly during the Moslem
era, did not attain to an equally flourishing state with the Spain of the
seventeenth century, which marks the lowest point to which she has fallen
in modern times. On the other hand, with relation to other countries in the
seventeenth century and with due regard to the needs which an expanded
civilization had by that time developed, Spain came to be economically
about the most backward land in western Europe. This occurred, in spite of
the fact that Spaniards found and developed such extraordinary wealth in
their new world possessions that their colonies were the envy of Europe.
Spain did indeed get rich returns from her overseas investment, but these
funds and others were squandered in the ways which have already been
pointed out.

Relative prosperity in the early years of the era.

The American trade.

 Industrial wealth of Seville.

Grazing.

Fishing.

Mining.

At the outset there was a period of undoubted prosperity, due in part to a

continuation of the favoring legislation of the era of the Catholic Kings, but
more particularly to the enormously increased demand resulting from the
rapid and extensive colonization of the Americas, whose commerce was
restricted by law to favored regions of the Spanish kingdom. The American
trade and to some extent the considerable fortunes gained in the colonies
themselves provided capital for a yet further expansion of the industrial
wealth of the peninsula. The effects were felt principally in Castile, but
were reflected also in Aragon and Valencia. Seville, as the sole port of the
American trade, became extraordinarily rich in its industrial life, and many
other cities shared in the general prosperity. Woollen goods and silks were
manufactured on a large scale, and many other articles, such as hats, gloves,
soap, leathers, arms, and furniture were also made. Grazing and fishing
were notably productive industries. When Philip II ascended the Spanish
throne in 1556, it is said that the corporation of the Mesta possessed seven
million sheep. Part of the wool which they produced was supplied to
Spanish manufacturers, though other sources were also drawn upon by the
makers of woollen goods, but vast quantities of wool were sent abroad. In
1512 about 50,000 quintals were exported; in 1557 some 150,000; and in
1610 the amount had reached 180,000 quintals. The whale-fisheries off the
northern and northwestern coasts of Spain, at that time a rich field for this
occupation, and the catching of tunny-fish in the Mediterranean furnished
profitable employment to the people of the coasts, who also made voyages
to distant waters, even to Newfoundland, on fishing ventures. The wars of
the reign of Philip II and the scarcity of boats soon tended to check this
phase of economic expansion. Mining produced but little, in part because
the possessors of latifundia—nobles and churchmen—did not care to
develop their estates in this respect and in part because private individuals
generally could not be certain that they would be allowed to enjoy any
profit they might make. Philip II, desirous of remedying this situation,
incorporated all mines into the crown, and encouraged prospecting for
mineral wealth, though exacting certain tributes from those who should
discover and work mines, but even under these circumstances little was
done.

Relative character of Spanish industrial prosperity.

Its duration in time.

There has been a tendency to exaggerate the state of prosperity to which

Spain attained and to treat it as if it suddenly collapsed. In fact Spain’s
industrial wealth was only great by comparison with what it once had been
and with what it was presently to be in the period of decline. The
manufacture of cloth in the entire kingdom in the most flourishing epoch
did not equal the output of the single city of Bruges. That the growth of
manufacturing was only ephemeral and did not take root in the peninsula is
attested by the fact that it was usually necessary, even in the era of greatest
industrial expansion, to depend upon imports to supply Spain’s needs, while
the considerable exports of raw materials, especially wool, show that the
domestic demand could not have been great. Undoubtedly a good industrial
beginning was made, which might have resulted in the economic
independence of Spain. It did not continue, however, and the question
arises: How long did the era of relative industrial prosperity endure? A
precise answer is impossible, because some industries flourished longer
than others, or the same industry prospered in one place after it had ceased
to do so in another. Conflicting accounts began to appear about the middle
of the reign of Charles I, and even in the first half of the seventeenth
century there were documents which testified to instances of prosperity.
Speaking generally, the decline may be said to have made itself felt in the
reign of Philip II and to have become clearly apparent by the middle of the
reign of Philip IV.

Handicaps on agriculture.

Agriculture did not advance much from its wretched state of the previous
era. The economists, giving undue importance to the accumulation of
specie, and obsessed by a desire to develop manufactures, did not
appreciate the fundamental value of agriculture; grazing was favored at the
expense of farming; agricultural labor, never plentiful, was still more scarce
after the expulsion of the Moriscos; and the evil of latifundia tended to
reduce the amount of land cultivated. The laws encouraged agriculture only
when it did not interfere with what were considered the more important
industries. Legislation was frequent forbidding the cultivation of lands
which had ever been devoted to grazing and compelling their restoration to
that industry, and the old privileges of the Mesta were maintained to the
detriment of the farmers. The scarcity of agricultural labor caused an
immigration from other countries, especially from France, and this
increased after the expulsion of the Moriscos. It did not solve the problem,
as the foreigners were wont to return home, after they had accumulated
savings. Under the circumstances it is not surprising that agricultural
production did not meet the needs of the peninsula. Something was done to
protect farm laborers, and some government projects of irrigation were
undertaken, but not enough was done to offset the handicaps which the state
itself imposed. Intensive cultivation by small proprietors was one of the
needs of the time, and one attempt to bring this about in Granada was made.
Some 12,500 Castilian, Asturian, and Galician families were sent there to
replace in a measure the several hundred thousand expelled Moriscos. The
experiment was successful, and the colonization took root, but it was not
repeated. Nevertheless, eastern and southern Spain had their period of
relative prosperity, especially through the cultivation of the vine and the
olive. The Americas offered a rich field for the export of wine, since the
growing of vines was prohibited there, and the soil, climate, irrigation
canals, and Morisco labor (prior to the expulsion) of Valencia, Granada, and
Andalusia were well adapted to provide the desired supply. Even this form
of agriculture suffered a serious decline in the seventeenth century, due
largely to the loss of the Moriscos.

Comparative prosperity of Spanish commerce.

Prosperity of Seville and Medina del Campo.

Spanish commerce had its era of splendor and its period of decline, but
the former was prolonged much more than in the case of the manufacturing
industry, because of Spain’s serving as a medium for distribution between
foreign countries and the Americas, and because of the continued exchange
of raw materials for the foreign finished product after Spain herself had
ceased to be a serious competitor in manufacturing. Seville was by far the
most prosperous port in the country, since it had a monopoly of the
American trade, which also necessitated the sending to that city of goods
from the other parts of Spain and from foreign countries for trans-shipment
overseas. Mercantile transactions on a great scale, involving the modern
forms of credit and the establishment of branch houses in all parts of the
world, were a natural outgrowth of Seville’s great volume of trade. The
wealth of the city continued until well into the seventeenth century. The
transfer of the Casa de Contratación (which handled Spain’s commerce
with the Americas) from Seville to Cádiz occasioned a decline of the
former and a corresponding prosperity of the latter. Possibly next in
importance to Seville in mercantile affairs was the inland city of Medina del
Campo, site of the greatest of Spanish fairs and, except for the east coast
provinces, the contractual centre of the entire kingdom. Purchases, sales,
and exchanges of goods entering or leaving the various ports of Spain were
usually arranged there. Numerous other cities shared with Seville and
Medina del Campo in the commercial activity of the sixteenth century, even
those of the east coast, although the forces which had occasioned their
decline in preceding eras were still operative and were to renew their effects
before the sixteenth century had much more than passed the halfway mark.
The Mediterranean trade of Spain remained largely in the hands of the
Catalans, however. North European commerce, of which that with Flanders
was the most important, was shared generally by Spain’s Atlantic ports,
although those of the north coast had in this case a natural advantage.

The consulados and other mercantile machinery.

The inevitable result of the commercial activity of the sixteenth century

was the development of a mercantile machinery to handle the trade. This
occurred, in Spain, on the basis of institutions already in existence, the
consulados, merchants’ exchange buildings (lonjas), and fairs. To the
earlier consulados of Valencia (1283), Barcelona (1347), Saragossa (1391),
Burgos (1494), and Bilbao (1511) there were added those of Seville (1543)
and Madrid (1632). Although the consulados of the ports differed in some
respects from those of the interior the same principles applied to both,—so
much so, that the ordinances of the consulado of Burgos were the model for
that of Bilbao. The consulado of Burgos served as the type, indeed, upon
which the ordinances of many of the later consulados were founded,
wherefore its description may suffice for all. Strictly speaking, the
consulado was only the tribunal of the body of merchants, who together
formed the universidad, or association, for purposes of trade, although the
term consulado came eventually to include both. Many cities lacked the
tribunal, but did possess the universidad of merchants. The tribunal, or
consulado, of Burgos exercised jurisdiction in mercantile cases, and also
had charge of such important matters as maritime insurance, charter-parties,
and the patronage of certain pious foundations. The universidad met
annually to elect the officers of the consulado,—a prior, two consuls, and a
treasurer. The jurisdiction of the consulado as a court was not limited to
cases arising in Burgos, but extended to other towns and cities for many
miles around it. There was an appeal in criminal cases to the corregidor of
Burgos, but in civil cases the consulado was independent of both the royal
and the municipal courts. The consulado of Madrid introduced some
novelties, principal among which was its close attachment to the national
bureaucracy through the intervention in its affairs of the Consejo Real.
Various cities founded merchants’ exchange buildings, including some
which had no consulado. As for the fairs, the great importance of Medina
del Campo has already been mentioned. Two fairs a year, in May and
October, were held at that city, on which occasions merchants, bankers, and
brokers from all parts of the world gathered there. By the end of the
sixteenth century the fairs of Medina del Campo were already in a state of
decline, and they received a death-blow when by royal mandate Burgos
replaced Medina del Campo as the contractual centre of Spain. Burgos did
not greatly profit, however, for the general mercantile decadence had begun
to affect all commercial institutions in the country. Mercantile machinery
survived after the period of prosperity had passed, and thus it was only to be
expected that a central institution should at length be founded. Such was the
case, for the Junta de Comercio y Moneda (Junta, or Council, of Commerce
and Coinage) came into existence in 1679. During the remainder of this era
it was of slight consequence, however.

Medieval character and inconsistencies of mercantile legislation.

The legislation of the period reflected the prevailing economic ideas,

such as the exceptional importance attached to precious metals, the
insistence that the balance of trade should favor exports (lest imports should
result in specie going out of the country), the favor shown toward the policy
of protection, and in a measure the continuance of the medieval penchant
for government regulation of industry. The state was not consistent,
however, varying its laws according as the needs of the treasury or of
European diplomacy or of any passing crisis might direct. Thus prohibitions
against foreign goods were often maintained, while at other times the
greatest freedom of entry was allowed. In the treaties of peace of the
sixteenth century care to safeguard the commercial interests of Spain was
employed, but in the seventeenth century they were often sacrificed through
the indiscretions of ministers or for political reasons. Thus Spain’s need of
allies against France occasioned the grant of a right for the free entry of
goods into Spain (but not into the colonies) to the Protestant Netherlands,
England, Denmark, and Portugal, with reductions in duties. Treaties of 1665
and 1667 with England abolished Spain’s right to inspect English boats or
to search the houses of British subjects, amounting to a virtual invitation to
smuggling, which was in fact the result. Smuggling in connivance with
Spanish officials became so general (not altogether by Englishmen) that it
was regarded as a necessary evil. The government displayed a tendency to
facilitate internal commerce,—as by the suppression of interior customs
lines,—but the protective and regulative spirit of the Middle Ages was too
often apparent. Thus prices were fixed and exclusive rights of sale granted.
A curious instance of the latter (though not out of keeping with the age) was
the permit given to the religious orders of Madrid to open taverns for the
sale of beverages accruing from their crops. When certain abuses and some
scandal resulted the privilege was withdrawn, but was later renewed subject
to certain conditions, one of which was that friars should not serve the
wines to customers.

Difficulties over coinage.

Legislation with relation to money was particularly abundant. One grave

error of the past was constantly committed from the time of Philip II to the
close of the era, the debasement of the coinage with a view to relieving the
difficulties of the treasury, but the results were not more favorable than in
former years. Despite governmental care in the matter of coinage, diversity
of coins was still a problem. In addition to the national moneys there were
regional pieces and numerous foreign coins. Attempts were made to fix the
relation between them, but without great success. One factor which was not
appreciated at the time was that of the cheapening of money through the
enormous importation of precious metals from the Americas, resulting in a
corresponding advance in prices. The high prices were ascribed to the
exportation of precious metals from Spain, and stringent laws were passed
to prevent it. It was difficult, however, to keep the gold and silver in the
country.

Scant attention to public works.

The national record of the House of Austria in public works cannot be

said to have been good. The need for more and better roads was generally
recognized, but unless they suited military purposes or were to be made use
of in a royal progress, or journey, the state would rarely build them.
Municipalities and groups of merchants (especially the consulados) did
something, but were hampered by the centralizing spirit of the government.
A license from the Consejo Real was required, even though the state were
not to pay. There were too few roads, and existing highways were as a
general rule in a bad state of repair. Many bridges were constructed by the
government in the sixteenth century, but only a few in the century
following. Plans were also discussed for deepening the channels of Spain’s
great rivers, but that of the Tagus alone received attention, and the work to
that end by Philip II was destroyed by the negligence of his successors. In
like manner irrigation on a large scale was planned, but scarcely anything
was accomplished. On the other hand this period marked the beginning of a
mail service as an auxiliary of economic life; it was due to the state only in
that the government granted a monopoly of the privilege to a private
individual. Between 1580 and 1685 the extension of the service to foreign
countries was brought about. Naturally the whole system was as yet
defective from the modern standpoint. The government did expend moneys,
however, for military objects and state buildings. Forts were built the length
and breadth of the Spanish world, although many of them were allowed to
decay in the seventeenth century. Royal palaces and houses of recreation
and several splendid churches for royal use, all of which added to the
glamor of monarchy, were built at state expense. The municipalities also
erected public edifices, such as merchants’ exchange buildings and city
halls.

Foreigners in Spain and legislation concerning them.

 One of the most controversial questions of the era was that of the entry
of foreigners into the economic life of the peninsula. This had begun to be a
factor (without referring now to the earlier arrival of Moslem and Jewish
elements) in the reign of the Catholic Kings, but it was a much more
prominent issue in the period of the House of Austria. It was complicated
by the fact that certain groups of foreigners might be welcomed (laborers
for example), while others (merchants and manufacturers in particular)
were not, but all elements would be both wanted and opposed by some class
of the Spanish people at any given time. In general, popular opinion
whether of rich or poor was adverse to foreigners. At times the kings
yielded to the complaints of the people and passed restrictive laws, but at
other times, urged on by financial needs and political aims, they took the
contrary course. Dependent as they were upon foreign money-lenders the
kings could not refuse to grant the privileges and monopolies which their
creditors exacted as security. It would seem, however, that by far the greater
number of the foreigners were engaged in the less remunerative
occupations. A writer of the seventeenth century says that there were
120,000 foreigners in domestic service, and goes on to say that they also
engaged in such occupations as street hawking, the keeping of retail shops
of all varieties (sellers of meat, wine, cakes, etc.), and the mechanical
trades, including even those of porter and vendor of water. In 1680 the
French ambassador estimated that there were 77,000 of his countrymen in
Spain, many of whom were farm laborers, but there were considerable
numbers in various other occupations, ranging from the wealthy merchant
down to the lowly shepherd or peddler. Other nationalities were also
prominent. Laws were passed limiting the number of trades in which
foreigners could engage, but they seem to have been without avail, for both
the complaints and the legislation were often repeated. The victory of the
foreign element began to be more apparent by the middle of the seventeenth
century. Philip IV enacted laws to encourage immigration, because of the
scarcity of labor, and permitted a foreigner who had lived for many years in
Spain and married a Spanish woman to enjoy privileges little short of those
of a native. Similar laws were made in the reign of Charles II.

Statistics of population.

Prevalence of vagabondage.
 The economic status of Spain in this era could be more clearly set forth
if it were possible to have fairly reliable data as to population. In the middle
of the sixteenth century there may have been about six and three quarter
millions of people in Spain. By the end of the century some estimates hold
that the numbers had increased to perhaps eight and a half millions, but
there is ground for doubting these assertions. Figures for the seventeenth
century are even more uncertain, but there is a general agreement that the
population declined. One estimate makes the population of Spain 5,700,000
at the end of the era. Misery, idleness, and vagabondage were characteristic
of Spanish life in the late sixteenth and throughout the seventeenth century;
it has been estimated that there were 150,000 vagabonds at the close of the
sixteenth century whose principal occupations were begging, thieving, and
prostitution. It is true that a like state of affairs existed in other countries,
and that many foreigners were included in this element in the peninsula, but
conditions were probably worse in Spain than elsewhere in western Europe.

Causes of vagabondage.

Much has been written about the causes of vagabondage in Spain. The
principal causes undoubtedly were economic. Foreign writers have charged
it to Spanish pride and scorn of manual labor as well as to a certain native
laziness. These allegations are true to some extent, flowing naturally from
the circumstances of the history of Spain. Slavery had been perhaps more
general and long-continuing in the peninsula than in other parts of Europe,
and the slaves had usually been Moslem in faith; thus Spaniards might
naturally be disinclined to do the work of slaves and infidels, and the same
spirit would be present on its religious side to make them object to working
in company with the questionably orthodox Moriscos. The general desire of
Spaniards to be regarded as of noble blood also tended to make manual
labor unpopular, since there was a strong class prejudice that nobles should
not engage in such work. Finally, the ease of entry into religious orders had
rendered escape from toil possible for a great number, and had increased the
sentiment against laboring with one’s hands. The only way out for a great
many was the life of a vagabond. The sudden wealth acquired by
individuals in the Americas reacted psychologically to make the necessarily
slow accretions of property in Spain an irksome prospect. The exaltation of
military glory had the same general effect, but as the Spanish armies were
small this occupation was not open to everybody, and its perils and
irregularities in pay made not a few hesitate to enter it. Furthermore, there
were many contemporary writers, Cervantes among them, who pointed out
that the life of a vagabond had a certain appeal for many Spaniards; young
men of good family not infrequently joined bands of gypsies.

Inability of the government to cope with the situation.

The poverty of Spain was general by the middle of the seventeenth

century, and the state of the country got steadily worse thereafter. Bread
riots frequently served as a reminder to the authorities, who indeed made
many attempts to remedy the situation. Their measures to attack the root of
the evil were worse than useless, however, being based on economic
misconceptions or being discontinued (when they might have proved
beneficial) if they ran counter to governmental policies. Direct legislation
against vagabondage was frequent, but was evaded as often as enacted.
When people were forbidden to remain in the country without working, the
vagabonds made a showing of becoming porters or of engaging in other like
occupations, under the guise of which they continued their loose practices.
When these occupations were limited they were to be found as theoretically
in the service of the noble or wealthy, whom social pride induced to have as
many in their following as possible. When this custom was attacked direct
evasion of the laws was rendered possible through charitable institutions,
especially through the free soup-kitchens of the religious orders. On the
benevolent side the problem was also approached through the founding of
poor-houses, although this method was not yet greatly developed, and
through the conversion of the former public granaries (pósitos), in which
stores of grain were kept to guard against the possibility of famine, into
pious institutions for the gift or loan of food supplies to the poor.

Contemporary opinions as to the causes of Spain’s economic decline.

The fact of Spain’s economic decline has perhaps been pointed out with
sufficient clearness. It is now pertinent to sum up the causes which had
produced it. According to Altamira there was “a great variety of causes,
accumulated upon a country which entered the modern age with weak and
incipient economic energies, a country whose governments let themselves
be dragged into an imperialistic policy (in great part forced upon them by
problems traceable to Ferdinand the Catholic and the fatal inheritance of
Charles I), neglecting, more for lack of means than intentionally, those
measures which could best contribute to better the productive power and
well-being of the country.” This is an epitome not only of the causes for
Spain’s economic decline in this period but also of modern Spanish history.
It places the fault where it belongs, on Spanish imperialism with its train of
costly wars, a policy which Spain might have followed so far as the
Americas were concerned, but which proved an impossible strain on her
resources when carried beyond the Spanish peninsula into Europe. This was
one of the principal causes assigned at the tune. Some others may also be
enumerated. The increase in the alcabala and in other taxes was often
mentioned as a principal cause, although it is easy to see how this might
have been a result of the warfare. In like manner another group of causes set
forth at that time might well have been results of the economic decline,
such as the following: emigration to the colonies; the lack of government
aid to industries; the invasion of foreign goods and foreigners into Spain;
and the decline in population. Other causes alleged by contemporaries and
deserving of prominent mention, though less important than that of the
European wars, were these: the repugnance of Spaniards for manual labor;
bad financial administration by the government; the prodigality of the kings
in granting favors and exemptions; the governmental practice of fixing the
prices of agricultural products; the evil of absentee landlordism, especially
in the case of the latifundia, which were not developed to the extent of their
resources; waste of the means of production in luxury; the great number of
convents and monasteries; and the exemptions enjoyed by a vast number of
individuals.

Causes assigned by later writers.

Later writers have put emphasis on other matters. Some present-day

historians assign the expulsion of the Moriscos as the principal cause of the
economic decline. It did leave many trades without hands, and temporarily
depopulated whole districts, but it seems hardly accurate to regard it as
anything more than one of many contributory causes. Writers of the
seventeenth century were impressed by its religious and political
advantages, and do not seem to have regarded it as of serious economic
import. The economic effects of the conquest of the Americas have also
been set forth to account for Spain’s decline. That conquest induced the
already-mentioned get-rich-quick spirit among Spaniards, and encouraged
the false economic idea that precious metals are the basic form of wealth,
leading to the assignment of an undue importance to them. More serious,
perhaps, was the fact that the Americas drained Spain of some of her best
and most virile blood. The number of Spaniards who went to America,
however, was not excessive,—little more than the number of Englishmen
who crossed the seas in the seventeenth century. Furthermore, Spain most
certainly secured a vast financial profit out of the Americas, not only from
precious metals, but also from commerce and the employment which
thousands obtained both in Spain and in the colonies. Spanish soil was
indeed not fertile enough to support a policy of European imperialism, and
that argument has been put forward, but the fault was less in the land itself,
which in other days had produced more richly, than in the methods (or lack
of them) employed to develop its capacities. Foreign commercial
vicissitudes, which are also alleged to account for Spain’s economic fall,
did indeed help to bring it about,—such, for example, as the disastrous
consequences of the silting in of the port of Bruges, which city had been
one of the best purchasers of Spain’s raw materials. While it is indeed
impossible to assign any single event or condition of affairs as the sine qua
non of Spain’s decadence, one factor stands out from the rest, however, as
the most important,—that of the oft-mentioned policy of Spanish
imperialism in Europe.
 CHAPTER XXIX

THE GOLDEN AGE: EDUCATION, PHILOSOPHY, HISTORY, AND SCIENCE, 1516-1700

Causes of Spain’s intellectual greatness in this era.

THE sixteenth and seventeenth centuries represent the highest point in

the history of Spanish intellectual achievement in science, literature, and
art. Two manifestations characterized the era: an abundant productivity
which was as high in quality as it was great in amount; and the diffusion of
Spanish learning in the other countries of the civilized world, so that for the
first time (except for the transmission of Moslem culture) Christian Spain
became a vital factor in European thought, whereas in former years she had
merely received the instruction of others. The reasons for this intellectual
outburst were various. For one thing the natural evolution from the past
seemed to render inevitable a high degree of attainment. For another, the
general effects of the Renaissance in Europe made themselves felt in Spain.
In the third place, this seems to have been the era of the ripe maturity of the
Spanish people, when they were at the height of their capacity in every
walk of life. Finally, as has happened so many times in the history of other
nations, the very fact of the establishment of a great empire was bound to
react both materially and psychologically to produce an unwonted
expansion intellectually. Spanish imperialism in Europe undoubtedly
contributed much to the civilization of the peninsula, but it is not too much
to say that the greatest influence came from Spain’s conquests in the new
world. These operated directly to make Spain an innovator in scientific
thought, and provided the first noteworthy material for mental stimulus in
the era. If the better known manifestations of polite literature and painting
were not directly traceable to the attainment of a colonial empire, other
achievements were, and the indirect effect of the overseas conquests should
not be left out of consideration even in the case of those factors which
acknowledged Italy as their principal source of inspiration.

Social manifestations of Spanish intellectuality and its duration in time.

 There were many social manifestations of Spanish intellectuality, such as
the eagerness with which men sought an education, the honors paid to men
of letters in an age when military glory might tend to absorb attention, the
encyclopedic knowledge demonstrated by scholars who were at one and the
same time proficient in widely divergent fields, the circumstance that
women won marked distinction (together with the fact that their
achievements were well received), and the fondness of the upper classes for
social functions of a literary character,—not a few of which developed from
a simple gathering at some noble’s house into the formation of clubs or
academies of an intellectual character. This flourishing state of affairs
endured a much shorter time than might have been expected from the force
of its initial momentum; in a broad sense the intellectual decadence of the
country accompanied, or perhaps resulted from, the political and economic
decline, but just as in the case of these factors it was not equal in celerity or
in completeness in all of the many-sided aspects of Spanish intellectual life.
Furthermore, the fall was so rapid in some respects, and from such a high
point in all, that the ultimate degradation, though deep enough, seemed by
comparison to be worse than it was. At any rate, the state of intellectuality
at its best was sufficiently great to deserve the title which has been applied
to the period of its expression, that of the siglo de oro (golden century) in
Spanish science, literature, and art.

Application and duration of the siglo de oro.

A question arises as to the application of the term and the duration of the
period of the siglo de oro. The seventeenth century has usually been
regarded as the golden age, for it was then that the greatest names in polite
literature and painting appeared. In fact, however, the era of intellectual
brilliance dates from an early point in the sixteenth century in the reign of
Charles I, lasting for about a century and a half, past the middle of the
seventeenth century. The general desire for knowledge, which was so
marked in the first half of the sixteenth century, had already ebbed away by
the end of the reign of Philip II. The greatest achievements in didactic and
scientific literature belong to the sixteenth century, and, indeed, most of the
great writers and painters who won fame in the reigns of Philip III and
Philip IV got their start, or at least were born, in the time of Philip II. Great
results were obtained in both periods, but the stimulus came for the most
part in the sixteenth century.
 The universities.

The aristocratic character of intellectual attainments in the siglo de oro

was reflected in that of the institutions of learning which were founded. In
addition to the eight universities existing in 1516, twenty-one were added in
the sixteenth century, and five in the seventeenth, making a total of thirty-
four in all. Salamanca and Alcalá stood forth as the leading universities,
although outranked in legal studies by Valladolid. Salamanca had the more
ample curriculum, with some sixty professorships, but Alcalá, with forty-
two professorial chairs, was distinguished for the scientific labors of its
faculty. Salamanca was more largely attended, having 6778 students in
1584, a number which had declined to 1955 in 1682, while Alcalá had 1949
in 1547, 2061 in 1650, and 1637 in 1700. The medieval type of internal
management remained as the essential basis of university administration,
characterized by the close connection between the university and the civil
authorities (to which latter the former were in a measure subjected), by an
intimate relationship with the cathedral or other local churches, and by the
ecclesiastical origin of many of the university rents. The universities did not
become religious establishments, however, even though churchmen founded
the greater number of them. As time went on, the kings displayed a
tendency to intervene in university life, as by the sending of visitadores, or
by imposing their candidates for professorships upon the universities, but
they did not go so far as to deprive the universities of their economic, legal,
and scientific independence.

Jesuit colleges.

Other schools of higher education.

The Casa de Contratación as a maritime university.

There were also various other institutions of higher education. One of

them, the Estudios Reales de San Isidro of Madrid, founded early in the
reign of Philip IV for the education of the sons of the greater nobility,
ranked with the universities. Jesuit teachers were installed. This was not the
first instance of Jesuit instruction in the peninsula. By their vows the Jesuits
were obliged to found “colleges,” but this term meant houses for study, only
in that the members of the order living in these institutions pursued
investigations there. Gradually, outside pupils began to be accepted by the
Jesuits, who soon won a great reputation for their efficiency as teachers.
Their teaching was markedly influenced by Renaissance ideals, for the
study of classical authors formed one of the principal elements in their
curriculum. They devoted themselves to the education of the wealthy
classes, leaving the field of vocational preparation to the universities. Apart
from the Jesuit colleges there were various schools, both religious and
secular, primarily for the study of Latin. They were in essence schools of
literature, at which students were given practice in the writing of poetry and
the reciting of verses, both Latin and Castilian. It is said that there were
more than four thousand of these institutions in 1619, although their
numbers declined greatly with the advance of the century. In addition there
were many schools of a purely professional character, such as those for the
study of religion, war, medicine, and nautical science. The school of
nautical science of the Casa de Contratación of Seville merits special
attention. Among the manifold functions of the Casa in its relation to the
Americas was that of the pursuit of scientific studies to facilitate overseas
communication, and this was carried out to such an extent that the Casa
was a veritable maritime university. Mathematics, cosmography, geography,
cartography, navigation, the construction and use of nautical instruments,
and military science (in so far as it related to artillery) were taught at the
Casa, and in nearly all of these respects that institution not only outranked
the others in Spain but was able also to add materially to the sum total of
world knowledge. Primary education continued to be neglected. The current
belief was that it was unnecessary unless one intended to pursue a
professional career. The education of the masses for the sake of raising the
general level of culture, or even for technical advancement, was a problem
which was not as yet comprehended. Such primary schools as there were,
were usually ecclesiastical or private foundations. Reading, writing,
arithmetic, and Christian doctrine were the subjects taught. Taken as a
whole it will be seen that the number of teaching establishments had vastly
increased over that of the preceding eras. An understanding of the superior
facilities available for the upper classes would not be complete without a
reference to the extraordinary diffusion of printing in this era. Although the
publication of works was subject to various conditions, printed books fairly
came into their own, for the first time in the history of the peninsula. A
number of great libraries were formed. It is worthy of mention, too, that it
was at this time that care began to be taken in the accumulation of public
documents in archives. In 1558 Philip II founded an archive at Rome, and
in 1563 made a beginning of the famous state archive at Simancas.

Neglect of primary education.

Great age of printing.

Beginnings of public archives.

Luis Vives and Spanish originality in philosophical studies.

The revival of classical studies, which made available the writings of

many Greek philosophers whose works had been unknown to the medieval
scholars, and the complex movement of ideas engendered by the Protestant
Reformation and the Catholic Reaction were the fundamental causes of the
flourishing state of theological and philosophical studies in this period,
especially in the sixteenth century. While this was by no means confined to
Spain, the peninsula furnished its quota to the great names of the period.
The philosopher Luis Vives (1492-1540) may be mentioned by way of
illustration. Vives, who spent most of his life in Flanders and in England,—
in which latter country he was the teacher of Mary Tudor, the later queen of
England,—was regarded by contemporaries as a philosopher of the first
rank, on a plane with Erasmus. Nearly a century before Francis Bacon
(1561-1626) suggested the necessity for the observation of nature as the
basis of knowledge rather than the blind following of classical texts, Vives
had pronounced the same idea. Of importance, too, were his pedagogical
doctrines, which profoundly influenced Comenius. The case of Vives was
not unique, for the ideas which were later to be made famous by Reid,
Descartes, Montaigne, Charron, and others had already been expressed by
Spaniards of the sixteenth century. The common note in all their works was
that of great liberty of thought in all things other than the Catholic faith, and
in particular that of a reaction against submission to consecrated authority,
which brought them into opposition to the slavish acceptance of classical
writings so much in vogue among the Humanists. In so doing, the Spanish
philosophers were only expressing their national traits, for the Spaniards
have always been able to reconcile their support of absolutism in
government and of the principle of authority in religion with a degree of
individualism that cannot be found in lands whose political and religious
ideas have been more democratic. Partly on this account Spanish thought
has not received due credit, for, though there were Spanish philosophers,
there was no school of Spanish philosophy. Furthermore, sweeping
originality of thought on a universal basis was precluded by the necessity of
subordinating all ideas to Catholic doctrine, while the philosophers who
have attained to the greatest fame in modern times expressed themselves
with independence in that respect, or at least without the preoccupation of
not departing from it. That Spaniards were capable of originality within the
field of religion itself was proved by the development of Spanish
mysticism, already alluded to.

Important character of Spanish writings on jurisprudence, politics, and economics.

In jurisprudence and politics Spanish writers gained an indisputable title

to originality of thought, of positive influence on the civilization of other
countries. This was due in part to the continuous warfare, the grave
religious problems, and the many questions arising out of the conquest,
colonization, and retention of the Americas, but it was also a result of a
natural tendency in Spanish character to occupy itself with the practical
aspects of affairs, directing philosophical thought toward its applications in
actual life,—for example, in the case of matters to which the above-
mentioned events gave rise. Spanish jurists achieved renown in various
phases of jurisprudence, such as in international, political, penal, and
canonical law, in the civil law of Rome and of the Spanish peninsula, and in
legal procedure. Not Grotius (1583-1645), but his Spanish predecessors of
the sixteenth century laid the foundations for international law, and the
great Dutch jurist more than once acknowledged his indebtedness to
Spaniards, who, like Vitoria and Vázquez, had provided him with rich
materials for the thesis he set forth. Among the writers on political law may
be mentioned Solórzano, whose Política indiana, or Government of the
Indies (1629-1639), was a noteworthy exposition and defence of the
Spanish colonial system. In economics, too, the Spaniards were necessarily
outstanding figures in their day, since the Spanish empire was the greatest
and for a time the most powerful of the period. National resources, the
income and expenditures of the state, and the method of the enjoyment of
landed property were the three principal questions to engage the attention of
the Spanish economists. When Martínez de la Mata declared that labor was
the only true source of wealth, he was in so much the precursor of Adam
Smith (1723-1790). Some economists expressed ideas which sound
strangely like those set forth by Spencer, Wallace, Tolstoy, and others in the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries, such as the following: that immovable
property should be taken away from the private individuals possessing it,
and be redistributed under the control of the state; and that society should
be considered as having legal title to lands, giving only the user to
individuals. Luis Vives was one of the representatives of these ideas. The
principles of these economists found little support in practice, and cannot be
said to have attained general acceptance among the Spanish writers on these
subjects.
 Páez de Castro and the new sense of historical content.

The advance of historical studies in this period, especially in the

sixteenth century, was nothing short of remarkable. For the first time history
won a right to be considered apart from polite literature. Two novelties
marked the era, one of them relative to the content of history, and the other
concerning the methods of investigation and composition. Formerly history
had reduced itself to little more than the external political narrative, dealing
with wars, kings, and heroes, being more rhetorical in form than scientific.
The new sense of content was represented principally by the philosopher
Luis Vives and by the historian Páez de Castro, one-time chronicler of
Charles I. Vives gave his opinion that history should deal with all the
manifestations of social life. Páez de Castro stands forth, however, as the
man who most clearly expressed the new ideas. According to him the
history of a land should include the study of its geography, of the languages
of its peoples, of the dress, laws, religions, social institutions, general
customs, literature, arts, sciences, and even the aspects of nature of the land
in so far as these things affected the actions of men. Páez de Castro was also
a follower of Pérez de Guzmán and Hernando del Pulgar in his appreciation
of the psychological element in history. The most exacting methodologists
of the present day do not require more than did Páez de Castro nearly four
centuries ago. Incidentally, it becomes clear that the credit ordinarily
assigned to Voltaire (1694-1778) and Hume (1711-1776) as innovators in
this respect belongs rather to Spaniards of the sixteenth century. Vives and
Páez de Castro were not alone in their concept of history. On the other hand
they were not able to put their ideas into practice, and were not followed by
the majority of the writers on methodology. Nevertheless, all were agreed
that the education of the historian should be encyclopedic in character,—an
ideal which necessarily involved a measurable attainment of the plan of
Páez de Castro.

Zurita and Morales and the advance in historical investigation and criticism.

If these concepts as to historical content were not fully realized, those

with regard to the methods of investigation and criticism found a worthy
representation in the majority of the historians of the era. To be sure, some
of the great writers, like Florián de Ocampo and Mariana, displayed too
much credulity or a disposition to imagine events for which they lacked
documentary proof. Furthermore, this was a thriving period of forgeries,
when writers invented classical authors, chronicles, letters, and inscriptions
with which to support their narratives. Still, the evil brought about the
remedy; the necessity for criticism was so great that its application became
customary. In addition, men sought documents, if only to disprove the
forgeries, with the result that the employment of source material and the use
of the sciences auxiliary to history were a factor in the works of the
numerous great historians of the time. The highest representatives of the
new sense of historical analysis were the official chroniclers of Charles I
and Philip II. First in point of time was Florián de Ocampo, whose Crónica
general (General chronicle) was published in 1543. While giving too free
rein to the imagination, his Crónica had a fairly complete documental basis
in some of its parts. Far superior was the Anales de Aragón, or Annals of
Aragon (1562-1580), of Jerónimo Çurita, or Zurita, which in its use of
archive material was the greatest historical work of the sixteenth century. Of
equal rank with Zurita was Ambrosio de Morales, the continuer of Ocampo,
whose Crónica was published in 1574-1575. Morales, who was a
distinguished palæographist and archæologist, made a notable use of
inscriptions, coins, manuscripts, ancient books, and other ancient evidences.
While the influence of Gibbon (1737-1794) on historiography in these
respects is not to be denied, it is only fair to point out the merits of his
predecessors of the Spanish siglo de oro in precisely those qualities for
which the great Englishman has won such signal fame.

The historian Mariana.

The bibliographer Nicolás Antonio.

Historians of the Americas.

The historian of this era who attained the greatest reputation, though far
from equalling Vives and Páez de Castro on the one hand or Zurita and
Morales on the other, was the Jesuit Mariana. In 1592-1595 he published
his history of Spain in Latin (Historia de rebus Hispaniæ), which he
brought out in Castilian in 1601 under the title Historia general de España
(General history of Spain). This work, which is still one of the most widely
read of all Spanish histories, was remarkable for its composition and style,
in which respects it was superior to others of the period, though otherwise
inferior to the best works of the time. It was intended to be popular,
however, on which account it should not be judged too critically from the
standpoint of technique. Mariana’s history was an external political
narrative, from the Castilian point of view, of the events which had
developed the national unity of Spain. His own bias, politically and
otherwise, was only too apparent, besides which he displayed the faults of
credulity and imagination already alluded to. Nevertheless, Mariana made
use of manuscripts and the evidence of inscriptions and coins, though not to
the same degree as Zurita, Morales, and others. His style was tinged with
the Humanistic ideals of the period, being strongly influenced by Livy.
Many other students of history or of the sciences auxiliary to history are
deserving of recognition, and at least one of them demands mention,
Nicolás Antonio, the greatest bibliographer of his time. In 1672 he
published his Bibliotheca hispana (republished in 1788 as the Bibliotheca
hispana nova, or Catalogue of new Spanish works) of all Spanish works
since 1500, and in 1696 completed his Bibliotheca hispana vetus, or
Catalogue of old Spanish works (published in 1788), of Spanish books,
manuscript and printed, prior to the sixteenth century. Deserving of special
notice was a remarkable group of historians of the Americas, such as
Fernando Colón (Ferdinand Columbus), Fernández de Oviedo, López de
Gómara, Bernal Díaz del Castillo, Bernabé Cobos, Gutiérrez de Santa
Clara, Juan de Castellanos, Acosta, Garcilaso de la Vega, Herrera, Cieza de
León, Zárate, Jerez, Dorantes de Carranza, Góngora, Hevía, León Pinelo,
Mendieta, Pizarro, Sahagún, Suárez de Peralta, Alvarado, Torquemada,
Solís, Cortés, Las Casas, Cervantes de Salazar, López de Velasco, the
already cited Solórzano, Pérez de Ribas, Tello, Florencia, Vetancurt, and
many others. The works of some of these men were written in Spain as
official chronicles of the Indies, while those of others were prepared
independently in the Americas. Religious history was abundantly produced,
as also were books of travel, especially those based on the expeditions and
discoveries in the Indies. In all of the historical production of the era, not
merely in the work of Mariana, the influence of classical models was
marked.

The conquest of the Americas and resultant Spanish achievements in natural science,
geography, and cartography.
 If the output of Spaniards in the domain of the natural sciences was not
so great as in the realm of philosophy, jurisprudence, and history, it was
nevertheless distinctively original in character,—necessarily so, since the
discovery of new lands and new routes, to say nothing of the effects of
continuous warring, not only invited investigation, but also made it
imperative, in order to overcome hitherto unknown difficulties. In dealing
with the Americas a practice was made of gathering geographical data
which for its completeness has scarcely ever been surpassed. Explorers
were required by law to make the most detailed observations as to
distances, general geographical features, character of the soil, products,
animals, and peoples, with a view to the collection and the study of their
reports at the Casa de Contratación, for which purpose the post of
cosmographical chronicler of the Indies was created. Equal amplitude of
data was also to be found in books of travel. To enumerate the contributors
to geographical knowledge it would be necessary to name the hundreds of
Spanish voyages and explorations in the new world of which accounts were
written by their leaders or by friars accompanying the expeditions. A
noteworthy compendium of these reports has recently been published,
although it was compiled in the sixteenth century, the Geografía y
descripción universal de las Indias (Geography and general description of
the Indies) for the years 1571 to 1574 by Juan López de Velasco. Something
of a like nature was achieved for the peninsula itself in the reign of Philip
II. As was inevitable, Spaniards were prominent in cartography. Aside from
the men who accompanied the expeditions in the new world, the most
famous cartographers of the time were those of the Casa de Contratación,
many of whom made contributions to cartographical science, as well as
additions to the mapping of the world. One interesting instance was the use
of maps with equi-distant polar projections years before Mercator in 1569
first employed this method, which was henceforth to bear his name. Spanish
innovators have not received the credit they deserve, principally because
their results were in many cases deliberately kept secret by the Spanish
government, which wished to retain a monopoly of the information, as well
as of the trade, of the new world. Spanish achievements, it will be observed,
were designed to meet practical ends, rather than to promote universal
knowledge,—unfortunately for the fame of the individuals engaged in
scientific production.
 Similarly, Spanish achievements in the mathematical and physical sciences.

Naturally, these accomplishments in geography and cartography

necessitated a solid foundation in the mathematical and physical sciences,
and such a basis in fact existed. The leading scholars, especially those of the
Casa, who always stood out from the rest, displayed a remarkable
conjunction of theory and practice. At the same time that they were writing
doctrinal treatises about cosmography, astronomy, and mathematics, they
were able to make maps and nautical instruments with their own hands, and
not infrequently to invent useful appliances. Problems in connection with
the variations of the magnetic needle, the exact calculation of longitude, the
observation of eclipses, and the perfection of the astrolabe were among
those which preoccupied students of that day. The advancement of
Spaniards is evidenced by the facility with which the theory of Copernicus
(that the sun, and not the earth, is the centre of the solar system) was
accepted in Spain, when it was rejected elsewhere. It is noteworthy, too,
that when Pope Gregory XIII proposed to correct the calendar, he sought
information of Spanish scholars, whose suggestions were followed. In the
same year (1582) that the Gregorian calendar went into effect in Rome, it
was adopted also in Spain. In nautical science, as might have been expected
from the practical character of Spanish studies, Spaniards were preëminent.
Among the more important names was that of Alarcón, better known for his
voyage of 1540 in the Gulf of California and along the western coast of the
California peninsula. Advance in naval construction accompanied that of
navigation proper. The new world provided Spaniards with an opportunity,
of which they did not fail to avail themselves, for progress in the sciences of
physics and chemistry, always with practical ideals in mind. Theories were
set forth as to such matters as cyclones, terrestrial magnetism, atmospheric
pressure, and even telegraphy, while mechanical inventions were made,
because these things were related to specific problems. The most
remarkable example of the heights to which Spaniards attained in physics
and chemistry was in the application of these sciences to metallurgy. When
the mines of the Americas were first exploited, it was necessary to resort to
German methods, but it was not long before Spaniards easily took first rank
in the world. A work by Alonso Barba, for example, published in 1640, was
translated into all of the leading European languages, and served as the
principal guide of metallurgists for more than a century. As engineers
Spaniards lagged behind other European peoples; engineering works were
not greatly involved in the colonization of the Americas. It is interesting,
however, to note the numerous studies of projects by Spaniards of the
sixteenth century,—among them, Cortés, Saavedra, Galván, López de
Gómara, Gil González Dávila, Salcedo, Esquivel, and Mercado,—with a
view to the construction of a canal at the Isthmus of Panamá to facilitate
communication with the Pacific.

Progress in medicine.

Finally, the science of medicine, which had already entered upon an

experimental stage in the reign of the Catholic Kings, advanced to a point
which enabled it to compare, not unfavorably, with the achievements in
other branches of precise knowledge. Medicine, too, had the Americas to
thank for much of its progress, owing to discoveries of botanical and
mineralogical specimens of a medicinal character. The universities of
Salamanca, Valencia, and Barcelona took the lead in medical studies, and
furnished most of the great names of the era. In the seventeenth century
medical science experienced a marked decline, due among other things to a
return to an imitation of classical methods. Hippocrates and other Greek
writers were regarded as incapable of mistake, wherefore investigation and
experiment ceased to hold the place they had won in the sixteenth century.
Some men endeavored to continue the experimental tradition, but, as indeed
elsewhere in Europe, they were despised by the classical element, who
arrogated to themselves the honor of possessing the only real medical
knowledge, charging their opponents, usually with truth, with employing
experimentation because they were unable to read the accounts of classical
remedies set forth in Greek and Latin. Nevertheless, it was to experimental
methods, principally in the sixteenth century, that the discovery of many
hitherto unknown cures was due.
 CHAPTER XXX

THE GOLDEN AGE: LITERATURE AND ART, 1516-1700

Victory of Castilian over foreign tongues in polite literature and remarkable outburst of
productivity.

THE general conditions affecting literature and art in the siglo de oro
have already been alluded to in the preceding chapter. The influence of
Humanism and the impulse of the Renaissance were more directly felt in
polite literature than in didactic and scientific works. Furthermore, this type
of literature was more easily understood by people at large than the more
special studies, and it is not surprising that Spain’s intellectual greatness
should have been appreciated by the majority of the educated classes in
terms of poetry, the novel, and the drama, together with the manifestations
of the age in the fine arts. The very men who contributed works of a
scientific character could not resist the appeal of belles lettres, and wrote
books which not infrequently demonstrated their double right to homage.
Knowledge of Latin, Greek, and various modern languages, especially
Italian and French, was more or less general among the educated classes,
giving an opportunity for the satisfaction of one’s wishes to delve into a
varied literature, and opening the way to foreign influences upon Castilian
work. The day of French influence seemed for a time to have passed,
however (although it returned with the decline in the later seventeenth
century); rather, a current against it had set in. The effect of the other three
languages was so great, however, that Castilian temporarily lost some of its
prestige, which passed over especially to Latin and Italian. Most works of
an erudite character now appeared in Latin, and that language was the
official tongue of most of the courses in the universities. The church, too,
lent its weight to Latin. Nevertheless, Castilian was at no time in real
danger. Anything intended for popular consumption found its way into
Castilian, and not a few notable scientific works employed that language.
Save for a few inefficacious attempts of the Humanists to use Latin, the
field of polite literature was captured wholly by the native tongue. This
victory for national sentiment carried with it an exuberant outburst of
productivity which affected all classes. Prior to this time the clergy had
provided almost the only representatives to win fame in belles lettres; now,
they were joined and rivalled, even outdone, by laymen, both soldiers and
civilians. The noble families caught the enthusiasm and made their houses
centres for gatherings, and the kings themselves were carried along in the
current. Charles I was exceptionally fond of the novels of chivalry, which
he used to have read aloud to him; Philip II, himself little affected, tolerated
the tastes of his daughters which led them to make poetry form a part of the
palace distractions; but it was under Philip IV that the royal love and
patronage of literature attained to its highest point. Philip IV himself wrote
comedies, and filled the palace with poets, dramatists, and writers of prose.
Meanwhile, the general public got its first real opportunity to attend the
theatre, and bought meritorious books (which printing now rendered
available), while men discussed their favorite authors with the same ardor
that they might their favorite bull-fighters.

Spanish contributions to philology.

One of the principal studies of the Humanists was that of grammar, Latin
and Greek chiefly. The classical authors and the patristic writings of the
medieval period occupied their attention, together with allied works in other
languages, such as ancient Hebrew or modern Italian. The Spanish
Humanists held a noteworthy place in the development of this movement in
Europe. While many individuals might be named, Arias Montano was
perhaps the greatest of Spain’s representatives. Interest in language study
carried Spaniards far afield among contemporary tongues, and in one
respect led to a remarkable contribution to knowledge. As conquerors and
as missionaries Spaniards came in contact with a variety of peoples hitherto
unknown, or little known, to the world, from the numerous tribes of the
Indians in the Americas to the Chinese and Japanese of the Far East. Many
valuable data were accumulated in Spanish about these peoples and their
customs, and their languages were studied and in many cases written down
by Spaniards, who systematized them for the first time. Much of this
material has only recently become available, but it ranks as an achievement
of the siglo de oro; perhaps the more valuable parts were prepared in the
sixteenth century. Meanwhile, the process of purifying Castilian grammar
was constantly going on, and it is interesting to note the strong nationalistic
tendency in favor of a phonetic spelling as opposed to the expression of the
etymological form. Rhetoric was regarded as a part of grammar, and it is
easy to understand that in an age of Humanism the question of style should
be a favorite topic.

Lope de Rueda and the development of the national theatre.

It was in this period that the national theatre developed, and Spaniards
displayed such originality and forcefulness as to make a profound
impression on the dramatic literature of the world. At the outset of the reign
of Charles I, Gil Vicente and Torres Naharro were continuing the tradition
of Juan del Enzina with crude farces and allegorical religious plays. Despite
the fact that these were generally acted in convents, they were so frequently
of a licentious character that in 1548 their publication was forbidden.
Meanwhile, classical plays and compositions written in imitation of the
Latin and Greek masters were proving difficult competitors to the weakly
groping Spanish stage. The regeneration of the national theatre was due to
Lope de Rueda of Seville, whose name first appears in 1554. The greatness
of Rueda was due primarily to his own acting, which gave him an
opportunity to re-introduce Spanish plays and make a success of them.
While staging translations of Latin and Italian works, Rueda wrote and
played short acts of a dramatic and episodical character. Others carried on
the task begun by Rueda until the machinery for the Spanish theatre was
fairly well prepared for the works of the great masters,—for example, the
three-act comedy had developed, first employed by Francisco de Avendaño.
Cervantes wrote a number of plays, between 1583 and 1587, but while they
were not without merit they were completely overshadowed by those of the
great writers of dramatic literature.

The great masters of the Spanish theatre.

First of the great masters, chronologically, was Lope de Vega (1562-

1635), who was also one of the most prolific writers of all time. It is said
that he wrote 1800 comedies and 400 religious, allegorical plays (one of the
leading types of the era), besides many shorter dialogues, of which number
470 of the comedies and 50 of the plays have survived. His writings were
not less admirable than numerous, and marked a complete break with the
past. An inventive exuberance, well-sustained agreeability and charm, skill
in the management of fable and in the depiction of character, the elevation
of women to a leading place in the dramatical plot (a feature without
precedent), an instinct for theatrical effects, intensity of emotional
expression, wit, naturalness and nobility of dialogue, and realism were the
most noteworthy traits of his compositions, together with a variety in
subject-matter which ventured into every phase of the history and
contemporary customs of Spain. His defects were traceable mainly to his
facility in production, such as a lack of plan and organization as a whole,
wherefore it has been said that he wrote scenes and not complete plays,
although his best works are not open to this charge. In the meantime, the
paraphernalia of theatrical presentation had been perfected. In 1579 the first
permanent theatre was built in Madrid, followed quickly by the erection of
others there and in the other large cities. Travelling companies staged plays
in all parts of Spain, until the theatre became popular. If Lope de Vega
profited from this situation, so also did the stage from him, for he provided
it with a vehicle which fixed it in public favor at a time when the balance
might have swung either way. The fame of Lope de Vega eclipsed that of
his contemporaries, many of whom were deserving of high rank. In recent
years one name has emerged from the crowd, that of Friar Gabriel Téllez,
better known by his pseudonym, Tirso de Molina (1571-1658). In realism,
depiction of character, profundity of ideas, emotion, and a sense of the
dramatic he was the equal and at times the superior of Lope de Vega. The
successor in fame and popularity of Lope de Vega, however, was Pedro
Calderón de la Barca (1600-1681), whose compositions faithfully
represented the devout Catholicism and chivalric ideals (exaggerating the
fact) of his contemporaries. Calderón was above all a writer of religious,
allegorical plays. In the domain of the profane his plays were too grave and
rigid to adapt themselves to the comic, and they were characterized by a
certain monotony and artifice, a substitution of allegory for realism, and an
excess of brilliance and lyrical qualities, often tinged with rhetoric and
obscure classical allusions. Not only were these three masters and a number
of others great in Spain, but also they clearly influenced the dramatic
literature of the world; it would be necessary to include most of the famous
European playwrights of the seventeenth century and some of later times if
a list were to be made of those who drew inspiration from the Spanish
theatre of the siglo de oro.

The three types of the sixteenth century novel.

 The history of the Spanish novel in this era reduces itself to a discussion
of three leading types, those of chivalry, love, and social customs, the last-
named an outgrowth from the picaresque novel, and more often so-called.
The novel of chivalry, descendant of Amadís de Gaula, was by far the most
popular in the sixteenth century, having almost a monopoly of the field.
Like the reprehensible “dime novel” of recent American life its popularity
became almost a disease, resulting occasionally in a derangement of the
mental faculties of some of its more assiduous readers. The extravagant
achievements of the wandering knights ended by proving a bore to Spanish
taste, and the chivalric novel was already dead when Cervantes attacked it
in Don Quixote. Meanwhile, the amatory novel had been affected by the
introduction from Italy of a pastoral basis for the story, which first appeared
in the middle of the sixteenth century and endured for about a hundred
years. This novel was based on an impossible situation, that of country
shepherds and shepherdesses who talked like people of education and
refinement. Only the high qualities of the writers were able to give it life,
which was achieved by the excellence of the descriptions, the lyrical quality
of the verse, and the beauty of the prose style. The true Spanish novel was
to develop out of the picaresque type, which looked back to the popular La
Celestina of 1499. About the middle of the sixteenth century and again just
at its close there appeared two other works, frankly picaresque, for they
dealt with the life of rogues (pícaros) and vagabonds. The name
“picaresque” was henceforth employed for works which did not come
within the exact field of these earlier volumes, except that they were
realistic portrayals of contemporary life. Such was the state of affairs when
Cervantes appeared.

Cervantes and Don Quixote.

The Novelas exemplares.

Miguel de Cervantes y Saavedra (1547-1616) had a long and varied

career before his publication of the book which was to place him at a bound
in the front rank of the literary men of all time. He was a pupil of the
Humanist Hoyos in 1568; a chamberlain of Cardinal Acquaviva at Rome in
1569; a soldier from 1570 to 1575, taking part in the battle of Lepanto; and
a captive in Algiers from 1575 to 1580. A devotee of belles lettres from
youth, he produced many works between 1583 and 1602 in poetry, the
drama, and the pastoral novel, in none of which did he attain to real
eminence, though a writer of note. In 1603 he wrote the first part of the
Quixote, and published it in 1605. The book leaped into immediate favor,
ran through a number of editions, and was almost at once translated, at least
in part, into all the languages of western Europe. It is easy to point out the
relationship of Don Quixote to the many types of literature which had
preceded it. There was the influence of Lucian in its audacious criticism,
piquancy, and jovial and independent humor, in its satire, in fine; of Rojas’
La Celestina or of Rueda in dialogue; of Boccaccio in style, variety,
freedom, and artistic devices; of the Italian story-writers and poets of the
era; even of Homer’s Odyssey; and especially of the novels of chivalry.
Nevertheless, Cervantes took all this and moulded it in his own way into
something new. The case of the novel of chivalry may be taken for purposes
of illustration. While pretending to annihilate that type of work, which was
already dead, Cervantes in fact caught the epic spirit of idealism which the
novelists had wished to represent but had drowned in a flood of
extravagances and impossible happenings, raising it in the Quixote to a
point of sublimity which revealed the eternal significance in human
psychology of the knightly ideal,—and all in the genial reflection of
chimerical undertakings amid the real problems of life. On this account
some have said that the Quixote was the last and the best, the perfected
novel of chivalry. Withal, it was set forth in prose of inexpressible beauty,
superior to any of its models in its depth and spontaneity, its rich
abundance, its irresistibly comic force, and its handling of conversation.
The surprise occasioned by this totally unlooked for kind of book can in
part be understood when one recalls that in the domain of the real and
human, the public had had only the three picaresque novels already alluded
to, before the appearance of Don Quixote. In his few remaining years of life
Cervantes added yet other works in his inimitable style, of which the two
most notable were the second part of the Quixote (1615), said by many to
be superior to the first, and the Novelas exemplares, or Model tales (1612-
1613), a series of short stories bearing a close relationship to the picaresque
novels in their dealings with the lives of rogues, vagabonds, and profligates,
but as demonstrably different from them as the Quixote was from the novels
of chivalry, especially in that Cervantes was not satirizing, or idealizing, or
even drawing a moral concerning the life he depicted, but merely telling his
tale, as an artist and a poet. Well might he say that he was the first to write
novels in Castilian. There were many writers of fiction after him in the era,
but since the novel had reached its culminating point in its first issue, it is
natural that the art did not progress,—for it could not!

Lyric and epic poetry.

While the Spanish theatre and the Spanish novel were of world-wide
significance, furnishing models which affected the literature of other
peoples, Spanish lyric poetry had only national importance, but it has a
special interest at this time in that it was the most noteworthy representative
of the vices which were to contribute to destroy Spain’s literary
preëminence. In the first place, lyric poetry was an importation, for the
Italian lyrics overwhelmed the native product and even imposed their form
in Castilian verse. Much excellent work was done, however, notably by
Garcilaso de la Vega (1503-1536). Eminent on another account was Luis de
Argote y Góngora (1561-1627), commonly referred to by the name of his
mother, Góngora. Góngora affected to despise popularity, declaring that he
wished to write only for the cultivated classes. To attain this end he adopted
the method of complicating the expression of his ideas, making violent
departures from the usual order of employing words (hyperbaton), and
indulging in artificial symbolism. This practice, called euphuism in English,
for it was not peculiar to Spain but became general in Europe, won undying
fame of a doubtfully desirable character for Góngora, in that it has ever
since been termed gongorismo in Spanish, although the word culteranismo
has also been applied. Similar to it was conceptism, which aimed to
introduce subtleties, symbols, and obscurities into the ideas themselves. It is
natural that the lyric poetry of the later seventeenth century should have
reached a state of utter decline. Epic poetry did not prosper in this era; its
function was supplied by romance.

Achievements in satire, panegyrics, and periodical literature.

In addition to the various forms of prose writing already discussed, there

were many others, and great distinction was achieved in them by the
Spaniards of the siglo de oro. Among the many who might be mentioned
was Francisco de Quevedo, especially famous as a satirist and humorist.
One interesting type of literature was that of the panegyrics of Spain in
answer to the Hispanophobe works of foreigners, who based their
characterizations of Spaniards in no small degree, though not wholly, on the
exaggerated condemnation of Spain’s dealings with the American Indians
by Bartolomé de Las Casas, himself a Spanish Dominican. The Política
indiana of Solórzano belongs in this class of literature, as a refutation,
though a reasoned one, of the indictment of Las Casas and others. In
addition to the already-mentioned “relations of events,” forerunner of the
modern newspaper, it is to be noted that the Gaceta (Gazette), the official
periodical, began to be published in the seventeenth century. With regard to
the non-Castilian parts of Spain it need only be said that Castilian
triumphed as the literary language, although works in the vernacular
continued to be published in Catalonia, Valencia, and Majorca.

Influence of Spanish intellectual achievements upon western European thought.

In dealing with the various phases of the siglo de oro much has already
been said about the diffusion of Spanish thought in Europe and its influence
in foreign countries. Two factors tended to bring Spanish intellectual
achievements to the notice of the world. In the first place, Spanish
professors were to be found in many foreign universities, while Jesuit
teaching, very largely Spanish, profoundly affected Catholic Europe. In the
second place, Spanish works were widely read and translated, although not
equally at all times or equally in all places. In general, Italy was the centre
for the dissemination of Spanish thought in the sixteenth century, though
often by a double translation, from Spanish to Italian and from Italian to a
third tongue, and France was the distributing point in the seventeenth
century. In addition there were the works in Latin, which were equally
available to all. Spanish philosophical writings were comparatively little
read, abroad, but those concerning theology and religion were seized upon
by friend and foe, while the offerings of the Spanish mystics were also
widely translated. An even greater diffusion fell to the lot of the works on
jurisprudence, politics, and international law, and the essential importance
of Spanish writings in geography, cosmography, natural science, and
kindred subjects has already been pointed out. The works of the historians
crossed the frontiers, though more particularly those dealing with the
Americas, together with the narratives of American travel. The power of
Spanish arms was sufficient to induce wide reading of military writings
emanating from the peninsula. Naturally, the greatest number of translations
was in the field of polite literature. Every type of the Spanish novel found
its way to other countries, and the novel of chivalry was almost more
admired, abroad, and certainly longer-lived, than in Spain. Cervantes
became a veritable cult in Germany and England, and in this special case
England became the centre for the diffusion of Spanish genius. In like
manner the great dramatists were famous in all of Europe. While the mere
knowledge by Europeans of Spanish works would not be a sufficient basis
to predicate a vital Spanish influence beyond the peninsula, such
information was a condition precedent to its effectuation, and important
modifications of western European thought did in fact follow. It would be
possible to trace this in every branch of literature and study which has been
discussed, but a number of indications have been given already, and the task
is one which does not fall within the field of this volume. To those who
actually produced an effect should be added the names of those who
deserved to do so, but who were prevented by fortuitous circumstances
from so doing; the achievements of many of these men are only now being
brought to light by investigations in Spanish archives, and in some cases,—
for example, in that of the anthropological group of writers about the
Americas,—their works still represent contributions to universal
knowledge. Toward the close of the seventeenth century Spain’s hegemony
in the world of letters began to be supplanted by the rising power of France.

Causes of the decline in Spanish intellectual productivity

All peoples who have had their period of intellectual greatness have
sooner or later fallen from their high estate, and it was inevitable that this
should occur in the case of Spain. The decline in the peninsula was so
excessive in degree, however, that historians have enquired whether there
were not certain special causes to induce it. The baleful effect of the
Inquisition, exercising a kind of religious censorship on all works, has
usually been regarded as of the first importance in this respect. Yet the
Inquisition existed during the period of greatness as well as in that of
decadence, and to assert that the prohibitions placed upon the expression of
even such important ideas as those having a religious bearing could dry up
the native independence and freedom of Spanish thought is to confess a
lack of knowledge of Spanish character. The Inquisition was one of a great
many factors having some influence to check production, but it was not
responsible to the degree that has been charged. The same thing is true of
the government censorship independent of the Inquisition. Another factor of
some importance was that the manifestations of the siglo de oro had no
solid foundation in the education of the masses, who remained as ignorant
as in preceding centuries. If any set of causes can be singled out from the
rest, it is probable that those having to do with the political and economic
decline of the country as a whole affected, also, the intellectual output of
the country. A natural aptitude in the Spanish people, together with the
national expansion in resources and power, had enabled them in the
sixteenth century to develop an all-round intellectual productivity, more
especially of a scientific order, and when this phase of the Golden Age was
already dead, private wealth, refinement, and tradition remained to
encourage expression in the realm of polite literature. Even this prop was
removed by the end of the seventeenth century, and the final decline
became inevitable.

Great era of the fine arts.

The general conditions affecting the history of art were the same as those
already pointed out in dealing with literature. Spain produced painters
whose works were to serve as among the greatest models of all time, and
her attainments in other phases of art, if less inspiring, were of a
distinguished order. Spanish architecture, though rarely approved by
modern critics, was to become a force in the world through its transmission
to the Americas. The so-called “Mission style” of California is nothing
more than a reminiscence of the art forms of Spain in this period and the
next.

Spanish Renaissance architecture.

The Herreran style.

Baroque architecture.

A continuation of the evolution begun in the preceding era, from Gothic

to Renaissance architecture, resulted in the banishment of the former. The
Renaissance edifices were in three principal styles, which did not succeed
one another rigorously in turn, but which were mixed together, or passed
almost imperceptibly from one to another, although roughly representing a
certain chronological order. The first of these was characterized by the
predominance of Renaissance factors over those which were more properly
plateresque. The façades of San Marcos of León and of the ayuntamiento
(city hall) of Seville are good examples. By far the most noteworthy style
was that of the second of this period, called variously “Greco-Roman,”
“second Renaissance,” and “Herreran” (after Juan de Herrera, its principal
exponent), and employed most largely in the second half of the sixteenth
and the first part of the seventeenth century. The edifices of this group were
noteworthy for the attempt made in them to imitate the Roman architecture
of the later empire through the suppression of adornment and the
multiplication of flat surfaces and straight lines, achieving expression
through great size and massiveness of structure, together with the use of
rich materials. In the matter of embellishment the classical orders were
superimposed, Doric being used in the lower story, Ionic in the next, and
finally Corinthian. The pyramid capped with a ball was the favorite style of
finial, while gigantic statues were also placed in niches high up in the
façade. The whole effect was sombrely religious, often depressingly so. The
greatest example of this type of art is the Escorial, the famous palace of
Philip II, built by Juan de Herrera, possibly the most noteworthy single
edifice of Christian Spanish architecture in existence, and certainly the most
widely known. In the reign of Philip IV there was a pronounced reaction
against the sobriety of the Herreran style, and the pendulum swung to the
other extreme. Adornment and movement of line returned, but were
expressed in a most extravagant way, as exemplified by the excessive
employment of foliage effects and by the use of broken or twisted lines
which were not structurally necessary and were not in harmony with the
rest of the edifice. Variety and richness of materials were also a leading
characteristic. This style, usually called “baroque,” also “churrigueresque”
(from Churriguera, its leading architect), has numerous examples, of which
the façade of the palace of San Telmo in Seville may be taken as a type.

Vigorous development of sculpture and the lesser arts.

Sculpture developed into a vigorous art, though still employed mainly as

auxiliary to architecture or in religious statuary. Gothic sculpture in both the
pure and the plateresque form struggled against Italian influences until the
middle of the sixteenth century, when the latter triumphed. Berruguete,
Montañés, and Alonso Cano, the first-named largely responsible for the
just-mentioned Italian victory and the two latter flourishing in the time of
Philip IV, were the leading names of the era. A peculiarity of the Spanish
sculptors was that they worked in wood, being especially noteworthy for
the images (many crucifixions among them) which they made. The realism
of the image-makers saved Spanish sculpture from the contamination of
baroque art, which took root in other countries. The decline came, however,
with the introduction later in the seventeenth century of the practice of
dressing the images, so that only the head, hands, and feet were in fact
sculptured. From this the sculptors went on to attach false hair and other
false features, going even to the extreme of affixing human skin and finger
nails. Other factors combined with this lack of taste to bring on the decay of
the art. The excellent work in this period of the artesonados, or ceilings of
carved woodwork, should not pass unnoticed. Meanwhile, work in gold,
silver, iron, and bronze was cultivated assiduously, of which the principal
manifestations of a national character were the shrines and gratings. In
general, the Renaissance influences triumphed in these arts, as also in the
various allied arts, such as the making of tapestry. The gold workers
enjoyed an expansion of output springing naturally from the surplus wealth
in secular hands, and a similar lot fell to the workers in silks and
embroideries; both industries produced materials of a high artistic quality.
In ceramic art Arabic tradition had one noteworthy survival in the azulejos,
or varnished bricks painted by hand in blue and white and used as tiles.
Renaissance factors at length appeared to change the geometric designs,
reminiscent of the Moslem past, to the more prevalent classic forms. Aside
from azulejos proper other tiles of many colors, often gilded, were
employed.

Appearance of an independent Spanish school in painting.

In the early years of this period the Italian influence on Spanish painting
held full sway. The leading factors were the Florentine school, headed by
Raphael, and the Venetian school, of which Titian was the most prominent
representative. The latter, notable for its brilliant coloring and effects of
light, was by all odds the more important of the two. Spaniards went to Italy
to study, and not a few Italian painters came to Spain, while many works of
the Italian masters, especially those of Titian, were procured by Charles I
and Philip II. Nevertheless, the signs of a truly Spanish school began to
appear about the middle of the sixteenth century, and before the close of
Philip II’s reign the era of Spanish independence in painting and the day of
the great masters were at hand, to endure for over a century. With
characteristic individuality, Spaniards did not separate into well-defined
local schools, but displayed a great variety, even within the same group.
Still, in a general way the Andalusians may be said to have accentuated the
use of light and a warm ambient, while the Castilians followed a more
severe style, employing darker tones. All devoted themselves to the
depiction of religious subject-matter, but with no attempt at idealism; rather,
the mundane sphere of realism, though in a religious cloak, preoccupied
them, with attention, too, to expression and coloring more than to drawing
and purity of form.

El Greco, first of the great masters in painting.

Ribera.

Zurbarán.

Velázquez, greatest of the masters.

Murillo.

Coello.

Other notable painters.

The era of splendor began with Domenico Theotocopuli (1545?-1625),

better known as “El Greco.” As indicated by his name this artist was not
Spanish in origin, but Greek. The character of his works, however, was so
original and its influences were so powerful in the formation of the Spanish
school that he may truly be claimed for Spain, where he lived and worked.
He established himself at Toledo in 1577, which city is still the best
repository of his paintings. His early style was marked by a strong Venetian
manner, with warm tones, great richness, firm drawing, and an intense
sentiment of life. Toward 1581 he began to change to a use of cold, gray,
shadowy tones, and the employment of a kind of caricature in his drawing,
with long and narrow heads and bodies. By this method, however, he was
able to attain wonderful results in portraiture. Aside from his own merits no
painter so profoundly influenced the greatest of the masters, Velázquez.
Chronologically next of the great painters was Ribera (1588-1656), called
“Espagnoletto” in Italy, where he did most of his work in the Spanish
kingdom of Naples. Naturalism, perfect technique, and the remarkable
bodily energy of the figures he depicted were the leading qualities of his
work. The diffusion of his paintings in Spain tended to make him influential
in the Spanish school, to which his individuality, as well as his birth,
entitled him to belong. Zurbarán (1598-1663) was the most rigorous of the
realists, including all the accessories in his paintings, even to the minute
details of a person’s dress. Less vigorous than Ribera he was best in his
portrayal of monks, in which subject-matter his sombrely passive,
exceedingly religious atmosphere found a suitable vehicle. He was
nevertheless a brilliant colorist. Next in point of time came Diego
Velázquez de Silva (1599-1660), greatest of Spanish masters and possibly
the greatest of all painters. Velázquez had various periods and various
styles, in all of which he produced admirable works. Unlike his
predecessors and those who succeeded him as well, he was as diverse in
subject-matter as it was possible to be, within the law, and was far less
notable for his religious works than for his many others. He depicted for all
time the court life of Philip III and Philip IV, including the portraits of those
kings and the other leading figures of the court. Some of his greatest work
appeared in these portraits, which he knew how to fit into a setting of
landscape, making the central figure stand out in a way that no other painter
has surpassed or perhaps equalled. He also painted common people (as in
his Los borrachos, or Intoxicated men) and queer people (as in his paintings
of dwarfs), and drew upon mythology (as in his composition entitled “the
forge of Vulcan”) and upon contemporary wars (as witness the famous
“surrender of Breda”). Once only, during a lapse of the prohibitory law, did
he paint a nude,—the celebrated Venus of the mirror, now in London, one
of the greatest works of its kind. In many of his paintings he revealed
himself as a wonderful landscape painter. His landscapes were
characterized by the use of a pale, yet rich, pervading blue, and by effects of
distance and atmosphere. No painter is more inadequately set forth by
photography. To know Velázquez, one must see his works.[58] After
Velázquez came Murillo (1618-1682), an Andalusian, who well represented
the traits of southern Spain. His leading characteristics were a precise,
energetic drawing, fresh, harmonious coloring, and a religious sentiment
which was a remarkable combination of imaginative idealism, or even
supernaturalism, of conception with realism of figures and scenes. His
biblical characters were represented by the common people of the streets of
Seville. Few painters have more indelibly stamped their works with their
own individuality. Last of the masters was Coello (1623?-1694), who
maintained the traditions of the Spanish school, though under strong
Venetian influence, amidst a flood of baroque paintings which had already
begun to corrupt public taste. Other names might well be included in the list
of great Spanish painters in this era, such as Pacheco, Roelas, Herrera, and
especially Valdés Leal and Alonso Cano. Indeed, it would be difficult to
overestimate the importance of the Spanish school. It is not unthinkable that
a list of the ten greatest painters in the history of the world would include
the names of Velázquez, El Greco, and Murillo, with a place reserved for
Goya (of the eighteenth century), and with the claims of Ribera deserving
consideration.
 Noteworthy character of Spanish music.

Spanish music, though not so important in the history of the world as

that of Italy or Germany, had a notable development in this period, and
displayed an individuality which distinguished it from that of other lands.
For the first time it came into a place of its own, apart from recitation or the
merely technical presentation of medieval church ceremonial, and was
characterized by a certain expressiveness, approaching sentimentality and
having a flavor which has led many to assert that its roots were to be found
in the song and dance of Spanish Moslems. To be sure, the influence of
Italy was greatest at this time. The siglo de oro in Spanish music was the
sixteenth century, in the time of the four great composers of the era,
Morales, Guerrero, Cabezón, and Victoria. The greatest works were in the
field of religious music, in which various parts were sung to the
accompaniment of the organ. Music of the court occupied a half-way post
between church and popular music, displaying a combination of both
elements, with song to the accompaniment of the viola, which filled the rôle
of the modern piano. At the close of the sixteenth century the viola was
replaced by the guitar, which became the national instrument of Spain.
Popular music found its fullest expression in the theatre. It got to be the
fashion for the entire company to sing as a preliminary to the play, to the
music of the viola, the harp, or the violin. This song had no necessary
connection with the play, but song in dialogue soon began to be employed
as an integral part of one-act pieces of what might be termed a vaudeville
type. In the seventeenth century, song invaded the legitimate stage, and
some operas were sung in which the dialogue was entirely in music or else
alternated with recitation. The last-named type, the zarzuela, became
particularly popular. Unfortunately, none of the examples of this music
which would have been most interesting, such as that employed in the
zarzuelas of Lope de Vega and the other masters, has survived. Its true
character therefore remains unknown, although its use in theatrical
representation is an important fact in the history of the art.
 CHAPTER XXXI

THE EARLY BOURBONS, 1700-1759

Basis and consequences of Spanish reforms of the eighteenth century.

THE eighteenth century in Spain was of intense import as affecting the

ultimate interests of the Americas. It was an era of regeneration, of a
somewhat remarkable recovery from the decadent state which Spain had
reached by the time of the reign of the last Hapsburg monarch. It was
accompanied, however, by Spain’s engaging in a series of wars, due in
some cases to unwise ambitions of an imperialistic character in European
affairs and in others to unavoidable necessity as a result of the aggressions
of foreign powers. It was a period when international morality with its
attendant diplomatic intrigue and unprovoked attacks was in a low state,
and Spain was often a sufferer thereby; indeed, many interesting parallels
might be drawn between European diplomatic practices in the eighteenth
century and those of William II of Germany in the twentieth. England,
Austria, and France were at various times the opponents of Spain, but the
first-named gradually emerged as the most persistent, aggressive, and
dangerous of her enemies. If the prospects of wars were the principal
motive force which induced the life-giving reforms,—so that Spain might
acquire wealth and efficiency which could be converted into military
strength,—the wars themselves tended to increase the needs of the state.
Thus in the case of the Americas the very improvements which were
introduced were to contribute to bring about the eventual separation of
Spain from her colonies, in the first place because they occasioned a
development in resources and capacity which gave prospects of success
when the revolts should come, and in the second because Spain drew too
heavily upon the colonies in promoting European objects without giving an
adequate return, wherefore discontent was fostered. Nevertheless, her
efforts were at least to have the merit of saving those colonies to
themselves, thus conserving the influence of Spanish-speaking peoples in
the world, with indirect effects on the history of the United States.

Causes of the War of the Spanish Succession.

 With the exception of Austria, whose candidate for the Spanish throne,
the Archduke Charles, was unwilling to recognize the validity of the
document which had chosen the grandson of Louis XIV, the European
nations were disposed to view the accession of Philip V (1700-1746) with
favor, especially since the French monarch consented to the conditions
imposed in the will of Charles II that the crowns of France and Spain
should be independent and never be united in a single person. This seemed
to insure a maintenance of the equilibrium in Europe almost more certainly
than the crowning of the Archduke Charles would have done, wherefore
most of the powers recognized Philip V. It was at this time that the
autocratic Louis XIV, whose many victorious wars had given him an undue
confidence, made one of the serious mistakes of his life. In certain formal
letters he recognized in Philip V such rights of succession to the French
throne as he would ordinarily have had but for the terms of his acquisition
of Spain, and caused these documents to be recorded before the Parlement
of Paris. Other events also tended to show that Louis XIV meant to dispose
of Spain as if that country belonged to him. When he presented the Spanish
ambassador at Versailles to Philip V the Castilian envoy exclaimed: “God
be praised! The Pyrenees have disappeared! Now we are all one!” This
remark was indicative of the opinions which by that time had become
current. This new element in the situation, together with certain other
impolitic acts of the French king against the interests of England and the
Protestant Netherlands, caused the countries just named to join with Austria
and the Holy Roman Empire in 1701 in an alliance for a war against Louis
XIV and Philip V. Austria wished to acquire the crown of Spain for the
archduke, while the English and the Dutch were primarily desirous of
avoiding a Franco-Spanish union, wherefore they insisted on the
dethronement of Philip V, accepting the pretensions of Charles. England
was particularly inspired by a fear that her commerce and expansion in the
new world would be prejudiced, or even crushed, by the joint power of
France and Spain. Furthermore, the profits of contraband trade with the
Spanish colonies were likely to be cut off under the energetic rule of the
king of France, then the most powerful monarch in Europe, and direct
indications to that effect occurred in 1701, when the asiento (contract), or
right to introduce negro slaves into America, was granted to a French
company and several South American ports were occupied by French ships.
 The war in Spain.

The Catalan espousal of the archduke’s cause.

The capture of Gibraltar by the English.

Events leading to peace.

The War of the Spanish Succession, as the great conflict beginning

actively in 1702 has been called, had Spain as one of its principal battle-
grounds, since both Philip V and the archduke were there. The struggle was
one of great vicissitudes, as evidenced by the number of times Madrid itself
changed hands. Most of the people in the peninsula favored Philip V, but
the Catalans early displayed a tendency toward the other side. Their
resentment over the injuries received at the hands of their French allies in
the revolt of 1640 had not yet cooled, and they especially objected to being
governed by a king who represented the absolutist ideals of the French
Bourbons, for it was logical to expect that it might mean a danger to their
much cherished fueros, or charters. Certain conflicts with royal officials
seemed to indicate that the government of Philip V intended to insist on the
omnipotence of its authority, thus increasing the discontent, to which was
added the encouragement to revolt arising from the greatness of the forces
aligned against the Bourbons, for in addition to the powers already
mentioned Savoy and Portugal had cast in their lot in 1703 and 1704. An
allied attempt of 1704 to land in Catalonia having proved a failure the
Bourbon officers employed rigorous measures to punish those Catalans who
had aided in the movement. The principal effect was to rouse indignation to
such a point that in 1705 a determined outbreak took place. Henceforth,
Catalonia could be counted on the side of the allies. In the same year an
alliance was contracted with the English, who made promises to the
Catalans which they were going to be far from fulfilling. Meanwhile, the
allied failure to get a foothold in Catalonia in 1704 had been compensated
by an incident of that campaign which was to be one of the most important
events of the war. On its way south from Catalonia in that year the English
squadron, under the command of Admiral Rooke, seized Gibraltar, which
happened to be poorly defended at the time. Numerous attempts were made
to recover it, but neither then nor since were the Spaniards able to wrest this
guardian of the strait from English hands. In 1708 the island of Minorca
was captured, to remain in the possession of England for nearly a century.
In 1711 the Holy Roman Emperor died, as a result of which the archduke
ascended the imperial throne as the Emperor Charles VI. This event proved
to be decisive as affecting the war, for it made the candidacy of Charles for
the Spanish crown almost as unwelcome as had been the earlier prospect of
a Franco-Spanish union. Other factors contributed to make the former
archduke’s allies desirous of peace, chief of which was that Louis XIV had
been so thoroughly beaten that there was no longer any danger of his
insisting on the rights of Philip V to the crown of France.

The peace of Utrecht.

Abandonment of the Catalans by the allies.

England (in which country a new government representing the

mercantile classes and the party of peace had just come into power) took the
lead among the allies in peace negotiations, and was soon followed by all
the parties engaged, except Charles VI and a few of the German princes.
Between 1711 and 1714 a series of treaties was arranged, of which the
principal one was that of Utrecht in 1713. As concerned Spain the most
noteworthy provisions were: Philip V’s renunciation for himself and his
heirs of any claim to the French throne; the cession of Gibraltar and
Minorca to England; the grant of the negro slave-trade asiento in the
Americas to the English, together with accompanying rights which made
this phase of the treaties a veritable entering wedge for English commerce
in the Spanish colonies; and the surrender of the Catholic Netherlands,
Milan, Naples, and Sardinia to Austria, and of Sicily to Savoy. In 1720
Austria and Savoy exchanged the two islands which had fallen to their lot,
and the latter took on the official title of the kingdom of Sardinia. On the
above-named conditions Philip V was allowed to retain the Spanish
dominions of the peninsula and of the Americas. If Spain could have but
known it, the treaties were altogether favorable to her, but ambition was to
undo their beneficial effects. One troublesome point in the various peace
conferences was the so-called case of the Catalans. It had been generally
believed that England in accordance with her earlier treaty with the
Catalans would insist on the preservation of the much mooted fueros and
that Philip V would make the concession, as had Philip IV before him.
Philip V showed himself to be obstinate on this point, for, not once, but
several times, he positively refused to yield. Furthermore, the English
government, desirous of peace, the prospective advantages of which for
England were already clear, repeatedly charged its ambassadors not to hold
out for the Catalan fueros. Some attempts to secure them were made, but
when they failed to overcome the persistent objections of Philip V provision
was made for a general amnesty to the Catalans, who were to enjoy the
same rights as the inhabitants of Castile. The rights of Castilians, however,
together with the duties which were implied, were precisely what the
Catalans did not want. The conduct of Charles VI was equally unmoral. He
did, indeed, make repeated attempts to save the fueros, and declared that he
would never abandon the Catalans. Yet he signed a convention withdrawing
his troops from Catalonia, and left the people of that land to their fate. The
latter were not disposed to yield without a struggle, and sustained a war
against Philip V for more than a year. The fall of Barcelona in 1714 put an
end to the unequal conflict.

The French influence in Spain during the War of the Spanish Succession.

Madame des Ursins.

Instances of resistance by Philip V to domination by Louis XIV.

One of the interesting factors of the era of the war was that of the French
influence in Spain, which was to have a pronounced effect on the internal
development of the country, and, by extension, on that of the colonies.
Philip V was seventeen years of age when he ascended the throne, but,
though he many times proved his valor in battle, he was in other respects a
weak and irresolute character, without striking virtues or defects, fond of
hunting, and exceedingly devout,—in fine, of a type such that he was
inevitably bound to be led by others. These traits fitted in with the policies
of Louis XIV, who fully intended to direct the affairs of Spain in his own
interest. He charged Philip V never to forget that he was a Frenchman, and,
indeed, with the exceptions presently to be noted, Philip was quite ready to
submit to the will of his grandfather. From the first, Louis XIV surrounded
the Spanish king with French councillors, some of whom occupied
honorary positions only, while others filled important posts in the
government of Spain, and still others, notably the French ambassadors and
French generals, exercised actual authority without having any official
connection with the country. One of the most important of all was Madame
des Ursins, maid of honor to the queen, sent to Spain by Louis XIV because
as the widow of the Duke of Braciano, a Spanish grandee, she was familiar
with the customs of the country. This lady won the complete confidence of
the queen, who in turn was able to dominate her husband. It may be said for
Madame des Ursins that she was faithful to the interests of the Spanish
monarchs, though promoting the entry of French influences, at that time
much to be desired in Spain. Indeed, she not infrequently sided with Philip
V against the wishes of Louis XIV, which on one occasion led to her recall
by the French monarch. Finding, however, that he could not control Spanish
affairs without her aid, Louis allowed her to return to Spain. Despite the
enormous pressure exercised against him in favor of France, Philip V
occasionally rebelled. One instance of his obstinacy has already been cited
respecting the case of the Catalan fueros. A more important issue arose out
of the presumptions of Louis XIV to dispose of Philip’s crown, as an
avenue of escape for himself. In every year from 1706 to 1712 Louis XIV
endeavored to sacrifice the interests of Spain or of Philip V in order to
propitiate the allies into a grant of peace. In particular he was desirous of
procuring the resignation of Philip from the throne of Spain in favor of the
House of Austria, saving to Philip the Spanish dominions in Italy. Philip
was obdurate when suggestions were made of his abandoning Spain, and
more than once, even when the situation looked hopeless, declared his
intention of dying at the head of his troops, rather than abdicate the throne
to which he felt divinely entitled. Louis XIV was even disposed to compel
him by force of arms to acquiesce, and several times withdrew his military
support, but the Spanish king would not yield. Fortunately for Philip the
allies played into his hands by demanding too much, with the result that
Louis XIV on such occasions would renew his support of Philip.
Nevertheless, it was the urgings of Louis XIV which prevailed upon Philip
to surrender the Spanish dominions in Italy and the Low Countries as well
as to renounce his claim to the throne of France. In all of these tribulations
of the Spanish king credit should be given to María Luisa of Savoy, the
spirited young queen of Spain. Not yet fourteen at the time of her marriage,
in 1701, she at all times displayed a courage and ability which endeared her
to the Spanish people. Though her father, the Duke of Savoy, joined the
allies against France and Spain, she did not waver in her attachment to the
land of her adoption. Inspired by her the Spanish people (except the
Catalans) displayed an ardent spirit of nationalism for the first time in
history, and were loyally devoted to the king and queen. Nevertheless,
despite Spanish patriotism and Philip’s obdurate resistance to Louis XIV’s
plans concerning the peninsula, there was the underlying truth of a
profound French influence over Spain. This was best represented by men
who, like Orry and Amelot, were responsible for far-reaching reforms, the
effects of which will be discussed in the chapters on institutions.

The popular young queen, María Luisa of Savoy.

Isabel Farnesio and the resumption of a policy of imperialism in Italy.

Unfortunately for Philip and for Spain the queen died, early in the year
1714. A young Italian abbot named Alberoni happened to be at court in that
year and he suggested to Madame des Ursins that a certain Isabel Farnesio
(Elizabeth Farnese) of Parma would make a suitable wife for Philip V.
According to him the sweet gentleness of her character would enable
Madame des Ursins to maintain her power at the Spanish court. In
December of the same year the wedding took place. Thus did the lady who
has received the sobriquet, the “Termagant of Spain,” become the wife of
Philip V. On her first meeting with Madame des Ursins she dismissed her,
and proceeded to become herself the dominant influence near the crown.
Isabel Farnesio was in fact a woman of extraordinary energy and force of
character, besides being so attractive as to be irresistible to the weak king,
who was so violently and capriciously attached to her that he even chastised
her with blows, at times, in a kind of jealous fury. Nevertheless, she
submitted to anything, provided she could retain a hold on her husband, for
she was ambitious for her children and for Italy, and meant to utilize
Spanish power in furtherance of her aims. Early in 1715 she procured the
elevation of Alberoni (soon to become a cardinal) to the direction of affairs
in the Spanish state, as the instrument to procure her objects. The chief
tenets in her policy were the breaking of the intimate relation with France
and the recovery of the Italian possessions, based on the twofold desire of
throwing the Austrians out of Italy (a patriotic Italian wish, possibly more
attributable to Alberoni than to the queen) and of creating principalities for
the children of her own marriage with Philip. These aims were furthered by
playing upon the wishes of Philip to recover his rights to the French throne.
Philip V had not willingly renounced his claim at the time Louis XIV had
persuaded him to do so, and many of the events for the next few years are
explained by his aspirations to obtain that crown for himself or for one of
his sons. The Italian ambitions of Isabel Farnesio, however, were the
enduring keynote of Spanish policy for some thirty years.

Diplomatic intrigue and war in the first period of the Italian pretensions of Isabel Farnesio.

The break with France was not long in coming. In 1715 Louis XIV died,
and, contrary to the expectations of Philip, not Philip V, but the Duke of
Orleans, whom the Spanish king regarded as a personal opponent, was
named as regent for the sickly Louis XV, who was not expected to live very
long,—though in fact he was to reign for fifty-nine years. The breach was
widened by a series of treaties between England, the Protestant
Netherlands, and France in the next two years with a view to the execution
of the treaty of Utrecht. To assure the peace of Europe it was necessary to
procure the adhesion of Philip V and Charles VI, who alone of the parties to
the War of the Spanish Succession had not made peace with each other,
although no hostilities had taken place for some time. Such a peace did not
fit in, however, with the plans of Isabel Farnesio, and when the emperor
furnished a pretext in 1717 for the renewal of hostilities a Spanish army was
suddenly dispatched to Sardinia which overran that island. England as
guarantor of the neutrality of Italy protested, and endeavored to effect a
peace between the two contestants by an offer to Philip of Charles’
renunciation of his claims to the Spanish crown, together with a promise of
the duchies of Parma and Tuscany and a vague suggestion of England’s
willingness to restore Gibraltar and Minorca. The English proposal was
rejected, and in 1718 an expedition was sent into Sicily (then in the
possession of Savoy, although the already mentioned exchange with Austria
had been discussed). The Spaniards were received with enthusiasm, and
soon had a mastery of the island. Meanwhile, Austria entered the triple
alliance, which thereby became quadruple, on the basis of the emperor’s
offers to renounce his pretensions to the throne of Spain and to consent to
the succession of Charles, son of Isabel Farnesio and Philip V, to the
duchies of Parma, Plasencia, and Tuscany in exchange for Philip’s return of
Sicily and Sardinia and his renunciation of all dominion in Italy and the
Low Countries. These terms were offered to Philip, who refused them,
despite the English ambassador’s insinuation of his country’s willingness to
return Gibraltar and Minorca if Philip would accept. While the British
government was thus negotiating for peace through diplomatic channels it
also took steps in another way to insure Spanish acquiescence in the allied
proposals. An English fleet under Admiral Byng was ordered to attack the
Spanish fleet without previous announcement of a warlike intent, managing
the affair, if possible, so as to cast the blame on the Spanish commander.
Byng found the Spanish fleet in Sicilian waters, destroyed it, and landed
Austrian troops in Sicily. Several months later, in December, 1718, England
declared war on Spain, which was followed in January, 1719, by a
declaration of war against Philip V on the part of France. Hopelessly
outnumbered, Spain nevertheless displayed a surprising capacity for
resistance. Defeat was inevitable, however, and late in 1719 Alberoni,
whose extraordinary web of intrigues was deemed responsible for the
existing situation, was dismissed from power, a condition exacted by the
allies, and in 1720 peace was made on the basis of the earlier proposals of
the quadruple alliance. Philip was ready to comply with these terms, but the
emperor was now unwilling to grant what had been required of him. The
result was a new alliance in 1721 of England, France, and Spain, of which
the most noteworthy terms were England’s definite promise to restore
Gibraltar to Spain and an agreement for a double matrimonial alliance
between the French and Spanish courts; a Spanish princess aged three was
betrothed to Louis XV, then eleven years old, while a French princess was
to marry Philip’s eldest son, Luis. In addition the rights of Isabel’s son
Charles to the Italian duchies were reaffirmed. The marriage of Luis and the
French princess was duly celebrated in 1722, and the Spanish princess was
sent to the French court to be educated.

Abdication of Philip V and reasons therefor.

Brief reign of Luis I and Philip’s resumption of the throne.

For several years Philip had been expressing a desire to abdicate. In

January, 1724, he carried his previously announced intention into effect,
declaring that he proposed to consecrate the remainder of his life to the
service of God and the important work of maintaining his own health. There
has been much speculation as to whether these were his real designs,—all
the more so, since the ambitious queen at no time protested against this
step. Although there is no direct evidence to that effect, it is more than
probable that Philip and Isabel wanted to be ready to take advantage of the
situation which might arise if Louis XV should die, as was expected. At any
rate Philip’s eldest son was proclaimed king, as Luis I, but the reign was of
brief duration. In the same year 1724 Luis contracted smallpox and died. As
there was a general disinclination to the succession of Philip’s second son,
Ferdinand, then a minor, the former king was asked to accept the crown
again, and despite certain compunctions he felt in the matter he at length
agreed to do so.

Ripperdá and the Austrian alliance.

The second reign of Philip V was dominated as before by the Italian

ambitions of Isabel Farnesio, with the French aspirations of the king
remaining a factor. By this time the Baron of Ripperdá, an adventurer who
had previously been the Dutch representative at the Spanish court, had
become the agent through whom Isabel hoped to achieve her ends. Few
more unconscionable liars and intriguers are recorded in history than this
audacious courtier, who was able to deceive even Isabel Farnesio. It
occurred to the queen that the vexed question of the Italian duchies might
be settled through an embassy to Vienna. Accordingly, Ripperdá was sent,
with the principal object of procuring the betrothal of two Austrian
archduchesses to Isabel’s sons, Charles and Philip. Ripperdá found Charles
VI disinclined to consent to the betrothals, but lied both to the emperor and
to Philip, telling each that the other accepted his petitions. His deceptions
would certainly have been unmasked, had it not been for an unexpected turn
in events. In 1725 the French regent, fearful lest Louis XV might die
without issue, sent back the Spanish princess who had been betrothed to
him, because she was still too young to marry. The natural consequence was
a rupture between France and Spain, facilitating a treaty between Charles
VI and Philip V. The matter of the marriage was now secondary to the
political need of support. Charles and Philip agreed to the terms proposed to
the latter in 1718 by the quadruple alliance. In addition Philip guaranteed
the Pragmatic Sanction, whereby the succession of Charles VI’s eldest
daughter to his Austrian estates was to be secured, and gave extensive
commercial privileges to Austria, particularly to the Ostend Company of the
Catholic, or Austrian, Netherlands, enabling that company to secure trading
rights in Spain and the Americas. A defensive alliance was arranged, one
feature of which was the emperor’s agreement to use his good offices to
cause England to fulfil her promised restoration of Gibraltar and Minorca to
Spain. Finally, Charles VI definitely abandoned his oft-repeated demand for
the recognition of the Catalan fueros. For his triumphs of 1725 Ripperdá
was made a grandee of Spain, owing his promotion, in part at least, to his
assurance that the marriage alliances were practically secure. He became
first minister at the Spanish court, a post which he asked for, falsely
asserting that Charles VI desired it. Such a tissue of lies could not be
sustained indefinitely. His duplicity having been discovered he lost his
position in 1726, and was imprisoned when he seemed to confess guilt by
taking refuge in the English embassy. Escaping in 1728 he went to northern
Africa, where he passed the remaining nine years of his life.

The acquisition of Naples for Isabel’s son Charles.

The Austrian treaties of 1725 were to have important consequences.

England, France, the Protestant Netherlands, Prussia, Sweden, and
Denmark immediately formed an alliance, and war seemed imminent. Spain
desired it, but Austria declined to engage, much to the resentment of the
Spanish court. Spain made a fruitless attempt to recapture Gibraltar,
however, in 1727, but consented to peace in the same year without attaining
her ends, although the definitive treaty was not signed until 1729. One
factor in the agreement was the desire of Isabel Farnesio to avenge herself
on Charles VI, not only for his failure to join in the recent war, but also to
requite his refusal to accept the marriage projects she had proposed. Even
when the emperor consented to the attainment in 1731 of Isabel’s ambitions
for her son concerning the three duchies of northern Italy, she did not put
aside her vengeful plans. Charles of Bourbon in fact landed in Italy in that
year to take possession of the duchies. A fresh step in the plans of Isabel
was the treaty of 1733 with France, often called by analogy with the later
treaty of 1761-1762 the “first Family Compact.” The opportunity to strike
at Austria, which both France and Spain desired, was now at hand, for
Austria was in the meshes of a war over the Polish succession. Spain
declared war on Austria late in 1733, and in the next year overran Naples
and Sicily. In 1734, too, Prince Charles was brought from his duchies to be
crowned king of Naples, or the Two Sicilies. Thus had Isabel Farnesio
restored the questionably desirable Italian inheritance to Spain, but the
duchies were lost. France was ready to make peace in 1735; so she calmly
offered Charles VI the three duchies in exchange for a recognition of
Spanish Charles as king of the Two Sicilies. Spain protested, but could do
nothing more than submit. These terms were accepted in 1735, although
peace was not signed until three years later. It is interesting to note that the
Catalans had not yet given up hope of their fueros. A body of Catalan
patriots visited England in 1736 to ask for the fulfilment of the earlier
English promise to maintain the fueros, but the British government paid no
attention to the petition.

The War of Jenkins’ Ear.

War was not long in making its reappearance on the Spanish horizon.
For a long time there had been various causes of dispute with England, the
most important of which arose out of the English contraband trade in the
Spanish colonies. The asiento treaty had been used by English merchants as
the entering wedge for British commerce, and their violations of the law
had met with reprisals at times, especially when English smugglers were
caught by the more faithful of the Spanish officials in the colonies. One
Englishman, named Jenkins, brought home his ear preserved in alcohol,
claiming that the Spaniards had cut it off. Such acts as this, whether of
actual occurrence or not, fitted in with English conceptions of Spanish
cruelty, and furnished a pretext for war to the rising party of British
imperialists, headed by William Pitt. Indemnities were demanded by
England and agreed to by Spain, but when the latter put in a counter-claim
the British government threatened war, which was soon declared, late in
1739. This conflict, called in English histories the War of Jenkins’ Ear,
demonstrated that the internal reforms in Spain had not been without effect.
The West Indies were the principal field of the struggle, but Spain was able
to defend herself,—as witness the successful defence of Cartagena, which
Admiral Vernon was so sure he was going to capture that he had
commemorative medals struck off in advance. In Europe the most
noteworthy events were the Spanish attempts to capture Gibraltar and Port
Mahón, Minorca, both of which ended in failure. France soon came into the
war on Spain’s side, and the conflict became European when it merged into
the great War of the Austrian Succession (1740-1748).

The War of the Austrian Succession and the acquisition of the North Italian duchies for Isabel’s
son Philip.
 The various princes of Europe had guaranteed Charles VI’s Pragmatic
Sanction one or more times, but when the emperor died, in 1740, each of
them proceeded along the line of political interest. Urged on by Isabel
Farnesio, Philip V renewed his pretensions to the duchies in northern Italy
and to other Italian territories in Austrian hands which had formerly
belonged to Spain. France, Prussia, and other states of lesser importance
also made certain claims. England’s interest lay with the opponent of
France and Spain, wherefore she joined with Austria. In a military way the
war was very nearly indecisive, and there was a general desire for peace by
the year 1746. This attitude received a fresh impulse by the accession of
Ferdinand VI to the Spanish throne in that year, for he was a determined
partisan of peace. The treaty of 1748 was entirely favorable to Isabel
Farnesio in that she obtained the duchies of Parma, Plasencia, and Guastalla
for her son Philip; Tuscany was no longer available, having been in other
hands since the agreement of 1735. The dispute with England was settled
by a recognition of commercial advantages in favor of that country,
especially those growing out of the asiento; two years later the asiento was
annulled in exchange for a heavy payment by Spain. Meanwhile, the
voyage of Anson around the world, 1739-1742, had in fact dealt a blow to
Spain in America, revealing the Spanish secrets of the Pacific. The peace of
1748 marked the culminating point in the aspirations of Isabel Farnesio.
After more than thirty years of effort she had almost completely attained her
ends. Spain had paid the bills, with little to compensate her except glory and
at the cost of losses in the colonies, which though not translated into
cessions of territory were to have ultimate effects to the disadvantage of
Spain.

Importance of the peaceful reign of Ferdinand VI.

The reign of Ferdinand VI (1746-1759) looms little in external narrative,

because it was an era of peace, but on that very account it was important in
institutions. The achievements of Charles III were made possible by the
policies of economic regeneration which were so strongly to the fore in the
reign of Ferdinand VI. Ferdinand, who may have been deficient enough in
some respects, who took very little part himself in affairs of government,
and who displayed tendencies to melancholia and even insanity, was firmly
of the opinion that Spain needed peace, and at a time when Europe was
engaging in another great conflict, the Seven Years’ War, he declined the
overtures of both France and England, the leading opponents in the
struggle, even when accompanied by such tempting bait as the latter’s offer
of the restitution of much-desired Gibraltar and Minorca. In 1759 he died
without issue, and his half-brother, Charles, son of Isabel Farnesio, came to
the throne of Spain, after a long experience as a ruler in Italy. Thus did the
“Termagant of Spain” achieve yet a new victory to reward her maternal
ambition,—and meanwhile the Two Sicilies were not lost to her line, for
that kingdom passed to her grandson Ferdinand, the third son of Charles.
 CHAPTER XXXII

CHARLES III AND ENGLAND, 1759-1788

Greatness of the reign of Charles III and principal factors therein.

UNDER Charles III, Spain reached the highest point she has attained since
the sixteenth century. In many respects the internal situation was better at
this time than in the great days of the siglo de oro, but Spain’s relative
authority in Europe was less, because of the striking advances which had
been made by the other powers. One of them, England, was particularly
dangerous, and it will be found that Spain’s foreign policy in this reign was
directed primarily toward meeting the possibility of war with that country.
Other difficulties, such as those with Portugal and Morocco, particularly
with the former, were cogent factors because of the relations which England
bore, or was believed to bear, to them. Contrary to the impression usually to
be derived from the histories of the American Revolution, Spain was
intensely hostile to England throughout this reign. To oppose that country
the Family Compact with France was formed, and continued to be the basis
of Spain’s foreign policy, although it early became manifest that France
would honor the treaty only when it suited her purposes. In the end the
policies of Charles III were crowned with success,—not so great as Spain
could have wished, but sufficiently so to make this reign the most
pleasingly satisfactory to Spaniards of any since the days of Isabella, next to
whom Charles III has some claim to rank as the greatest Spanish monarch
of modern times. This becomes the more worthy of belief when one
investigates the sweeping character of and the success attained in the social,
political, and economic reforms of the period. These were at the basis of
Spain’s victories in European councils, for they provided the sinews of war.
Nevertheless there was one drawback. The reforms in the Americas,
following the precedent of nearly three centuries, were undertaken more
with a view to the production of revenues for Spain than for the contented
development of the colonies themselves. Spain also ran counter to a new
force in world history, which she herself was obliged by circumstances to
assist in establishing itself. The spirit of world democracy was born with the
American Revolution, and appeared in France soon afterward. This meant
that the autocratic basis of Spanish greatness was presently to be destroyed.
The success of the American Revolution was to be related in no small
degree to the loss of Spain’s colonial empire. The failure of the French
Revolution was to produce a powerful despot who was to bring Spain,
under Charles IV, to the lowest point she had reached since the days of
Charles II. Nevertheless, the reign of Charles III is to be considered as
something more than a brilliant moment in history without ultimate effect.
The internal reforms were of permanent benefit to Spain and even to the
Americas, capable of utilization under the more democratic systems of the
future. Finally, the part played by Spain in the successful issue of the
American Revolution deserves to bulk large, even though she could not
look with sympathy upon a movement which, she clearly saw, might bring
about her own ruin.

Causes of Charles III’s policy of opposition to England.

Many writers have ascribed Charles III’s policy of opposition to England

to his hatred of that country, growing out of certain humiliations forced
upon him by an English fleet while he was king in Naples. There is no
reason to believe, however, that this feeling, if indeed it did exist in unusual
degree, dominated his political action, and in fact Charles was always a
partisan of peace; far from plunging into war he had rather to be convinced
of its necessity. There were reasons in plenty to induce him to such a
course, irrespective of any personal spite he might have felt. Prior to the
reign of Charles, Spain had already engaged in four wars with England
(1702-1713, 1718-1720, 1727-1729, 1739-1748) in the course of half a
century, and at no time in the Bourbon era had the two countries been on
nearly cordial terms. The gist of the trouble lay in the British ambition to
possess the greatest colonial empire and the richest commerce in the world.
For the realization of these aims it seemed necessary to destroy the colonial
importance of France and Spain, and any advances in wealth or military
power on the part of either of those countries was regarded as detrimental to
the imperialistic designs of England. With respect to Spain, British
contraband trade in the Americas under the cover of the asiento treaty had
tended to break down the Spanish commercial monopoly, and the
annulment of the asiento had not put an end to the smuggling. While no
territories in the Americas had been wrested from Spain under the
Bourbons, the previous century had recorded many conquests by England in
the Caribbean area, principal of which was that of Jamaica, and along the
Atlantic coast strip of North America, the southern part of which had been
not only claimed but also occupied by Spain in earlier days. Meanwhile, the
losses of France and the aggressive character of English foreign policy
under Pitt made it appear that Spain might expect to be deprived of her
colonies whenever the opportunity to secure them should seem ripe to
England.

Continuance of England’s affronts to Spain.

The Family Compact and Spain’s entry into the Seven Years’ War.

From the outset of the reign of Charles III there occurred many incidents
to heighten Spain’s suspicion or anger with respect to England. The
exigencies of the war with France led the English to adopt many arbitrary
measures against the as yet neutral power of Spain. English vessels stopped
Spanish ships on the high seas, claiming a right of search, and seized many
of them, often without justification in international law; the English
government occupied a bit of Spanish territory, and did not abandon it with
a good grace; and there were instances when Spanish merchants in England
were treated badly. Meanwhile, British acts of aggression and smuggling in
the Americas continued to take place; the English placed difficulties in the
way of Spanish fishing off the coast of Newfoundland, though beyond the
territorial waters of the British domain; they founded establishments in
Honduras without authorization from Spain, and began to cut the valuable
dyewoods there; and Gibraltar and Minorca still remained in English hands,
a standing affront to Spanish pride and a danger to the peninsula.
Nevertheless, the underlying factor which influenced Spain was the
imperialism of England, backed up as it was by her vast resources and her
almost invincible navy. Charles did not wish to bring Spain into the war, but
it was clear that an overwhelming defeat for France would be almost
equally disadvantageous to Spain, who might expect to receive the next
shock from the English arms. France had gotten much the worst of it in the
Seven Years’ War when Charles III ascended the Spanish throne, wherefore
Charles endeavored to mediate between that power and England. The
British government’s arrogant rejection of his proffer tended only to make
him the more disposed to consider an alliance with France. When,
therefore, the French authorities approached him with the proposal for an
alliance he resolved to join with them if England should refuse to meet
Spain’s demands relative to the release of captured Spanish ships, the free
use of the Newfoundland fisheries, and the abandonment of the English
settlements in Honduras. England not only refused to give satisfaction, but
also asked for an explanation of the naval preparations Spain was making.
Thereupon, Charles prepared for war. Two treaties, called jointly the Family
Compact, were made with the Bourbon king of France. The first of these,
signed in August, 1761, was a defensive alliance against such powers as
should attack either of the two crowns. The second, dated in February,
1762, was an offensive and defensive alliance directed specifically against
England. War, meanwhile, had already been declared in January.

Spanish losses in the Seven Years’ War.

In the ensuing campaign France and Spain were badly beaten. Manila
and Havana were taken by the English, although Spain won a notable
success in the capture of Sacramento, a Portuguese colony on the Río de la
Plata,—for Portugal had entered the war on the side of England. Twenty-
seven richly laden English boats were taken at Sacramento,—significant of
the profits which the English merchants were making in contraband trade,
using Sacramento as a base. In 1763 a peace which was in many respects
humiliating to Spain was signed at Paris. England restored Manila and
Havana, but required the cession of Florida and all other Spanish territories
east of the Mississippi; Sacramento was returned to Portugal; Spain gave up
all rights of her subjects to fish in Newfoundland waters; questions arising
out of the English captures of Spanish ships prior to Spain’s entry into the
war were to be decided by the British courts of admiralty; and the English
right to cut dyewoods in Honduras was acknowledged, although England
agreed to the demolition of all the fortifications which British subjects
might have constructed there. France, who had lost practically all her other
colonies to England, now gave the scantily settled, ill-defined region of
French influence west of the Mississippi, all that remained of French
Louisiana, to Spain. According to the terms of the grant it was to
compensate Spain for her loss of Florida, but in fact it was in order to
ensure the continued alliance of Spain with France.

Preparations for a renewal of the war.

 Pretexts for war.

The Falkland Islands affair.

The peace of 1763 was looked upon by France and Spain as a truce, for
if England had been dangerous before, she was doubly so now. France
wished revenge and the restoration of her overseas domains, while Spain’s
principal motive was a desire to save her colonies from conquest by
England. Both countries therefore bent their energies to preparations for
another war; in Spain the next decade and a half was a period of remarkable
economic reforms tending to the regeneration of the peninsula as the basis
for an army and navy. Meanwhile, steps were taken to avoid the possibility
of an English descent upon the Spanish West Indies, which were regarded
as the principal danger-point, both because of the strength of England’s
position in the Caribbean area, and because that region was the key to the
Spanish mainland colonies of the two Americas. Pretexts for trouble were
not lacking. The English dyewood cutters of Honduras did not observe the
restrictions placed upon them by the treaty of Paris, and the British
government neglected to satisfy Spain’s complaints in that regard; the
French settlers of Louisiana refused to acknowledge their transfer to the
Spanish crown, wherefore it was necessary to employ force against them,
and it was believed that English agents had instigated them to resist; on the
other hand England repeatedly demanded the payment of a ransom which
the English conquerors of Manila had exacted from that city, but Spain
refused to pay the claim. The principal diplomatic interest down to 1771,
however, was the so-called question of the Falkland Islands (called
Malouines by the French, and Maluinas by Spaniards). This group, lying
some 250 miles east of the Strait of Magellan, seems to have been
discovered by Spanish navigators of the sixteenth century, for a description
of the islands was in the possession of the Spanish authorities at an early
time. The first English voyage to this group was that of Captain Cowley, as
late as 1686, but no claim could be made on this basis, for in 1748 England
formally recognized the rights of Spain. Not much attention was paid to the
Falklands until after the Seven Years’ War, although various navigators
visited them, but in 1763 a Spanish pilot, Mathei, made the first of a series
of voyages to these islands. In 1764 a French expedition under Bougainville
landed at one of them, and formed a settlement, and in the next year the
English captain, Biron, touched at a place called Port Egmont by him, took
formal possession for England, applying the name Falkland to the group,
and proceeded on his way to the Pacific Ocean and around the world. Not
long afterward an English settlement was made at Port Egmont, and the
governor no sooner heard of the presence of the French than he ordered
their withdrawal. Meanwhile, the Spanish government had lodged a
complaint at the French court against the occupation of the islands by
France, and an agreement was reached, whereby the French should abandon
the group and a Spanish settlement there should be formed. This was done,
and the English and Spanish governors began mutually to demand each
other’s withdrawal, the Englishman setting a time limit of six months. The
Spanish government directed the captain-general of Buenos Aires to expel
the English settlers, and accordingly, though not until June, 1770, these
orders were carried out. When the news reached England the British
Parliament voted funds in preparation for war, and made excessive demands
for reparation for what was considered an insult to England as well as for
the restitution of the colony. Spain, in reliance upon the Family Compact,
was not inclined to avoid the issue, and matters even went so far as the
retirement of the Spanish and English ambassadors, when an unforeseen
event occurred, changing the whole aspect of affairs. This was the fall of
Choiseul, the French minister who had negotiated the Family Compact and
who was believed by Spain to be ready to bring France into the war. It was
on this occasion that Louis XV is reported to have said “My minister
wanted war, but I do not,” thus calmly disregarding the treaty with Spain.
Consequently, Spain had to yield, and in 1771 the Spanish ambassador to
London signed a declaration disapproving the removal of the English
colonists and promising to restore Port Egmont, although without prejudice
to Spain’s claim to the islands.[59]
 Revival of the Family Compact as a force in European politics.

Spain might justly have abandoned the Family Compact after the
Falkland incident, and for a time that treaty did suffer a partial eclipse.
Charles III felt that in future he could count only on his own forces, but he
continued to increase and equip them, for the danger from England was as
great as ever. Self-interest inevitably brought Spain and France together,
and with the appearance of the warlike Aranda in France, late in the year
1773, as Spanish ambassador to that court, plans with a view to meeting the
common enemy were again discussed. The death of Louis XV, in May,
1774, brought matters still more to a head, for it resulted in a change of
ministry in France, whereby Vergennes, believed to be an enthusiastic
partisan of the Family Compact, became minister of foreign affairs.
Vergennes was in fact an ardent supporter of the Franco-Spanish alliance,
although his enthusiasm was tempered in moments of crisis by a clear view
of what most favored France, and he did not fail to see that he might
employ it as the basis for trade concessions from Spain, the better to build
up the resources of France. Nevertheless, the opinion was general that
Vergennes intended to adhere to the Family Compact, and consequently
England planned to occupy Spain with other affairs, so as to separate her
from France, or at least divert her from pursuing a common policy with the
last-named country against England. Two matters were at hand, of which
they might avail themselves: Spain’s disputes with the sultan of Morocco;
and her quarrels with Portugal over boundaries in South America.

Relations with the Moslem states of the Barbary Coast.

The never-ending wars with the Moslems of northern Africa were

inherited from the preceding era, and continued to occupy Spanish troops
and fleets down to the reign of Charles III. In 1767 satisfactory relations
between Spain and Morocco seemed to have been reached when the latter
agreed to abandon piracy and recognized Spain’s title to her establishments
on the North African coast. Late in 1774, however, the sultan announced
that he would no longer tolerate Christian posts in his empire, and
commenced a siege of Melilla. The attack was beaten off, and it was
decided to strike what was hoped might be a decisive blow against the dey
of Algiers, the ally of the Moroccan sultan. An expedition of some 18,000
men was prepared, and placed under the command of General O’Reilly,
reformer of the Spanish army and a man of tremendous reputation, but in
the ensuing operations before Algiers O’Reilly was crushingly defeated
with a loss of several thousand men. Rightly or wrongly, England was
believed to have instigated the Moslem rulers to attack Spain. Years later,
Charles came to an understanding with the Moslem states of the Barbary
Coast. Between 1782 and 1786 treaties were made, whereby the rulers of
those lands agreed once again to give up piracy and also the institution of
slavery, besides granting certain religious and commercial privileges to
Spaniards in their lands. This was not the last of piracy and warfare in
North Africa, however; the former endured for another generation, and the
end of the latter, even in the restricted Spanish area, is not yet.

Disputes with Portugal over boundaries in South America.

There was a much stronger case against England with regard to Portugal,
whose exaggerated claims were supported by the British government. The
boundaries between the Spanish and Portuguese colonies in South America
had been an unending source of dispute, ever since the treaty of Tordesillas
in 1494, and the question was complicated by that of British and Portuguese
smuggling into Spain’s colonies. The principal scene of conflict was the
Portuguese post of Sacramento, founded in 1679 on the eastern bank of the
Río de la Plata. The Spanish-owned region of Paraguay was also a field for
Portuguese aggressions. Domestic animals to the number of hundreds of
thousands were driven off from the Spanish settlements, while thousands of
Indian families were captured and sold into slavery. Ferdinand VI
endeavored to solve these problems through a treaty which he made with
Portugal, in 1750, according to which Spain acquired Sacramento in
exchange for territories in the Paraguayan region. The treaty met with the
spirited opposition of leading Spanish ministers, and with that of the Jesuit
missionaries, the Indians, and the Spanish settlers in the regions affected,
and after many vicissitudes, including a war in Paraguay, it was annulled in
1761, but the troubles on the border continued. One of the underlying
difficulties was the ambition of Portugal. Under the direction of the Marquis
of Pombal, Portuguese minister of state, she was desirous of making
conquests in South America, for which purpose Pombal was willing to go to
any length in bad faith to achieve his end, relying upon the support of
England in case Spain should declare war. Pombal secretly directed the
Portuguese officials in the Sacramento region to seize desirable Spanish
territories, and when reports of these captures came to Europe pretended
that they were false, or that they were nothing more than inconsequential
affrays between the Spanish and Portuguese soldiery. He promised to order
his troops to desist from such actions, and asked Charles III to do the same.
The Spanish king complied with his wishes, while Pombal on the contrary
continued to give orders for hostilities and to send reinforcements, hoping
that the Portuguese might secure posts from which it would be impossible
to dislodge them by the time his duplicity should be found out. Not only did
he deceive Charles III for a while, but he also misled the English ministers,
pretending that Portugal was a victim of Spanish ambition when the facts
were quite the contrary. England supported Pombal with vigorous
diplomatic action. By the close of the year 1775, however, England was so
busily engaged in the disputes with her own colonies that she was far from
desiring a war in Europe. The British Cabinet announced that it would take
no part in the quarrel between Spain and Portugal, provided Charles III
should make no attempts on the territorial integrity of Portugal and Brazil.
Pombal now made peaceful overtures to Charles III, hoping to delay the
sending of Spanish troops to South America, but the proofs of Pombal’s
perfidy were by this time so clear that the king of Spain would not trust
him. In fact, a Portuguese fleet in South America attacked the Spanish fleet,
in February, 1776, and shortly afterward the Portuguese captured the
Spanish post of Santa Tecla. In November a Spanish expedition left Cádiz,
and on arrival in South America put a check to the Portuguese aggressions,
and captured Sacramento. Fortune played into Spain’s hands in another
respect when María Victoria, sister of Charles III, became regent of
Portugal on the death of the king in 1777. This occasioned the dismissal of
Pombal, and in October of that year a treaty was arranged between Spain
and Portugal entirely favorable to the former. The much-disputed
Sacramento colony was awarded to Spain, while Paraguay was retained.
This treaty, supplemented by another in 1778, put an end, after nearly three
centuries, to the disputes between Spain and Portugal with regard to their
American boundaries.

Disputes of England with her American colonies as a factor in Spain’s foreign policy.

In the midst of Spain’s preparations for a war against England there

loomed up a new factor, the troubles between England and her American
colonies. Down to 1774 Spain had proceeded without reference to these
disputes, ardently desirous of war whenever France should be ready,
although Charles III himself was conservative with regard to a declaration.
Until late in the year 1774 France and Spain, together with most
Englishmen, believed that the colonial situation was merely a Whig device
against the Tories. The first inkling of the seriousness of the situation seems
to have come in a report of the French ambassador, in June, 1774, quoting a
remark of the British minister, Lord Rochford, that the Boston rioters were
descendants of Cromwell’s Puritans, implying that they would fight. Both
France and Spain welcomed the news, believing that it would keep England
engaged until the Bourbon powers could get ready to strike. In December,
1774, Garnier, the French chargé d’affaires in London, had become
convinced that the American dispute was the most important event in
English history since the revolution of 1688, and he suggested that France
should give secret aid to the Americans. In January, 1775, he reported that
an army of 9000 men was being sent to the colonies, and sounded a warning
lest they make a descent upon the French West Indies, whether in the flush
of victory, or in order to gain a recompense in case of defeat. The Spanish
court was informed of this opinion, and in March, 1775, received a similar
message from Escarano, the Spanish minister in London, who stated that
England had 11,736 soldiers in America (a great force as colonial armies
went) and could easily attack Spain’s possessions, both because they were
near, and because the British had so many transports at hand. He was of the
opinion that England could not defeat America with her “three million
souls, guided by the enthusiasm of liberty, and accustomed to live in a kind
of independence,” a people “who had given so many proofs of valor.” The
danger of a return to power of William Pitt, the imperialist, now Lord
Chatham, was also alluded to. Spain at once consulted with France whether
it would not be advisable to break with England immediately, but Vergennes
was not ready. So the matter was dropped, although a remark attributed to
Lord Rochford that the Americans could be won back to allegiance by an
English declaration of war against France did not tend to allay the Bourbon
feeling of insecurity.

Disadvantages to Spain of a victory by either the United States or England and effect on Spain’s
policy.
 At about this time the Spanish authorities began to be impressed by the
idea, first expressed by Aranda in July, 1775, that the American outbreak
would endanger Spain’s colonial empire. According to Aranda an
independent America would be a menace, as her population was increasing,
and consequently she needed lands, which she would be apt to seek in a
region with a temperate climate like New Spain, rather than by expansion
northward. Thus the Anglo-Americans might eventually dominate North
America, or help Spain’s colonies to become independent. On the other
hand, if England should defeat the colonists, the latter would join with her
in her wars as in the past, and the danger would be equally great. Thus
Spain seemed to be between two horns of the dilemma. Up to this time she
had been ready for a declaration of war whenever France should announce
her willingness. Henceforth there was a more conservative note in Spain’s
attitude, while France, who had everything to gain and nothing to lose,
threw off her former conservatism and became increasingly enthusiastic. Up
to the close of the year 1776, however, Spain still leaned toward war, and
France remained undecided as to the moment to strike. During this period
Spain was influenced largely by the question with Portugal. In September,
1776, Vergennes informed Aranda that in his opinion the war ought soon to
be begun, before England herself should declare it and make an attack on
France and Spain. Spain’s attitude was expressed by Grimaldi, the Spanish
minister of state, in a letter to Aranda in October. The war was inevitable,
he said, and it would be an advantage to begin it several months before
England was ready to undertake it. Spain would leave it to the decision of
France whether the declaration should be made at once. Incidentally, Spain
hoped to conquer Portugal in course of the war. This frank statement found
Vergennes less enthusiastic. Moreover, he objected to Spain’s designs on
Portugal, lest other European powers should be unfavorable to them. Once
again the matter was dropped. Some of the higher Spanish officials were
disappointed over these continued refusals by France, but Charles III said
that for his part he believed the right moment had not come. Meanwhile,
since June, 1776, Spain had been aiding the Americans secretly with
money, arms, and ammunition, much of which was made available through
shipment to New Orleans by way of Havana, and thence to destination.
Nevertheless, Vergennes’ refusal, in November, to begin the war marked the
turning point in the attitude of both France and Spain. The disadvantages,
henceforth, loomed larger and larger in the eyes of Spain, while the
successful resistance of the Americans to England made the way more and
more easy for France.

Spain’s divergence from France over the American Revolution.

The new attitude of Spain was represented by both Charles III and
Floridablanca, who succeeded Grimaldi early in 1777. According to
Floridablanca the most immediate advantages which Spain might hope to
gain from the war were the recovery of Florida and the expulsion of the
English from Honduras. War ought not to be declared, however, until both
France and Spain should have considerable forces in the West Indies.
Furthermore, if the rebellious English colonies should establish their
independence, Spain ought to contrive to keep them divided in interests, so
that there might not grow up a formidable power near Spanish America.
Clearly there was no enthusiasm in Spanish governmental circles on behalf
of the Americans. This appears also from the cold reception accorded
Arthur Lee, the American representative, who at about this time arrived in
Spain, but was not received by the Spanish court. The breach between the
respective courses of France and Spain was still further widened as a result
of Burgoyne’s surrender to the Americans at Saratoga. The British
government began to make offers with a view to conciliating the colonists.
France acted quickly to prevent it, for it was believed that a reconciliation
would mean a loss of the commercial favors France hoped to get and
perhaps a war with England in which the colonies would join on the English
side. In December, 1777, therefore, France declared herself ready to enter
into a treaty of commerce and alliance with the American government,
specifically stating that her willingness was due partially to a desire to
diminish the power of England by separating her from her colonies. In
February, 1778, a treaty was signed. All of this was done, in violation of the
spirit of the Family Compact, without any official notification to Spain.
Spain’s opinion of this procedure was voiced by Floridablanca, who
recommended to Charles III that Spain should continue her preparations, as
if war were inevitable, but should avoid a declaration as long as possible,
for under existing circumstances, one of which was the inconstancy of
Spain’s allies, the war could not result favorably for Spain. Henceforth,
Spain pursued an independent policy. The English government was
informed that Spain’s attitude would depend upon England; Spain neither
wished war nor feared it. France, meanwhile, had entered the conflict.
 Failure of mediation and Spain’s entry into the war.

Charles III now began to attempt the part of a mediator, in hopes that he
might get Gibraltar and Minorca as the price for bringing about peace. In
May, 1778, Escarano suggested to Lord Weymouth, a member of the British
ministry, that Gibraltar would be a fair equivalent for Spain’s services, but
was told that the price was too high, and that affairs had probably gone
beyond the point where mediation would serve; England wanted no more
from Spain than that she remain neutral. In making this reply Lord
Weymouth rather brusquely thanked Charles III for the magnanimity of his
offer,—a type of answer which was not calculated to be pleasing to the
Spanish ear, as Floridablanca very plainly intimated to the English
ambassador. To add to Spain’s displeasure England’s conduct on the sea
gave cause for complaint. Nevertheless, Charles still hoped to serve as
arbitrator,—all the more so, when news came of French naval victories over
the English. He prevailed upon Louis XVI to submit the terms upon which
he would make peace. The conditions, which included an acknowledgment
of American independence and the recall of England’s land and sea forces,
were presented to Lord Weymouth, who haughtily rejected them. Late in
the same year, 1778, Spain’s proposal of a twenty-five or thirty year truce
between England and her colonies was also rejected. Nothing could exceed
the patience of Charles III, who then offered Weymouth an indefinite
armistice, to be guaranteed by a general disarmament. Again the Spanish
king’s proposals were arrogantly rejected. To make matters worse, England
had delayed her reply from January to March, 1779, and her ships had
continued to attack those of Spain. On April 3, Charles renewed his offer of
a suspension of hostilities, this time in the form of an ultimatum. England
did not answer for nearly two months, and in the meantime, seeing that war
was inevitable, planned attacks on the Spanish colonies. On May 28 the
ultimatum was rejected, and on June 23 war was declared.

The war with England and its favorable issue.

Spain was well prepared for the war, besides which the favorable state of
her relations with Portugal, and indeed with other countries, was a source of
strength. France and Spain planned an invasion of England which did not
materialize, but it did cause the retention of the English fleet in British
waters and a diminution in the military forces sent to America,—a factor in
the American war not to be overlooked. The attempts to retake Gibraltar
were unsuccessful, but in 1782 Minorca fell into Spanish hands. In
America, Florida was reconquered from the British, the establishments in
Honduras were taken, and the English were expelled from the Bahama
Islands of the West Indies. Meanwhile, England displayed great eagerness
to remove Spain from the list of her enemies. Late in 1779 she offered to
restore Gibraltar for the price of Spanish neutrality, and to add Florida and
the right to fish in Newfoundland waters if Spain would aid her against the
United States. Not only this time but also on two other occasions when
England endeavored to treat separately with Spain her offers were rejected,
even though they embodied favorable terms for withdrawal from the war. In
an age when international faith was not very sacred, Spain preferred to
remain true to France, with whom she had renewed her alliance, although to
be sure England’s promises never equalled Spain’s hopes. It is also
interesting to note, not only that the Americans had a representative in
Spain (John Jay), but also that there were agents of Spain in the United
States (Miralles and Rendón), besides which Bernardo de Gálvez, the
conqueror of Florida, had dealings with American agents at New Orleans.
The general relations of the two governments cannot be said to have been
cordial, however, and at no time was there anything approaching a veritable
alliance; Bourbon Spain could not possibly approve of the democratic
United States. By the treaty of 1783, which ended the war, Spain got
Florida and Minorca, and limited the dyewood privileges of the English in
Honduras to a term of years. On the other hand Spain restored the Bahamas
to England. An interesting period of relations between Spain and the United
States, having to do primarily with the regions of the lower Mississippi
valley, began in the closing years of the reign of Charles III, but the story
belongs rather to the colonial side of the history of Spain.

Death of Charles III.

In December, 1788, Charles III died. As will be made more clear in the
chapters dealing with institutions, he had brought Spain forward to the
position of a first rank power again,—even though her enjoyment of that
high station was to be of brief duration.
 CHAPTER XXXIII

CHARLES IV AND FRANCE, 1788-1808

Dominating character of relations with France and their effects upon Spain

IF the reign of Charles III, despite the close union of the Bourbon
crowns, had been characterized mainly in its external manifestations by the
hostility of Spain to England, that of Charles IV (1788-1808) was
dominated by relations with France. Unaffected for a while by the
principles underlying the French Revolution, Spain was toppled from her
position as a first-rate power by the Emperor Napoleon, whose designs for
world power and whose methods in seeking it were not unlike those
followed over a century later by William II of Germany. Meanwhile, the
ideas of the American and the French revolutions were permeating the
Spanish colonies, and as the wars with England continued during much of
this reign, shutting off effective communication between the colonies and
Spain, a chance was offered for putting them into effect in the new world.
The way was well prepared in the reign of Charles IV, though the outbreak
was postponed until after his fall. The blow struck by Napoleon was not
without its compensations, which in the long run may be considered to have
outweighed the loss of prestige. Napoleon, quite without intention, gave
Spain an impulse to national feeling, in the uprising against French
domination, which was greater than any she had formerly experienced, and
of sufficient force to endure to the present day. In the same roundabout way
Napoleon gave the Spain of the Dos de Mayo, or Second of May (the date
of the revolt against Napoleon, and the national holiday of Spain), her first
opportunity to imbibe democratic ideas.

The Nootka affair and the virtual repudiation of the Family Compact.

To cope with the great forces of the French Revolution and the
Napoleonic Empire, Spain had to rely on the leadership of the weak, timid,
vacillating Charles IV. His predecessor had left him a legacy of able
ministers, but these were not long sustained by the king. At the outset
Floridablanca still ruled as first minister of state. He was liberal-minded as
concerned social and economic institutions, but was profoundly royalist in
his political ideas and an enemy of anything which represented a diminution
in the prerogatives of the crown. He was alarmed by the ideas which were
being spread broadcast in France, and took steps to prevent their
introduction into Spain, becoming recognized as an opponent of the French
Revolution. In the midst of this situation, there occurred the Nootka affair,
which obliged him for a time to change his policy. A Spanish voyage of
1789 to the northwest coast of North America had resulted in the discovery
and capture of two English ships at Nootka, on the western shore of
Vancouver Island. Floridablanca informed the English government of this
event, in January, 1790, complaining of the frequent usurpations of Spanish
colonial territories by British subjects, and asking for the recognition of
Spain’s ownership of Nootka, which had been discovered by a Spanish
voyage of 1774. What followed was very nearly a duplicate of the Falkland
incident, twenty years before. England claimed that the British flag had
been insulted, and demanded satisfaction, which Floridablanca refused to
give, as it involved the acknowledgment of a doubt concerning Spain’s
ownership of Nootka. War seemed imminent, and the French government
was invoked to stand by the Family Compact. The National Assembly, then
in actual control in France, acknowledged the obligation, but attached
conditions (having to do with the revolution) to their willingness to declare
war,—with the result that Charles IV and Floridablanca decided that it was
better to avoid a rupture with England. A series of three treaties, from 1790
to 1794, arranged for the payment of an indemnity by Spain, and among
other matters agreed that the ships of both nations should have a right to sail
the waters and make landings freely in regions not already settled by either
power. In effect, therefore, the lands north of the Spanish settlements were
thrown open to the entry of England. These treaties had a significance
which was wider than that of the matters directly involved. They marked a
new spirit in the direction of colonial affairs. In the early years of the
conquest Spain had played an aggressive part, followed soon by the
adoption of what might be termed an aggressive defensive, or a willingness
to fight for the retention of what she had, leading also to further conquests
in order to ward off foreign attack. The Nootka affair was the beginning of a
spiritless, waiting kind of defensive, the inevitable outcome of which was
disintegration.
 Floridablanca and Spanish opposition to the French Revolution.

The Nootka treaties left Spain free, however, to stand in opposition to

the French Revolution. Louis XVI of France had written secretly to Charles
IV, in 1789, that he had been compelled to agree to measures of which he
did not approve. Other European monarchs were also acquainted with the
perils of Louis XVI’s position, and in the general interests of kingship, all
desired to save him, although in the case of Spain there was the strong bond
of family ties as well. In 1790 Floridablanca directed a note to the French
Assembly requesting greater freedom of action for Louis XVI, making
thinly veiled threats in case of a refusal to comply. This action only served
to enrage the French government. In 1791 Floridablanca ordered the taking
of a census of all foreigners in Spain, about half of whom were Frenchmen,
compelling them to swear allegiance to the king, the laws, and the religion
of the peninsula. A subsequent order prohibited the entry of any literature of
a revolutionary bearing, even going so far as to forbid foreigners to receive
letters. When Louis XVI accepted the constitution of 1791 Floridablanca
announced that Charles IV refused to recognize that the French king had
signed the document of his own free will, and asked that Louis XVI and his
family be allowed to go to a neutral land, threatening war if the French
government should fail to accede to Charles’ wishes. Here was a direct
challenge to the revolution, but instead of accepting the gauntlet France sent
an agent to Spain who was able to persuade Charles IV that Floridablanca’s
policy was in fact contributing to the dangerous position of Louis XVI.
Floridablanca was therefore relieved from power early in 1792, and Aranda
became first minister in Spain.

Brief ministry of Aranda.

Aranda, who sympathized to some extent with the revolutionary ideas,

placed the relations with France on a more cordial basis, although without
relinquishing the efforts which were being made in company with other
European sovereigns to save Louis XVI. When the news came of the
revolutionary excesses of the summer of 1792 Aranda, who had not
expected such a turn of affairs, became more stern, and began to consider
the advisability of joint military action with Austria, Prussia, and Sardinia.
Meanwhile, the French government demanded the alliance of Spain or
offered the alternative of war. Induced in part by a doubt with regard to the
best policy to pursue for the sake of Louis XVI, Spain hesitated, and
suggested a treaty of neutrality. France imposed conditions which it was
impossible for Spain to accept, among them the recognition of the French
Republic, which had just been proclaimed. Before Aranda could meet the
problem in a decisive manner he was dispossessed of his post as the result
of a palace plot in favor of Manuel Godoy.

Godoy and the significance of his relations with the queen.

At the time of his accession to the headship of the Spanish ministry in

1792 Godoy was a mere youth, twenty-five years of age. Formerly a soldier
of the royal guard, he had been selected by Charles IV with the specific idea
of training him to be his leading minister, for the king believed that the
plebeian Godoy would, out of necessity, be devotedly attached to the royal
interests. The queen, María Luisa, was influential in the choice of Godoy,
for there is little doubt that she was already the mistress of this upstart
youth. Godoy’s abilities have perhaps been condemned too harshly. He was
a man of ambition and some talent, and had studied assiduously to fit
himself for his eventual post. Nevertheless, his sudden rise to high rank in
the nobility (for he had been made Duke of Alcudia) and in political office,
together with the notoriety of his relations with the queen, caused an
indignation in Spain which was to result in the forming of a party opposed
to him,—a group which the enemies of Spain were able to manipulate to
advantage.

War with France and the treaty of Basle.

Difficulties with England and alliance with France.

Godoy continued the efforts of his predecessors to save Louis XVI,

without more success than they, and when he declined to accede to the
conditions imposed by the French Convention, then ruling in France, that
body early in 1793 declared war on Spain. The war against France was
joined by most of the countries of western Europe. One by one, however,
the continental princes fell away, and urged Spain to do the same. The war
itself, so far as Spain was concerned, was not decisive either way, although
France had a little the better of it. In 1795 negotiations were undertaken
which resulted in the treaty of Basle. The Pyrenean boundary was
maintained, but Spain ceded that portion of the island of Hayti, or Santo
Domingo, which still belonged to her, thus acknowledging the French title
to the whole island.[60] The government of England, with which Spain had
allied for the war with France, was exceedingly annoyed by Spain’s
acceptance of peace, and very soon began to act in a threatening manner.
Even as an ally in the recent war England had not been altogether cordial
toward Spain. On one occasion a Spanish treasure ship which had been
captured by the French was retaken by the English, and retained as a prize;
Englishmen had continued to engage in contraband trade, not only in
Spanish America, but also in the peninsula itself; they had been responsible
for encouraging separatist feelings in Spanish America, well knowing that
the independence of Spain’s colonies would result in advantages to British
commerce; and England had refused to grant Spain a subsidy for the 1795
campaign,—a factor with a bearing on Spain’s action, whatever the merits
of the case. The resentment of the Spanish court was now provoked by
insults which were offered to the Spanish ambassador to London and by
attacks on Spanish ships, just as formerly in the reign of Charles III. The
natural effect was to drive Spain into the arms of France. An alliance was
formed in 1796 which was followed by a declaration of war against
England. It is highly probable that Charles IV was induced to form this
union by a belief, fostered perhaps by French intrigue, that the French
Republic was about to collapse, in which event it seemed likely that a
Spanish Bourbon might be called to the throne of France.

Unsatisfactory results from the French Alliance.

Spain’s experience as an ally of France was not more happy than her
previous union with England. France excluded her from representation at
several conferences looking to treaties of peace between France and her
enemies, and made slight efforts to secure the interests of Spain, going so
far as to refuse her sanction to many of the pretensions of her Bourbon ally.
Most annoying of all was the dispossession of the Duke of Parma, a relative
of Charles IV by descent from Isabel Farnesio. The French government
endeavored to calm Spanish feelings on this point by offering to make
Godoy the Grand Master of the Knights of Malta,—an honor he was
disposed to accept, subject to certain conditions, one of which was that he
be absolved from the vow of chastity. In fact, however, the French
authorities were suspicious of Godoy, believing that he was secretly plotting
with England, because he did not insist on Portugal’s refusing to allow the
English fleets to remain in Portuguese ports. A French representative was
sent to Spain in 1797, and the dismissal of Godoy was procured from
Charles IV. Nevertheless, Godoy continued to be the principal force at the
Spanish court, backed as he was by the powerful influence of the queen.
The policy of truculence to France went on, however, due in part perhaps to
Charles’ continued hopes of acquiring the Bourbon crown, but even more,
very likely, to his pusillanimity in the face of the threats of the French
Directory. In 1799 his hopes were dashed when Napoleon Bonaparte
overthrew the Directory and became first consul of France, a title which a
few years later he converted into that of emperor.

Early relations with Napoleon and the war with Portugal.

The change of government in France was welcomed at the Spanish

court, for it was believed that Spain would receive more consideration at the
hands of Napoleon than she had obtained from the Directory. Events proved
that Spain was to be even more an instrument in French hands than
formerly, and that Napoleon was to be more powerful and despotic and less
courteous and faithful in international affairs than the French rulers who
had preceded him. One of his earliest acts was an attempt to employ the
Spanish fleet to conserve French ends. When the Spanish admiral refused to
carry out the wishes of Napoleon, a matter in which he was sustained by his
government, the French ruler brought about the dismissal of Urquijo, at that
time first minister of state in Spain, and shortly afterward the offending
admiral was relieved from his command. Meanwhile, a treaty had been
arranged in 1800 whereby Napoleon agreed to enlarge the dominions of the
Duke of Parma (who had regained his duchy) in exchange for the recession
of Louisiana to France and the gift of six ships of war. By a treaty of 1801
Tuscany was granted to the family of the Duke of Parma, whose whole
domains were now called the kingdom of Etruria. It was provided that in
case of a lack of succession of the reigning house a Spanish prince of the
royal family should inherit the Etrurian throne, and this was to be the rule
forever. Another treaty of 1801 required Spain to issue an ultimatum to
Portugal demanding an abandonment of the English alliance. The name of
Godoy was signed to the later treaties in the series of which the above have
been mentioned. He had not ceased to be influential during his absence
from power, but henceforth until 1808 he was definitely in the saddle.
Though his military experience was slight he was appointed general of the
Spanish army which was to invade Portugal, and when war was presently
declared he entered that country. The campaign, although comparatively
insignificant, resulted in victory. Portugal agreed to close her ports in return
for the Spanish king’s guarantee of the territorial integrity of Portugal. A
celebration was held at Badajoz, at which the soldiers presented the queen
with branches of orange trees taken from Portuguese groves, resulting in the
application of the name “war of the oranges,”—which fittingly described its
inconsequential character. Napoleon was furious over such a termination of
the war, and went so far as to threaten the end of the Spanish monarchy
unless the campaign were pursued. At length he decided to accept the
result, after Portugal had consented to increase the indemnity which she had
originally agreed to pay to France. This marked a beginning, however, of
the French ruler’s distrust of Godoy. Shortly afterward it suited Napoleon’s
purposes to make peace. In 1802 a treaty was signed with England, and,
naturally, Spain too made peace. Minorca, which had been occupied by the
English, was restored to Spain, but the island of Trinidad was surrendered
to England,—another bit chipped off Spain’s colonial empire.

Difficulties of neutrality and declaration of war against England.

Godoy had emerged from the Portuguese campaign as general-in-chief

of the armies of the land and sea, and was again the dominating power at
court. By this time a strong opposition had grown up around Ferdinand, the
eldest son of the king, directed by an ambitious canon, named Escoiquiz.
Napoleon now had a political force at hand, to employ whenever he should
desire it, against Godoy. Early in 1803 Napoleon was again at war with
England, and proceeded to woo Spain’s support by charges that she was
favoring England and by threats of war. In the same year, too, he sold
Louisiana to the United States, although he had promised Spain at the time
of the recession that France would never transfer that region to any country
other than Spain. Spain protested, but soon accepted the situation. Later in
1803 Napoleon compelled Spain to consent to a so-called treaty of
neutrality, which in fact amounted to the paying of a monthly tribute to
France. England objected, and followed up her complaints by capturing
three Spanish frigates and stopping merchantmen, without a declaration of
war. England announced that she was holding the frigates as a guarantee of
Spanish neutrality. Thus courted with equal roughness by France and
England, Spain was again under the necessity of choosing which of her
enemies to fight. England was selected, and in 1804 war against that
country was declared.

Napoleon and Godoy, and the project to partition Portugal.

In 1805 there occurred the great battle of Trafalgar, in which the French
and Spanish navies were virtually destroyed by the English under Nelson.
The immediate results of this defeat as affecting Spanish action was the
decision of Godoy, who had never enjoyed cordial relations with Napoleon,
to seek an alliance with England. Through this agency he hoped to bolster
up his own power as against the rapidly growing body of his enemies in
Spain. In the midst of his plans came Napoleon’s great victory over Prussia
at Jena in 1806, which, following that of Austerlitz over Austria in 1805,
once again made the French emperor dangerously predominant on the
continent of western Europe. Godoy, who had already compromised
himself, made haste to explain. Napoleon pretended to be satisfied, but
decided then that he would make an end of the Bourbon monarchy. The
unpopularity of Godoy and the strength of the party of Ferdinand, who was
now a popular favorite, were among the means of which he availed himself;
Ferdinand even wrote him letters in which he alluded freely to his mother’s
adulterous relations with Godoy. Meanwhile, Napoleon profited by Godoy’s
willingness to do anything to win the favor of the emperor by arranging for
the conquest of Portugal. A partition of that territory was projected whereby
the Bourbon monarch of Etruria was to have northern Portugal, Godoy (as
Prince of Algarve) was to have the south, and the centre was to be
exchanged for Gibraltar, Trinidad, and other colonies which England had
taken from Spain. The usual ultimatum having been sent and rejected, the
war began for what seemed a brilliant objective for Spain,—if Napoleon
had had any intention of his keeping his word.

Plottings of Napoleon and the abdication of Charles IV.

The campaign of 1807 resulted in a rapid, almost bloodless conquest of

Portugal by the French general Junot, placing Napoleon in a position to
fulfil his treaty obligations. Nothing was further from his plans, however,
and, indeed, Godoy and the king had recently had cause to suspect his
sincerity; action had been taken against Ferdinand and his party, resulting in
the exposure of the prince’s correspondence with Napoleon. Napoleon
occupied Etruria,—and gave the queen of that country to understand that
she need not look for compensation in Portugal. Godoy, meanwhile,
remained without Algarve, although hoping against hope that he might yet
get it. All this time, French troops were pouring into Spain, and through
deceit were possessing themselves of the Spanish strongholds in the north.
To the credit of Godoy it must be said that he divined the emperor’s
intentions, and favored a demand for the withdrawal of the French troops,
with the alternative of war. Charles IV and his other leading advisers were
opposed to this idea; the king was frightened at the very thought of fighting
Napoleon. The emperor now began to unmask himself. The Spanish
ambassador to France returned to Madrid as the bearer of a message from
Napoleon, asking for the cession of certain Spanish provinces in the north
as far as the Ebro, or else for the recognition of the emperor’s title to
Portugal, together with a military road thereto across Spanish territory; the
ambassador added that he believed Napoleon intended to possess himself of
the northern provinces and perhaps of all Spain, though possibly not until
the death of Charles IV. It was now perfectly clear to Godoy and the king
what Napoleon meant to do, but the party of Ferdinand, unaware of all the
facts, was wedded blindly to the emperor, believing that his sole desire was
to get rid of Godoy and assure the succession of Ferdinand. Charles, Godoy,
and the queen thought of escaping to the Americas, and as a preliminary
step moved the court from Madrid to Aranjuez. A riot followed at Aranjuez
in which Godoy was captured by the followers of Ferdinand, and was with
difficulty saved from death. Realizing that the army and the people were
almost wholly on the side of Ferdinand, and unable to see any way out of
his difficulties, Charles IV decided to abdicate, and accordingly on March
19, 1808, did so. All Spain rejoiced, for Godoy had fallen, and the idolized
prince had now ascended the throne as Ferdinand VII.

Duplicity of Napoleon and the journeys of Ferdinand VII and Charles IV to Bayonne.

Napoleon was much displeased at the course of events in Spain. The

flight of Charles would have fitted in with his plans, whereas the accession
of Ferdinand placed him under the necessity of exposing his hand.
Temporarily he saved the situation by one of the most remarkable
exhibitions of successful duplicity in history. On March 23 General Murat
entered Madrid with a French army, and the next day Ferdinand made his
royal entry, and was received by the people with delirious joy. The foreign
diplomats at once recognized him as king,—except the French ambassador.
Uncertain yet what to do, Napoleon was on the one hand giving indications
of an intention to restore Charles IV, and on the other planning to set up one
of his own brothers as king of Spain. Charles IV gave the emperor the
opening he desired. In order to obtain some material advantages from his
abdication and to save Godoy, who was still in prison, he entered into
communication with Murat, and as a result secretly retracted his abdication,
placing himself entirely in the hands of Napoleon. Meanwhile, Murat told
Ferdinand that the emperor was coming to see him, and suggested that
Ferdinand should go to Burgos to meet him. When Ferdinand decided
against the journey, lest it produce a bad effect in the minds of the people,
Napoleon sent General Savary with orders to bring Ferdinand whether he
wanted to come or not. Savary succeeded in persuading the young prince to
go to Burgos, and when Napoleon was not found there to Vitoria. Beyond
this point Ferdinand was at first not disposed to go, but, urged on both by
Savary and Escoiquiz, who still believed in the French emperor, the party
proceeded across the boundary line to Bayonne. There indeed they found
Napoleon,—and Ferdinand was informed that he must abdicate the throne.
A few days later, on April 30, Charles IV, María Luisa, and Godoy arrived;
they had been easily persuaded to go there by Murat. The reunion of the
royal family at Bayonne was accompanied by disgraceful quarrels of the
parents and the son and by the humiliating weakness of all in the presence
of Napoleon. Charles IV was again induced to abdicate, and was given a
rich pension and estates in France to which he and his family, Godoy, and
the royal servants might repair. Ferdinand was also granted rents and lands.
To Napoleon was given the right to name a king of Spain.

Uprising of the Dos de Mayo against Napoleon.

Meanwhile, the French troops in Madrid and elsewhere had been

conducting themselves like conquerors, and had aroused considerable
hostility in the people, who were not so easily deceived and dominated as
their rulers had been. After the departure of Ferdinand from Madrid the
French officers did not hesitate to say that Napoleon would not recognize
him,—which only increased the popular discontent. The climax came when
an order was received from Napoleon for the young Bourbon prince,
Francisco de Paula, and for the queen of Etruria with her children to be sent
to France. The departure from Madrid was set for the morning of the second
of May. A crowd gathered to see the royal party off, and heard rumors
which excited it to a feeling of frenzy,—for example, that the young
Francisco (then only thirteen) had protested in tears against going. Insults
were offered the French soldiery, and the harness of the coaches was cut.
These scenes were interrupted by the appearance of a French battalion,
which fired without warning into the crowd. The crowd scattered, and
spread the news over the city. This was the signal for a general uprising
against the French. The Spanish troops were under strict orders from the
government to stay in barracks, but a number of them declined to obey.
Prominent among those joining the people against the French were Captains
Pedro Velarde and Luis Daoiz, the heroes of the day. When the people were
driven out of the central square of the city, the Plaza del Sol, by the French
artillery, Velarde hastened to the battery commanded by Daoiz. Convincing
the latter that the interests of the country were superior to discipline he
joined with him and a certain Lieutenant Ruiz in directing the fire against
the French troops. Superior in numbers and armament, the French were
successful after a battle lasting three hours in which Velarde and Daoiz
were killed. The dramatic events of the Dos de Mayo, or the second of May,
were the prelude to a national uprising against the French. Without a king or
a government Spain began the war which was to usher in a new era in
Spanish history,—for, just as Americans look back to the Fourth of July in
1776, so the Spaniards consider the Dos de Mayo of 1808 as the beginning
of modern Spain.
 CHAPTER XXXIV

SPANISH SOCIETY, 1700-1808

Social characteristics of the era.

FUNDAMENTALLY, there was no change in the classes of Spanish society

in this period as regards their legal and social standing, except in the case of
the rural population of Aragon. One of the characteristic notes of the era
was a certain democratic sentiment of a philanthropic kind, exhibiting itself
vaguely in a desire for the well-being of mankind, and practically in the
social, economic, and intellectual betterment of the masses, without any
attempt being made to improve their juridical position. This ideal, which
was not confined to Spain, became more and more widespread with the
increase in influence of the French encyclopedists, and got to be a fad of
high society, being encouraged by the kings themselves. Many of its
manifestations will be taken up later in dealing with economic institutions,
but the sentimental discussion of the ideal may be remarked upon here; this
at length went so far as to result in the formulation of political doctrines of a
democratic character, but they were not yet translated into law. Such social
reforms as were made came for the most part in the last three reigns of the
era, especially in that of Charles III.
 Pride, wealth, and privileges of the nobles.

Real decline of their power.

The description of the nobility in the period of the House of Austria

might almost be repeated for this era. The nobles had long since lost their
political power, but the wealth of the grandees and the privileges and the
prestige of all ranks of the nobility were so great that this class was a more
important factor in Spanish life than it is today. Pride of noble rank
continued to be almost an obsession, despite the attempts to check it; with a
view to diminishing petitions for the recognition of rights of hidalguía, a
law was passed in 1758 calling for the payment of a large sum of money
when the petitioner’s title dated back to the fourth or fifth grandfather. On
the other hand, the kings were responsible for acts which tended to
encourage the eagerness for noble rank. Ferdinand VI officially recognized
that the people of Vizcaya were all of hidalgo rank; Charles III created the
order which bears his name, and Charles IV founded that of the “noble
ladies of María Luisa”; various societies of nobles for equestrian exercises,
in imitation of the military orders, were formed, and they were given certain
privileges in criminal jurisdiction. To be sure, the grant of these honors was
a source of revenue to the state. The recognition of the privileged character
of the nobles was manifest, even in the case of the more degraded members
of that class; a law of 1781 provided that nobles who were arrested as
vagabonds should be sent to the army with the rank of “distinguished
soldiers.” The grandees and the other nobles possessed of seigniorial estates
still controlled the appointment of many municipal functionaries; in 1787
there were 17 cities, 2358 villas, and 1818 aldeas and pueblos in seigniorial
hands, in some of which the king shared jurisdiction with the lords.
Similarly, the military orders had the right to appoint the clergymen of 3
cities, 402 villas, 119 pueblos, and 261 aldeas. Many monopolies of a
medieval type still survived in favor of the lords, such as those of hunting,
fishing, the baking of bread, the making of flour, and the use of streams and
forests, and in some cases the lord’s vassals were subject to medieval
tributes and services. It is rather by comparison with matters as they are
today, however, that these incidents loom large; they were but the survivals
of a system which was already dead. The worst of these seigniorial rights,
the Aragonese lord’s power of life and death over his villeins, was
abolished by Philip V. The kings did not dare to suppress all of the
seigniorial privileges, but took steps to overcome them, as by submitting the
rights of certain lords to rigorous proofs, by hindering sales of jurisdiction,
by subjecting the appointments of the lords to the approval of the Cámara,
by naming special royal officials for the various seigniorial holdings, and in
general by facilitating the reincorporation in the crown of such estates. By
this time the lesser nobility enjoyed few exemptions of a financial character,
but the great nobles still possessed such privileges. The kings employed
indirect methods to cause them to submit to taxation. Thus payments were
demanded in lieu of military service, and the media anata (half annates)
was required for the recognition of the title of a successor to landed estates;
certainly the immensely wealthy grandees were able to pay these tributes
without serious economic loss to themselves. Furthermore, the great nobles
continued to be a court nobility, and were jealously proud of the special
privileges of an empty character which marked them off from the classes
below them. For example, a grandee had the right to keep his hat on and to
sit down in the presence of the king; to be called “cousin” by the king; to
have a private guard; to preside over the sessions of the noble branch of the
Cortes; to be visited and saluted by ayuntamientos, viceroys, and other
authorities; to have a better place than others, both indoors and out; and to
be free from imprisonment except by a special decree of the king.

Slight gains of the working classes.

There was no essential change in the composition and character of the

middle classes in this era. The working classes of the cities attained to a
little more liberty than formerly, as a result of the decline of the guilds,
while those of the country, if they had improved their juridical position,
continued nevertheless in a state of misery and poverty. The rural wars of
past reigns were missing, however. The evil lot of the rural classes was due
more to the backwardness of agriculture, the vast extent of unworked lands
common, and the widespread practice of entailing estates, than to bonds of
a social character. An interesting attempt, at once to raise the urban laborer,
and to break down the sharp dividing line between the nobility and the
plebeian classes, was a law of 1783, which declared that the trades of
artisans—such as those of the carpenter, tailor, and shoemaker—were to be
considered honorable, and since municipal offices were usually in the hands
of the hidalgo class it was also enacted that the practice of these trades did
not incapacitate a man from holding positions in the local government or
even from becoming an hidalgo. This well-meant law was not able to
overcome social prejudices, however, and when an endeavor was made to
interpret it in the sense that it authorized the entry of artisans into the
military orders, which had always been composed only of nobles, it was
decreed in 1803 that it had never been intended to raise them to that degree,
for the military orders were founded on the necessity of maintaining the
lustre of the nobility.

Benevolent legislation affecting gypsies, descendants of Jews, and slaves.

A spirit of racial tolerance for the despised classes made its appearance
in this era. Laws placing prohibitions on the gypsies were repeatedly
enacted until the time of Charles III, but in 1783 that monarch declared that
the gypsies were not to be considered a tainted race, and ordered that they
be admitted to the towns and to occupations on the same basis as other
Spaniards, provided they would abandon their dress, language, and special
customs. Similarly, in 1782 Charles III endeavored to free the descendants
of Jews from the stigma of their ancestry by enacting that they should not
be obliged to live in a separate quarter or wear any device indicative of their
origin. A law of 1785 permitted them to serve in the army or navy,—a right
which had previously been denied them. These generous laws for the
gypsies and the descendants of Jews were as little capable as those just
mentioned concerning artisans of overcoming social prejudices, wherefore
they failed of their objects. In matters of religion the laws affecting the
despised classes were more in keeping with general sentiment. In 1712 it
was ordered that Moslem slaves who had been set free must leave the
country; in 1802 the prohibition against Jews returning to the peninsula was
reaffirmed as absolute in the case of those who retained the Jewish faith.
Slavery continued to be legal, but laws were passed that slaves escaping to
Spain from other lands, except from the Spanish colonies, became ipso
facto free. The treaty of 1779 with Morocco provided that prisoners of war
should not henceforth be enslaved. The institution of slavery existed on a
great scale in the Americas, though Charles III alleviated the rigors of the
situation by his beneficent legislation.

Tightening of the bonds of family.

 Influence of the physiocratic school on legislation affecting property.

Legislation affecting the family aimed to tighten the bonds between

parents and children, which had become loosened as a result of the
increasing spirit of individualism. Thus a law of 1766 ordered that the prior
consent of parents should be obtained before children could marry, although
a remedy was provided for an unreasonable withholding of consent; in the
preamble it was stated that the law was due to the frequent occurrence of
“unequal marriages.” Several later laws upheld the same principle.
Legislation concerning property was characterized by the ideas of the
physiocratic school of thinkers, who referred all social and economic
problems to the land as the fundamental basis. Among the Spanish
physiocrats (for the physiocratic ideal was widespread in western Europe)
were Campomanes, Floridablanca, and Jovellanos, who were among the
greatest of Spanish reformers in the reign of Charles III and the early years
of Charles IV. In keeping with physiocratic views the laws tended to the
release of realty from incumbrances and to the distribution of lands among
many persons. The practice of entailing estates in primogeniture was one of
the institutions attacked by the physiocrats. It was admitted that it was
necessary in the case of the great nobles, in order to maintain the prestige of
the family name, but it was held to be desirable to check the extension of
the institution in other cases and to facilitate the extinction of entails. Thus
a law of 1749 permitted of the sale of entailed estates for an annuity in the
case of financially ruined houses; a law of 1789 prohibited the founding of
new entails, and facilitated the sale of realty already so held; a law of 1795
imposed heavy taxes on existing entails; and a law of 1798 authorized the
sale of entailed estates, provided the funds should be invested in a certain
loan announced at that time. Still other laws were passed in this period, with
the result that many entails disappeared and others were diminished in size.
The nobles resisted the change, and the greater number of the entails
remained in existence, although reduced in income. In the same way
municipal and ecclesiastical holdings were attacked. In the case of the
former (propios), laws were passed repeatedly—for example in 1761, 1766,
1767, 1768, and especially in 1770—for the partition of the cultivable and
pastoral lands and for their assignment to a number of individuals.
Nevertheless, the majority of this type of municipal lands continued in the
possession of the towns, for the laws were not fully executed. As concerns
lands utilized for the promotion of religious objects, pious foundations were
attacked, and either compelled or else permitted to sell their real property,
but there was considerable hesitancy about applying the same practice to
lands held in mortmain by the regular and secular clergy, although the
prevailing opinion of jurisconsults was opposed to these holdings. Some
steps were taken, however, to free these lands, as well as other measures to
hinder the giving of realty in mortmain. In the various colonization schemes
of the century it was customary to forbid the transfer of lands to
ecclesiastical institutions. A law of 1763 prohibited further conveyances to
the church, and a law of 1798 called for the alienation of lands owned by
charitable institutions, even though they might belong to the church, and
some estates accordingly were sold. The resistance of the clergy, together
with a certain repugnance to laying hands on the property of the church
except in case of extreme necessity, operated to prevent these laws from
having their full effect. It will be noticed that all of these measures were
markedly individualistic, in accord with Roman principles as opposed to
those of medieval society, and favorable to the change in ownership of
landed estates and to their division into small holdings. This spirit was
manifested even more insistently in attacking titles of a medieval character.
Thus the right of farmers to fence lands for their own use was sustained,
serving as a check upon the abuses of the Mesta, and the various methods of
tribute from vassals to a lord (censos, foros, etc.) were the subject of
legislation tending to relieve the former from their burdens. To this epoch,
also, belong laws requiring the registry of titles to land. Nevertheless, the
spirit of collectivism was still alive, as expressed in doctrines favoring the
condemnation of individual property and the establishment of communal
inclosures with the drawing of lots for land, but the followers of Roman
principles were victorious in the controversy.

Triumphs of Roman principles.

Decline and fall of the guilds.

The spirit of individualism appeared, also, to give a deathblow to the

guilds, even though they actually increased in number; there were ninety
guilds in Barcelona at the close of the eighteenth century. Among the
factors contributing to the decline were the following: the continuance of
the exclusive spirit of the past, making entry into the guild a difficult
matter; the accentuation of social differences within the guilds, such that
certain elements had special privileges based on rank in the guild,—for
example, a right that their sons might enter the institution without serving as
apprentices; the failure of the guilds to observe their own ordinances; the
frequency of lawsuits between guilds, or even between a guild and its own
members; and especially the continued intervention of the state, taking over
the former municipal control of the guilds and unifying the ordinances of
each trade throughout the country. The relation of the state to the guilds
facilitated the application of the new economic ideas which were favorable
to the freedom of labor and hostile to the guilds. Thus in 1772 foreign
artisans were permitted to establish themselves, without paying a special tax
and without having to undergo examinations; in 1782 a general law
introduced reforms facilitating apprenticeship, freeing applicants for entry
into a guild from the necessity of proving the Christian faith of their
ancestry (limpieza de sangre), permitting of the sale of masterships, and
abolishing the distinction between the sons of masters and those of the other
members; in another law of the same year painters, sculptors, and architects
were authorized to work independently of guilds; in 1783 the cofradías
attached to the guilds were suppressed, and their place was taken by benefit
societies (montepíos); in 1784 women were given a general permission to
engage in any trade they wished; in 1790 it was enacted that any artisan of
recognized ability could work at his trade without the need of an
examination; and in 1793 a law dissolving the guilds of the silk
manufacturers announced that it was neither necessary nor fitting that
persons should be grouped together in guilds for carrying on such an
industry. From this point it was only a step to the death of the institution.
The great name in the legislation against the guilds was that of
Campomanes.

Dull routine of daily life.

If the social customs of the two preceding eras may be said to have
represented the virile youth of the Spanish peoples, followed by a
seemingly mortal sickness resulting from a too great indulgence in “wild
oats,” this period stands for the recovery of the race (just as occurred in
other aspects of peninsula life) in a conventional, outwardly respectable,
and on the whole fairly wholesome, if also somewhat monotonous, middle
age. Simplicity, regularity, and subordination to principles of authority (as
represented by king, church, and parents, checking initiative and making
long-established custom the guiding rule in daily life) were the dominating
social characteristics. Both in the city and in the country, people arose early;
the Consejo de Castilla met at seven in the morning from April to
September, and at eight from October to March. It was the custom also to
go to bed early, to perform one’s daily tasks in precisely the same way each
day, to hear mass daily, to have family prayers each day, to salute one’s
parents respectfully on the same daily recurring occasions, and to display a
like respect in the presence of official personages or of clergymen. If people
now and then indulged in gossip about their neighbors, they gave little
thought to persons or events beyond their immediate circle; they were in no
hurry to learn the news of the world, waiting tranquilly for the arrival of the
mails, which were usually infrequent and meagre.

Monotony of the life at court and among the nobles.

The kings themselves helped to make this monotonous type of life

fashionable. Philip V was domestically inclined, retiring, and melancholy,
and from the time of his marriage with Isabel Farnesio was nearly always at
the side of his wife, who even accompanied him when he received his
ministers before he had arisen from bed. His daily life was passed in pious
exercises and in hunting, with music to vary the monotony. Ferdinand VI,
also domestic, retiring, and God-fearing, was very fond of music, with the
result that the court was brightened by frequent concerts, operas, and
theatrical representations, on which vast sums of money were expended.
Charles III was a man of very simple tastes, an enemy of the theatre and of
music, but passionately devoted to hunting. He was so methodical that
every moment of the day within the palace was regulated by royal
ordinances, and the annual journeys and changes of residence of the royal
family took place each year on the same day. In monotonous regularity of
life Charles IV resembled his illustrious predecessor, but passion for
hunting amounted in his case almost to a disease; after having breakfast and
hearing mass he would hunt until one o’clock, and would return to that
sport after having partaken of dinner. The sameness of court life in this
period was broken by various receptions and royal feast days, but even
these were cold and formal, following prescribed courses, although
celebrated with great pomp. In 1804 there were eight greater gala days and
seventeen lesser ones, besides those arising from unforeseen events, such as
the reception of a foreign ambassador. Furthermore, royal journeys
necessarily involved festivities and heavy expense. Balls, banquets, and
other diversions found no place at court, and the accession of Charles III
put an end to concerts and plays. The ordinary life of the nobles followed
that of the kings. Comparing it with that of France, a French duke who
came to Spain in the reign of Philip V said that it was tiresome, almost
unsociable, and lacking in comforts, despite the fact that great sums of
money were often spent for entertainments of a formal nature. Toward the
close of the century the more genial practices of other European countries
began to percolate into Spain. Godoy was one who took pleasure in giving
balls. Others followed his example, and the austere simplicity of Spanish
life began to yield to comforts, diversions, and dissipation. Nevertheless,
the old conventions still ruled, especially in the country districts, where the
poorer nobility resided, occupying themselves in hunting and in local
politics and intrigues. The penurious nobles of the hidalgo class continued
to be found at the capital in the train of the greater representatives of the
titled element.

Simplicity of domestic life.

Some clue to the modesty of life in general may be obtained from the
cheapness of rents and the scantiness of furniture in the houses of the
capital. The average annual rental was 1504 reales ($94), and there were
many houses of an inferior type to be had for 45 reales ($2.81) a month,
although, of course, money values were much greater then than now. House
decorations and furniture were poor to the point of shabbiness. Walls did
not begin to be papered until the close of the eighteenth century. Usually
they were white-washed and hung with a few pictures of a religious
character or with brass candlesticks. The floor was of unpolished wood,
covered over in winter with mats, and there was a like simplicity in chairs.
Writing-desks were often present, but were opened only when visitors were
being received. Candles were employed for lighting, and the odorous,
scantly warming brazier was the principal resource against cold. The same
sobriety manifested itself as regards the table. The puchero, or cocido, made
up primarily of chickpeas (garbanzos), was the basis of the meal, and
usually was the only element. Inns were equally uninviting, and it was not
until the close of the era that the example of foreign countries prevailed
upon the Spaniards to introduce somewhat more comfortable hostelries.[61]
 Struggle between the French and the native styles in dress.

The simplicity and severity of Spanish customs were not maintained in

matters of dress. There was a century-long conflict between the French and
the native styles, the former represented by the military cut of clothing more
in keeping with that of the present day, and the latter by the slouched hat
and long cape, as symbolic of the indigenous modes. On grounds of
morality and public safety the government opposed the native type, which
lent itself too easily to the facilitation of disguise, and the methodical
Charles III even considered the imposition of a national dress which should
omit the traditional features. A law of 1766 ordered their abandonment and
the adoption of a short cape or riding coat and the three-cornered cocked
hat. The decree was the occasion of riots throughout Spain, and had to be
recalled, while Squillace, the minister who had proposed it, lost his post.
Aranda, his successor, achieved the desired end by indirect methods. He
caused the slouched hat to be made the official head-piece of the hangman,
wherefore it began to lose prestige, and the French styles were soon
decisively victorious. It is to be noted, however, that the three-cornered
cocked hat and other French styles of the Bourbon era were retained in
Spain after they were no longer in fashion in republican and imperial
France. Women’s dress was also reformed in a similar direction. Three
outstanding features characterized the well-dressed woman: the skirt of silk
or velvet; the mantilla, or veil, worn over the head instead of a hat; and the
fan. Fans of a most luxurious type were used, with ribs of shell, mother-of-
pearl, or ivory, and with ornaments of gold, while the principal part was
hand-painted, often by artists of note, to represent scenes of a mythological,
pastoral, or historical character. Even among the common people, especially
among the so-called majos, or low-class dandies (both male and female) of
Madrid, there were special types of elegant dress. Ladies’ dress-combs of
unusual size, not infrequently half a foot or more in height above the hair,
may be mentioned as one phase of the majo styles, which stood for a
reaction against French modes, though with scant knowledge or regard for
ancient Spanish customs. Majismo, both in dress and in customs, invaded
the aristocracy, and has been immortalized in some of the paintings of
Goya. The common people of the country were much more conservative in
maintaining the earlier styles of dress, which have survived to the present
day, although the uniformity of modern life has tended to make them
peculiarities, rather than the prevailing modes of the different regions in
which they are found.

Fondness of the general Spanish public for diversion and sport.

The monotony of Spanish life did not prevent Spaniards from being fond
of diversions. On the contrary they seemed to welcome a chance to escape
from the narrow course of their humdrum existence. Public feast-days were
numerous and very popular; events in Christian history were the occasion of
most of them. People generally, unlike the monarchs, the nobles, and their
imitators among the wealthy bourgeoisie, were very fond of dancing, the
theatre, and bull-fighting. Dances to the accompaniment of the guitar were
held on every possible occasion; on Sundays they took place in the public
square of the city. The days of the waltz, onestep, and other dances now in
vogue in many lands (though not in Spain) had not yet come; rather, the
dances were very largely national or regional, such as the seguidillas or
boleros, the fandango, guaracha, zorongo, arlequín, chacona, zarabanda,
the Aragonese jota, the Valencian dansetes, and the Catalonian sardana, all
of which gave great play to the individual and represented harmonious
action of the entire body. Many of these dances, or their derivatives, survive
in Spain today. Professional dancing girls were popular favorites—and not
infrequently the mistresses of the great gentlemen of the court. Charles III
detested dancing, but neither he nor his successor could check it, though
they did regulate it to some extent. In like manner the theatre continued to
be a national passion, despite the disapproval of certain great churchmen as
well as of Charles III. Three great theatres were built in Madrid in the reign
of Philip V. Governmental regulations were as unavailing in this as in the
case of dancing. The popularity of bull-fighting got to be greater than ever,
though Philip V and Charles III disliked the sport. Ferdinand VI was a
devotee, and Charles IV was not unfriendly. The repugnance felt by Philip
V had the effect of causing the withdrawal of the nobles from taking part in
the contests, with the result that a professional class of bull-fighters
developed. Charles III went so far as to prohibit the sport in 1785, but
Charles IV, in 1789, consented to its return. Godoy, however, was opposed
to bull-fighting, and procured its abolition in 1805. The period from 1789 to
1805 is a famous one in the history of this game. Just as happens today, so
then, the names of the favorite bull-fighters were on everybody’s lips. This
was a period when many of the feats of the bull-fighters which still form a
part of the contest were invented. Possibly the most widely known name
was that of Pepe Illo, or Hillo (great bull-fighter and writer of a treatise on
the so-called art of bull-fighting), who was killed in the bull-ring at Madrid
in 1801, an event which Goya reduced to canvas in one of his most famous
paintings. Madrid, Aranjuez, Granada, and Seville were the only cities
which had bull-rings (plazas de toros), but fights were held in all parts of
Spain by utilizing the principal square of the city. Certain athletic exercises
were very popular, among which the Basque game of ball, still played in
Spain, is especially worthy of mention.[62] Performances of professional
acrobats, jugglers, and magicians were frequent, as well as the playing of
pantomimes.

Marked advance in the care of cities.

The policing of cities for the first time became worthy of commendation.
At the opening of the eighteenth century Madrid was ugly, extremely dirty,
without architectural monuments, driveways, or promenades, and lacked a
good water system. The great reforms of Aranda under Charles III and of
Godoy in the next reign transformed the city, resulting in the opening of
new streets, the organization of an efficient street-cleaning system (despite
opposition on the ancient ground that the filthiness of the streets was a
preventive of epidemics), the completion of the work of paving begun in the
previous era, the development of a good water supply, the inauguration of a
lighting system, the building of noteworthy edifices, the bettering of old
promenades (paseos) and the opening of new ones, and the issue of
numerous ordinances intended to preserve the good order and public health
of the city. It was at this time, too, that the institution of the sereno (night-
watchman in Spanish streets) was introduced from abroad; contrary to the
usual opinion the sereno is not Spanish in origin, but of foreign importation.
The walk, or drive, along the great paseos, just at evening before nightfall,
became more popular among all classes than ever, and has remained a
Spanish custom to the present day. Barcelona, Seville, and Cádiz were also
much improved.

Continuance of loose practices and bad habits.

But the dances, masked balls, the theatre, evening parties, and
promenades furnished occasion for vicious practices. Immorality was not so
brazen and unashamed as formerly, but was very nearly as prevalent. In
vain were laws passed with a view to checking the evil. The lax practices
continued, and received a kind of sanction during the reign of Charles IV
from the example set by the queen, of which everybody except the king
seemed well aware. Gambling was also the subject of restrictive legislation
which failed of its design. In this respect the state was morally estopped
from making complaint, because it was in this period that the national
government lottery was founded. This institution, which still exists, was
established, strange to say, by Charles III, in 1763, following the example
of the court of Rome. Gambling, and especially the lottery, soon became the
passion it has ever since remained. Smoking had long before gotten to be
general among the lower classes, particularly among the already mentioned
majo element; but the aristocracy and the bourgeoisie had been little
inclined to the habit. They were soon to surrender to the influence of
majismo, however, with the result that Spaniards and their Hispanic
kinsfolk have come to be enumerated among the most inveterate smokers in
the world, so far as the men are concerned. Drunkenness was not a very
prevalent vice, any more than it is today, although the same could not be
said with respect to the Spanish colonies.

Influence of Spanish customs on the Americas.

It only remains to add that these social practices were to be found in

much the same form in the Americas. Fondness for showy feast-days was
even greater there, and it is also to be noted that the improvements in
Spanish cities had their counterpart in the embellishment of several of those
overseas.
 CHAPTER XXXV

POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS, 1700-1808

Overwhelming success of the absolutist ideal.

THE Bourbon kings aimed to complete the long evolution, dating from
centuries before, toward the personal authority of the monarch in a pure
absolutism. This movement had gone farther in other countries, although
the current had set the other way in England. France under Louis XIV, if not
the most extreme example of an absolute government, was certainly the
most influential, and the phrase “I am the state!” attributed to the great
French monarch, was (whether in fact uttered by him or not) symbolic of
his ideal. It was in the atmosphere of the court of Versailles that Philip V
spent his youth, wherefore it was the most natural thing in the world for him
to desire the establishment in Spain of a system which he had always been
accustomed to believe was the only true method of rule. Even had Philip
ever doubted it, Louis XIV took care to inculcate in him the concept of
absolutism. Philip showed on various occasions that he understood the
French ideal of kingship,—as in his opposition to the calling of the
Castilian Cortes, his denial of the right of the Consejo to share in certain
governmental functions, and his habitual employment of such phrases as
“for such is my will” in royal decrees. The same criterion was followed by
his successors. Charles IV ordered certain laws which were inconsistent
with the absolutist ideal to be stricken out of the Novísima Recopilación, or
Latest Compilation of the Laws (1805), before he would allow that code to
be published, stating that those acts (which had been incorporated in the
Nueva Recopilación of 1567) were representative of a time when the
weakness of the monarchy had compelled the kings to make concessions
which were inconsistent with their sovereign authority. The laws referred to
concerned the intervention of the Consejo in royal donations, the obligation
of the king to consult with the three estates of the Cortes in dealing with
momentous affairs, and the injunction that no new taxes should be levied
without the grant of a Cortes. In the statement of their ideal the kings met
with little opposition, for this view was generally supported by all classes of
society. Men who were liberal reformers in other ways were rigid in their
maintenance of the principle of absolutism, and the people themselves, not
only Castilians, but others as well, even including the Catalans, were
intensely royalist.

Democratic manner and philanthropic rule of the Bourbons.

Nevertheless, the Bourbons were more democratic in their manner than

the less autocratic kings of the House of Austria. It is said that Philip V was
the first to inaugurate the practice of allowing his higher government
officials to be seated while talking business with him, whereas the
Hapsburg custom had been to require them to remain on their knees. The
kings’ advisers now became veritable ministers, with a more frank
participation in government than had been the case with the secretaries and
favorites of the preceding era. Furthermore, the Bourbons represented the
“enlightened despotism,” which had so many remarkable manifestations in
eighteenth century western Europe. In keeping with this ideal the kings
showed marked interest in social, economic, and intellectual reforms of a
philanthropic character, without yielding an iota of their political
prerogative. A great revolution took place, having a fundamental
groundwork of democracy in it (which was to find expression at a later time
in the field of politics), but which was accomplished wholly from above.
The idea might have been expressed: “Everything for the people, but
nothing by them.” The only exception to this rule was the royal program
whereby the popular element gained an entrance to the ayuntamientos, or
municipal governing bodies.

Unimportance of the Cortes and the suppression of democratic machinery.

Naturally, all machinery of a democratic character was viewed with

suspicion, and such was the case with the Cortes. Only at the accession of
Luis I was a Cortes called to swear in the new king, although that body was
several times asked to acknowledge the princes of Asturias. The Cortes of
Castile was summoned four times by Philip V and once each by Charles III
and Charles IV, but in two of the meetings under Philip not all of the
elements were called, and in the dismissal of the Cortes of Charles IV it
was made apparent that the nobles and clergy had no necessary inclusion in
that body. Furthermore, the Cortes was called to perform some specific act,
—such as the recognition of the princes above-named, the making and later
the revocation of the so-called Salic law, and the approval of Philip’s
renunciation of his rights to the French throne,—after which it was
dismissed, without having an opportunity to discuss other matters. When
the Cortes of 1789 was retained in session to treat of certain economic
questions, some of the deputies formulated petitions concerning affairs of
government,—whereupon the authorities hastened to bring the sittings to a
close. The Cortes of other regions were equally lacking in importance. The
Cortes of Aragon met once, and that of Valencia not at all; both were
incorporated into the Castilian Cortes in 1709. The Cortes of Catalonia met
twice, but after 1724 it followed the course already taken in the case of
Aragon and Valencia, and the same was true of the representatives from
Majorca. The Cortes of Navarre continued to meet separately, being called
eleven times, but it took no action of conspicuous importance. Nevertheless,
the memory of the former power of the Cortes was not dead, and many
persons saw in its restoration, possibly with new functions, a means for the
reform of the country. In addition to having rendered the Cortes completely
innocuous the kings took other steps to check popular intervention in
national affairs. It had been the custom for the municipalities to send special
commissioners to the capital to negotiate for them with the crown. This
practice (which reminds one of the colonial agent of American history) was
forbidden by a law of 1715 (repeated in 1804), on the alleged ground of
avoiding unnecessary expense to the towns. A law of 1777 allowed the
sending of special agents, however, for one purpose,—that of witnessing the
births of royal children! Thus did the kings contribute both to the security
and to the glamour of royalty.

Royal opposition to the entry of the encyclopedist and revolutionary ideas from France.

If the Spanish kings were so careful to avoid any diminution in their

authority through the restoration of the former powers of the Cortes, it may
well be imagined that they were alarmed over the political ideas of the
French encyclopedists of the later eighteenth century and still more so over
those of the French revolutionaries after 1789. The works of such French
writers as Diderot, Voltaire, Rousseau, Montesquieu, and Mirabeau, or of
the Englishmen Hobbes, Locke, Hume, and others were in many libraries of
Spain, and some of them were translated. The Encyclopedia itself found its
way into the peninsula. High Spanish officials, like Aranda, maintained
correspondence with some of the French reformers, as did also some of the
great Spanish nobles,—for example, the Duke of Alba with Rousseau, and
the Marquis of Miranda with Voltaire. It was the fashion, too, for Spaniards
to get part of their education in France, or for French professors, French
laborers, and, later, French revolutionary propagandists to cross the
Pyrenees. Thus the new ideas gained a footing in Spain, where they were
taken up at educational institutions, especially at the University of
Salamanca, and by some newspapers (for that type of periodical had begun
to appear), although expressions were naturally somewhat guarded. With
the outbreak of the French Revolution, Floridablanca sent troops to the
northern frontier to prevent the entry of political agitators. The Inquisition
issued edicts against the introduction of prohibited books, and published a
new index in 1790, followed by a supplement in 1805, for the rationalist
ideas of the French reformers were not in accord with those of the church.
The civil authorities took similar action; the Encyclopedia was barred in
1784, and many other works at other times; in 1792 officials were placed at
customs-houses to examine all writings, whether printed or manuscript; and
in 1805 a tribunal of printing (Juzgado de Imprenta) was created,
independent of the Consejo and the Inquisition. These measures failed to
prevent the dissemination of French literature and thought, but were
successful in checking any effective expression of democratic or republican
ideals during this period. While men of influence approved the
philanthropic side of the new ideas, very few of them accepted their
political tenets. It was quite the usual thing for men to say that the contract
between monarch and people was equally binding on both, or to express
admiration for the freedom of thought permitted in England, while they
opposed the forming of deliberative assemblies in Spain, and stood solidly
behind the principle of absolutism. Some of the younger men went
completely over to revolutionary ideas, and in 1795 some republican clubs
were discovered, while many of the inhabitants of Guipúzcoa gave
substantial aid to the French army of invasion in 1794. The reaction came
quickly, as a result of the tyrannical conduct of the French military
authorities. Thus the spirit of democracy in Spain seemed crushed, but it
was not in fact destroyed, as was amply proved a few years later in the
radical outburst of the Cortes of Cádiz.

Pronounced acceleration of the tendencies toward a centralized state.

 Side by side with the development of absolutism there had been an effort
on the part of the kings for many centuries to promote the centralization of
political and administrative authority in the state as represented by the
crown, and to bring about uniformity in the law. These tendencies were
accelerated by the Bourbons, whose first opportunity came as a result of the
War of the Spanish Succession, when Philip V was opposed by many of the
non-Castilian parts of Spain. In 1707 the special statutes and privileges of
Aragon and Valencia were abolished and their place taken by the laws and
practices of Castile. In both regions a royally appointed audiencia and
captain-general were set up. This action was not taken for Catalonia until
1716. In that year it was provided by the so-called decree of the “new plan”
(Nueva Planta) that the laws and customs of Castile were to apply in
Catalonia; that the Catalan language was not to be used in the
administration of justice; that an audiencia and captain-general of royal
selection were to serve as the principal governmental agencies of the
region; that Catalonia was to be divided into twelve districts, over which
corregidores named by the king should rule; and that the twenty-four
regidores (councilmen) of the ayuntamiento of Barcelona, which city had
been deprived of its former type of government, should also be royally
appointed. The decree of 1716 did not attempt to establish complete
unification with Castile, however. Many former Catalan rights continued to
exist until the nineteenth century,—such, for example, as the Catalan
system of criminal law and the issue of Catalan coins. Furthermore, there
was no appeal from the decisions of the audiencia to the central
government,—an exceptional case. Nevertheless, the principles of
centralization and unification had been in the main attained, and later
measures tended to secure these ends still more completely. Philip’s
opponents in the War of the Spanish Succession were persecuted, and the
royal ideas were furthered by the acts of the influential partisans of the
king; in 1717 the bishop of Gerona, Taverner, summoned a provincial
council with a view to “threatening with the wrath of God and the
excommunication of the church” whoever should be unfaithful to Philip V
and to ordering confessors to treat such infidelity as a sin. In Majorca the
king placed an audiencia and a commandant-general, appointing also the
local councillors of Palma and Alcudia, while the audiencia named those of
the other towns. The special privileges of the Basque provinces were
respected in theory, but, without apparent change in the laws, the central
government gradually obtained control through the inspection or the
intervention of ministers of state and the Consejos. Much the same course
was followed with Navarre, in which the former agencies of government
were left apparently undisturbed. The policy of centralization was also
manifested in other respects than those of a purely regional application.
Thus exemptions from military service were limited; the reversion of
seigniorial rights to the king was facilitated; and, in fine, the tendency was
to reduce all forms of jurisdiction, territorial or otherwise, to the king or his
representatives in the central administration. Many regions continued to
have at least the vestiges of their former institutions, but enough was done
so that the Spanish kingdom may fairly be said to have become unitary for
the first time in history.

Changes in administrative machinery.

The most notable change in the machinery of government concerned the

development of the secretariats. There got to be five of them, corresponding
to the more important of the Consejos under the Consejo de Castilla, as
follows: state (Estado); grace and justice (Gracia y Justicia); war and
finance (Guerra y Hacienda); navy (Marina); and the Indies (Indias). There
were variations from this arrangement at different times; for example, the
navy and the Indies were often a single secretariat in the first half century of
the era. Gradually it became the custom to call the secretaries ministers, and
these officials began to absorb the powers formerly confided to the
Consejos, presaging the disappearance of the latter and the development of
modern ministries. As already pointed out, they also acquired a greater
liberty and initiative in the performance of their duties, especially in the
reigns of Ferdinand VI and Charles III. It was customary for them to
consult with the king every morning, however. No new Consejos, or
councils, were added in this period, and the Consejo de Aragón, last of the
councils of the former crown of Aragon, was suppressed in 1707.
Essentially, the Consejos continued to exercise the same functions as
formerly, although losing ground to the rapidly advancing secretaries, or
ministers. The Consejo de Castilla retained its importance, however, and its
president, or governor, was the leading officer of state. It is to be noted that
both the Consejo and the Cámara, despite their retention of the name
Castile, dealt with the affairs of other regions of the peninsula, quite as
much as did the councils with more general names. Except for Navarre,
which continued to be a viceroyalty, the other regions of Spain apart from
New Castile (Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, Majorca, Granada, Andalusia,
Old Castile, Galicia, Asturias, Extremadura, and the Canary Islands) were
placed under captain-generals or commandant-generals with military and
administrative powers. A number of audiencias were added, until now there
were eleven such bodies (Valladolid, Granada, Galicia, Seville, the
Canaries, Majorca, Valencia, Saragossa, Barcelona, Asturias, and
Extremadura), exercising both civil and judicial functions. In 1718 the
institution of the intendancies was created to take over financial
administration in the various regions, although this reform was not put into
effect definitely until 1749. There were twenty-three intendants, of whom
six were military. Under the captain-generals there were smaller districts
ruled by corregidores, most of whom were civilians. The judicial functions
of the corregidor were gradually taken over by alcaldes mayores, who
ranked under the corregidores, leaving the executive power in the hands of
the latter. In some cases these lesser districts were ruled over by officials
called military governors. The term “province” was applied to districts of
very unequal size. While there were only eight in the combined realms of
Aragon, Navarre, and the Basque provinces, there were twenty-four in
Castile. Charles III planned to divide Spain into a number of provinces of
about the same size, but did not carry out his idea.

Increased royal control over the towns and the democratization of local political machinery.

While municipal life as a virile factor which might withstand the king
had long since been dead, there was too much local authority still in
existence to please the autocratic Bourbons. Furthermore, abuses in
administration had developed which caused the kings to be
philanthropically desirous of a remedy. To accomplish these ends they
aimed at a more complete subjection of the towns to the royal authority and
the democratization of the ayuntamientos. The principal difficulty in the
way of these objectives was the fact that many municipal offices were held
as a perpetual right by specific families, especially in the case of the
regidores,—for which state of affairs the kings of the House of Austria had
not infrequently been responsible by their sales of such privileges. This
resulted in an aristocratic control of the municipalities, with consequent
usurpations of land by the rich and the placing of the burdens of taxation on
the poor. Unable to buy up these hereditary rights the royal government
chose to follow what was in effect a policy of legal confiscation. This was
easily accomplished for Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, and Majorca; as
already pointed out, the king took advantage of the outcome of the War of
the Spanish Succession to take all of these appointments into his own hands
or into those of the audiencias. As for Castile, laws were passed requiring
the approval of the central authorities before an heir to municipal office
could succeed to such an inheritance. As a result the government was
enabled to refuse its assent in a number of cases. Meanwhile, the alcaldes
continued to be appointed by the king or by the lord, according as they were
royal (realengos) or seigniorial (señoríos) towns. Even the seigniorial towns
were attacked, for a law of 1802 provided with regard to them that the
servants or dependents of the lord could not exercise jurisdiction in his
place; that the royal institution of the residencia was never to be dispensed
with; and that the alcaldes mayores of the large towns must be lawyers who
had been licensed to practice by the royal consejos or audiencias. No
attempt was made to disturb the composition of the ayuntamientos of
Navarre and the Basque provinces, although these regions, like the rest of
Spain, were subject to laws of a general character concerning
municipalities. One such general law, in 1751, required all municipalities to
send their accounts annually to the Cámara de Castilla for inspection, and
this was supplemented by a law of 1764, ordering them to deposit their
surplus funds with the royal intendant of the province. Another decree,
dated 1760, assigned the direction of municipal finance to the Consejo. Yet
other laws were enacted, the total effect of which, together with those just
mentioned, was to place the whole question of municipal income and
expenditures in royal hands. The initiative for the democratization of the
ayuntamientos came in the reign of Charles III. In 1766 he created the post
of deputy of the common people (diputado del común), which official was
empowered to examine the financial accounts of the towns. These officers,
of whom there were to be two in the smaller towns and four in the larger,
were chosen by a body of men who had previously been elected by the
people. In like manner a popular syndic (síndico) was elected who
represented the masses before the ayuntamiento, with a right to take part in
deliberations and to propose reforms. At the same time, the office of
regidor was thrown open to plebeians. This law was a blow at the caballero
class of the nobility, which had monopolized the holding of municipal
office. There was much dissatisfaction over the enactment, and the Basque
provinces went so far as to protest. Nevertheless, there was no outward
resistance; the aristocracy of the towns limited itself to opposing the
election of plebeians and to hindering their action in office.
 Important ministers of the first half century of Bourbon rule.

Despite the thoroughgoing nature of the Bourbon absolutism, it is fitting

for the first time to award special credit to the secretaries of state, or
ministers, although the kings were responsible for their selection as well as
for their acts. This was an age of great reformers. The initiative came from
France on the accession of Philip V, and the first great name is that of a
Frenchman, Orry. When he came to Spain, in 1701, he found that the
income of the state was about 142,000,000 reales ($8,875,000) while
expenditures were 247,000,000 ($15,437,500). The outbreak of the War of
the Spanish Succession made the situation still worse. Yet he displayed such
ability that national receipts actually advanced in course of the war, and
were some 160,000,000 ($10,000,000) at its end. Amelot, another
Frenchman, was an even more remarkable figure. He coöperated with Orry
to increase the revenues, and reorganized and bettered the administration of
the army. The Italian Alberoni and the Dutchman Ripperdá were less
notable as reformers. With the fall of the latter in 1726 there began an era of
great ministers of Spanish birth. First of these was Patiño, who, though born
in Italy, was of a Galician family. He was especially prominent for his
financial reforms, but was also noteworthy for his measures to develop
commerce and improve the army and navy. In an age when graft was
general, and in a country which has rarely been backward in this particular,
Patiño was able to achieve the distinction of dying poor; his death occurred
in 1736. The next notable financial reformer was Campillo, an Asturian
who had been born poor, though of hidalgo rank. More important, however,
was Somodevilla, a Castilian of very humble birth who became Marquis of
Ensenada, by which name he is more generally known. The period of his
power was from 1743 to 1754, and his reforms covered the same matters as
those mentioned above in the case of Patiño, although he was especially
remarkable in his endeavors on behalf of the Spanish navy. His fall in 1754
(as a result of his disagreement with Ferdinand VI with regard to the treaty
with Portugal concerning Sacramento and Paraguay) was received with
rejoicing in England; the English ambassador reported exultingly that Spain
would build no more ships. Ensenada was responsible, also, for the
construction of important public works, and once suggested the idea of
single tax as worthy of trial in Spain.
 Great reformers of the reigns of Charles III and IV.

The greatest reformers, however, belonged to the reign of Charles III and
the early years of Charles IV. Earlier ministers had increased the national
revenues and cut down expenses, but the deficit had not been wiped out.
One of the great names of both of the above-named reigns was that of the
Count of Aranda, of a distinguished Aragonese noble family. Aranda was
obstinate, brutal in speech, aggressive, and energetic, but a man of vast
information and clear foresight,—as witness his prediction, in 1775, of the
future greatness of the yet unborn United States. Aside from his connection
with Spain’s foreign policies he particularly distinguished himself while
president of the Consejo de Castilla by the reforms, already referred to,
whereby Madrid became a clean and acceptable city. Yet more famous was
José Moñino, son of an ecclesiastical notary of Murcia, who was ennobled
as the Count of Floridablanca. An honorable man in every sense of the
word, just, intelligent, and solicitous for his friends, he was hot-tempered,
and unbending in his hostility to his opponents. His action made itself felt
in the improvement of the means of communication in the peninsula and in
his economic reforms of a commercial nature, such as the great free trade
decree of 1778, which abandoned certain phases of the narrowly
monopolistic policy which Spain had always followed in her trade with the
colonies. Campomanes was an Asturian and, like Somodevilla, of very
humble birth, but he rose to be, many hold, the greatest of the men who
labored for the social and economic regeneration of Spain in the eighteenth
century. He was also the most representative of his age, for, in addition to
his measures to develop a better system of internal communications and to
foster industry, commerce, and technical popular education, he was a
determined royalist,—the embodiment, therefore, of the ideal of the
enlightened despotism. Like Aranda and Floridablanca he served for a time
under Charles IV, although his greatest work belonged to the reign of
Charles III. Three names deserve mention for the reign of Charles IV.
Jovellanos was an Asturian of an illustrious family. He distinguished
himself by his reforms in finance in conjunction with one Saavedra, but
both were early deprived of their posts, as a result of the hostility of Godoy.
The third name is that of Godoy, who introduced notable reforms in public
instruction and in the organization of the army and navy,—whatever may be
the judgment with regard to his foreign policy. The names of some of the
great ministers of the Indies are also worthy of record. In addition to Patiño
and Ensenada the most noteworthy were Julián de Arriaga (1750 or 1751-
1776) and José de Gálvez (1776-1787), especially the former. The results,
in terms of revenue, of the activities of the great ministers may serve to give
some indication of the effectiveness of their work. In 1766, receipts
exceeded expenditures by about 133,000,000 reales ($8,312,500). In 1778
revenues amounted to 630,000,000 ($39,375,000); in 1784 to 685,000,000
($42,812,500); and in 1787 to 616,000,000 ($38,500,000). Though annual
expenditures were much less, the government was never able to overcome
the deficit, although the national debt reached its lowest point in the reign
of Charles III. In 1791 revenues were some 800,000,000 ($50,000,000), but
they fell to a general level of about 600,000,000 ($37,500,000) in the years
1793 to 1795, while expenditures, which had reached 708,000,000
($44,250,000) in 1793, were 1,030,000,000 ($64,375,000) in 1795. Thus
the deficit began to increase again, and in 1808 it was over 7,200,000,000
reales ($450,000,000), an enormous sum as national indebtedness went
then.

Opposition of vested interests to the reforms.

The efforts made by the great reformers appear the more commendable
when one considers the difficulties they had to overcome. Great changes
always run counter to vested interests, but this was more than usually the
case in Spain.

Prevalence of graft.

Difficulties over questions of etiquette and of jurisdiction.

The nobles and the church were the most powerful elements in
opposition; even though their authority was but little, as compared with that
of earlier years, they were still able to hinder the execution of laws which
damaged their interests. Nearly everyone seemed to have an exemption
from taxation, or desired it, but the reformers set themselves resolutely
against that state of affairs. Their success against the force of vested
interests was only fair, for that element was too great to overcome; the very
bureaucracy itself displayed a weakness in this particular, for it insisted on
the maintenance of a custom which had sprung up that government officials
might buy certain articles at a fixed price, whatever the charge to others.
This calls to mind the overwhelming evil of graft, which it seemed
impossible to eliminate; indeed, high officials were altogether too prone to
regard it as a more or less legitimate perquisite, and did not hesitate to
accept large gifts of money from foreign diplomats. Difficulties over
questions of etiquette, inherent in a centralized bureaucratic government,
also stood in the way of the proper execution of the laws. For example, a
serious dispute arose in 1745 between the bishop of Murcia and the
Inquisition, when the latter claimed that the members of that body should
have a better place in church than others. It was at length decided that they
should not. In 1782 the commandant-general of Majorca complained that
the wives of the oidores of the audiencia had not called on his wife on the
occasion of the king’s birthday. He was sustained, and the regente (regent,
or president) of the audiencia was imprisoned for a number of months by
way of punishment. Several years later the ladies of Palma complained that
the wife of the commandant-general was in the habit of going out in the
street with an armed escort and demanding a military salute. This time the
ladies were upheld, and the escort was prohibited. These are only a few
instances out of thousands, and if there was so much stir over such trifling
matters it can well be imagined how much more serious the problem was in
the case of disputes between officials as to jurisdiction. Official etiquette is
an important matter in all countries, but Spaniards have always been
insistent on the letter of their rights and very sensitive over the omission of
any act to which their position entitles them. Furthermore, these
controversies carried in their train vast files of papers, of charges, answers
and countercharges, and the evidence of witnesses. These questions had to
be resolved, causing great expenditure in both time and money. No country
was ever more diligent than Spain in the multiplication of state papers over
affairs which ranged from those of vital importance to the most trivial
incidents. The historian may have cause to rejoice over the existence of so
much material, but the nation suffered,—although it is difficult to see how
its contemporary accumulation could have been avoided in an absolutism
like that of the Spanish Bourbons.

Improvement of the army and ineffectual attempts at additional reforms.

One of the principal objects of the reforms was the rehabilitation of the
army and navy so that Spain might be in a better position in international
affairs. In the army the volunteer system was employed for a while, but it
was effective only in procuring contingents of foreign mercenaries and in
filling the ranks of the royal guard. Gradually the idea of the draft came into
favor, and it was tried several times, becoming a definitive law in the reign
of Charles III. The law of Charles III provided that one man in every five—
hence the term quinta for this institution—should become subject to
military service for a term of eight years. This system was resisted in all
parts of the peninsula, but was allowed to stand, although it proved
impossible of enforcement. Through graft or favor, whether of the local
officials charged with administering the law or of doctors who examined
the individual drawn, practically nobody was required to serve except those
totally lacking in influence. It was customary to seize tramps and petty
criminals and send them instead of the legitimately drafted men. The
government itself adopted the principle of forced levies, or impressment, of
vagabonds and bad characters, but these men proved to be poor soldiers and
deserted frequently. Thus the number of troops was not great, but in any
event it would have been difficult to support more numerous contingents,
owing to the lack of funds; even as matters were it was customary to grant a
four months’ furlough at the season when crops were gathered. In times of
war, rigorous methods were used to get the needed men, or else they came
forward voluntarily, out of patriotism. The reserve was formed by regional
bodies of militia, which did not draw back when their services were needed
in war. At the beginning of the era it is said that there were 20,000 poorly
equipped soldiers in the Spanish army; in 1737 the total of infantry and
cavalry was 42,920; in 1758 the total of all arms, 108,777. Numbers
increased under Charles III, but declined under Charles IV. In 1808, at the
moment of the outbreak against Napoleon, there were from 136,000 to
147,000 but only about 100,000 effective troops, and even these were badly
armed. The situation becomes clear in the light of the expense involved; the
army of 1758, in a time of peace, cost some 205,000,000 reales
($12,812,500), a saving of 34,000,000 ($2,125,000) over the expenditures
required prior to the enactment of certain reforms by Ferdinand VI. It will
be seen that a considerable portion of the annual revenue was needed. In
this period the hierarchy of officials (from the captain-generals down
through the various grades of generals, colonels, captains, and lieutenants)
and of military units (such as brigades, regiments, battalions, and
companies) was established in, broadly speaking, the form it has retained
ever since. The gun with the bayonet had now become the principal infantry
weapon, and artillery had been developed to a high point as compared with
the previous era. Flags and uniforms varied; the latter were picturesque, but
adapted more to encouraging the soldier’s morale than to developing his
freedom of action. A number of military schools were founded for the
different branches of the service,—the infantry, cavalry, artillery, and
engineers.

Birth of a real Spanish navy, but difficulties attending its improvement.

The eighteenth century marked the birth of a real Spanish navy. At the
outset, and during the great war which opened the era, there was virtually
none at all, but in 1714 Orry took steps, which were later furthered by
Alberoni, Patiño, and especially by Ensenada, to develop an effective fleet.
In 1761 there were 49 men-of-war (navíos), 22 frigates, and a number of
smaller ships; in 1788, 64 men-of-war, 53 frigates, and 60 boats of other
types, with 50,000 sailors, 20,000 infantry, 3000 artillerymen, and
numerous officials of the navy department. Each war with England during
the century resulted in the destruction of a considerable portion of the fleet,
and the battle of Trafalgar, in 1805, destroyed it as a fighting unit, even
though Spain still had 42 men-of-war, 30 frigates, and 146 other ships in
1806. The man-of-war was the principal type of vessel employed in this era,
carrying from sixty to a hundred cannon, while the faster sailing frigate had
from thirty to fifty cannon. Many auxiliary vessels—transports and smaller
fighting ships, such as brigs and sloops of war—were used. The galley went
out of service, although one was built as late as 1794. The Spanish navy
suffered from a number of defects, however, which made it distinctly
inferior to the English, or even to the French. The wood for the masts was
fragile and the material for the sails was of bad quality, while boats were so
poorly taken care of, that they deteriorated rapidly. The provision of food
supplies and effects for the men was faulty, and the men on board,
especially the artillerymen and the infantry, were of very poor calibre.
Ensenada remarked that the Spanish navy of his day was all appearances,
without substance, but set about to the best of his ability to rectify the
situation. He improved shipyards, sent officers of talent abroad to study the
methods employed elsewhere, gave inducements to English shipbuilders to
come to Spain, built shops for the making of rigging and other equipment
needed on ships of war, endeavored to improve the personnel of Spanish
crews, and surrounded himself with the most competent naval men he could
find. Ensenada and the other reformers did a great deal, but they could not
overcome the never-ending difficulties in the way of obtaining men in
sufficient numbers and of suitable quality for the requirements of the navy.
The fishermen of the Spanish coasts continued to be drafted as sailors, and
became less unwilling to serve than formerly when efforts were made to be
punctual in payments of wages and to protect the families of the mariners.
The recruiting of marine infantry and artillerymen, however, suffered from
the same evil as the raising of the land forces, with one important result,
which was that Spanish cannon were badly served.

Legislation of the era and the Novísima recopilación.

Naturally, a period so rich in reforms as this was bound to have a great

body of legislation. In Castile this was almost exclusively in the various
forms of royal orders, recording the directions given by the king and his
ministers, and the decisions of the Consejos. Thus the work of the Nueva
Recopilación of 1567 got to be out of date, although five new editions were
published in the eighteenth century, with the addition of some of the recent
laws. Finally, a proposal for another codification was approved, and the
compilation was made by Juan de la Reguera, who brought it out in twelve
books, under the title of the Novísima recopilación de las leyes de España
(Newest, or Latest, Compilation of the Laws of Spain). Reguera claimed to
have solved the problem of the concentration of legal material, but in fact
his work suffered from the same defects as the earlier codes of Montalvo
and Arrieta. His distribution of the laws was faulty, and he failed to indicate
many important acts which were still in force. Furthermore, he reproduced
the ordinance of Alcalá (1348), repeated in the laws of Toro and the Nueva
Recopilación, according to which the laws of various earlier codes, such as
the Fuero Real, remained in effect in so far as they had not been repealed
by later legislation, and the Partidas was valid as supplementary law. Thus
the old evils of the lack of unity of the law and lack of clearness subsisted.
Nobody could be certain whether a law was still in effect or not, and it
remained the practice to cite textbooks and the ancient codes of Justinian on
the ground that they might have a bearing as supplementary law, unless
there was something clearly stated to the contrary in the Novísima
Recopilación. In Catalonia there was a new codification in 1704, and in
Navarre in 1735. In most of the formerly separate legal jurisdictions,
however, the laws of Castile applied, henceforth, as a result of the changes
brought about, as already mentioned, at the close of the War of the Spanish
Succession.

Reforms in the Americas and their results.

It remains to deal with the relations of the crown and the church, to
which the next chapter is devoted, and to allude to the important reforms in
the Americas. Much that was beneficial to the colonies at the time was
achieved, and much else which in fact helped them to be the better prepared
in the approaching combat with the mother country. In the main, however,
the policies of subjection and of the development of the revenues in the
supposed interests of Spain were followed, with the result that resentments
were kept alive and ultimate disaster invited.
 CHAPTER XXXVI

STATE AND CHURCH, 1700-1808

Pronounced zeal of the Bourbons in subjecting the church.

The elements in controversy.

IF the kings of the House of Austria had displayed zeal in diminishing

the range of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, the Bourbon monarchs, with their
accentuated ideal of absolutism, were even more insistent in that respect.
The kings were assisted by elements to which they themselves were
otherwise hostile, such as the Jansenists[63] and the encyclopedists, whose
partisans furnished arguments for the royal authority, because they opposed
the rule of the church. Nevertheless, the monarchical ideal of the kings was
sufficient to induce them to attack the church, except as concerned the
purely spiritual interests of the Catholic religion, and the absolute patronage
which the kings enjoyed in the Americas became the model of what they
wished to establish in Spain. There were two principal angles to the
problem, that of overcoming the intervention of the popes in the affairs of
the Spanish church, and that of lessening the power and the privileges of the
Spanish clergy. As for the intervention of the popes, they exercised the right
of appointment to Spanish benefices which became vacant in any of the so-
called eight “apostolic months,” and also to those vacated in the four
“ordinary months” (March, June, September, and December) if the death of
the holder occurred at Rome; considerable sums of money were also
collected for papal dispensations to marry, papal pardons, and other papal
acts of an irregularly recurring character, although government officials
charged that a large part of these moneys remained in the hands of Spanish
and Italian intermediaries without reaching the coffers of the pope; the
tribunal of the nunciature, despite the provisions of the papal brief of 1537,
had come to be composed of foreign priests, and besides exercising its
judicial functions independently of the royal courts administered the rents
of vacant benefices (vacantes), which gave rise to accusations of abuses in
the management of the funds; the tribunal of the Cruzada, for the collection
of the tax of that name, was still in papal hands, although the income had
frequently in the past been granted to the kings of Spain; and finally, there
existed the old question of the pase regio, about the necessity for royal
consent prior to the publication of papal bulls and briefs, or in fact even for
the delivery of pontifical letters. As concerned the relations with the local
clergy, the kings were preoccupied with such matters as the great numbers
of churchmen (especially the regular clergy), the immunities they enjoyed,
the immensity of their landed estates held in mortmain, the extent of the
right of asylum in ecclesiastical edifices, and the power of the Inquisition
and, far more, that of the Jesuits.

Conflict of the kings with the popes in the first half century of the era.

The conflict with the papacy began at the outset of the reign of Philip V,
for the popes favored the candidacy of the Archduke Charles to the Spanish
throne. Philip V expelled the nuncio, suspended the court of the nunciature,
and gave orders against the circulation of papal bulls in Spain. These
measures were only temporary, during the course of the war. Nevertheless,
Alberoni, who restored matters to their former basis, had occasion, even
though he was a cardinal himself, to banish the newly appointed nuncio.
Finally, an agreement was reached in the concordat of 1737 from which the
crown obtained some advantages, such as the suppression of the right of
asylum in some cases and its restriction in others, the limitation of the
number of churchmen with rights of personal immunity, and the giving of
guarantees against false allegations with a view to extending the immunities
of church estates, together with the derogation of this right for such
properties as the church should acquire in future. The concordat satisfied
nobody, and moreover most of its provisions were not observed. When
Ferdinand VI ascended the throne, he took steps to procure a more
acceptable arrangement, for though an exceedingly devout Catholic he was
unbending as concerned matters affecting the royal authority. The result
was a fresh concordat with the pope, dated 1753. Several important rights
were gained at this time: in return for a heavy money indemnity Ferdinand
obtained a recognition of the royal right of patronage in appointments to all
church offices, except some fifty-two dignities and the naming of bishops to
benefices vacated in the four “ordinary months”; various kinds of papal
taxes were renounced in favor of Spain; the tax of the cruzada was granted
in perpetuity to the crown; and the right of exemption from the taxation of
lands held in mortmain was abolished. Nevertheless, the partisans of royalty
were not yet satisfied.

Success of Charles III in the conflict with the popes.

Subjection of the Spanish church by Charles III.

Charles III was a pious Catholic, but carried the reform movement
against the church further than any of his predecessors. The first step was
taken as a result of a papal brief against a book written by Mesenghi, a
French theologian. When the Spanish Inquisition was about to publish the
condemnatory document, the king issued a decree of prohibition. This was
followed by royal orders of 1761 and 1762 making the following
enactments: that no papal bull, brief, or other pontifical letter should be
allowed to circulate or be obeyed, whatever might be its subject-matter,
unless it should previously have been presented to the king, or in certain
cases of lesser moment to the Consejo, so that a decision might be reached
whether it interfered with the royal prerogative, before a license to publish
would be granted; that the Inquisition should publish only such edicts as
were forwarded to it by the king; and that it should condemn no book
without giving the author a chance to defend himself. Through the influence
of his mother, Isabel Farnesio, Charles was persuaded to suspend these
decrees, but they were put into effect in 1768 when the pope issued a bull
censuring the Bourbon Duke of Parma, a relative of Charles III, for his
application of the pase regio in his domain. A further step was taken in
1771, when the pope consented to the reform of the nunciature, whereby
that tribunal, henceforth called the Rota, was to be composed of six Spanish
judges nominated by the king and appointed by the pope. A great many
measures were also undertaken in this reign to subject the Spanish clergy to
the royal authority, and to better economic and religious conditions. The
following enactments were representative of this phase of the royal policy:
the recourse of fuerza was frequently employed in cases of conflict of laws
between the civil and the ecclesiastical courts, and the jurisdiction of the
former was favored; a law of 1766 required bishops to exercise vigilance to
see that priests should say nothing against the government or the members
of the royal family, and even the alcaldes were given authority to assist in
this regard in conserving the good name of the state and its rulers; the rights
of asylum in churches and the personal immunities of churchmen were
limited, as by a law of 1774, according to which such rights were not to
obtain in the case of those guilty of participation in riots; in 1780 it was
ordered that the profits of vacant rural benefices should be applied to the
repair of churches of the diocese or to the repopulation of abandoned
districts; bishops were prohibited by a law of 1781 from appointing vicars
without the prior consent of the king; an attempt was made in 1786 to do
away with the custom of burying deceased persons in churches, but the
effort was unsuccessful, owing to the opposition of the clergy; in the same
year ecclesiastical judges were forbidden to handle the temporal aspects of
matrimonial cases, being restricted to decisions affecting the canonical
bonds established by marriage; and in 1787 all cases of smuggling were
removed from the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts, even though a
churchman were involved. In the reign of Charles IV there were intervals
when the church was less rigorously dealt with, but the majority of the
ministers followed the tradition of their predecessors.

Royal action diminishing the power of the Inquisition.

There had been many complaints against the Inquisition in the period of
the Hapsburg kings, but they became more frequent in the far more tolerant
eighteenth century, and now that the monarchs no longer regarded the
danger of heresy as serious they were reinforced by the royal policy of
reducing all outstanding phases of authority. The conflict with the
Inquisition was fought out over the following issues: questions of
jurisdiction between the civil courts and that of the Inquisition; abuse of
power by the Inquisition, which was accused of using its authority in
matters of religion as a political arm; decrees of the Inquisition inconsistent
with those of the king, or failures to observe the royal claims of a right to
apply the pase regio; arbitrary condemnations of books by the Inquisition;
and the extraordinary amplitude of cases falling within the purview of its
tribunals, such as those of usury, smuggling, the importation of coin into the
kingdom, and the raising of horses, all of which were far removed from the
primary objects of the institution. Not much was done until the reign of
Charles III. That monarch had already shown himself hostile to the
Inquisition while king of Naples, prior to his accession to the throne of
Spain. One of his earliest acts as king of Spain was the banishment of the
inquisitor general when the latter protested against the royal edict in the
already mentioned Mesenghi case, followed by the legislation of 1761 and
1762 referred to above. When the inquisitor was allowed to return, Charles
warned the other officers of the Inquisition not to disobey the king in future.
In 1770 many of the cases of a secular character were removed from
inquisitorial jurisdiction, and in 1784 it was ordered that all processes
against grandees or the ministers or employes of the king should be
submitted to the monarch. The reduction of the Inquisition was carried still
further under Charles IV. Godoy, Jovellanos, and Urquijo thought of
abolishing it, but fortunate turns in the political situation intervened to
postpone such action. It was provided in 1799 that no subject of the king
should be arrested by the Inquisition without royal authorization, and the
methods of trial employed by that institution were modified in the interests
of doing away with the former secrecy and the seclusion of the accused. In
1804 the king banished several members of the Inquisition who had
opposed the freeing of an individual whom one of the lesser branches of
that organization had pronounced guiltless. Its decline was also evidenced
by the falling off in its revenues as compared with the yield of earlier times.
Many of its buildings were in a state of bad repair, and its employees often
died in poverty. Nevertheless, its properties were said to be worth nearly
170,000,000 reales (over $10,000,000) at the end of the era, and a state
offer of 2,000,000 a year ($125,000), in exchange for its right to confiscate
the goods of persons convicted of crimes against religion, was refused. In
addition, there was the wealth of the Inquisition in the colonies; the great
German traveler and naturalist, Alexander von Humboldt, estimated that the
annual income of the Inquisition in New Spain alone was 800,000 reales
($50,000). Although the Inquisition of the eighteenth century had but a
shadow of its former power, it was able to bring influential persons to trial,
including great churchmen, members of the higher nobility, and ministers of
state, but it did not always take effective action in these cases. Godoy was
accused on three occasions, being charged with atheism, immorality, and
bigamy, but the queen would not consent to his arrest, and he was able to
procure the banishment of several of those who had intervened in this
matter.

Increased hostility against the Jesuits.

The case of the Jesuit order was similar to that of the Inquisition, but the
result of royal action was even more decisive. The hostility to the Jesuits in
Catholic countries, already very great in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, was even more intense in the eighteenth. The other religious
orders and the secular clergy were almost a unit in opposing them, for the
Jesuits occupied a dominant place in church affairs, and were charged with
tyrannizing over the others both in matters of theology and in questions of a
temporal character. The ranks of their enemies were swelled by the
continued adhesion of the universities to the Jesuit opposition and by the
encyclopedists. The former complained because the youth were attending
the Jesuit colleges, especially the nobility, from whom the leading ministers
of state were chosen, thus continuing the Jesuit influence, while those who
were more or less addicted to encyclopedist views were hostile to the order
both because of its power in the church and because of its partisanship in
favor of papal jurisdiction and authority. In defending themselves the
Jesuits had the support of many royal ministers and of the kings themselves
for over half a century; Philip V and Ferdinand VI as well as Isabel
Farnesio and the children of Charles III had Jesuit confessors. Furthermore,
the once hostile Inquisition became an instrument in Jesuit hands when that
order got control of the institution. Finally, the Jesuits had achieved vast
power as a result of their hold on the affections of great numbers of the
people, high and low, and in consequence of the extraordinary wealth which
they had accumulated.

Expulsion and suppression of the Jesuits.

It was not until the reign of Charles III that any effective action was
taken against them. While yet king of Naples, Charles had demonstrated his
lack of cordiality toward the Jesuit order, and had begun to feel a suspicion,
in common with other European monarchs, that the Jesuits might prove to
be a danger to the state; in view of the actual power which the Jesuits
possessed, it is not to be wondered at that the ultra-absolutist statesmen and
kings of the eighteenth century should look upon them with disfavor. In the
very year that Charles became king of Spain they were expelled from
Portugal, and in the years 1764 to 1767 similar action was taken in France.
The accession of Charles was a blow to the Jesuits in Spain, who now lost
their influential place at court. Four events of a political character tended to
increase the feeling of hostility toward them. One of these occurred in the
reign of Ferdinand, when the Jesuits of Paraguay opposed the cession of
that territory to Portugal in exchange for Sacramento. The Indians of
Paraguay rose in rebellion against the transfer, and it was believed that the
Jesuits were in some way concerned. The second of the events was the
attempted assassination of the kings of Portugal and France, which was
attributed to the Jesuit order on account of the hostility of those monarchs to
the Jesuits. Many were of the opinion that Charles might be in danger of a
like fate. In the third place friction arose between Charles and the Jesuits as
a result of the former’s advocacy of the canonization of Juan de Palafox, a
seventeenth century bishop of Puebla de los Ángeles in New Spain. The
Jesuits opposed the king in this matter, and even procured the removal from
the palace of the works of Palafox which Charles had given to members of
his family. The fourth matter was of far more consequence,—the riots of
1766 at the time when the proposals of Squillace with regard to the
modification of Spanish dress were enacted into law. On that occasion there
was grave disorder in Madrid, including an attack on the king’s guards, a
number of whom were cruelly put to death. The king was obliged to yield to
the demands of the mob, and a few days later unexpectedly left Madrid for
Aranjuez,—a virtual flight, taken as a measure of precaution. Not only in
Madrid, but also in Saragossa, Cuenca, Guadalajara, Alicante, Salamanca,
Daroca, Tobarra, Mombeltrán, Murcia, San Lúcar, Huesca, Borja, San
Ildefonso, Azcoytia, Villena, Ciudad Real, Jumilla, Coruña, Alcaraz, Quero,
Las Mesas, Aranjuez, Palencia, and Navalcarnero there were similar
outbreaks, and it seemed likely that Barcelona might also give trouble. In
fine, there appeared to be an organized attempt at rebellion, and Charles and
his ministers believed, or at least pretended to believe, that the Jesuits were
behind it. Most probably the order itself did not promote the riots, although
several of its members were compromised, but late in 1766 it was formally
charged with responsibility by the Consejo. In January, 1767, the Consejo
proposed the expulsion of the Jesuits from Spain. The matter was submitted
to a special junta, or council, which concurred in the recommendation of
the Consejo, after which the decision was presented to various ecclesiastical
personages, who likewise expressed their approval. It was decided,
however, to say nothing of the motives, and the part of the proceedings
concerning them has disappeared. Nevertheless, a document of
Campomanes is at hand summing up some of the charges made at the
meeting of the Consejo. They were the following: responsibility for the
Squillace riots; the diffusion of maxims contrary to the royal and the canon
law; a spirit of sedition (of which some evidence was introduced);
treasonable relations with the English in the Philippine Islands;
monopolization of commerce and excess of power in the Americas; a too
great pride, leading them to support the doctrines of Rome against the king;
advocacy by many Jesuit writers of the right of tyrannicide; political
intrigues against the king; and aspiration for universal monarchy. While the
evidence in support of these charges is no longer available, it is clear that
they were exaggerated, or even without foundation,—at least in the case of
their supposed relations with the English. On the other hand, the intensely
royalist ministers of the era of the enlightened despotism would have felt
grave concern where a more democratic age might have found no cause for
worry. Some historians claim that Charles hesitated to sign the decree,
because the Jesuit general was said to have threatened the publication of
documents purporting to show that the king was the illegitimate son of
Isabel Farnesio and Alberoni, and others assert that Charles was given
reason to believe that the Jesuits planned to assassinate him and the
members of his family if the expulsion were promulgated. Whatever the
truth may be, he delayed only a few days, signing the decree on February
27, 1767. The Count of Aranda was charged with its execution, and
proceeded to fulfill that duty with great secrecy and despatch, so that the
blow should fall simultaneously and without warning in all parts of Spain’s
dominions. Never was a decree more carefully carried out. On the night of
March 31 in Madrid, and on the next night in the provinces, the Jesuits were
surprised in their establishments and told that they must leave Spain. There
were at this time 2746 Spanish Jesuits in 120 institutions, scattered through
117 towns. In the Americas the decree was carried out later in the same year
or early in 1768, and in some cases there was popular resistance to their
expulsion, although no untoward incidents of that character had occurred in
Spain. Without consulting the pope, Charles decided to send the Jesuits to
the Papal States, although on the eve of the expulsion he informed the pope
of his intention, promising also to pay the Jesuits enough to permit them to
live in a fitting manner. Despite the pope’s entire sympathy with the Jesuits,
there were reasons why he did not wish them to land in his territory, and
when the boats which were carrying them arrived off Civita Vecchia, the
port of Rome, Cardinal Torrigiani ordered them to keep away, threatening
to open fire on them if they should not. Thereupon, they went to Corsica,
where the Jesuits were landed, being joined later by their American
brethren. Finally, the pope consented to their establishing themselves in
Bologna and Ferrara, where some ten thousand from Spain and the
Americas found a haven,—much against the will of the secular clergy of
those places. Charles now set about to procure the dissolution of the order,
and in this he was aided by the kings of Portugal, France, and Naples, from
which last-named country the Jesuits had also been expelled late in 1767. In
1773 their efforts were at length successful, as a result, very largely, of the
skillful diplomatic achievements of Jose Moñino, Spain’s special
representative at the papal court. For his work in this matter Moñino was
rewarded with the title of Count of Floridablanca.

Royal attempts to reduce the financial immunities of the church.

One of the leading preoccupations of the kings in dealing with the

Spanish clergy was to reduce the immunities of a financial character which
they enjoyed. Ever since the thirteenth century, efforts had been made with
that object in view, and considerable success had been attained by the
Hapsburg kings, while the attempts of the Bourbon monarchs to check the
acquisition of lands by the church or to render at least a portion of them
subject to taxation have already been traced in the chapter on social
institutions. A great deal remained to be done, however, before the church
would be reduced to the level of the bourgeois class in the payment of
tributes. For a proper appreciation of this subject it is necessary to bear in
mind the many sources of income of the Spanish church. In addition to the
profits from their lands, cattle, and quit-rents (censos), churchmen received
tithes (diezmos), first-fruits (primicias), fees for masses, marriages,
funerals, and burials, alms for the mendicant orders, gifts, and still other
forms of contributions from persons and lands not under their economic
control. Their seigniorial rights were still extensive, for as late as 1787 there
were 3148 towns of one type or another under their rule. To be sure,
portions of these revenues were already being paid to the crown, while
many former ecclesiastical earnings had altogether disappeared, or had been
taken over by the state. In some places the clergy were subject to certain
taxes, and in others they were not; in Castile churchmen paid part of the
alcabala; in Catalonia they paid all the royal tributes. The laws of the
century displayed a consistent intention on the part of the kings to reduce
their financial immunities still further. Thus in 1721 the clergy of Castile
and the Canaries were required to pay customs duties which had not
previously been exacted from them; in 1737 a tax of thirty-three per cent
was levied on all new landed possessions of the church in Valencia; in the
concordat of the same year the pope granted that all lands thenceforth
coming into the possession of ecclesiastical institutions might be taxed in
the same manner as those of lay individuals, if the king should so decide;
when Charles III was about to ascend the Spanish throne, Pope Benedict
XIV granted him the eventual subjection of the clergy to the same tributary
basis as laymen; in 1763 the clergy of the crown of Aragon were ordered to
pay the alcabala from that time forth; in 1765 churchmen in general were
made subject to the military tax of the milicias (militia), and in 1780 the
pope authorized the king to collect up to one third of the income of
benefices to which the king had the right of nomination. These provisions
were not carried out in full; there would no longer have been any financial
question between the kings and the church if they had been. Aside from the
royal gains of a legislative character the clergy were often induced, or
compelled, to make special grants to the state in times of war, and
occasionally they came forward of their own free will. When the Jesuits
were expelled in 1767, their properties were confiscated, although the
government announced that in applying the proceeds it would bear in mind
the objects of donors to the Jesuits, the interests of religion, and public
utility. Nothing definite is known as to the amount of wealth this yielded to
the state, although it must have been considerable. Many writers have made
fanciful estimates as to the Jesuit properties, especially with regard to their
holdings in the Americas, some of them exaggerating their value, and others
going to the opposite extreme to make them appear inconsequential.
Nevertheless, despite the progress made by the Bourbons, the church was
still enormously wealthy at the end of the era; it is said that their annual
income reached 1,101,753,430 reales (about $70,000,000).

Reduction of the number of persons in religious service.

The statesmen and economists of the Bourbon era gave considerable

attention to the problems arising from the great numbers of the clergy,
taking steps to prevent an increase in the membership of religious orders
and to bring about a reduction in the list of benefices and chaplaincies. The
reign of Charles III was especially notable in this regard, and much was
achieved. Still, though there were more churchmen and religious
institutions in the Hapsburg period at a time when the population was not so
great, there were 2067 convents for men and 1122 for women in 1787, with
61,998 who had taken vows and 71,070 others who had not (though living
at the convents), besides 70,170 members of the secular clergy. Thus there
were over 200,000 persons in religious service in a total population of about
10,400,000, or one for every fifty-two persons.[64] By 1797 the numbers
had been materially lessened. At that time there were 93,397 men and
women connected with the institutions of the regular clergy, in 2051
convents for men and 1075 for women, and 58,833 priests. In 1808 there
were eight archbishoprics and fifty-two bishoprics in Spain, sustaining 648
dignitaries, 1768 canons, 216 prebends, and 200 half prebends.

Attempts at internal reform of the church.

The question of the numbers of the clergy was closely related to the
never-ending problem of reform in the internal life of the church. While
matters were not so bad as they had been in earlier times, and while Spanish
churchmen compared very favorably with those of some other countries,—
for example, those of France,—the necessity for correction was
nevertheless clear. Despite the fact that the church furnished many of the
most distinguished names of the era in intellectual attainments, the mass of
the lower clergy was decidedly uncultivated. There was a marked relaxation
in discipline. Many churchmen absented themselves from their livings to
become hangers-on at court,[65] with the result that the kings seven times in
less than fifty years expelled all priests from Madrid whose parishes were
not in that city. It was also deemed necessary to pass laws forbidding
clergymen to wear lay dress, for it was claimed that they used it as a
disguise, enabling them the more easily to indulge in immoral practices.
Many clergymen were punished for improper solicitations in the
confessional. Steps toward reform were taken by the popes in 1723, 1737,
and 1753,—the two latter times in connection with the concordats of those
years. The measures of the pope provided rules for the instruction and
discipline of the clergy and sought to diminish the numbers of clergymen
and of benefices and chaplaincies.

Diminution in the rigor of religious persecutions.

Outwardly there was little difference between this period and the one
before it in the persecution of heresy and the effort to attain religious unity.
Both of these ideals continued to be proclaimed in the laws, and the
Inquisition made its accusations and condemnations and published its
indices of prohibited books as formerly, but in fact a great change had come
over the spirit in which the laws were interpreted. Such a rigorous policy to
stamp out heresy as that employed by Philip II in the Low Countries was no
longer thinkable, and while the Hapsburg kings had based their
international policy on the re-establishment of Catholic unity, cost what it
might, the Bourbons completely abandoned that idea. The treaties of
Westphalia in 1648 seemed to have settled the question of religious warfare,
with an acknowledgment of the right of Protestant nations to exist apart
from the Catholic Church. Henceforth, wars were to be for various objects,
mainly political and economic in the eighteenth century, but not for
religion.

Inter-relations of the different religious elements.

The new spirit was manifested in, and was to some extent caused by, the
frequency of communications between Catholics and Protestants or
between Catholics and anti-church elements, such as the encyclopedists and
Jansenists. In earlier times, such a correspondence would have been a
serious religious crime which even the most prominent would have been
afraid to attempt; now, it was not generally regarded as seriously
reprehensible, though far from being looked upon with favor, and many
churchmen themselves might have been held guilty if charges on this
account had been brought. The quarrels of different factions in the church
among themselves, notably the opposition to the Jesuits, and the intensely
royalist policy of the kings tended in the same direction. Some evidences of
the new attitude toward religion were also to be found in the laws. A treaty
of 1713 with the Netherlands allowed Protestants of that country having
business in Spain to reside in the peninsula, and a like privilege was granted
to Spanish Catholics in the Netherlands. The asiento treaty with England in
the same year did not, as had at first been proposed, restrict to Catholics the
privileges thereby granted to Englishmen. A series of treaties with
Morocco, Tripoli, Tunis, and Turkey in the reign of Charles III allowed of
Catholic worship by Spaniards in those countries, and agreed that Moslems
coming to Spain should be respected in their religion. A general law of
1797 provided that any foreign artist or artisan could establish himself in
the peninsula, and in case he were not a Catholic he was not to be molested
in his religious opinions. The Jews were excluded from the operation of the
law, however. Charles III had been favorable to a policy of toleration
toward them as well, and had issued a decree in 1741, when he was king of
Naples, permitting of their entry into his kingdom, but public opinion was
still too strongly opposed to them, and he was obliged to recall his decree.
Two ministers of Charles IV, Urquijo and Varela, made a like proposal, but
he did not dare to follow their advice; rather, he expressly declared in a
decree of 1802 that the existing laws and practices with respect to the Jews
should continue to be observed. The Inquisition directed its activities in this
period to attacking the new philosophic and religious ideas and to defending
itself as well as it could from the inroads of royalism, while there were still
numerous processes against superstitious practices, Jewish worship, and the
crimes of bigamy and notorious immorality. The number of cases before the
Inquisition was not less than formerly, and not a few persons, especially
Jews and Illuminati, were put to death. In general, however, greater
leniency was displayed, and the Inquisition was no longer the much feared
institution it once had been.
 Underlying spirit of intolerance and Catholic fervor.

Nevertheless, both the clergy and the great majority of the people
remained as intolerant as ever. Ignorance played no small part in this
feeling; thus French priests expelled from their country at the time of the
revolution were suspected of heresy, and the general opinion of the Spanish
common people with regard to Frenchmen was that they were all not only
heretics or atheists but also cannibals. The ideal of toleration hardly passed
beyond the narrow circle of the upper classes, but it was they who decided
the policy of the state; indeed, the attitude toward religion in this period
perfectly exemplified the workings of the benevolent despotism. The very
men who expressed tolerant views and framed legislation to that end were
pious in their private life, furnishing numerous proofs thereof, every day.
Thus Spaniards still gave a multitude of Christian names to their children,
in order to procure for them the protection of many saints; they observed
religious ceremonies, such as processions, baptisms, and saints’ days of
individuals, as the most important events of social life; they prayed daily,
and at the sound of the Angelus all work stopped, even theatrical
performances, and every one bowed his head in prayer; phrases with a
religious turn were a part of everyday speech; sacred images and chapels
were as abundant as formerly; and in a thousand ways, from the king to the
lowest peasant, men continued to manifest their devotion to the Catholic
faith.
 CHAPTER XXXVII

ECONOMIC REFORMS, 1700-1808

Bases of the economic reforms of the era.

Economic reforms in the Americas.

IF a review of the political and ecclesiastical institutions of this period

displays the enlightened despotism on its despotic side, a study of the
economic reforms effected, or tried, reveals the benevolent or enlightened
attitude of the autocratic state endeavoring to improve the lot of the people.
In addition to the philanthropic aspect of these attempts, they were
influenced, also: by the general current of eighteenth century thought,
giving attention to economic problems; by the very evident necessity for
reforms in Spain, which country had found itself in a condition of utter
misery at the close of the preceding era, with the result that a multitude of
pamphlets had been written to explain the decline and suggest remedies;
and by the desire to attain other ends, such as that of defence against the
aggressions of England, which had to be based in the final analysis on the
economic recovery of Spain. Not only in Spain but also in the Americas,
and almost more strikingly, this was an age of economic reform, based
primarily on Spain’s need of the colonial markets as a factor in her own
regeneration. Nevertheless, this was the period when the old monopoly
utterly fell, in part because of the entry of foreigners into the colonies or
their establishment in Spanish ports to take over the goods coming from the
Americas, and in part as a result of a deliberate policy, throwing open the
commerce of the new world, if not directly to all nations, at least indirectly
through the intervention of the many Spanish cities which came to enjoy the
privilege of the overseas trade. The American situation cannot be dealt with
here, but it must be held in mind as one of the vital elements in Spain’s
economic progress.

The reformers and their achievements.

 Statistics of population.

The most genuine representative of the century’s political economists in

Spain was Campomanes. Although a follower of the French physiocratic
school, which maintained that agriculture was the principal sustain of a
nation’s wealth, he did not fail to recognize the importance of
manufacturing, and endeavored to foster that industry through the
dissemination of works of an educative character, the enactment of
protective laws, and the founding of model establishments. Of equal rank
with Campomanes, though not as effective in achieving reforms, was
Jovellanos, while there was hardly a minister of prominence in the entire
period who did not attain to some distinction as an economist. The general
effect of the reforms was beneficial, making itself felt in all branches of the
production, exchange, and consumption of goods, as well as in an increase
in population. Thus the 5,700,000 inhabitants of Spain at the beginning of
the era had nearly doubled by 1787, when the total was 10,409,879 (or
10,286,150 by another estimate), and had still further increased to
10,541,221 in 1797. The following table of occupations for these two years
is interesting both as showing the economic distribution of the population
and as indicating the direction of the reforms.

1787 1797

Ecclesiastics 182,425 168,248

Nobles 480,589 402,059
Employees (of the government?) 41,014 31,981
Soldiery 77,884 149,340
Students 50,994 29,812
1,677,17
Farmers and (farm?) laborers 1,871,768
2
Manufacturers and artisans 310,739 533,769
Servants 280,092 174,095
No figure
Merchants 25,685
s
 The discrepancies between the two columns are in part accounted for by
the fact that Spain was at peace in 1787, and at war with England in 1797.
In a total of some 3,000,000 workers it is notable that the majority were
devoted to agricultural pursuits (including about 100,000 engaged in
pastoral labors), showing that the cultivation of the soil was the principal
basis of the national life. The vast number of ecclesiastics, nobles, and
servants, nearly a third of the total, is eloquent of the social problem which
the government had to face. In the course of ten years they had fallen away
to less than a fourth of the whole. Statistics as to density of population
showed Guipúzcoa, Valencia, Asturias, Navarre, and Vizcaya in the lead,
with respectively eighty, forty-eight, forty-seven, forty-three, and forty-two
inhabitants to the square kilometer. Andalusia had thirty-nine, Granada and
Catalonia thirty-four each, Aragon only twenty-one, while Extremadura
with fourteen and La Mancha and Cuenca with thirteen each brought up the
rear. In total population Galicia led with 1,345,000. Catalonia had 814,412,
Valencia 783,084, Andalusia 754,293, Granada 661,661, and Aragon
623,308. Large urban groups were rare; there were fewer than forty cities
with a population of 10,000, and seventeen of them were in Andalusia. The
four largest cities were Madrid (156,000), Barcelona (115,000), Seville
(96,000), and Valencia (80,000). Economic prosperity did not correspond
exactly with these figures, for the factors of climate, soil, irrigation, and
nearness to the sea entered into the situation.

Wretched state of domestic life.

Obstacles in the way of economic reforms.

Despite the great body of reforms carried out, the problem was
overwhelming, and much of the country was still in a backward state at the
end of the era. Aragon and Old Castile were in a miserable condition, not
nearly equalling their agricultural possibilities, and La Mancha was in a far
worse plight. The number of large-sized towns in Andalusia gave that land
an appearance of wealth and prosperity which was not borne out by the
facts, if the situation of the country districts were taken into account. The
character of Spanish houses at this time was also expressive of the national
economic shortcomings. Cave houses and adobe huts with roofs of straw
abounded in Castile. The houses of Galicia were described as having walls
of unpolished stone, often without cement, reaching scarcely higher than a
man’s head, with great slabs of rock for a roof; the doorway and a hole in
the roof served as the only means for the penetration of light and for the
escape of smoke; and the domestic animals and the family made common
use of the wretched house. In the Basque provinces, Navarre, and Valencia
the homes were much better, besides being cleaner, although a lack of glass
windows, chimneys, and furniture was quite general in all parts of Spain.
Through French influences these defects were beginning to be overcome as
the era approached a close. If to this miserable state of the domestic life
there is added the ignorance of the people (who resisted innovations
designed to benefit them), the economic inequality resulting from the
concentration of vast landed estates in a few hands, the difficulty of
communications, the burdens of taxation, the mismanagement of the
administration (despite the efforts of enlightened ministers), the frequency
of wars, and the persistence of a spirit of repugnance to labor (leading to a
resort to mendicancy or vagabondage or to a reliance upon a somewhat
questionably desirable charity) it becomes clear why the economic situation
should have been considered perhaps the most urgent problem which the
Spanish ministers had to solve, and their failure to overcome all of the
difficulties can be understood. According to Campomanes there was an
army of 140,000 beggars and vagabonds in Spain in his day, most of whom
were able to work and might have found something to do. He and the other
ministers of Charles III endeavored to solve the matter by putting the
physically able women in workhouses, the men in the army and navy, and
the old and infirm in homes for the aged and in hospitals, but owing to the
lack of funds these projects could not be carried out in entirety.

Constructive attempts of the state and private individuals to overcome economic evils.

The evils of the economic situation being clear, efforts were made,
especially in the reign of Charles III, to correct them at their sources. To
combat the ignorance, indifference, and in some cases the laziness and
prejudice of the masses with regard to labor technical and primary schools
were founded and model shops and factories established; prizes were
awarded for debates and papers on various industrial subjects; printed
manuals, including many translated from foreign languages, were scattered
broadcast; teachers and skilled laborers from foreign lands were induced to
come to Spain, and Spaniards were pensioned to go abroad to study;
privileges, exemptions, and monopolies were granted to persons
distinguishing themselves by their initiative and zeal in industry; and laws
were passed to raise the dignity of manual labor. In this campaign the
government received substantial aid from private individuals. In 1746 the
first of the Sociedades Económicas de los Amigos del País (economic
societies of the friends of the country) was founded. In 1766 its statutes
were published, serving thenceforth as the model for other like institutions
in Spain, all of them devoted philanthropically to the encouragement of
agriculture and other phases of the economic life of their particular district.
Nobles, churchmen, and members of the wealthy middle class formed the
backbone of these societies, of which there were sixty-two in 1804. Many
of them published periodicals, or founded schools for the study of such
subjects as agriculture, botany, chemistry, the various trades, stenography,
and economics. To promote the cultivation of the soil the state itself assisted
in schemes for the colonization of waste lands. The most famous instance
was that of the government colonies in the Sierra Morena country of
northern Andalusia. In 1766 a certain Bavarian adventurer offered to bring
six thousand German and Flemish laborers to settle that district. Charles III
favored the project, and it was at once undertaken. For a time it was
successful; a number of settlements were made,—there were forty-one in
1775,—and considerable crops were raised. In the end the project failed,
due to bad administration, lack of funds, the imposition of heavy taxes, the
opposition of the clergy to the predominantly lay spirit of the undertaking,
the jealousies arising between the Spanish and foreign elements (for many
of the colonists were Spaniards), and the failure to provide adequate means
of communication whereby the colonists could export their surplus
products. Some of the towns continued to exist, however, and the project
was influential in causing private individuals to attempt colonizations,
several of which were successful. Among other constructive governmental
measures were the removal of the legal obstacles to the sale or division of
waste lands or lands common, the restriction of the privileges of the Mesta,
the betterment of the conditions surrounding leases (favoring the
prolongation of the period of the lease, and aiming to assist the individual
who actually cultivated the soil), and the reduction of customs duties or a
grant of complete freedom of entry in the case of certain raw materials used
in Spanish manufacturing establishments. Public works were also
undertaken, such as the construction of irrigation canals, though many were
not completed or were made so imperfectly that they soon went to ruin;
great highways to open up the peninsula were planned, and under Charles
III much work upon them was done, though not enough to meet the needs
of the country; an efficient mail service was developed by Floridablanca;
shipbuilding was encouraged; banditry and piracy were to a great extent
suppressed; government support was given to commercial companies; and a
national bank was established by Charles III,—which failed in the reign of
Charles IV. The government also intervened in problems of local
subsistence, with a view to maintaining articles of prime necessity at a low
price and in sufficient quantity, but its action in this particular did not
always produce the desired result. Finally, the government interested itself
in charity. Benevolent institutions were founded, not only with a view to
checking mendicancy and vagabondage, but also to provide homes for
unfortunate women, insane persons, and orphans. Private individuals gave
liberally for these purposes, or founded charitable organizations, which
rendered service of a somewhat remarkable character in succoring the poor,
building hospitals, and rescuing children. Mutual benefit societies were
formed, reaching into every walk of life, and some of these, termed
montepíos or montes de piedad, were made compulsory for the employes of
the government; thus the montepío for soldiers, dating from 1761, served as
a pension system whereby some provision was made for the widows and
orphans of the deceased. All of these reforms encountered the difficulties
arising from ignorance, conservatism, the resistance of vested interests,
graft, and bureaucratic cumbersomeness which have already been
discussed. The very immensity of the reforms projected was against their
satisfactory execution, for more was tried than could be done well. Other
obstacles already mentioned, such as bad administration, insufficiency of
funds, and lack of persistence, contributed to the same result. Nevertheless,
though plans outran accomplishment, a vast amount was done, especially in
the reign of Charles III, when the spirit of the era reached its culminating
point.

Obstacles to agricultural development and attempts to overcome them.

To form a correct idea of the state of agriculture in this period it is

necessary to note how the lands of the peninsula were distributed. At the
beginning of the nineteenth century, after a hundred years of effort directed
to the release of realty, the church possessed 9,093,400 fanegas[66] of land,
the nobles 28,306,700, and the plebeian class 17,599,000, but the greater
part of the estates of both the nobles and the plebeians was entailed, and
therefore impossible of alienation, closing the door to the growth of a class
of small proprietors. The proportion of proprietors to population was only
one in forty. In Ávila, for example, the church owned 239,591 fanegas,
157,092 were entailed, and only 8160 were cultivated by owners who
resided in the neighborhood. The small proprietor was to be found
principally in the north and east, but he was far outnumbered, even in those
regions, by the lessees of lands, who were also the overwhelmingly
strongest element numerically in Castile. The forms of renting were
various, both as to the type of payment required and as to the length of
term. Where the term was practically hereditary, conditions were much
better, approximating those of the small proprietor. In Andalusia latifundia
were the rule, cultivated in only a portion of the estate by day laborers, who
were employed at certain seasons of the year, living in a state of great
misery at other times. This evil was tempered in Extremadura by the
utilization of lands common. Despite the sincere attempts of the
government to encourage agriculture, that industry was still in an extremely
backward state at the close of the era, with only a little of the cultivable
ground planted, an insufficient development of irrigation, and a lack of
fencing. Valencia and the Basque provinces were the most nearly
prosperous regions; the others were in a wretched state. In addition to the
governmental reforms already referred to, the following may be mentioned:
several laws of Charles III forbade owners to dispossess tenants arbitrarily,
and even went so far as to prohibit ejectments unless the owner should
consent to reside on his lands and cultivate them; attempts were made to
procure reforestation, partly with a view to conserving the water supply, but
the national repugnance to trees was so great that the laws were not carried
out; and the abusive privileges of the Mesta were attacked by Charles III,
and in the next reign, in 1795, the separate jurisdiction of that organization
was taken away, but as the laws did not clearly authorize the enclosure of
cultivable lands the relief to agriculture was slight. Wheat was the principal
crop, supplying more than enough, in normal years, for the needs of the
peninsula. Grapes were also raised in large quantities, and were made into
excellent wines, many of which were exported. For the rest there were
fruits, vegetables, the silkworm, and other things of the sort which had
always been cultivated in the peninsula. Various kinds of beans, and
especially chickpeas (garbanzos), were grown in large quantities, and
furnished an important element in the nation’s food. An estimate made in
1812 calculated the total value of farm products as 72,476,189,159 reales
(about $4,500,000,000) yielding annually some 3,600,000,000 reales (about
$225,000,000).

Revival of manufacturing.

Mining.

Fishing.

Unsatisfactory state of the laboring classes.

In their efforts to revive manufacturing the kings continued during most

of the period to follow the old ideal of state protection and state initiative in
placing industries upon a firm foundation, intervening, also, to regulate the
work on its technical side. In the second half of the century, especially in
the reign of Charles III, the liberal ideas of the physiocratic school, hostile
to all forms of government regulation, brought about the employment of a
new system, leaving matters to the decision of the individuals concerned.
Laws were now passed removing the prohibitions of earlier years. Joined
with the educative measures already referred to, such as the establishment
of model factories and the importation of foreign workmen, the new
methods brought about a revived intensity of industrial life. Much the same
things as formerly were made; the textile factories of Catalonia and
Andalusia were the most prosperous. The chemical industries and those
having to do with the preparation of foods did not develop equally with
others. The Americas continued to be one of the principal supports of
Spanish manufacturing, as a purchaser of the goods made in the peninsula.
After centuries of scant productivity in mining, Spain began again to yield
more nearly in accord with her natural wealth. A great variety of mineral
products was mined, although very little of precious metals. On the other
hand the formerly prosperous fishing industry was in a state of decline. In
1803 it was estimated that the total industrial yield for that year was
1,152,660,707 reales (about $72,000,000). The revival, however, was of an
ephemeral character, for the social factors affecting labor were too grave a
handicap. Thoroughgoing popular instruction was necessary before there
could be any permanent advance; the Spanish laborer was able enough, but
needed to be rescued from his abysmal ignorance. Wages were low. In 1786
the ordinary laborer of Seville earned four and a half reales (about $.28) a
day; in Barcelona the average was eight reales ($.50). Agricultural laborers
in Andalusia made from three and a half to five reales ($.22 to $.33) a day;
shepherds got two pounds of bread daily and 160 reales ($10) a year. To be
sure, money was worth more than now. Work was not always steady, with
the result that famine and beggary were frequent. There was no such thing
as organized labor; to go on strike was a crime. The only remedy of the
laborer against his employer was an appeal to the corregidor, but this was
so ineffectual that it was rarely tried.

Obstacles to Spanish commerce and efforts to overcome them.

Attempts were made to combat the obstacles which hindered Spanish

commerce. Unable to compete with other European countries in the export
trade, except as concerned small quantities of certain raw materials, Spain
was hard pressed to maintain an advantage in her own domestic and
American field. At the beginning of the century many of the laws tended in
fact to discriminate against Spaniards, as witness the heavy export duties,
which were collected according to bulk, thus operating against the type of
products which Spain most frequently sent abroad. Charles III changed this
system, collecting duties according to the nature of the goods as well as
paying regard to weight, and charging a higher rate against foreign cargoes.
Taxes were numerous in kind and heavy in amount, wherefore smuggling
and graft overcame some of the beneficial effects which might have been
expected from this legislation. Protective tariffs and prohibitions were also
employed to encourage Spanish manufactures and trade, but particular
exigencies often caused a reversal of this policy in the case of certain items
of foreign make. Thus the importation of foreign muslins was forbidden in
1770, but in 1789 the prohibition was removed when it was found that local
manufacture did not suffice for the country’s needs. A series of decrees by
Charles III endeavored also to reduce the coinage to systematic order, but
the multiplicity of coins and the retention of provincial moneys militated
against complete success. The prohibition against the export of coin was
maintained, but licenses to take out certain quantities were granted on
payment of a three per cent duty. Practically, the prohibition was a dead
letter, owing to the prevalence of smuggling, and it served as a hindrance to
commerce. An ineffectual attempt was made in 1801 to unify the system of
weights and measures. Lack of an adequate merchant marine and an
insufficiency of good ports, despite the efforts to remedy the situation in
both cases, were still further obstacles to Spanish trade, whereas such an
excellent port as Vigo had no suitable highway to connect it with the
interior. Bands of mules continued to be used as the principal carrying
agency in land commerce. Improper methods of keeping books were a
handicap, but the paternalistic nature of the government made itself felt,
requiring business men to employ a good method of accounting, and
specifying the precise way in which they should do it. Finally, trading had
usually been considered incompatible with nobility. The stigma was in a
measure removed, although only in the case of business on a large scale,
and some of the nobles became merchants.

Mercantile machinery of the era.

Mercantile machinery found its highest official expression in the Junta

de Comercio y Moneda. This was reorganized in 1705, at which time it was
provided that the Councils of Castile, the Indies and Finance (Hacienda)
should be represented respectively by three, five, and two members, the
Casa de Contratación by one, and the French nation by two, besides one of
the royal secretaries. The importance of the American and French trades
was clearly manifested in this arrangement. This body served as a court
with jurisdiction in all matters concerning trade. In 1730 it was succeeded
by the Junta de Moneda (Junta, or Council, of Coinage), to which was
added jurisdiction in matters concerning mines (1747), foreigners (1748),
and the “five greater guilds of Madrid” (1767 and 1783). Regional juntas
were also created. The consulados, though of private origin, occupied an
intermediate position between the other private and the official bodies,
owing to the intervention of the state and to the reorganization of the
consulados in the middle and later eighteenth century. In addition to their
functions as a mercantile court they acquired a vast number of duties of a
public character, such as the care of ports and the creation of schools of
navigation. Certain consulados had special functions,—for example, the
consulado of Cádiz attended to supplying the province with grain and flour,
and had charge of the establishment of tariffs and lotteries. The consulados
were repaid for these services by a grant of a portion of the customs duties,
a right worth 6,000,000 reales ($375,000) a year in Cádiz and one third of
that amount in Alicante. They compromised their wealth by making loans to
the crown, which brought about their ruin. At the end of the eighteenth
century there were fourteen consulados in Spain, each differing from the
others but all following rather closely the new ordinances (1737) for the
consulado of Bilbao as a type. In the smaller cities and towns local officials
were wont to appoint two men as diputados de comercio (commercial
deputies) to act for that neighborhood in the capacity of a consulado. There
were various other mercantile groups of a more clearly private character,
and their associations were encouraged by the government. The so-called
“five greater guilds of Madrid,” including dealers in jewelry, silks, gold and
silver ware, cloths, linens, spices (and groceries?), and drugs, was the most
important of these organizations. Its business was so enormous that it
extended beyond Madrid to other cities, and put up factories for the
manufacture of the goods it sold. In 1777 there were 375 merchants in this
corporation, with a capital of some 210,000,000 reales ($13,125,000).
Other associations were formed for special objects, such as to buy goods in
great quantities and therefore more cheaply, or to carry merchandise in their
own ships. Many companies were organized specifically for trading with
the Americas. In the fluctuations of commerce one fact stood out
consistently: the balance of trade was heavily against Spain. In 1789
exports were valued at 289,973,980 reales (about $18,000,000) as against
imports of 717,397,388 (nearly $45,000,000). Internal commerce amounted
to an estimated 2,498,429,552 reales (about $156,000,000). The wars of the
reign of Charles IV almost destroyed Spanish commerce. Cádiz in
particular was a heavy loser.

Important place of foreigners in Spanish commerce.

The intervention of foreigners in the commerce of Spain, which had

given so much concern in the previous era, was an even greater problem
under the Bourbons. Many factors contributed to make this the case: the
industrial decline of the seventeenth century, which favored the importation
of foreign goods; the eighteenth century efforts for an economic revival,
which led to the seeking out of foreign models and foreign teachers or
workmen; the encouragement given to Frenchmen as a result of the
Bourbon entry into Spain; and defeats in war, which necessitated Spain’s
submission to the exactions of her opponents (many of whom insisted upon
commercial privileges) or the legalization of trade usurpations which they
had indulged in without right. In the Americas the English were the most
prominent element, but in Spain the French were. The leading French
merchants established themselves in Cádiz, the gateway of the Americas,
whence they proceeded to absorb a great part of Spain’s profits from the
new world. In 1772 there were seventy-nine French wholesale houses in
Cádiz, making an estimated annual profit of 4,600,000 reales (nearly
$300,000). In 1791 there were 2701 Frenchmen in that city out of a total
foreign population of 8734. Numerically, the Italians were more in
evidence, for there were 5018 of them, mostly Genoese. There were some
Englishmen, too, whose aggregate capital made up for their small number.
In general the legislation of the era was favorable to foreigners. Their
knowledge and labor were so greatly desired that they were even granted
special privileges or exemptions to take up their residence in Spain, and the
religious bar was ameliorated or utterly withdrawn. Popular opinion was
against them, however, and the laws were not wholly free from this
influence. Men complained, as formerly, that the foreigners were making
immense profits and stifling Spanish competition, while the hatreds
engendered by the wars with England and France and by the scant respect
and haughty manners which some foreigners displayed for the laws and
customs of Spain tended to increase the feeling of opposition. Foreigners
were often ill-treated, although the acts were rarely official. Even the
government did not recognize consuls as having any special rights or
immunities differentiating them from others of their nation. A further
accusation against foreigners was that they engaged in contraband trade.
This was true, although as a rule it was done in complicity with corrupt
Spanish officials. Foreigners justified themselves on the ground that unless
they were willing to make gifts to Spaniards in authority they were obliged
to suffer a thousand petty annoyances. “Money and gifts,” said the French
ambassador, Vaulgrenant, “have always been the most efficacious means of
removing the difficulties which can be raised, on the slightest pretext,
against foreign merchants. That has been the recourse to which the English
have always applied themselves, with good results.” The fact remains,
however, that the French, English, and others had entered the commercial
field in Spain and Spanish America to stay.
 CHAPTER XXXVIII

INTELLECTUAL ACTIVITIES, 1700-1808

General characteristics of intellectual life in Spain and the Americas.

IN intellectual expression, as well as in other phases of Spain’s national

life, the eighteenth century was a period of recovery from the degradation
which marked the close of the preceding era. Spain placed herself abreast of
the times, but not as formerly in a leading position; among the many who
distinguished themselves by their achievements there were few who
attained to a European reputation, and perhaps only one, the painter Goya,
may be reckoned with the immortals. On the other hand Spain entered more
definitely into the general current of western European thought than at any
previous time in her history; intellectual activities in France reacted almost
at once in Spain, and the influences springing out of Italy and England were
potent. The Americas began to take over the intellectual side of their
Spanish heritage much more completely than before, and while not nearly
approximating the mother country in the amount or excellence of their
contributions furnished illustrious names in almost every branch worthy to
stand beside those of their contemporaries in Spain. Education there became
more general, more secular, and more highly regarded than ever before.
Two obstacles, however, were a serious check upon the development of a
broad culture in the colonies: the problems of race, reducing the number of
those able to participate, and lessening the desirability of a propaganda for
the ideal involved; and the suspicions of the Spanish-controlled
government, lest ideas convert themselves into thoughts of revolution.

Progress in education.

Cultivated Spaniards of the eighteenth century had a clear understanding

of the national problem of education, realizing (just as they did with regard
to matters having an economic bearing) the profound ignorance of the
masses and the decadent state of the institutions upon which they had to
rely to combat it. The mass of the people were not only illiterate but also
full of almost ineradicable superstitions and the conservatism of the
undeveloped mind. In 1766 Queen Amalia, the wife of Charles III, wrote to
Tanucci (one of Charles’ leading ministers while he was king of Naples),
“In everything (in Spain) there is something of barbarism, together with
great pride.” As for the women, she said, “One does not know what to talk
about with them; their ignorance is beyond belief.” This pessimistic view
finds ample corroboration in the writings of the Benedictine Feyjóo, or
Feijóo (1676-1764), and Jovellanos, both of whom devoted themselves to
the struggle against the defects in Spanish mentality and its expression,
leaving published works which touched upon virtually every phase of the
intellectual life, or its lack, in the Iberian Peninsula. The endeavors of these
men and numerous others to regenerate the country were not wholly in
obedience to the national necessity or to patriotism, but responded also to
the general current of humanitarianism and philanthropy characteristic of
the eighteenth century. The close relationship of Spain with France during
most of the era and the conditions of peace imposed by Protestant countries
as a result of their military successes had favored the penetration of these
ideas into Spain, where they were taken up by the well-to-do elements of
the nobility, the clergy, and the wealthy middle class. The great nobles
furnished few of the illustrious names of the period, although there were
some exceptions (for example, the Count of Fernán-Núñez and the Count of
Aranda), but they gave both financial and moral support to the efforts for
intellectual reform. Some of those who held high office, notably Godoy,
aided authors in the publication of their works or the continuation of their
studies, giving them official employment, or subsidies, or bringing out their
volumes through the royal printing establishment. Despite the
characterization of them by Queen Amalia, the women shared in the
intellectual activities of the age. Thus there was a revival of interest in
education, but with a difference from the spirit which had dominated the
works of Vives and others of the Hapsburg era; now the ideal was that of
secular education without the intervention of the clergy. Encyclopedism and
monarchism worked together to this end, while the expulsion of the Jesuits
helped greatly to make its attainment possible, although the new attitude did
not go so far as to oppose religion; indeed, that remained the basis of
primary education. All this manifested itself with especial force beginning
with the reign of Charles III, but precedents were not lacking in earlier
years. It made itself felt chiefly in the sphere of professional training, in
instruction in the humanities, and in university education, but it did not fail
to produce effects of undoubted value on the primary schools.

Efforts for the betterment of primary and secondary education.

Primary education, which had always received scant attention, was the
subject of some legislation under Charles III, both to expand and to better it.
To make certain of the capacity of the teachers examinations were required
of them in reading, writing, and arithmetic. In 1768 orders were given for
the establishment of primary schools for girls in the principal towns of
Spain, and some of the confiscated Jesuit funds were applied to this object.
An important law of 1780 went into the whole matter of primary education
in the city of Madrid. In the early years of the reign of Charles IV the
corregidores and alcaldes of all towns were ordered to inspect schools, and
were requested to inquire what towns, including those of the lords, the
church, and the military orders, lacked them or were failing to provide
sufficiently for those which they had. In 1795 the Cortes of Navarre voted
in favor of compulsory education. Furthermore, private individuals
followed the example of the public authorities, and founded schools.
Nevertheless, the census of 1787 showed only about a fourth of the children
between the ages of seven and sixteen attending school. Conditions were
still very bad for the teachers, whose salaries were so small that they could
not live on them, while vexatious regulations were also a handicap to the
free development of the schools. The teachers were imbued with the
pedagogical ideas of Rousseau, while Godoy attempted to bring about the
introduction of the methods of Pestalozzi. Both Godoy and Jovellanos had
extensive plans for the spread of primary education, but political exigencies
interrupted the projects of the former, while the latter’s brief period of rule
gave hardly time enough for the execution of his ideas. The interest of the
government, of individuals, and of the Amigos del País societies in popular
technical education has already been discussed. The institutions for the
study of the humanities, roughly corresponding with the modern secondary
schools (at least in that they were a grade below the universities), were also
reformed by the government, following the expulsion of the Jesuits. In the
same year (1767) it was provided that the places of the former Jesuit
teachers in the Jesuit-taught schools of nobles and in the nineteen Jesuit
colleges should be filled by competitive examinations. In 1768 similar
institutions were ordered to be founded in such villas and cities as had no
university. Meanwhile, the municipal, conventual, and private schools
continued to exist, as in earlier times; Ferdinand VI and Charles III enacted
legislation with a view to limiting their numbers and alleviating the bad
condition of some of them.

Royal attempts at reform in university education.

The twenty-four Spanish universities of this period were leading a life of

languor and scant utility down to the reign of Charles III, struggling against
the handicaps of a diminution in rents and students and the competition of
the Jesuits, More serious still was the decline of university instruction.
Studies were reduced to little more than the memorizing of books, without
any attempt at scientific investigation; such little effort was made to keep
abreast of the times that the great University of Alcalá had in a library of
seventeen thousand volumes only some five hundred setting forth the
current doctrines of other countries; and many professorships had become
sinecures for indigent nobles. The reformers were eager to overcome these
evils, and took the course which seemed most natural in their day, that of
bringing the universities under royal control so that the benevolent state
might introduce the desired changes. In 1769 Charles III appointed a
director for each university, to whom the life of the particular institution
was to be subject; later in the same year he gave orders for a new and better
plan of studies; in 1770 a censor was added to each university by royal
appointment, with the duty of watching over the program of studies and
assuring himself of the correctness of the religious and political views
(favoring absolutism) of prospective graduates, and at the same time the
universities were asked to suggest further reforms. Most of them delayed
their replies as long as possible, for the greater number of the university
officers were opposed to change, but the king proceeded to make reforms,
nevertheless. Between 1771 and 1787 the greater universities were
subjected to such revisions of their former methods as the following: the
presentation of new courses and the amplification of old ones; the provision
of a better opportunity to win professorships by merit; the introduction of
new texts; changes in the methods of obtaining degrees; and the virtual
appointment of the rector, or president, by the Consejo. Godoy and
Jovellanos in the next reign carried on the reforming spirit of the ministers
of Charles III. In all of these reforms attempts were made to better the
methods of teaching as well as the programs of study. Thus, in 1774
professors were invited to reduce their lectures to writing and make a gift of
them to their university, and prizes were offered for the publication of new
texts or the translation of foreign volumes. Nevertheless, the majority of the
reforms produced but a slender result, for the men charged with putting
them into effect were already trained in the old ideas, finding it impossible
to enter into the spirit of the new.

Special institutions of learning and scientific production.

Possibly because they realized that the universities could not be

depended upon to solve the problem of higher education and scientific
output, the reformers created a long series of institutions of a special
character to attain these ends. Thus, schools of medicine, surgery, the
physical sciences, mathematics, jurisprudence, military art, astronomy,
engineering of various types, botany, mineralogy, natural history,
machinery, and others were founded, while a number of royal academies, or
learned societies, were established, among which may be mentioned those
of the Spanish tongue (1713), history (1738), and the fine arts (1752). Many
foreign teachers and scientists were brought to Spain, but since any
permanent advantage had to come from the efforts of Spaniards a number of
students from the peninsula were sent abroad. Similarly, the government
paid the expenses of numerous expeditions, which were largely or often
wholly for objects of a scientific character. As examples of this phase of the
state’s activity may be mentioned the visit of Juan and Ulloa to South
America in 1735 with several French academicians, to measure various
degrees of the meridian at the equator in order to determine the shape of the
earth; that of the astronomers Doz and Medina to Baja California in 1769 in
company with the Frenchman Chappe d’Autereche, to observe the transit of
Venus; and the numerous Spanish voyages to the northwest coast of North
America in the last quarter of the eighteenth century, of which the best
known, perhaps, is that of Malaspina, who set out in 1791 to prove the
existence or non-existence of the alleged Strait of Anian through the
continent of North America. This was an age, too, of official accumulation
of libraries; the royal library, forerunner of the present-day Biblioteca
Nacional, was thrown open to the public in 1714. Archives, also, were
reorganized and their contents put in order. Such was the case with those of
Simancas and the crown of Aragon, while many documents relating to the
Americas were taken from the former in 1785 to make a beginning of the
great Archivo General de Indias at Seville. Manuscripts were utilized, as
well as merely arranged, resulting both in documented volumes and in
printed collections of papers,—such, for example, as the España sagrada,
or Sacred Spain (1747-1773), a collection of diplomas, chronicles, charters,
and other old manuscripts in ecclesiastical archives, with a view to making
accessible the more important materials for the history of the church; this
great work, begun by Father Flórez, eventually reached fifty-one volumes.
This period also marked the beginning of scientific periodical literature in
Spain, occasionally as the result of private initiative, but often as a
government enterprise, or at least at state expense wholly or in part. The
outbreak of the French Revolution caused the royal authorities to suspend
most of these periodicals, but there was a return to a more liberal policy
under Godoy.

Slight effect of educational reforms.

All of these efforts to rouse the nation from its intellectual lethargy
encountered such obstacles as have already been mentioned in dealing with
other phases of Spanish life in this period. Principal among them was the
ignorance of the people. Great as were the endeavors of the reformers, they
were unable to make the masses respond as quickly as could have been
wished, while even on the bourgeois and upper classes the effect of the
reforms was slight. Many interests directly opposed the new ideas, finding
danger in them for the institutions which they represented. This was
particularly true of the clergy as regards innovations in the intellectual life
of the country. The state itself, prime mover in so many of the reforms,
drew back when anything was suggested which seemed to impinge upon the
royal prerogative. In the reign of Charles IV a distinct note of reaction
began to make itself felt, coming to its full fruition at a later time under the
autocratic Ferdinand VII.

Spanish contributions to experimental science.

One of the principal characteristics of the intellectual movement of the

eighteenth century was the reawakened interest in the experimental
sciences, representing a return to the Spanish traditions of the sixteenth
century. If Spain furnished fewer great names and achievements at this time
than formerly, nevertheless she made a notable recovery from the low
position she held at the close of the seventeenth century, and in some
respects, especially in natural science, produced men able to rank with their
contemporaries in other lands. In keeping with the practical bent of Spanish
character Spaniards were more famous for their applications of scientific
discoveries than for their contributions to pure science. Just as in the
previous era, the Americas furnished a prominent field for scientific
investigations. In the realm of botany, perhaps more than in anything else,
Spaniards distinguished themselves. A list of the greatest names of the
period would include Mutis, Mociño, Sessé, Ruiz, Pavón, and Molina,
whose works dealt with the flora of Bogotá, Guatemala, Mexico, Peru, and
Chile, especially in their practical applications in medicine and otherwise.
To their names should be added those of Cavanilles and Sarmiento, whose
writings had to do with the flora of Valencia and Galicia. Under Philip V a
botanical garden was projected, and it was founded at Madrid in the reign
of Ferdinand VI. Other cities soon followed this example. Zoology and
mineralogy were less prominently studied, and in the latter field Spain
began to make more use of foreign specialists than in the Golden Age. A
considerable impulse to the natural sciences was given by the founding, by
Charles III, of the important museum at Madrid, in which existing
collections were brought together and to which various specimens from the
Americas were added. Another factor was the sending out of scientific
expeditions, mostly in or to the Americas, in which respect, according to the
testimony of Humboldt, Spain expended more than any other European
government. Meritorious work in physics and chemistry was also done by
Spaniards,—for example, the discoveries of Ruiz de Luzuriaga and Salvá in
the realm of magnetic fluids and electricity, the discovery of tungsten by the
Elhuyar brothers, and the demonstration by Antonio de Ulloa of the
existence of platinum,—even though foreigners were to carry these findings
still further. Medicine advanced out of the stagnation which had
characterized it in the later seventeenth century, although it continued to be
in a backward state in the Americas.
 Mathematics and geography.

The scientific movement of the eighteenth century reached the field of

mathematics and kindred branches, producing much valuable work, though
usually in the field of their practical applications. In the case of
mathematics the decline had even reached the point of the negation of that
science as a field for study. The Jesuits reintroduced it in their colleges, but
it remained for the ministers of Charles III to restore it to its earlier strong
footing by creating professorships of mathematics in the universities and in
the schools of higher learning devoted to special fields. Jorge Juan and
Antonio de Ulloa, better known for their expedition to South America and
their authorship of the Noticias secretas, or Secret notices (not published
until 1826), about conditions there, were among those who distinguished
themselves in this subject. Geographical productivity was not so great as in
the preceding era, since colonial conquests were less far-reaching than
before, but for the single reign of Charles III there was almost as much in
the way of geographical accounts and maps as at any time in the past. The
names of Pérez, Heceta, Bodega, Ayala, Arteaga, López de Haro, Elisa, and
Fidalgo are only a few of the many who commanded expeditions in the new
world designed in part for the acquisition of geographical information,
though with political motives involved as well. In 1797 the Depósito
Hidrográfico was founded in Madrid to serve as a centre for the preparation
and storing of maps. This institution published many notable maps of the
various parts of Spain’s colonies.

Philosophy.

Jurisprudence.

Economics and politics.

Philosophical studies were influenced by the current ideas of the age. At

the outset educational institutions maintained what they termed the
traditional doctrine, which was in fact no more than the dry bones of the
past, serving only as a hindrance to the entry of anything new, even in the
field which the philosophers pretended to represent. Men ambitious of
knowledge resorted to the theories which then enjoyed high repute in
countries considered as leaders in the world of thought, and even
churchmen, who were usually among the more conservative elements, were
influenced by such of the philosophic systems as seemed least dangerous to
orthodox beliefs,—such as a certain sensationalism and experimentation in
philosophy,—and they were even affected by an infiltration of encyclopedic
ideas. This roused orthodox thinkers to an active reaction which produced
many writings of a polemic character, although there may hardly be said to
have been a veritable philosophic renaissance. It is interesting to note,
however, that even those who combated the new ideas showed by their
works that their own views were modified by them. Only one name stands
out from the rest as worthy to be ranked with the great thinkers of other
lands, that of the logician Andrés Piquer. In jurisprudence this was a
particularly flourishing period, for juridical studies were more in keeping
with the thought and propaganda in Europe at that time. The writings of
Spaniards were directed to propagating or resisting the new juridical ideas,
to the jurisdictional struggle between state and church, to the questions
arising concerning the government of Spain and the reforms needed, and to
the preparation of manuals for the teaching of law which the introduction of
fresh materials required. The same activity was displayed in the fields of
economics and politics, as has already been pointed out. The greatest names
in these branches were those of ministers of state like Campillo, Ward,
Ensenada, Campomanes, Floridablanca, and Jovellanos, who distinguished
themselves by their writings as well as by their acts in office. In the field of
economics Spanish thinkers, while strongly influenced by the current
physiocratic ideas, were not so completely given over to them as the
economists of other countries; they inclined toward giving an equal
consideration to industrial development, thus foreshadowing the ideas
which were soon to become supreme.

Advanced state of historical studies.

Many factors contributed to make this a brilliant period in Spanish

historical literature. Indeed, in this field of studies more than in any other
Spaniards attained to renown, even though they fell short of the glorious
achievements of the historians of the preceding era. The disputes arising
from the various aspects of eighteenth century thought led men to look up
precedents and to cite their authorities, while the frequency with which
certain writers set forth false documents necessarily sharpened the instinct
for criticism. A school of critics sprang up which attacked errors and false
statements wherever they found them, although the intensity of religious
life and the power of the church caused most of the historians to abstain
from overthrowing such legends of a sacred character as had become firmly
rooted in the popular mind. Gregorio Mayáns and the Jesuit Masdeu were
among the leading exponents of this school. Books or articles on historical
method were frequent, and most authors of histories were wont to express
their views in the preface to their volumes. These writers, in addition to
their exposition of the rules for criticism and style, displayed a broad
concept as to the content of history, holding that it should be expressive of
the civilizations of peoples. Thus, Masdeu entitled his history Historia
crítica de España y de la cultura española (Critical history of Spain and of
Spanish culture). While these ideas had been set forth by the great writers
of the sixteenth century they were now predominantly held, both in Spain
and in Europe generally. This was a great age for the collection and
publication of documents. The already mentioned España sagrada was a
noteworthy example. The new Academy of History began to perform
noteworthy service in this regard. Numerous copies were made and
abundant notes taken by writers like Burriel (real author of the Noticia de la
California, or Account about California, ascribed to Venegas, though a
prolific writer also on subjects having nothing to do with the Americas) and
Muñoz (first archivist of the Archivo General de las Indias and author of an
Historia del nuevo mundo, or History of the new world) whose materials
still remain in great part unpublished. Reprints of old editions were brought
out and foreign works translated, while vast gatherings of bibliographical
data (in the shape of catalogues, dictionaries of various types of subject-
matter, and regional or subject bibliographies) were made. Many works of
original investigation were written, like those of Masdeu and Muñoz
already cited, or the Vida de Carlos III (Life of Charles III) of Fernán-
Núñez. A special group of legal and economic historians whose writings
were very important in their bearings on the times might be made up.
Martínez Marina was the principal historian of this class, although Burriel,
Asso, Capmany, Jovellanos, Llorente, Cornejo, and Campomanes are
worthy of mention. Literary history attracted the erudite. Among the works
of this group were studies concerning the origin and history of the Castilian
tongue, including the first dictionary of the language, published by the
Academy (1726-1739), with a statement of the authorities for the sources of
each word. Many of the writings of the historians already named, besides
those of numerous others, had some reference to the Americas, but the
colonies themselves were the source of a prolific historical literature. Kino,
Arlegui, Mota Padilla, Espinosa, Villa-Señor, Ortega, Burriel, Alegre,
Baegert, Beaumont, Palou, Clavigero, Arricivita, Revilla Gigedo, and Cavo
(all dealing with New Spain, or provinces of that viceroyalty) are only a
few of the writers (most of them colonials) who left volumes which serve
today as a rich source of materials and as an enduring monument to the
names of their authors.

Neo-classic influences upon polite literature.

The regeneration of Spain made itself felt to a certain extent in the realm
of polite literature, as well as in other forms of Spanish intellectual life.
Cultivated men of letters were desirous of rescuing Spanish literature from
the vices which had fastened upon it at the close of the seventeenth century,
and they turned to the so-called neo-classic influences then dominant in
western Europe, but represented more particularly by France. Ronsard,
Montaigne, Corneille, and others had already begun to affect Spanish
writers of the seventeenth century, and in the period of the Spanish
Bourbons the works of Corneille, Racine, Marmontel, and Voltaire were
offered to Spaniards in translation. The writings of other foreigners were in
like manner made accessible, such as those of Alfieri, Young, and Milton.
So devoted were the Spanish neo-classicists to their trans-Pyrenean models
that they were unable to see any value in the great Spanish works of the
siglo de oro, especially those of the dramatists. They went so far as to
propose the expulsion of the national drama from the Spanish stage (except
such works as could be arranged according to neo-classic tastes) and the
substitution of plays from the French and Italian. Among their tenets were
that of the three unities (of time, place, and action) and one which required
that the action should be reduced to the amount of time it took to represent
it. The greatest of the neo-classicists was Ignacio de Luzán, whose Poética,
or Poetics (1737), was the highest and most creditable example of the
doctrine of his school. Naturally, if only from motives of patriotism, a group
of nationalistic authors sprang up in opposition to the neo-classicists and in
defence of the Spanish literature of the preceding era, but the French
influence was so strong that even this group was much affected by the
precepts of the new school. The public remained faithful to the national
writers of the siglo de oro, whose plays formed the principal element in
theatrical representations. Abroad, Spanish writers of the golden age still
enjoyed a repute which their countrymen were seeking to deny them.
English and German writers continued to translate or avail themselves of
the works of Cervantes and the picaresque novels, while the Gil Blas of the
Frenchman Lesage was a clear-cut, if brilliant, imitation of Spanish models.
The expulsion of the Jesuits, who took up their residence in Italy, helped to
convert Italy from the Hispanophobe attitude which in company with
France she had maintained with regard to Spanish literature, for the more
learned Jesuits were able to demonstrate the false basis of this feeling, both
by their own works, and by their exposition of the merits of the Spanish
writers of the past. The German Humboldt and the Frenchman
Beaumarchais, both of them men of wide reputation, also took up cudgels
in defence of Spain.

Achievements of the era in polite literature.

Despite the vigorous conflict of the two schools of literature, Spain was
unable to produce writers who could rank with those of the siglo de oro.
Epic poetry practically did not exist; oratorical literature, whether secular or
religious, was of slight account; and only one notable novel appeared in the
century, the Fray Gerundio (Brother Gerund) of the Jesuit Isla. This work,
which aimed to ridicule the sacred oratory of the times, was nevertheless
defective in that it introduced much material foreign to the narrative, but it
was in excellent Spanish and teeming with witty passages. Both in this
work, and in his translation of Lesage’s Gil Blas, Isla won a place along
with Feyjóo as one of the best writers of the day in the handling of Spanish
prose. There were several notable lyric poets, such as Meléndez Valdés,
Nicolás Fernández de Moratín (usually termed Moratín rather than
Fernández), the latter’s son Leandro, and Quintana. Except for the younger
Moratín all belonged to the patriotic Spanish school. Quintana, with his
philanthropic and liberal note, his solemn, brilliant, and pompous style, and
the rigidity and coldness of his classical rhetoric, was perhaps the most
typical representative of the age. The most marked achievements in the
field of belles lettres were in the drama. At the beginning of the century
Spanish theatres had been closed as the result of a moral wave which left
only the great cities, like Madrid, Barcelona, Cádiz, and Valencia, with an
opportunity to attend dramatical representations. The entry of French
influences and the polemics to which they gave rise led to a revival of the
drama, until it became the favorite form of literature with both the public
and the writers. Only four dramatists may be said to have displayed
unquestioned merits: García de la Huerta, who employed a mixture of the
old Spanish methods with the newer French; the younger Moratín, the most
distinguished representative of the French school; Ramón de la Cruz, who
depicted the life of the Spanish people, and for the first time placed the
customs of the Madrid proletariat on the Spanish stage; and González del
Castillo, a worthy rival of the last-named in the same field. This was an era
of great actors, both men and women.

Conflict between the baroque and neo-classic styles in architecture and sculpture.

The fine arts experienced the same influences and were the subject of the
same conflicts as occurred in the field of polite literature. At the outset the
baroque style in an even more exaggerated form than in the preceding era
was the principal basis of architecture. This was vanquished by the classical
reaction, born in Italy, and coming to Spain by way of France. The new art,
called neo-classic, or pseudo-classic, endeavored to return to Roman and
what were considered Greek elements, interpreting them with an artificial
and academic correctness which was entirely lacking in sentiment and
warmth. The Academy of Fine Arts (Bellas Artes de San Fernando),
established in the reign of Ferdinand VI, became the stronghold of the neo-
classic school, and was able to make its views prevail, since it was the
arbiter as to the style of public buildings and the dispenser of licenses to
engage in the profession of architecture. The museum of the Prado, Madrid,
the work of Juan Villanueva, may be taken as an example of the neo-classic
edifices. In sculpture the traditional use of painted wood remained a
dominant factor throughout most of the century, although there were
evidences presaging its abandonment. While some small figures
representing popular types were made, the majority of the works of statuary
were for the church, which was by far the most important customer of the
sculptors. Some of the most notable results were those obtained in the
groups for use in the pasos, or floats, carried in the processions of Holy
Week. Especially meritorious were those of Salcillo, greatest of the baroque
sculptors. The profuse ornamentation of baroque art helped to cause a
continuance of the use of stone in sculpture, since it was difficult, with
wood, to procure the effects of foliage. The baroque was soon swept away,
however, in favor of the neo-classic style, of which Álvarez was the most
distinguished exponent. The same influences, in both architecture and
sculpture, operated in the Americas as in Spain. Both arts prospered more
than they had in the past.

Mediocrity of Spanish painting in this era.

Greatness of Goya.

At the close of the seventeenth century Spanish painting had fallen away,
until nothing of consequence was being done. A revival commenced with
the accession of Philip V, but the results were not great. The entire era was
filled with the dispute between French and Italian influences. In the reign of
Charles III the German painter Mengs, who represented a kind of
eclecticism which endeavored to combine the virtues of the masters in the
various Italian schools of the great era, became the idol of Spanish artists
and the arbiter of the Academy. No Spaniard, unless possibly Bayeu and
Menéndez, is even worthy of mention,—with one glorious exception. Into
an age of painting which had sunk to mediocrity, when artists were
endeavoring to treat their themes only according to prescribed rules and
manners, came Francisco José Goya (1746-1828), the greatest painter of his
time and one of the greatest of all history, deserving of a place with
Velázquez, El Greco, and Murillo, perhaps ranking ahead of the two last-
named in the list of superb exponents of the pictorial art whom Spain has
given to the world. The keynote of his work was the free expression of his
own personality, unhampered by convention. A thorough-going realism,
both in subject-matter and in manner of treatment, was a distinctive feature
of his painting, which sought to represent character, movement, and life.
Even his religious pictures set forth matters as his own eyes saw them,
resulting in the anachronism of scenes from sacred history in which the
figures and the atmosphere were Spanish of Goya’s day. He was a most
prolific painter, leaving a vast number of portraits, ranging from those of
members or groups of the royal family from Charles III to Ferdinand VII
(notably the family of Charles IV) to persons of lesser note, some religious
paintings (which are not so convincing as his other works), an exceptionally
large number of scenes depicting popular customs (an invaluable collection,
in which respect Goya was at his best), the stirringly patriotic pictures of
the Dos de Mayo in 1808 and the executions of the following day, and the
two remarkable majas (the one dressed and the other nude, each being the
same person in the same attitude). Hundreds of his cartoons are still in
existence, many of them exhibiting such freedom from convention and such
unrestraint as to have shocked his contemporaries and many others ever
since. Withal he was a most brilliant, clear, and harmonious colorist, able to
get audacious effects which were extraordinary in his day, a forerunner of
the modern schools. It is worthy of note that the Americas stepped forth in
this period to supply several notable artists comparable with those of the
age in Spain, Goya excepted.

The industrial arts.

As for the various lesser arts of an industrial character, such as the

making of furniture, articles of gold and silver, rich fabrics, and vases, the
same succession of baroque and neo-classic styles is to be noted. Thus the
furniture of the earlier years affected twisted and grotesque forms, while it
was later shaped upon stiltedly correct lines. The azulejos industry
remained in existence, making use of blue, yellow, green, and occasionally
rose. Gold work was of scant importance, but the making of tapestries was
rather notable; they were combined with the paintings of leading artists,
many of which were supplied by Goya.

Spanish music.

In the realm of music the realistic and popular indigenous type had to
contend against the Italian school. The latter found favor at court and
among the erudite, but the national product held its own with the people,
appearing especially in the plays of dramatists of the Spanish school, such
as Ramón de la Cruz. Some of the native songs were mythological or idyllic
in character, but usually they were satirical or funny, interwoven with
popular melodies and even with the musical cries with which street vendors
called out their wares, admirably adapted to the realistic plays in which they
were sung. It was to the national Spanish music that the great foreign
masters looked, and this, therefore, was able to contribute notably to the
progress of the art; Mozart and Rossini were among the composers affected
by Spanish influences. Despite the construction at this time of magnificent
organs, religious music in Spain remained in a state of corruption and
decay. The guitar continued to be the favorite musical instrument.
 CHAPTER XXXIX

THE GROWTH OF LIBERALISM, 1808-1898

The Spanish American wars of independence and the virtual completion of Spain’s gift to the
Americas.

WITH the outbreak of the Spanish “War of Independence” against

Napoleon the interest of Spain proper as affecting the Americas almost if
not wholly ceased. Her gift to the new world was by this time complete
except as regards the island dependencies of the West Indies and the
Philippines in the Far East. She was still to have important relations with
the Americas, such as her vain endeavor to suppress the revolutions of her
colonies and her relations with the United States concerning Florida and
Cuba, but those matters belong to the field of Hispanic American history
rather than to that of Spain as conceived in the present work. In 1808 the
news of the accession of Joseph Bonaparte to the throne of Spain, after
Napoleon had wrested the abdication of their rights from Charles IV and
Ferdinand VII, was received in the colonies with hostile demonstrations, for
the majority of Spanish Americans were loyal to Ferdinand. When in 1809
all the peninsula seemed lost, many began to hold to the view that relations
with Spain, which had always been rather with the king than with the
nation, were severed, and in the next year certain regions set up
governments of their own, thus starting the movement for independence
which ended only with the battle of Ayacucho in 1824.[67] Circumstances,
skilfully directed by separatist leaders, had led the Americas to proceed out
of what was at first a feeling of patriotism to the royal government to what
eventually resulted in embittered wars against it. The wars were fought
largely, though not wholly, by the colonists themselves, one faction
supporting the newly constituted governmental machinery in the Americas,
and the other following the lead of the changing national régimes in Spain,
—just as if the war of the American Revolution had been a conflict of
Whigs and Tories. It becomes pertinent, then, to enquire why Spain did not
make a more strenuous effort to overcome the rebellions in her colonies,
which she had always regarded as vital to her, and why she did not seriously
attempt to reconquer them in the course of the nineteenth century. The
answer lies in a statement of the internal affairs of Spain, who went through
one of the most trying periods in the annals of the peninsula, characterized
by an incessant recurrence of disturbances and even civil war. For Spain
herself, however, it was a period of advance along Liberal lines. Spain
gained, though it cost her an empire.

Patriotic Spanish uprising against Napoleon.

The years 1808 to 1814 are almost the only time in the century to which
Spaniards may look back with satisfaction and pride, but the glory of their
war against Napoleon may well be regarded by them as compensation for
their losses and degradation in other respects. It took several weeks for the
news of the treachery of Bayonne, followed by the events of the Dos de
Mayo, to circulate throughout Spain. When at last the people comprehended
what had happened, a wild outburst of rage against the French swept the
peninsula. Between May 24 and June 10 every region in the country rose in
arms against the invaders, each district acting independently, but all
actuated by the same motives. As an English writer (Oman) has expressed
it: “The movement was spontaneous, unselfish, and reckless; in its wounded
pride, the nation challenged Napoleon to combat, without any thought of
the consequences, without counting up its own resources or those of the
enemy.” Juntas, or governing groups, for the various provinces hastily
constituted themselves and prepared for the conflict. There were some
100,000 widely scattered Spanish troops, between men of the regular army
and the militia, but they were almost wholly unfit to take the field, and as
events proved were badly officered. Against them were about 117,000
French soldiers in the peninsula (including 28,000 in Portugal), and though
these were far from equalling Napoleon’s best military units they were
vastly superior in every technical respect to the Spaniards. If it had been a
mere question of armies in the field there could have been no doubt as to
the outcome in the shape of a decisive French victory, but something was
going on in Spain which Napoleon had never dreamed of and seemed
unable to understand; in a land stirred by the furor of patriotism such as had
permeated all Spain the ordinary rules of military science had to be left in
abeyance. Napoleon thought that all was over, when things were just about
to begin; flying patrols here and there, a species of mounted police, would
be enough, he believed, in addition to the existing garrisons, to keep the
peninsula under control. It was of a piece with this estimate that he should
send General Dupont with a column of 13,000 men, later reinforced up to
22,000, to effect the conquest of Andalusia. Dupont found, what other
French commanders were to learn after him, that the only land he could
conquer was that actually occupied at a given time by his soldiers; the
country in his rear rose behind him as surely as the armies before him stood
ready at the first opportunity to oppose his advance. Getting into a difficult
position at Baylén, he surrendered to the Spanish general, Castaños, on June
23, with 18,000 men. In less than two months the disorganized Spanish
forces had been able to strike a blow such as French arms had not received
for nine years. Meanwhile, Joseph Bonaparte, who had been designated by
Napoleon for the crown of Spain as early as in the month of March, had
been offered the throne on May 13 by the French-dominated Junta of the
Regency, of Madrid, and on June 15 at Bayonne by a deputation of Spanish
nobles who had been ordered to go there for precisely that purpose. Joseph
had entered Madrid in July, but the capitulation of Baylén caused him to
leave that city and retire with most of his forces behind the Ebro. Thus had
the patriots won in their first trial of arms, and the moral effect of the
victory made it certain, henceforth, that the Spaniards would fight to the
end.

The Spanish War of Independence.

It is not necessary to go into the details of the six year conflict, which
ended only with the fall of Napoleon in 1814, although the French had been
expelled from Spain by the close of the preceding year. English historians,
with a pardonable pride, have been wont to make it appear that this
achievement was primarily a British feat of arms under the leadership of Sir
Arthur Wellesley, the later Duke of Wellington, and, to be sure, English
history does not record a more brilliant series of campaigns than that of the
so-called Peninsula War. It is unlikely that the Spaniards, unaided, could
have driven the French from Spain, for their armies almost invariably
proved unable to defeat the enemy in the open field, even though they
displayed fanatical courage in the defence of their homes,—as witness the
two sieges of Saragossa, desperately resisted by General Palafox, and the
stubborn opposition of General Álvarez in Gerona to the French, who had
to waste 20,000 men to take that post. On the other hand Wellington’s
victories would have been impossible but for the indirect aid of the Spanish
soldiery. Speaking of the situation at the close of the year 1810 Oman says:
“Enormous as was the force—over 300,000 men—which the Emperor had
thrown into Spain, it was still not strong enough to hold down the
conquered provinces and at the same time to attack Portugal [where the
British army was stationed]. For this fact the Spaniards must receive due
credit; it was their indomitable spirit of resistance which enabled
Wellington, with his small Anglo-Portuguese army, to keep the field against
such largely superior numbers. No sooner had the French concentrated, and
abandoned a district, than there sprang up in it a local Junta and a ragged
apology for an army. Even where the invaders lay thickest, along the route
from Bayonne to Madrid, guerilla bands maintained themselves in the
mountains, cut off couriers and escorts, and often isolated one French army
from another for weeks at a time. The great partisan chiefs, such as Mina in
Navarre, Julian Sanchez in Leon, and Porlier in the Cantabrian hills, kept
whole brigades of the French in constant employment. Often beaten, they
were never destroyed, and always reappeared to strike some daring blow at
the point where they were least expected. Half the French army was always
employed in the fruitless task of guerilla-hunting. This was the secret which
explains the fact that, with 300,000 men under arms, the invaders could
never concentrate more than 70,000 to deal with Wellington.” This is a fair
statement of the general situation throughout the war. It would seem that the
Spaniards accounted for rather more than half of the French troops, even
when practically every province of the kingdom was theoretically occupied
by the enemy. In so doing they rendered a service not only to themselves
but also to Europe, for they detached enough troops from the main body of
Napoleon’s armies to enable the allies to swing the balance against the
emperor in his northern European campaigns. Incidentally it was quite
evident that Spain could give scant attention to her American colonies while
fighting for her very existence as an independent nation; indeed, it was not
until 1815 that Spain turned to a consideration of the American wars.

Spanish government in the early years of the war and the calling of the Cortes.

Meanwhile, events of a political nature had been going on in Spain

which were to determine the whole course of Spanish history in the
nineteenth century. It was several months after the original outbreak before
the various local juntas were able to agree upon a supreme authority during
the enforced absence of Ferdinand VII, who was regarded as the legitimate
king. Late in September the somewhat unwieldy Junta Central of at first
twenty-four, afterward thirty-five, members was created, sitting at
Aranjuez. Two months later when Napoleon himself advanced upon the
capital the Junta fled to Seville, and joining with the junta of that city
remained in session there for over a year. It was there that the Junta
declared, in January, 1809, that the overseas possessions of Spain were an
integral part of the kingdom, refuting the colonial claim of a connection
merely through the crown. Driven out again by the French the Junta took
refuge in Cádiz, where, in January, 1810, it appointed a Regency of five
men to arrange for the calling of a Cortes representative of Spain and the
Americas. The Junta thereupon resigned. Fearful of the radical tone that a
Cortes might adopt, the Regency postponed its summons as long as it
could, but at last issued the call, and the Cortes met in September, 1810.
Very little was known at the time as to the exact status and powers of the
various Cortes of earlier centuries, but nothing was more certain than that
the Cortes of 1810 was like no other which had ever met in the peninsula. It
was a single chamber body, designed to consist of elected deputies from the
towns with a traditional right of representation, from the provincial juntas,
from groups of 50,000 population, and from the Americas. Since the
American deputies could not arrive in time, and since a still greater number
of Spanish deputies could not be chosen by the complicated elective
machinery provided, with the land mostly in the possession of the French,
their places were supplied by persons from those regions happening to be
resident in Cádiz. Thus the Cortes came to be made up of men who did not
in fact reflect the conservative temperament of the interior districts, but,
rather, stood for the radical views of the people of the coast. Most of them
dreamed of founding a representative body which should combine the
supposed virtues of the French Revolutionary Assembly with those of the
British House of Commons and the earlier Cortes of the peninsula
kingdoms.

The Liberal Cortes of 1810 and the constitution of 1812.

One of the earliest acts of the Cortes was to accept the resignation of the
conservative Regency and to appoint a new body of three of that name
responsible and subservient to the Cortes. Soon the Cortes declared itself to
be the legislative power, and turned over the executive and judicial
authority to the Regency, following this up by declaring itself to have
sovereign power in the absence of the king. When it became clear that these
measures, which were bitterly opposed by the church and the other
conservative elements, were also distasteful to Ferdinand, the Cortes
decided that all acts or agreements of the king during his captivity were to
be regarded as invalid. The greatest innovation of all, however, was the
famous constitution of 1812. Under a belief that they were returning to the
system of the past the members of the Cortes broke sharply from all the
precedents of Spanish history, enthroning the people through their
representatives, and relegating the crown and the church to a secondary
place in the state. Among the several hundred items of this ultra-democratic
document were the following: sovereignty was declared to rest with the
people, to whom, therefore, was reserved the right of legislation; the laws
were to be made through the popularly elected Cortes; the king was to be
the executive, but was prevented from doing much on his own initiative by
the requirement that his decrees should be countersigned by the ministers of
state, who were responsible to the Cortes; all Spaniards in both hemispheres
were declared a part of the Spanish nation; all Spanish men over twenty-
five years of age were entitled to vote for members of the Cortes, of whom
there was to be one for each group of 60,000 people; various paragraphs
included a Bill of Rights, a complicated elective machinery, and the
abolition of exemptions from taxation. In only one respect did a
conservative tone appear in the document,—the Catholic faith was declared
to be the religion of Spain, and the exercise of any other was forbidden.
Nevertheless, both before and after the adoption of the constitution, the
Cortes had shown itself to be distinctly anti-clerical, as witness its
overthrow of the Inquisition, its restriction of the number of religious
communities, and the expulsion of the papal nuncio when he protested
against some of these laws. It was not by their workings in practice,
however, that the constitution and the laws of the Cortes became important;
rather it was that they constituted a program which became the war-cry of
the democratic faction in Spain for years to come. The constitution of 1812
eventually got to be regarded as if it would be the panacea for all the ills of
mankind, and was fervently proclaimed by glib orators, who could not have
stated the exact nature of its provisions.

Despotic rule of Ferdinand VII and the revolution of 1820.

Early in 1814 Ferdinand VII was freed by Napoleon, and allowed to

return to Spain. It was inevitable that he should adopt a reactionary policy,
toward which his own inclinations, the attitude of other continental
monarchs, and the overwhelming majority of the clergy, nobles, and the
people themselves of Spain impelled him. He had hardly reached the
peninsula when he declared the constitution of 1812 and the decrees of the
Cortes of no effect. This was followed by the arrest of the Liberal deputies
and by the beginning of a series of persecutions. All might have been well,
but the personal character of the rancorous, cruel, disloyal, ungrateful, and
unscrupulous king and the blindness of the absolutists drove the reaction to
extremes. Ferdinand not only restored absolutism, but also attempted to
undo the enlightened work of Charles III for the economic and intellectual
betterment of the people. Liberalism in every form was crushed, and in
accomplishing it such ferocious severity was displayed that the government
of Ferdinand was discredited both at home and abroad, even in countries
where the reactionary spirit was strongest. Back of the established forms of
the restored absolutism stood the unofficial camarilla (small room), or
“kitchen cabinet,” of the king’s intimate friends, but back of all was the
king. So suspicious was Ferdinand that more than thirty royal secretaries, or
ministers, were dismissed from office between 1814 and 1820, and
dismissal was usually accompanied by a sentence of exile or imprisonment.
Periodical literature of a political character was suppressed, although the
bars began to be let down for magazines of a scientific or literary type.
Despite the rigors of the administration—in a measure because of them—
there were insurrections each year from 1814 to 1817, all led by military
chieftains of Liberal ideas. They were put down, for in no case was there a
popular uprising; the people were as yet little affected by the new doctrines.
Meanwhile, secret plots against the government were fostered, in part as the
result of Spanish American influences which desired to prevent the sending
of troops to suppress the revolutions of the new world, but more largely
related to the Liberal ideal in Spain. This activity seems mainly to have
been the work of societies of Freemasons, in which military men were
strongly represented. Many other elements had also become pro-Liberal by
this time, including prominent representatives of the middle class, almost
all of the patriots who had organized the resistance to the French in 1808,
and the young men of education. The storm broke when orders were given
in 1819 for the assembling of an army at Cádiz for the extremely unpopular
service of the wars in the Americas. Colonel Riego raised the standard of
revolt on January 1, 1820, proclaiming the constitution of 1812. The
government seemed paralyzed by the outbreak. Uncertain what to do it
waited. Then late in February the example set by Riego was followed in the
larger cities of northern Spain. The king at once yielded, and caused an
announcement to be made that he would summon a Cortes immediately and
would swear his adhesion to the constitution of 1812. Thus, without a
battle, it seemed as if the revolution had triumphed.

The Liberal Cortes of 1820 and the triumph of the reaction.

In July, 1820, the Cortes met. Its earliest measures aimed to restore the
legislation of the Cortes of 1810, together with other laws of a similar
character. The Cortes of 1820 has been charged with being anti-clerical, as
indeed it was, for the church was the most serious opponent of Liberalism,
still able to dominate the opinions of the masses. Notwithstanding all it
accomplished, the Cortes of 1820 satisfied nobody. Like most new-born
democracies Spain found herself splitting on the rock of divergent opinions.
The Liberals broke up into various well-defined groups: the Radicals felt
that the Cortes had been too moderate and cautious; the Moderates found
the new laws dangerously radical; still others wished for a reform of the
constitution in the direction of yet greater moderation than most of the
Moderates desired. These were only a few of the groups to spring up.
Meanwhile, the king and the absolutists, who had never intended to abide
by the revolution, began to turn these divisions to account. Armed bands
favorable to the king were formed, while others representing other factions
also came into existence, and a state of anarchy ensued. The crisis was
settled from abroad, however. From the first, Ferdinand had sent appeals to
the reactionary kings of Europe, representing himself to be a prisoner, much
as Louis XVI had been at the outbreak of the French Revolution. At length
his appeals were listened to, and France, Russia, Austria, and Prussia joined
together to restore matters to the situation they were in prior to 1820. It was
as a result of this decision that a French army invaded the peninsula in the
spring of 1823. No effective resistance was offered; indeed, the country
seemed rather to second the French efforts and to facilitate their advance.
No better proof could be furnished that the revolution of 1820 did not
represent the sentiment of the people; the masses were yet steeped in
ignorance and weighed down by traditional influences, so that they rejected
a system intended for their benefit in favor of one which had lost even the
benevolent disposition of the eighteenth-century Bourbons; the intellectual
elements which had promoted the revolution had shown an incapacity to
face realities or to compromise with the full meed of their ideals. Thus had
the revolution of 1810 been re-enacted. The example was to be many times
repeated in the course of the next two generations. The constitution and the
laws of the Cortes were abolished, and savage persecution of Liberalism
began. From 1823 to 1829 the political history of Spain was a series of
alternations between terrorism and a relaxation of coercive measures,
according as one group or another prevailed with the king, but the dominant
note was at all times that of absolutism. It is to be noted that Spain had
scarcely had a moment’s respite from domestic difficulties since the
invasion of Napoleon in 1808. In the meantime, between 1810 and 1824,
the American colonies of the mainland had seized their opportunity to
separate from the mother country forever.

María Cristina and the Carlist wars.

Progress of Liberalism.

Rule of Espartero.

Reactionary as Ferdinand had shown himself to be, he did not go far

enough to suit the extremists in the absolutist faction headed by the king’s
brother Don Carlos (Charles). This group soon formed a party, which
believed that its principles could be secured only through the accession of
Don Carlos to the throne, wherefore its members came to be known as
Carlists. The king was childless and in feeble health, but the hopes of the
Carlists received a setback when in 1829 he married again. The new queen,
María Cristina of Naples, was reactionary by instinct, but was forced by
Carlist opposition to lean toward the Liberal faction in order to find some
element on which she could depend for support. As it soon became clear
that she was about to give birth to a child, the chances of Don Carlos’
succession were gone in case the infant should prove to be a boy, but the
Carlists relied upon the so-called Spanish Salic Law of Philip V to exclude
the enthronement of a girl. The exigencies of the political situation in 1713
had led Philip V to declare that the male line should always succeed to the
Spanish throne. In 1789 Charles IV in agreement with the Cortes abrogated
the law, but the decision seems not to have been published. To meet every
contingency Cristina persuaded Ferdinand in 1830 to publish the law of
1789. Henceforth the struggle turned on the question of the validity of the
law of 1789. In October, 1830, Cristina gave birth to a daughter, María
Isabel, who was crowned as Queen Isabel, or Isabella II, with her mother as
regent, on the death of the king in 1833. This was the signal for the
outbreak of the Carlist wars, fought principally in the north and east of
Spain, where the party of Don Carlos had a strong following. Meanwhile, a
Liberal policy had been inaugurated, but in the main it was of a half-hearted
type, for Cristina was both illiberal by temperament and unreliable in
government; she would promise reforms, only to withdraw them, and would
perhaps re-enact them in the very next breath. Nevertheless, the period of
her regency was one of distinct gain for the principle of limited monarchy.
A wider and wider circle of the people came to believe in that ideal, the
Cortes met frequently, Liberal legislation was passed which was not to be
so lightly tossed aside as formerly, and the constitutional principle was
definitely established. To be sure, the same divisions as before tore the
Liberal element asunder, and even led to insurrections at the very time that
the Carlist wars were in their most dangerous stage; Spain still had a long
road to travel to achieve democracy. The most important piece of legislation
was the constitution of 1837, overthrowing the impossible instrument of
1812, though agreeing with it in many respects, including its recognition of
the sovereignty of the people, and establishing a Cortes of two houses, with
an absolute veto by the crown, and a restricted suffrage,—a compromise
between the position of the Moderates, or conservative element of the
Liberals, and that of the Progressives, or radicals. Neither party was
satisfied, and as a working instrument the constitution was not long-lived,
but henceforth this, and not the idolized 1812 document, was to serve as a
basis in constitution making. The year 1837 marked the first appearance in
power of Espartero, who had distinguished himself as a general in the war
against the Carlists, thus beginning an era in which successful military men
were to be the virtual rulers of Spain, more or less under constitutional
forms, but in reality depending upon the army as the only force which all
elements would recognize. Espartero’s credit reached still higher when he
was able to bring the Carlist war to a close in 1840, following his
negotiations with the leading enemy generals. In the same year, Cristina,
who had long maintained a precarious hold on the regency as a result of her
insincerity and her affiliations with the Moderates, was at length compelled
to abdicate. Espartero stepped into the breach, becoming regent in 1841,
and for another two years maintained himself as a veritable dictator, but
proclaiming Liberal principles, fighting the Moderates, defending himself
against the intrigues of Cristina, and resisting the Progressives, who were
dissatisfied with his policy or jealous of his preponderance. In 1843 the
storm broke, and Espartero fled to England.

Isabella II and the rule of the generals.

Narváez and O’Donnell.

Rise of General Prim.

Character of the queen.

The overthrow of Espartero had been accomplished by a combination of

the extreme conservative and the radical elements, which aimed to prevent
the recurrence of a regency by illegally proclaiming the thirteen-year-old
Isabella II to be of age. Such widely divergent groups could not long remain
harmonious, and the conservatives were soon in the saddle. The twenty-five
year period of Isabella’s active reign, from 1843 to 1868, was one in which
reactionary forces were almost constantly in control under constitutional
forms. Except for the discredited Carlists, who engaged in several minor
outbreaks during these years, no party stood frankly for absolutism,
although that form of government was in fact the wish of many and the
virtual type of rule employed. The real master was, not the queen, but the
army through its generals. The saving factor in the situation was that the
latter were not united; while certain of them were ultra-reactionary, others
were Liberal, though none of those who attained to power went the lengths
of the radicals. In the numerous ministries of the era an occasional non-
military individual was at the head of the state,—such as the reactionary
González Bravo, or the clerically backed Bravo Murillo, but the terms of
these and other civilian ministers were brief. The two principal rulers of the
times were General Narváez and General O’Donnell. Narváez, who had
won notoriety for his severity against the Carlists, was six times in office
(1844-1846, 1846 again, 1847-1851, 1856-1857, 1864-1865, and 1866-
1868). It became the habit of the queen to send for him whenever the
monarchy was in danger, not only because he could control the army, but
also because he invariably struck hard and successfully against Liberalism
at the same time that he upheld constitutional government, though
disregarding its mandates as suited his pleasure. Execution or exile
followed swiftly where Narváez was displeased with an individual.
Meanwhile, he made meritorious reforms which tended to restore good
order and check anarchy, such as his success in stamping out brigandage
and revolution. The ability of this despotic veteran was well displayed when
he saved Spain from the storm which shook other European thrones in
1848. O’Donnell, who came into prominence in the temporarily successful
Liberal revolution of 1854, was three times in office (1856, 1858-1863,
1865-1866), once holding power for five years. While far more liberal than
Narváez he was a staunch supporter of the Bourbons. He sought to divert
public attention from domestic affairs by laying stress upon foreign policy,
as witness his well-advertised refusal to sell Cuba to the United States, his
plans to join France in the latter’s intervention in Mexico, and especially his
engaging in a war with Morocco (1859-1860). The chief political result of
the war was to make a popular hero of General Prim, a man of Liberal
tendencies and of less resolute devotion than O’Donnell to the Bourbons.
Prim was the third of the great military figures who, together, explain this
era. Beside them must be considered the queen. The former regent, María
Cristina, had not been free from charges of immorality, but her daughter
Isabella was notorious for her bad conduct. Furthermore, she was
perfidious, selfish, superstitious, and lacking in principle. Withal she was
devoutly religious. The result was that her opinions were swayed by her
numerous transitory lovers or by her confessors, and ministries rose and fell
according to the dictates of the camarilla. Even O’Donnell declared it was
impossible to govern under her, for no dependence could be placed upon
her word.
 Constitutional changes in the reign of Isabella II.

The character of the period was reflected in the new constitutions which
were drawn up. The constitution of 1845 included the following provisions:
the introduction of a property qualification, narrowing the franchise of those
electing deputies to the Cortes; the nomination of senators by the crown;
life tenure of senators; the packing of the senate with grandees,
ecclesiastics, successful soldiers, and financial magnates,—reactionary
elements; emphasis on the recognition of the Catholic Church as the
established religion; an assent to the theory of the sovereignty of the people,
but in such an attenuated form as to deprive the right of its vitality;
restrictions on the freedom of the press; and the reduction of the national
militia—the hope of Liberalism—to an innocuous state by making it subject
to the central executive. The church was strengthened still further upon the
fall of Narváez in 1851, for, reactionary though he was, he did not go far
enough in ecclesiastical matters to suit the clergy. The brief term in office of
their candidate, Bravo Murillo, resulted in the restoration of part of their
former endowment as a result of the concordat of 1851, but their acceptance
of this document was denounced by the Carlists and absolutists in general,
including the pseudo-constitutional reactionaries, as a betrayal of the cause
for which the churchmen had stood. Bravo Murillo proposed a constitution
in 1852 which amounted to a virtual abrogation of parliamentary
government, granting the crown the right to enact the budget by royal
decree and to propose legislation which must be accepted or rejected by the
Cortes without amendment, together with other provisions of a like
character. It was Narváez who pointed out to the queen that the Bravo
constitution would result in disaster to the government, and the instrument
was only productive of its proposer’s fall. During the period of Liberal
control, from 1854 to 1856, at which time Espartero returned to head the
ministry, a fresh constitution was presented to the Cortes in 1855. The
former provision for life senators was abolished; financial control was
vested in the Cortes, which was to meet at least once a year; liberty of the
press was granted; and it was decided that nobody should be persecuted for
his religious views contrary to the Catholic faith, provided he should not
manifest them publicly. The constitution of 1855 remained an ideal only, for
the Cortes separated without promulgating it. In the next year O’Donnell
brought about a restoration of the constitution of 1845, with added
enactments providing for the control of national finances by the Cortes and
for an elected senate. When Narváez returned to power late in the same
year, he caused such reform measures of the Liberals as had not already
been done away with to be rescinded, and reinforced the constitution of
1845.

Revolution of General Prim and dethronement of Isabella II.

Nevertheless, very important gains were made for democracy in this

period, in addition to the recognition of the constitutional principle. Most
vital of all was that a large proportion of the people had now joined with the
intellectual class among the civilian element in a desire for a more liberal
government. The reaction had at first been welcomed as assuring the
country of peace, but the promise was not fulfilled. Insurrections soon
began to occur on behalf of Liberalism, and people got to believe that there
would be no security from anarchy until the policies of that party
triumphed. The Liberal opposition more and more directed its attacks
against the queen, whose instability of character seemed to preclude the
attainment, or at least the continued practice, of any political ideal. Prim at
length became convinced that the dynasty must be swept away, and headed
an unsuccessful revolution in 1866. The queen’s position was steadily
weakened, however. Radical newspapers had been founded which exposed
her immorality, and the government was unable to suppress these
publications. The deaths of O’Donnell in 1867 and of Narváez in 1868 were
also fatal to her. The last-named was succeeded by González Bravo, who
had held the leadership of the ministry from 1843 to 1844, only to lose it
because he was not a soldier, and could not control the army. This time he
proposed to defeat the generals, and sought to do so by banishing all of
them known to hold Liberal views. But the generals returned with Prim at
their head, though Serrano was the nominal leader. At last the blow had
fallen, and as the year 1868 drew toward a close the long, corrupt reign of
Isabella II came to an end with the dethronement of the queen. The first
question now to resolve was that of the type of government to be
established. This was left to the Cortes, which voted for a continuance of
monarchy; it is significant of the advance of democratic ideas that 71 votes
in a total of 285 favored the establishment of a republic. The next problem
was to find a monarch. Prince after prince was approached, but it seemed as
if nobody cared to be king of Spain. Leopold of Hohenzollern consented to
become king, but later withdrew his candidacy, and it was this trifling
incident which served as the occasion, hardly the cause, for the outbreak of
war in 1870 between France and Prussia. Finally, after a search which had
lasted two years, the Duke of Aosta, Amadeo of Savoy, gave a reluctant
consent. On the very day when Amadeo touched Spanish soil, December
30, 1870, General Prim died of wounds received a few days before from a
band of assassins. It meant that the new king (who was crowned a few days
later, in January, 1871) was to lack the support of the only individual who
might have saved him from the difficulties of his position.

Troubled reign of Amadeo of Savoy.

Amadeo found himself king in a country where he had no party. At his

accession there were three well-defined groups, the Alfonsists, the
Republicans, and the Carlists. The first-named favored the principle of
limited monarchy, under Alfonso of Bourbon, son of Isabella II. This party
as yet had a meagre following, owing to the hatred of her family which
Isabella had inspired among Spaniards. Republicanism was loudly
proclaimed, but was untried and not trusted. The Carlist faction, standing
for absolutism as well as for the accession of the heir of the earlier Don
Carlos, was by all odds the strongest group of the day. Its backbone was the
clergy, who were especially influential in the country districts of the north
and east. They were deeply offended by the choice of a monarch from the
House of Savoy, which had just occupied the last remnant of the Papal
States and made the pope a “prisoner of the Vatican.” They also feared that
the new government might withdraw its financial support of the church,
leaving them to the uncertain contributions of the faithful. Carlism was
aided by the disintegration of the regular army, growing out of Prim’s
promise to abolish compulsory service, a policy which the Republicans
included in their program, although no definite enactment to this effect was
made. The morale of the army was thus destroyed, depriving the state of its
only sure resort, disgusting the officers, and leading to a renewal of
brigandage, anarchy, and an aggressive type of socialism. Altogether there
was a recrudescence of grave disorder. There were six changes in ministry
and three general elections in two years. At last Amadeo was told that he
must suspend the constitution and rule with an iron hand. This he refused to
do, seizing the first opportunity which offered to resign his crown, leaving
the country once more without a king, in February, 1873.
 The Spanish republic.

The Republicans now had their innings, but the time could hardly have
been worse for the trial of their ideas. The Carlists had under arms a force
of 45,000 men in 1873, which swelled to 75,000 by the close of 1875. The
south received the proclamation of the republic with a resort to self-
governing, jealous particularism, as if the day of democratic taifa states had
dawned, for they were able to agree on one thing alone,—that of refusing to
pay taxes to the central government. One Figueras had been proclaimed ad
interim president until a Cortes could be elected, but he became terrified by
the republic when he saw it, and fled before the Cortes could meet. There
were three more presidents in 1873. Pi y Margall was a federalist who
believed that the newly won freedom would provide a remedy for the
prevailing disorder,—but it did not. He was therefore put aside, and
Salmerón, a unitary Republican, took the helm. Salmerón initiated vigorous
measures to crush the forces of disintegration, but, as he was about to
succeed, drew back before the fear of militarism. Castelar was put in his
place, and he revived the army. This measure strengthened the central
authority, but it killed Republicanism, which had made the abolition of
enforced military service one of the cardinal tenets of its creed. It was now
only a question of time before the Alfonsists would take control. Carlists of
constitutional leanings went over to that side as did many Republicans,
since it now seemed clear that the accession of Alfonso was the only
alternative to the enthronement of the Carlist representative. In December,
1874, Alfonso issued a proclamation, promising an amnesty and
constitutional government. With hardly a struggle the republic fell.

Alfonso XII and the establishment of a conservative monarchy.

The reign of Alfonso XII (1874-1885) marked the beginning of a new

era, based upon the acceptance of pseudo-democracy under constitutional
forms, and accompanied by a growing tendency toward internal peace.
Minor outbreaks in Spain, now of Carlists, now of Republicans, continued
to require military attention down to 1886, but no such disorder as had so
long been the rule again prevailed. A new constitution was promulgated in
1876 which had the effect of conciliating the clergy, since it provided for
state support of the church, although that institution did not receive all it
had been promised; indeed, it protested bitterly against the grant of
toleration to other faiths. The constitution of 1876, which with some
modifications is still operative, was patterned after that of 1845, with the
addition of certain of the more recent reforms. Some of its provisions were
the following: the Cortes was to be composed of two houses, respectively
the senate and the congress; the senate was to contain eighty members in
their own right, such as princes of the royal family, grandees, presidents of
the great councils, archbishops, and captain-generals, one hundred more by
royal appointment, and one hundred and eighty elected for a term of five
years by municipal and provincial assemblies, universities, and taxpayers of
the highest class; congress was to be made up of 431 deputies, representing
districts of 50,000 people each, chosen by an electorate which was limited
by the imposition of a property qualification,—changed in 1889 by the
restoration of universal manhood suffrage; legislative power was vested in
the Cortes with the king; the king was made irresponsible, but his decrees
had to be countersigned by a responsible minister; and the jury system was
abolished,—although it was restored early in the next reign. The net result
was a centralized monarchy in the control of the conservative elements.
Many principles of the Liberal program, taken especially from the
constitution of 1869 when Prim was in power, have since been added. The
death of the king, who had ruined his health as the result of excesses which
recalled the scandals of his mother’s reign, seemed likely to raise fresh
difficulties at the close of the year 1885. The queen was then pregnant, and
it was not until 1886 that her son, the present Alfonso XIII, was born. The
ex-queen, Isabella II, attempted to intervene, but only succeeded in
strengthening the position of the queen-mother, María Cristina of Austria,
who ruled henceforth as regent until Alfonso attained his majority in 1902.

The war of 1898 and disappearance of Spain as a colonial power.

It was primarily in Spain’s colonial policy that the evils of the old era
continued. The lesson of the Spanish American wars of independence had
not taught Spain how to govern her few remaining colonies. Indeed, corrupt
methods were if anything worse than before, as the opportunities for
engaging in them became fewer. Spanish civilians in Cuba preyed upon the
island, and political office there was reserved for those seeking reward for
party service at home. A revolution broke out in 1868 which lasted ten
years. The government then made promises which were not fulfilled, and a
second uprising occurred, but it was severely put down. Once again there
was a revolution, in 1895. This time the United States intervened, and in the
brief war of 1898 Cuba became independent, and Porto Rico and the
Philippines passed over to the United States. Thus was the last vestige of
Spain’s trans-Atlantic dominion swept away. This was the final stroke in a
century of disasters. And yet the total result was one of internal progress for
Spain. She had paid a heavy price in her gropings for liberty, but she had
reached a stage which, while not yet satisfactory, was incomparably ahead
of that with which she had begun the century.
 CHAPTER XL

THE DAWN OF A NEW DAY, 1898-1917

Revival of economic prosperity.

SPANIARDS are in the habit of discussing their recent national

development with reference to the year 1898, which is recognized as a
turning-point in Spanish life, a change held by them to have been decidedly
for the better. Nevertheless, the way had begun to be prepared with the
accession of Alfonso XII to the throne; the splendid monument to that king
in the Retiro at Madrid can be explained only on the ground that he
symbolizes the re-establishment of good order in the peninsula, with a
government based on what the Spanish people will stand, rather than on the
full meed of an unworkable ideal. The country was tired of domestic strife,
and asked only to be left in peace, with an opportunity to give attention to
its material resources. This wish the government granted, and all Spain
profited. Roads, railways, and irrigation ditches were built, and mining and
the wine trade developed, while more recent times have witnessed a notable
industrial growth in some of the northern cities. These matters were left
very largely in the hands of foreigners, with Spaniards either wasting their
blood and treasure in the colonies, or merely failing to participate in the
economic enterprises of the peninsula. After 1898, however, Spaniards
began to join with Englishmen, Germans, and Frenchmen in investing their
capital in Spain. Many evils remained to be overcome, but the country
recuperated to such an extent that its present wealth would compare
favorably with that of the past at almost any stage of Spanish history,
although the rate of economic progress has probably not equalled that of
other countries.

Conservative rule in a pseudo-Liberal state.

On the surface the old politico-social ideas of Liberalism seemed for a

while to have died, and the country came to be ruled by parties which
supported the conservative constitution of 1876, although there was a
widespread opposition in opinions it not in power. At the present time there
is a Liberal and a Conservative party, but the difference between the two is
recognized, even by many Spaniards, as being very slight. In 1911 there
was a strike on the government-owned railways, whereupon the authorities
suspended the constitutional guarantees, on the ground that the nation was
in danger. One result was that bodies of men could not congregate,—and
the strikers were helpless. In 1912 a general railway strike was threatened.
The premier, Canalejas, called out the military reserves, and put them on the
trains not only as guards but also as train operatives,—for, since all
Spaniards who have served their term in the active army are in the reserves,
the strikers were employed as military trainmen to put down their own
strike,—a thing which they could not refuse to do, as they were under
martial law. An early Cortes was promised, at which the questions of
increase in wages and decrease in the hours of labor would be taken up. The
Cortes was called,—and the matter of the strike was dropped. The
interesting thing is that all of this took place while a Liberal government
was in power! It is also said that the Liberals and Conservatives agreed, a
few years ago, to alternate in office, thus showing their contempt for the
spirit of representative institutions, but the Liberals did not retire from their
control of the government in 1913, wherefore not a little ill-concealed
resentment was displayed by the organs of the Conservative party. In fact,
parties are divided on lines of the allegiance of individuals to the chieftain
(cacique) of their group. National policies and projects of reform on the part
of those in power get little beyond the stage of rhetoric, while government
is too largely given over to the interplay of personal ambitions. To many the
young king, Alfonso XIII, has seemed the most liberal-minded of the higher
officers of the Spanish state, and in both word and deed he has appeared,
until recently at least, to merit the characterization. Attaining to his majority
at the age of sixteen, in 1902, he married the granddaughter of the English
Queen Victoria in 1906,—an augury in itself of liberal views. A savage
attempt was made, without success, to murder the young couple on their
wedding day; on that occasion and two others when later assassinations
were tried, Alfonso displayed such courage and coolness as to win for
himself an immense popularity; “the valiant king” (El rey valiente) he is
often called.

Underlying resentment against the government and growth of elements in opposition.

 The political views of the Spanish people have been undergoing a
change in recent years. Whereas the mass of the people were totally
unready for the democratic constitution of 1812, or even for that of 1837,
they are today becoming more and more radical in feeling. Everywhere
there is discontent with the present management of state affairs, and it is
customary to charge even the untoward incidents of daily life to the fault of
“the bad government” (el mal gobierno), —for example, when a train is
late, or over-crowded, both of which eventualities are of frequent
occurrence. Many factors have combined to bring about this state of mind:
much is traceable to social causes, to which allusion will be made presently;
the very material progress of the country, resulting in a betterment of the
condition of the poor, though their lot is still far from being an enviable one,
has awakened desires among the masses of which their ancestors never
dreamed; and the relative prosperity of many of the indianos (nabobs of the
Indies), as returned Spanish emigrants are called, has led to a widespread
belief that men can do better anywhere than under the “mal gobierno” of
Spain. The average Spaniard of the working classes takes little interest in
his right of suffrage (although this is more particularly true of the country
districts than it is of the cities), for he is convinced that it makes no
difference; he is helpless and hopeless in the face of a government which
seems quite apart from him. Many believe, however, that there is a panacea
for existing conditions, and groups have sprung up representing a variety of
social, economic, and political ideas, such as single tax (georgismo,—from
Henry George), socialism, and republicanism. The desire for a republic has
grown steadily since its first public expression in 1854, and has now swept
across the northern provinces of Spain, from Galicia to Catalonia, cutting
through the formerly Carlist, or absolutist, country, although manifesting
itself more in the cities than elsewhere. If no serious outbreak for the
establishment of a republic has taken place, it is in large degree a tribute to
the king. Alfonso has frequently declared himself ready to accept the
wishes of the Spanish people in this matter, saying only a few years ago that
if Spain should so decide he “would be the first to draw his sword in
defence of the republic.” Too much weight should not be given to these
political gropings of the Spanish people, for the forces of conservatism,—
such as the nobles and the wealthy, the clergy, and the devoutly faithful
(notably in the rural districts),—are still very powerful. Even the king has
recently been charged with a tendency to become reactionary. In 1917
serious internal disturbances occurred, and it is said that Alfonso did not
rise to the situation in the same liberal spirit as formerly. Whether this is the
mere unfounded expression of party feeling, or whether the king has in truth
experienced a change of heart, it is as yet too early to say. Whatever may be
the exact composition of the elements against them, there is no doubt that
the majority of the people feel a deep resentment against the prevailing
government. In one respect this has led to consequences of a serious
character. The old regional spirit of the Catalans has reasserted itself, and a
distinct Catalan national feeling, sustained by a revival of Catalan as a
literary tongue, has manifested itself. One event stands out from the rest in
recent times, with regard to which all elements in Spanish life have had
occasion to express their political views. That is the celebrated Ferrer case.

The Ferrer case and the “Maura, si!” and “Maura, no!”

In June, 1909, when a Conservative government was in power, with

Antonio Maura at its head, credits were voted for a campaign in Morocco
against some tribesmen who had attacked a railway leading to mines in the
control of Spanish capitalists. There was an immediate outbreak of hostile
public opinion in Spain, which in Catalonia resulted in serious riots. The
strange thing about the Catalonian manifestations, which were most
pronounced in Barcelona, was that they developed into what seemed to be
an organized assault, not on the government or on capitalists, but on the
Catholic Church. Churches, monasteries, convents, and shrines were
attacked—and nothing else. The government soon had the situation in hand,
and a number of arrests were made, followed in some cases by sentences of
death or imprisonment. Public attention focused itself on the case of one
Ferrer. Francisco Ferrer was born in 1859, the son of a poor Catalan farmer.
As a youth he was an anarchist, pronouncing bitterly against the ideal of
patriotism and against the church. Having participated in a Catalonian
rebellion of 1885, he fled to Paris, where he entered into relations with a
Parisian spinster, who soon died and left him a fortune. Later, he returned to
Barcelona, and increased his possessions as the result of successful stock
speculation. He founded a number of schools, which represented his ideas,
—still uncompromisingly against the church. Ferrer was also a high official
of the Freemasons and other secret societies. It is not to be wondered at,
either, in view of his rebellious attitude toward society, that his regard for
the marriage bond and for sexual morality was clearly not in accord with
prevailing views. At the time of the Catalonian outbreak of 1909 he was
charged with being one of the ring-leaders. A military court-martial was
held, at which he was confronted with scores of witnesses, and it would
seem that the prosecution established its case. Ferrer was convicted, and on
October 13, 1909, was shot.[68] The case of Ferrer has been taken up
internationally by various secret societies, but it has had a special
significance in Spain. There, opinion has divided, not about Ferrer or the
merits of his case, but with regard to the Conservative chieftain, Maura,
whose government was responsible for his death. Maura is taken as the
personification of the existing régime. “Maura, sí!” and “Maura, no!”
(“Maura, yes!” and “Maura, no!”) have come to be popular watchwords,
indicating whether one approves of things as they are, or whether one
stands for a new and liberalized, truly democratic Spain.

Foreign policy of Spain since 1898 and attitude toward the Great War.

Spain’s foreign policy since 1898 has very nearly reduced itself to three
factors. First of these is the policing of a small strip of the Moroccan coast,
where Ceuta and other posts are still held by Spain. This has involved the
country in wars of a minor character with the traditional enemy in Moslem
Northwest Africa. Of greater interest is the conscious policy of cultivating
the friendship of the American countries which were once colonies of
Spain, based largely on a wish to develop a market for Spanish goods, but
not devoid of a sentiment which makes Spain desire to associate herself
with the growing lands to which she gave the first impulse to civilization.
Finally, Spain’s relations with the two groups of European powers which
entered upon the Great War in 1914 have occupied the attention of the
country continuously in recent years, and have been an issue which has
divided Spaniards. Many of the conservative elements of Spain have long
been, not so much pro-German, as anti-French, and they have been
supported by those parts of the masses which follow the lead of the church
or else take no great interest in politics. The causes of this Francophobe
feeling are numerous. The Dos de Mayo, Spain’s national holiday, stands
for an uprising against the French, followed by the glorious War of
Independence, although, to be sure, this has of late exercised but little
influence; many French writers have written disparagingly or in a
patronizing manner of Spain, causing a natural feeling of resentment;
Spanish American countries have asserted that France is their intellectual
mother, not Spain, and this may have had an effect, though comparatively
little, on the minds of some; mere propinquity with France, which is the
only great power bordering upon the peninsula, has brought about a certain
hostility which neighboring peoples so often feel with regard to each other;
the affronts which Spain claims to have received at French hands in
Morocco have had great weight; and the already hostile attitude of the
clergy against republican France was enhanced when that country broke
with the Catholic Church a few years ago. As regards England, Spain has
never forgotten Gibraltar. With Germany, on the other hand, there has been
little occasion for friction, and German commercial competition with
England for Spanish markets has been welcomed as beneficial to the
country. The radical and liberal elements, which include the intellectuals,
and, generally speaking, the Liberal party have favored the Entente as
against the Central Powers, and their position has been very greatly
strengthened by the evident support of the king. In part, pro-Entente feeling
has been a matter of political principle, because of the liberal types of
government in France and England, the only two countries of the Entente
allies (prior to American entry in the Great War) to whom Spaniards have
paid attention. In large measure, however, the Spanish point of view has
been the result of a certain practical, materialistic trait which is ingrained in
Spanish character. Thus Spaniards have pointed out that it would be fatal
for Spain to side with Germany, since her wide separation from the latter,
coupled with British naval supremacy, would make it unlikely that German
arms could be of any assistance to Spain. Commercial and other reasons
have also been adduced to show that Spain could gain nothing by an
alliance with Germany. These views have developed in the course of the
Great War until Spain has become rather more inclined to the allies than to
the Germans. It is not improbable, however, that an allied disaster might be
seized upon by the pro-German military element to swing Spain the other
way, for the army is still a factor to be reckoned with in Spanish politics. On
the other hand, many leading Spaniards have argued that there would be no
advantage for Spain if she should enter the war, whereas there has thus far
been a distinct benefit for certain elements in the population, in the shape of
abnormal war profits, through remaining neutral. Lately, however, great
misery has been occasioned as a result of Spain’s inability to procure
needed supplies from the allies and the danger from the German
submarines.
 Spain’s intellectual renaissance.

In no element of the national life has the well-being of Spain since 1898
been more clearly demonstrated than in the realm of things intellectual. On
the educational and scientific side (with one exception, presently to be
noted), the achievement has not been great enough to attract attention, but
in those branches of human knowledge which are akin to the emotions
Spain has embarked upon a new siglo de oro which has already placed her
in the forefront of the nations in the wealth and beauty of her contemporary
literature and art. Many writers or artists of note did their work before 1898,
while others stand athwart that year, but the most remarkable development
has come in the more recent period—a growing force which is far from
having run its course. Thus, before 1898, there were such poets as Becquer,
Campoamor, Núñez de Arce, Rosalía de Castro, and Salvador Rueda;
novelists like Alarcón, Pereda, Valera, “Clarín,” Picón, Palacio Valdés,
Pardo Bazán, and Pérez Galdós; dramatists including Ayala, Tamayo,
Echegaray, Pérez Galdós, Guimerá, and Dicenta; critics and philologists
like Milá Fontanals, Valera, “Clarín,” and Menéndez y Pelayo; essayists
such as Alfredo Calderón, Morote, Picavea, Ganivet, and Unamuno;
painters like Pradilla, Ferrán, and Muñoz Degrain; and composers of music
including Arrieta, Gastambide, Chueca, Chapí, Bretón, and Fernández
Caballero. Some of the more notable of these belong also in the post-1898
group, and to them should be added, among others, the following: poets—
Rubén Darío (who is included in this list, though he is a Nicaraguan,
because of his influence on Spanish poetry), Villaespesa, Marquina, Ramón
D. Perés, the two Machados, Mesa, Diez Canedo, Muñoz San Román, and
Maragall; novelists—Blasco Ibáñez, Pío Baroja, “Azorín,” Silverio Lanza,
Valle Inclán, Ricardo León, Alberto Insúa, Pérez de Ayala, Martínez Sierra,
Miró, and Felipe Trigo; dramatists—Benavente, Martínez Sierra, the
brothers Álvarez Quintero, Carlos Arniches, Linares Rivas, Marquina,
Rusiñol, and Iglesias; critics and philologists—Menéndez Pidal, Bonilla,
Rodríguez Marín, Said Armesto, Américo Castro, Cejador, Alomar,
Tenreiro, and González Blanco; essayists—Ortega Gasset, Maeztu,
“Azorín,” Gómez de Baquero, Manuel Bueno, Maragall, and Zulueta;
painters—Zuloaga, Sorolla, the brothers Zubiaurre, Benedito, Chicharro,
Villegas, Nieto, Beruete, Moreno Carbonero, Bilbao, Sotomayor, Anglada,
de la Gándara, Juan Lafita, and Rusiñol; sculptors—Blay, Benlliure,
Marinas, Clará, and Julio Antonio; architects—Gaudí, Puig, Velázquez, and
Palacios; composers—Albéniz, Pedrell, Turina, Granados, Falla, Vives,
Serrano, and Quinito Valverde; and educators—Giner de los Ríos and
Cossío. Spain has also produced historians and historical scholars of note in
recent years (though several of them belong in the pre-1898 group), among
whom should be reckoned Cánovas del Castillo, Danvila y Collado,
Hinojosa, Rafael Altamira, Colmeiro, Fidel Fita, Fernández Duro,
Menéndez y Pelayo, Torres Lanzas, and Fernández Guerra. Special mention
should be made of the novelists Pérez Galdós (author of the famous
Episodios nacionales, or National episodes,—a series of historical novels
from the Liberal point of view, covering the history of Spain from the time
of Godoy to the present,—and esteemed by many as one of the most
remarkable literary geniuses of modern times) and Blasco Ibáñez (who has
used the novel as a vehicle for an attack on the old order of Spanish life); of
the dramatists Jacinto Benavente (a man whom many regard as deserving to
rank with the greatest names of all time in Spanish literature), Pérez Galdós
(who is almost equally notable in the drama as in the novel), the brothers
Álvarez Quintero (who have so clearly depicted modern Andalusian life),
and Martínez Sierra (whose comedies reach to the very roots of truth and
beauty); of Menéndez y Pelayo, most famous as a critic, said to have been
the dominant figure of recent years in Spanish literature; of the painters
Zuloaga (successor of El Greco, Velázquez, and Goya, whose works
embrace both the mysticism and the austerity of the Spanish national spirit)
and Sorolla (a symbolist, who has done with the brush what Blasco Ibáñez
did with the pen, and whose paintings, mainly of Valencian scenes, are full
of realism and naturalism, brilliant in expression and color); and of Giner de
los Ríos, opponent of the church, but a man of tremendous influence on the
thought of modern Spain. It is to be noted that the leading names in the
realm of art are all in the post-1898 period; indeed, this form of intellectual
manifestation was not in a flourishing state before that time. And in the
midst of all these names one must not forget that of Santiago Ramón y
Cajal, whose discoveries in histology have made him famous throughout
the world. Many characterize him as the greatest Spaniard of the present
day.
* * * * * * *

Things which Spaniards are not.

 Spain clearly has entered upon a new era of her history. No man can
predict, with safety, toward what goal she is tending, although there is some
ground for a feeling of optimism. With the leading facts of Spanish history
already before the reader, it is perhaps well at this point to give a summary
account of contemporary Spanish traits and social problems, thus providing
a further basis for estimates with regard to the possibilities of the future. It
is best to begin with a statement of some of the things which Spaniards are
not,—with a view to controverting certain widely circulated notions.
Spaniards are not unusually cruel or vindictive. The notion that they are has
arisen in various ways. Spaniards are emotional, and under the stress of
excitement are capable of acts of great violence, but on the other hand they
very rarely plan a crime in cold blood. The bull-fight has been charged to an
innate cruelty of Spaniards, but whatever one may think of the game, the
aficionado, or bull-fight “fan,” is appealed to by the skill of the bull-fighter
and the courage of the bull, rather than by the flow of blood. As regards
treatment of animals, the evidence is somewhat against the Spaniard. The
superficial tourist is apt to think that the majority of Spaniards in third class
of the railway coaches are double-dyed brigands, for they wear wretched
clothing and carry huge knives,—but the former is the result of economic
necessity, and the latter is to cut bread with—and not each others’ throats.
The historians, however, are very largely to blame, especially those who
maligned the dominant and hated Spaniards of the sixteenth century.
Spaniards themselves, with their fierce party spirit and rhetorical gifts,
products of their emotional make-up, have provided the arguments which
have been used against them,—notably in the case of Las Casas’
condemnation of the Spanish treatment of the Indians. In the second place,
they are not lazy; rather, they make excellent laborers, and work long hours
without complaint. The idea that they are indolent arises in part from the
fact that the titled classes still retain some of the traditional aversion to
manual labor; in part from a certain lack of ambition, such that many
Spaniards, notably those of the south, do not work, after they have gained
enough to live on for perhaps only a little while; partly because of a lack of
responsibility which many of them display, with the result that they do not
do well when not under supervision; and partly, again, because histories
have so described Spaniards of the past, and this time with some truth.
Many of the factors which once made manual labor unpopular are not any
longer operative, such as the prevalence of slaves, serfs, and Moslems in
industry or agriculture, wherefore the earlier stigma attaching to those
occupations has been removed. In the third place, Spaniards are not proud
and arrogant to the extent of being haughty, although they do have a sense
of personal pride which is rather to be commended than condemned. In the
fourth place, to call a man a “Spaniard” is not a sufficient definition, for
there are wide differences in blood and language as well as in feelings in the
various regions of Spain; the serious-minded, progressive, European-
blooded Catalan is certainly farther apart from the easy-going, pleasure-
loving, improvident, part Moslem-blooded Andalusian than is the
Englishman from the American, or perhaps the southern Frenchman from
the North Italian. In addition to Castilian, or Spanish, there are the distinct
languages of the Catalans and Basques, with a great many variants, or
dialects, from the Castilian and Catalan. Nevertheless, it is true that all are
“Spaniards.” Castilian is generally understood, and, until the recent
reappearance of Catalan, was the only literary language; the people are
patriotic to the country, even though the fire of local attachments is still
uncommonly strong in them; the bull-fight and the national lottery are
popular in all parts of Spain; Spaniards read the same books, have the same
government, and, in fine, have been brought together, though widely
divergent in traits, by the circumstances of history.

Intellectual and emotional traits of Spaniards.

The keynote to an understanding of Spanish character lies in an

appreciation of the fact that Spaniards generally combine an intense
individualism and marked practicality with an emotional temperament.
Enough has already been intimated with regard to the two first-named traits.
As for that of emotionalism it becomes more operative the farther south one
goes. Some Spaniards say that the English, who are taken as representative
of the northern peoples, are in the forefront of the nations as concerns
matters of the head, but that the Spaniards lead in heart, and they are well
content to have it that way. Yet it is far from true that Spaniards are lacking
in head; rather, they are brilliantly intellectual, and even the man in the
street often seems to have a faculty for seeing and expressing things clearly,
with little or no study; their logical-mindedness is displayed in the
rhetorical skill with which they set forth their opinions. It is true, however,
that there is a certain lack of intellectual stamina in Spaniards; they will not
use the brains with which nature has abundantly endowed them. Thus, big
business and scientific discoveries (except in the practical realm of their
applications) have been left to the foreigners. On the emotional, or heart,
side one encounters numerous evidences. Spaniards are devotedly fond of
children,—almost too much so, for they seem unable to refuse them
anything. Thus, a child gets milk by crying, toys galore, and stays up at
night until he wants to go to bed; the effects on national discipline are
possibly not of the best, but the error, if such it is, springs from the heart.
Spaniards, past and present, have been great in emotional expression, in the
fields of literature and art. It is a novelty for Americans to find that the
educated young men of Spain talk quite as easily about literature and art as
they do about women,—and they move from one subject to the other
without any marked change in the tenor of the conversation. Spanish crimes
are usually the result of an emotional impulse. Similarly, the emotions play
rather too prominent a part in the Spaniard’s associations with women!
Courtesy is almost universal among Spaniards, who will go to considerable
personal inconvenience in order to assist a stranger; to be sure, one is not
safe in reckoning on the promises to render favors later,—for by that time
the impulse may have passed. The Spanish fondness for the bull-fight and
the lottery also springs from the emotional stir which goes with them.

Spanish women.

The above applies principally to the men. The women should be

considered apart, and this is much more necessary in dealing with Spain
than it would be in treating of the United States, where women come nearer
to having an equal liberty with men. Opinions differ as to the personal
appearance of Spanish women, and first impressions of the foreigner are apt
to be against them. This is largely because the people of the wealthy or
moderately well-to-do classes do not appear in the street nearly so
frequently as in the United States or in northern Europe. The women of the
working classes toil harder, on the average, than do ours,—for more of them
have to help earn the family living as well as bring up and take care of the
children,—and they are not able to dress well, with the natural result that
they are rarely prepossessing. This in part accounts also for the belief of
foreigners that Spanish beauty fades,—which is not the case with those who
are able to live in fairly easy circumstances any more than it is in other
countries. Among Spaniards it is often said that the Valencian women are
the handsomest, closely followed by the Andalusians, who rank as the most
witty. It is to be noted that the Moslem element in Spanish blood is very
strong in these sections. Another popular misconception as to Spanish
señoritas (young ladies) is that they are so dainty that they would almost
melt in one’s hand. In fact they are unusually self-contained in manner, and
if they have any pronounced defect it is one which does not go with
daintiness,—that of a loud, often metallic voice. On the other hand there is
most decidedly an all-pervading, unconscious grace in Spanish women.
Women other than those of the working classes find very little to do.
Servants are extraordinarily cheap,—one can get a nurse-girl in Seville for
about ten cents a day; so there is little occasion to do housework. Spanish
women are not assiduous readers, do not even sew or knit to any marked
degree, and comparatively few of them sing or play the piano. They are
fond of a walk or ride in the afternoon, accompanied by the children and the
nurse-girls, and enjoy social gatherings at night. In fine, their life is passed
largely in pleasant conversation, with very little variety; indeed, they
require little that is novel, for they are simple in their tastes, and are easily
entertained. The Spanish husband is not nearly so domesticated as the
American species. Instead of remaining at home at night he quite regularly
goes out,—and even may occupy a different place at the theatre from the
group of seats where his wife and daughter are found. This is the expected
thing, and Spanish women do not appear to wish it otherwise. They seem to
consider that the men have done them a great favor by marrying them, and
take the attitude of desiring to repay them for the rest of their lives. The
husband is devoted to his wife and the children, but he would commit
suicide before he would carry a baby in the street. Despite the fact that the
brains of most Spanish women may be said to lie fallow, they are often
brilliant talkers, sharing with the men the intellectual potentialities of the
race. They rarely travel, and know very little beyond the bounds of their
home town or city and the nearest watering-place. They are usually very
religious, but not in an aggressive way; in a country where there is virtually
no competition with the Catholic Church there is no stimulus to make their
religion anything but a purely personal matter for the individual. This helps
to account for the almost complete lack of religious discussion in the
Spanish circles one meets with. Young ladies rarely go into the street unless
accompanied by their mother or some older person. Whenever they do
appear they are stared at by the men, but the practice seems to be regarded
as proper and in a measure complimentary. They are hedged around with
safeguards which prevent their seeing the young man of their choice alone,
except perhaps as separated by the narrow grating of a window, until the
day of their marriage. According to all reports these measures fulfill their
intended purpose, for the material bars are supplemented by the inherited
instincts of the women themselves. Aside from prostitutes Spanish women
have a nation-wide reputation for good moral conduct. Once married the
size of the family depends, as many put it, “As God wills!” A family of
from five to seven children is not considered large, and there are many
families which are very much larger.

The aristocracy and the latifundia.

Assuming that it would be desirable, can Spain advance any farther

along the highway of democracy? If she would do so, she must contend
with the aristocracy, which in fact rules the country. The modern Spanish
aristocracy is composed of the nobility, their relatives, rich merchants, the
clergy, and the military. The richer members of the aristocracy, especially
those of central and southern Spain, control the greater part of the best
Spanish lands, which they cultivate just enough to ensure wealth to
themselves. Thousands of acres are given over to the raising of bulls for the
bull-fights, and even the late Duke of Veragua, a descendant of Columbus,
was engaged in this industry. One often wonders why Spanish towns are so
far away from the railway station, especially in level tracts where it would
be normal to expect a growth toward the railroad. The usual answer is that
the land belongs to a personage of the realm, who would not think of selling
it, and does not care to develop it himself. The agrarian problem is
particularly acute in Andalusia, where the evil of latifundia, springing out
of the later reconquests from the Moslems, is more in evidence than
elsewhere.

Life of men of the better classes.

The life of the men of the better classes is singularly free from care.
They arise late, and go to their favorite café or club to read the newspaper.
In the afternoon they frequent their club, passing the time in discussion or
in general conversation. Late in the afternoon they go for a drive along the
paseo, or driveway, the same place every day, where the principal object is
to see, or be seen by, the others who are doing the same thing. In the
evening they return to the club. Perhaps at 9:30 or 10 o’clock they go to a
play, for the theatre begins late, following this by a visit to their favorite
café and a late departure for home. The program varies little from day to
day. In the summer they go to a watering-place, but it usually amounts only
to a change of cafés. These men rarely drink to excess, and they are the
most charming people in the world to talk to, but they never study and, if
possible to avoid it, never do any work. Unknowingly perhaps, for they are
bred to this type of life by centuries of training, they are a drain on the land,
the most serious element in the vested interests which stand in the way of
effective reform. Those of this class who have to work are provided with
sinecures at state expense. The social, economic, and political betterment of
Spain cannot proceed very far while the aristocracy is in control. On the
other hand the experience of the past has not demonstrated that democracy
could maintain order, and this the present régime does. Furthermore, the
aristocracy is by no means an exclusive caste, but is open to the entry of all.

Social problems of contemporary Spain.

In addition to the wealth and political influence of the aristocracy other

factors in Spanish life abound to aid and abet in their maintenance of
control. One of these is emigration. Spaniards do not expect to rise from
poverty to great wealth, as men do in America, for so few of them rarely
can, under the existing system, that there is not the stimulus of other men’s
successes to spur them on. The more ambitious of the poor and moderately
well-to-do, therefore, make their way to the Americas, especially to
Argentina, and, prior to the recent era of civil war, to Mexico. The poorest
and the least ambitious, who are less likely than the others to give trouble,
remain behind. A second aid is the lottery. The lottery, which has its
agencies in every hamlet and city of Spain, is government owned and
operated, paying some of the highest prizes offered in the world at the
present time. Few human passions are so strong as that of gambling, and
Spain has surrendered to the lottery. The poor people welcome this
insidious system, believing it to be almost the only avenue of advance to the
envied ease of the wealthy, and invest their spare savings in a ticket. Hope
and even expectation of getting a lucky number have come to be a national
disease. A third abettor of the aristocracy is the bull-fight. It is not the
cruelty, but rather the corrupting influence of this sport which should
occupy those who protest against it. The game is so emotional, so wildly
exciting, that it grips the people to the exclusion of almost every other
interest; in Seville, one can almost be certain, if he hears men quarreling at
the top of their voices, that they are disputing the merits of this bull-fighter
or that, for that is the absorbing factor in life, every hour in the day, in every
day of the year. Men who have caught the fever of the bull-fight rarely have
interest in national reform; they do not want it, as it might sweep away the
sport which is the major part of their life. A fourth factor would seem to be
the extensive character of charitable enterprises. Thousands depend upon
the unused food of the army, and line up each day to receive it. Enormous
sums are also provided by the church or by charitable organizations to
enable the poor to get meals free or at slight cost. The object, no doubt, is
benevolent, but the result is that many men will not work. Especially is this
true in the mild climate of southern Spain, where not a few contrive to exist
without homes to sleep in and on the dispensations of charity. A fifth factor
is the extreme poverty of the masses. Wages are unthinkably low. Men who
can barely keep body and soul together are not the ones who agitate reform.
A sixth aid in the maintenance of things as they are is the lack of a good
public school system. Schools are inadequate and teachers poorly paid. Few
Spaniards get beyond the primary grade, and many do not even go that far.
The need of education is undoubtedly the sine qua non of any effective
Spanish advancement. To change the form of government, without an
accompanying or a preliminary instruction of the masses, would be, as a
French writer puts it, “to change the label of a bottle, without transforming
the contents.” It is also necessary if any appreciable reform is to be made in
the social and economic system of the country. None realizes this better
than the men who, like Altamira, Azcárate, Costa, Giner de los Ríos,
Posada, and Unamuno, stand for the new Spain, as distinct from the old,—
for a country which shall break with the past to the extent which may be
required in order to place itself in the current of modern world progress.
Their ideal is not impossible of achievement, despite the forces which are
against them, for the Spanish people, at bottom, are admirable material, still
virile and altogether sane.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
 Writers on the history of Spain whose works are in Spanish, French, and German.

The principal aim of this volume is to be of service to the general reader

in English-speaking America. On this account the entries which appear
below have been restricted rigidly to works in English. It was a temptation
to include some of the more notable foreign works, such for example as
those by Altamira, Bonilla, Cánovas del Castillo, Colmeiro, Danvila,
Desdevises du Dézert, Diercks, Dozy (the Recherches), Fernández de
Navarrete, Fernández Duro, Fernán-Núñez, Ferrer del Río, Fita, Foulché-
Delbosc, Haebler, Hinojosa, Lafuente, Lembke, Mariéjol, Marvaud,
Menéndez Pidal, Menéndez y Pelayo, Mignet, Morel-Fatio, Oliveira
Martins, Ranke, Romey, Rosseeuw St. Hilaire, Rousseau, Salcedo, and
Tapia, but the reader will be able to go to their works and to many others by
using the aids which are provided here.

Bases for selection and exclusion of works in English.

Relation of the works cited to the field of Spanish history.

A complete bibliography of the works in English on the history of Spain

would reach enormous proportions. It has therefore been deemed advisable
to narrow the field by excluding the following classes of material:
catalogues of books and manuscripts; volumes of source material;
periodicals about Spain not devoted primarily to history; articles in
periodicals; works on other subjects (such for example as the writings of
Mommsen and other historians of the Roman Empire) which, however,
contain much material on the history of Spain; works (such as those of
Motley or Helps) on the activities of Spain outside the peninsula, whether in
Europe or the Americas; and books which may be regarded as out of date.
Works published many years ago are not omitted, however, if they are
translations of important foreign works, the writings of notable historians,
or volumes which are unique in their field. No attempt has been made to
give an exhaustive list of all the items coming within the classes eligible for
entry. Thus there might be additions to the lives of notable persons, to the
histories of art and literature, or to the already long list of recent descriptive
works. The plan has been rather to be representative, giving some of the
works which will serve to introduce the reader to the subject. No claim is
made that the works cited cover the subject of Spanish history adequately;
indeed, if the most broadly inclusive basis for entry of works in English had
been chosen they would not do so. They are particularly disappointing to
the American reader, in that they represent the point of view of England or
continental Europe rather than that of the Spanish gift to America.
Furthermore, many periods are but scantily covered from any standpoint,
while others, such as those of the Catholic Kings and the House of Austria,
have an over-supply of writings upon them. It is to be noted, however, that
books of a given period have a number of preliminary chapters on the years
immediately preceding it. Thus, Coppée has some two hundred pages on the
Visigothic era, Plunket nearly a hundred pages on the reign of Henry IV,
and most of the histories of the nineteenth century begin with the accession
of Charles IV. Concluding chapters, too, will often reach over into the next
succeeding period,—as in the case of Scott, who devotes sixty-nine pages to
the Moriscos under the kings of the House of Austria. Moreover, many of
the volumes in the section devoted to works of travel and description,
especially those dealing with particular localities, give much of their space
to the record of the past, thus supplementing the writings which are more
properly historical in character.

Methods of entry.

In the works selected for entry an indication is given of the dates of the
first and the latest editions. In the case of translations the date of the
original publication in the foreign tongue is also stated. The place of
publication is not given for the latest edition if it is the same as that of the
first. No attempt has been made to record minor variations in title in
different editions, such for example as “Philip the Second” for “Philip II,”
but striking changes have been noted. The presence of bibliographical
apparatus in the works cited is indicated by the abbreviation “Bib,” thus
enabling the reader to know what are the volumes which may take him to
materials not mentioned here. Not only are the books with formal
bibliographies or lists of works so characterized, but also those which have
fairly ample bibliographical data in the preface. The practice has not been
followed, however, where the information as to sources is confined to
footnotes, although many writers, Lea for example, have valuable
references scattered through their volumes.
 I. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL AIDS
Aside from the partial bibliographies in the books listed below and the
single periodical mentioned in this section there is no work in English on
the bibliography of Spanish history. The bibliographical sections of the
Cambridge medieval history and the Cambridge modern history (items 10
and 29 below) will be found particularly helpful. Three works in foreign
tongues are worth noting. The bibliography in Altamira’s Historia de
España is perhaps the best general list in Spanish. The two-volume
Catalogue de l’histoire d’Espagne et de Portugal (Paris. 1883-85) of the
Bibliothèque Nationale of Paris, based on the works at the disposition of
readers in the great national library at the French capital, is valuable for the
older books. The sections on Spain in the German annual bibliography of
historical writings, the Jahresberichte der Geschichtswissenschaft
(published at Berlin since 1880) cover publications since 1878. The only
item in English follows:
1. Hispanic American historical review. Baltimore. 1918. Quarterly.
This periodical begins publication in February, 1918. Will contain
material on Spain and Portugal, including bibliographical notices, though
primarily devoted to Hispanic America.

II. GENERAL HISTORIES OF SPAIN

In addition to the items of this paragraph, attention is directed to the
works on special subjects, in section IX, many of which range over several
or all of the various periods of Spanish history.
2. Dunham, Samuel Astley.... Spain and Portugal. 5v. London.
1832[-33]. Takes to the close of the eighteenth century.
3. Hale, Edward Everett, and Susan Hale.... Spain. New York, [c 1886].
4. Harrison, James Albert. Spain. Boston. [c 1881]. Republished under
title Spain in history. New York and Akron, O. [1898].
5. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. The Spanish people, their origin,
growth and influence. London and New York. 1901. 1914. Bib.
6. Mariana, Juan de. The general history of Spain. From the first
peopling of it by Tubal, till the death of King Ferdinand, who united the
crowns of Castile and Aragon. With a continuation to the death of King
 Philip III. Tr. [fr. the Sp. ed. of 1669 or 1670] ed. by Capt. John
Stevens. London. 1699. Orig. ed. in Latin. Toledo. 1592. First Sp. ed.
Toledo. 1601. Later editions have continuations, all except the first by
other writers, bringing the history to the date of publication. Latest Sp.
ed. Madrid. 1854.
7. Perkins, Clara Crawford. Builders of Spain. 2v. in 1. New York. 1911.

III. ANCIENT SPAIN, TO 711

8. Bouchier, Edmund Spencer. Spain under the Roman Empire. Oxford.
1914. Bib.
9. Burke, Ulick Ralph. A history of Spain, from the earliest times to the
death of Ferdinand the Catholic. 2v. London. [1894-] 1895. 1900.
10. Cambridge medieval history. 3v. New York. 1911-18. Bib.
11. Van Nostrand, John James. The reorganization of Spain by Augustus.
(University of California, Publications in history, v. IV, no. 2).
Berkeley. 1916. Bib.

IV. MEDIEVAL SPAIN, 711-1479

Items 9 and 10 belong also in this section.
12. Beasley, Charles Raymond. James the First of Aragon. Oxford.
1890.
13. Clarke, Henry Butler. The Cid Campeador, and the waning of the
crescent in the west. New York and London. 1902.
14. Condé, José Antonio. History of the dominion of the Arabs in Spain.
Tr. ed. by Mrs. Jonathan Foster. 3v. London. 1854-55. Orig. Sp. ed.
Madrid. 1820-21. Usually regarded as untrustworthy.
15. Coppée, Henry. History of the conquest of Spain by the Arab-Moors.
2v. Boston. 1881.
16. Dozy, Reinhart Pieter Anne. Spanish Islam: a history of the Moslems
in Spain. Tr. ed. by Francis Griffin Stokes. London. 1913. Bib. Orig. Fr.
ed. Leyde. 1861.
17. Drane, Augusta Theodosia. The history of St. Dominic, founder of
the Friars Preachers. London and New York. 1891.
 18. Guiraud, Jean. Saint Dominic. Tr. ed. by Katharine de Mattos.
London. 1901. New York, Cincinnati, and Chicago. 1913. Bib. Orig.
Fr. ed. Paris. 1899.
19. Ibn’Abd al-Hakām. Ibn Abd-el-Hakem’s History of the conquest of
Spain. Tr. (fr. the Arabic) ed. by John Harris Jones. Göttingen. 1858.
Orig. ms. written in ninth century.
20. Lane-Poole, Stanley.... The Moors in Spain. New York and London.
[1886]. New York. 1911.
21. Makkari, Ahmed ibn Mohammed al. The history of the
Mohammedan dynasties in Spain. Ext. and tr. [fr. ms. copies in the
British Museum] ed. by Pascual de Gayangos. 2v. London. 1840-43.
Orig. ms. in Arabic written early in the seventeenth century.
22. Merriman, Roger Bigelow. The rise of the Spanish empire in the old
world and the new. 4v. New York and London. 1918-. Bib. Two
volumes are announced for publication in 1918 (The middle ages and
The Catholic Kings). Two more will follow (The Emperor and Philip
the Prudent).
23. Miron, E. L. The queens of Aragon, their lives and times. London.
1913. Bib.
24. Scott, Samuel Parsons. History of the Moorish empire in Europe. 3v.
Philadelphia and London. 1904. Bib.
25. Swift, Francis Darwin. Life and times of James I., the conqueror,
king of Aragon, Valencia, and Majorca. Oxford. 1894.
26. Watts, Henry Edward.... The Christian recovery of Spain, being the
story of Spain from the Moorish conquest to the fall of Granada (711-
1492 A.D.). New York. 1901.
27. Whishaw, Bernhard and Ellen M. Arabic Spain, sidelights on her
history and art. London. 1912. Bib.
28. Yonge, Charlotte Mary. The story of the Christians and Moors of
Spain. London and New York. 1903.

V. ERA OF THE CATHOLIC KINGS, 1479-1517

Items 9, 14, 15, 20-22, 24, 26, and 28 belong also in this section. Many
of the items of section IX are applicable here.
 29. Cambridge modern history. 14v. New York and London. 1902-12.
Bib.
30. Hare, Christopher. A queen of queens [Isabella (1474-1504)] & the
making of Spain. New York. 1906.
31. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. Queens of old Spain. New York. 1906.
London. 1911.
32. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. Spain, its greatness and decay (1479-
1788). Cambridge. 1898. 1913. Bib.
33. Irving, Washington. Conquest of Granada. New York. 1829. 1910.
Bib. Orig. ed. entitled A chronicle of the conquest of Granada.
34. Lea, Henry Charles. The Moriscos of Spain; their conversion and
expulsion. Philadelphia. 1901.
35. Plunket, Ierne L. Isabel of Castile and the making of the Spanish
nation, 1451-1504. New York and London. 1915. Bib.
36. Prescott, William Hickling. History of the reign of Ferdinand and
Isabella the Catholic. 2v. in 1. New York. 1838. 3v. Philadelphia.
[1902].
37. Sabatini, Rafael. Torquemada and the Spanish inquisition. London.
[1913]. Bib.

VI. THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA, 1516-1700

Items 22, 29, 31, 32, and 34 belong also in this section. All of the items
in section IX have a bearing here.
38. Armstrong, Edward. The Emperor Charles V. 2v. London and New
York. 1902. London. 1910. Bib.
39. Calvert, Albert Frederick. The life of Cervantes. London and New
York. 1905. Bib.
40. Calvert, Albert Frederick. Murillo, a biography and appreciation.
London and New York. 1907.
41. Calvert, Albert Frederick, and Mrs. Catherine Gasquoine (Hartley)
Gallichan. El Greco; an account of his life and works. London and
New York. 1909.
42. Calvert, Albert Frederick, and Mrs. Catherine Gasquoine (Hartley)
Gallichan. Velazquez; an account of his life and works. London and
 New York. 1908.
43. Castro y Rossi, Adolfo de. The Spanish Protestants and their
persecution by Philip II; a historical work. Tr. ed. by T. Parker. London
and Edinburgh. 1851. (History of religious intolerance in Spain). 1853.
Orig. Sp. ed. Cádiz. 1851.
44. Coloma, Luis. The story of Don John of Austria. Tr. ed. by Lady
Moreton. London and New York. 1912.
45. Colvill, Helen Hester. Saint Teresa of Spain. New York and London.
1909. Bib.
46. Dunlop, John Colin. Memoirs of Spain during the reigns of Philip IV
and Charles II, from 1621 to 1700. 2v. 1834.
47. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, James. The life of Miguel de Cervantes de
Saavedra. London. 1892. Bib.
48. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, James. Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra: a memoir.
Oxford. 1913. Bib.
49. Froude, James Anthony. The Spanish story of the Armada and other
essays. New York. 1892. London. 1901.
50. Gardiner, Samuel Rawson. Prince Charles and the Spanish
marriage. 2v. London. 1869.
51. Gayarré, Charles Etienne Arthur. Philip II of Spain. New York. 1866.
52. Gómara, Francisco López de. Annals of the Emperor Charles V. Tr.
[fr. an unpublished ms. of, probably, 1557-58] and Sp. orig. ed. by
Roger Bigelow Merriman. Oxford. 1912.
53. Graham, Mrs. Gabriela (de La Balmondière) Cunninghame. Santa
Teresa, being some account of her life and times. 2v. London. 1894.
1907.
54. Hughes, Thomas Aloysius. Loyola and the educational system of the
Jesuits. New York. 1892. Bib.
55. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. The court of Philip IV. Spain in
decadence. New York. 1907.
56. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. Philip II. of Spain. London. 1897.
1911. Bib.
57. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. Two English queens and Philip.
London. [1898].
58. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. The year after the Armada, and other
historical studies. London and New York. 1896.
59. Joly, Henri. Saint Ignatius of Loyola. Tr. ed. by Mildred Partridge.
London. 1899. 1906. Orig. Fr. ed. Paris. 1898.
60. Justi, Karl. Diego Velasquez and his times. Tr. ed. by A. H. Keane.
London. 1889. Orig. Ger. ed. Bonn. 1889.
61. Lovat, Alice Mary (Weld-Blundell) Fraser, baroness. The life of
Saint Teresa, taken from the French of “A Carmelite nun.” London.
1912.
62. Loyola, Saint Ignacio de. The autobiography of St. Ignatius. Tr. ed.
by J. F. X. O’Conor. New York. 1900. Original completed in 1555.
63. Lyon, F. H. Diego de Sarmiento de Acuña, conde de Gondomar.
Oxford. 1910.
64. McCrie, Thomas. History of the progress and suppression of the
Reformation in Spain in the sixteenth century. Edinburgh. 1829.
65. Prescott, William Hickling. History of the reign of Philip the Second.
3v. Boston. 1855-58. Philadelphia. 1916.
66. Rennert, Hugo Albert. The life of Lope de Vega (1562-1635).
Glasgow and Philadelphia. 1904. Bib.
67. Robertson, William. The history of the reign of the Emperor Charles
the Fifth. 3v. [Philadelphia]. 1770. Philadelphia. [1902].
68. Rose, Stewart. Ignatius Loyola and the early Jesuits. London. 1870.
1891. Bib.
69. Sandoval, Prudencio de. The history of Charles the vth, emperor and
king of Spain, the great hero of the House of Austria: containing the
most remarkable occurrences that happen’d in the world for the space
of 56 years. Tr. ed. by Capt. John Stevens. London. 1703. Orig. Sp. ed.
Antwerp. 1681.
70. Stevenson, Robert Alan Mowbray. Velasquez. London and New
York. 1899. Bib.
71. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. The cloister life of the Emperor
Charles the Fifth. London. 1852. 1891.
72. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. Don John of Austria; or Passages
from the history of the 16th century, 1547-1578. 2v. London. 1883.
 73. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. Velazquez and his works. London.
1855.
74. Teresa, Saint. Saint Theresa. The history of her foundations. Tr. [fr.
the Sp.] ed. by Sister Agnes Mason. Cambridge. 1909. Orig. Sp. ed.
Antwerp. 1630.
75. Teresa, Saint. The life of St. Teresa of Jesus, of the Order of Our
Lady of Carmel. Tr. ed. by David Lewis. London. 1870. 1904. Orig.
Sp. ed. Salamanca. 1588.
76. Teresa, Saint. St. Teresa of Jesus of the Order of Our Lady of
Carmel, embracing the life, relations, maxims and foundations written
by the saint, also, a history of St. Teresa’s journeys and foundations. Tr.
ed. by John J. Burke. New York. 1911. Orig. Sp. ed. (except the
Foundations). Salamanca. 1588. Orig. Sp. ed. of the Foundations.
Antwerp. 1630.
77. Thompson, Francis. Saint Ignatius Loyola. London. 1909. 1910.
78. Watson, Robert, and William Thomson. The history of the reign of
Philip the Third, king of Spain. 2v. London. 1783. 1808.

VII. THE HOUSE OF BOURBON, 1700-1808

Items 29 and 32 belong also in this section. Many of the items in section
IX are applicable here.
79. Addison, Joseph. Charles the Third of Spain. Oxford. 1900.
80. Armstrong, Edward. Elizabeth Farnese, “the Termagant of Spain.”
London. 1892. Bib.
81. Calvert, Albert Frederick. Goya, an account of his life and works.
London and New York. 1908.
82. Coxe, William. Memoirs of the kings of Spain of the House of
Bourbon, from the accession of Philip the Fifth to the death of Charles
the Third. 3v. London. 1813. 5v. 1815.
83. D’Auvergne, Edmund B. Godoy; the queen’s favorite. Boston.
[1913].
84. Hill, Constance. Story of the Princess des Ursins in Spain. New
York. 1899.
85. Parnell, Arthur. The war of the succession in Spain during the reign
of Queen Anne, 1702-1711. London. 1888. Bib.
86. Ripperdá, Joan Willem van. Memoirs of the Duke de Ripperdá: 1st.
embassador from the states-general to his most catholick majesty, then
duke and grandee of Spain; afterwards bashaw and prime minister to
Muly Abdalla, emperor of Fez and Morocco, etc. containing account of
the remarkable events ... between 1715 and 1736. London. 1740.
87. Stokes, Hugh. Francisco Goya; a study of the work and personality
of the eighteenth century Spanish painter and satirist. New York. 1914.
Bib.

VIII. THE DAWN OF LIBERALISM, 1808 TO DATE

Item 29 belongs also in this section.
88. Bollaert, William. Wars of succession of Portugal and Spain, from
1826 to 1840: with résumé of the political history ... to the present
time. 2v. London. 1870.
89. Challice, Rachel. The secret history of the court of Spain during the
last century. London. 1909. Bib.
90. Clarke, Henry Butler. Modern Spain, 1815-1898. Cambridge. 1906.
Bib.
91. D’Auvergne, Edmund B. A queen at bay; the story of Christina and
Don Carlos. London. 1910. Bib.
92. Hannay, David. Don Emilio Castelar. London. 1896.
93. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp.... Modern Spain, 1788-1898. New
York and London. 1900.
94. Latimer, Mrs. Elizabeth (Wormeley). Spain in the nineteenth century.
Chicago. 1897. 1898.
95. Oman, Charles William Chadwick. A history of the peninsular war.
5v. Oxford. 1902-14. Bib.
96. Oman, Charles William Chadwick. Wellington’s army, 1809-1814.
London. 1912. Bib.
97. Strobel, Edward Henry. Spanish revolution, 1868-1876. Boston.
1898.
 98. White, George F. A century of Spain and Portugal (1788-1898).
London. [1909]. Bib.
99. Whitehouse, Henry Remsen. The sacrifice of a throne, being an
account of the life of Amadeus, duke of Aosta, sometime king of Spain.
New York. 1897.

IX. HISTORICAL WORKS ON SPECIAL SUBJECTS

Many of the items in sections III to VIII might appropriately be entered
here. Conversely, as already indicated, the items of this section have a
bearing on various or all of the periods of Spanish history, but it has been
deemed best to give them separate entry, because of the obviously restricted
character of the subject-matter of these volumes.
100. Caffin, Charles Henry. The story of Spanish painting. New York.
1910.
101. Castro y Rossi, Adolfo de. The history of the Jews in Spain, from
the time of their settlement in that country till the commencement of the
present century. Tr. ed. by Edward D. G. M. Kirwan. Cambridge and
London. 1851. Orig. Sp. ed. Cádiz. 1847.
102. Clarke, Henry Butler. Spanish literature; an elementary handbook.
London. 1893. 1909. Bib.
103. Dieulafoy, Marcel Auguste.... Art in Spain and Portugal. New
York. 1913.
104. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, James. Chapters on Spanish literature. London.
1908.
105. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, James. A history of Spanish literature. New
York. 1898. New York and London. 1915. Bib.
106. Hume, Martin Andrew Sharp. Spanish influence on English
literature. London. 1905.
107. Lea, Henry Charles. Chapters from the religious history of Spain
connected with the Inquisition. Philadelphia. 1890.
108. Lea, Henry Charles. A history of the Inquisition of Spain. 4v. New
York and London. 1906-7.
109. Lindo, Elias Hiam. The history of the Jews of Spain and Portugal,
from the earliest times to their final expulsion from those kingdoms,
 and their subsequent dispersion. London. 1848.
110. Markham, Sir Clements Robert. The story of Majorca and Minorca.
London. 1908.
111. Sayer, Capt. Frederick. The history of Gibraltar and of its political
relation to events in Europe. London. 1862.
112. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. Stories of the Spanish painters until
Goya. London. 1910.
113. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William. Annals of the artists of Spain. 3v.
London. 1848. Bib.
114. Ticknor, George. History of Spanish literature. 3v. New York. 1849.
Boston. [1891].
115. Webster, Wentworth. Gleanings in church history, chiefly in Spain
and France. London. 1903. Bib.
116. Williams, Leonard. The arts and crafts of older Spain. 3v. London.
1907. Bib.

X. WORKS OF TRAVEL AND DESCRIPTION

Of works published prior to 1900, only those of unusual reputation,
whether because of the high station of the men who wrote them or the
remarkable character of the books themselves, have been included. No
attempt has been made to enter all works published in English since 1900,
but the list is long enough and the scope of the material covered sufficiently
broad, it is believed, for the purposes of the general reader who wishes to
know something about contemporary Spain.
117. Amicis, Edmondo de. Spain and the Spaniards. Tr. [fr. 10th It. ed.]
ed. by Stanley Rhoads Yarnall. 2v. Philadelphia. 1895. Orig. It. ed.
Florence. 1873.
118. Andújar, Manuel. Spain of to-day from within. New York and
Chicago. [1909].
119. Baedeker, Karl. Spain and Portugal. Leipsic. 1898. 1913. Bib.
120. Bates, Katharine Lee. Spanish highways and byways. New York
and London. 1912.
121. Bell, Aubrey F. G. The magic of Spain. London and New York.
1912 [1911].
 122. Bensusan, Samuel Levy. Home life in Spain. New York and
London. 1910.
123. Borrow, George Henry. The Bible in Spain. London. 1843. New
York. 1908.
124. Borrow, George Henry. Zincali; or, An account of the gypsies of
Spain. 2v. London. 1841. 1v. London and New York. [1914].
125. Boyd, Mrs. Mary Stuart. The fortunate isles; life and travel in
Majorca, Minorca and Iviza. New York. 1911.
126. Browne, Edith A.... Spain. London. 1910.
127. Calvert, Albert Frederick. The Alhambra, being a brief record of the
Arabian conquest of the peninsula with a particular account of the
Mohammedan architecture and decoration. London and New York. 1907.
128. Calvert, Albert Frederick. Catalonia & the Balearic Isles; an
historical and descriptive account. London and New York. 1910.
129. Calvert, Albert Frederick. The Escorial; a historical and descriptive
account of the Spanish royal palace, monastery and mausoleum. London
and New York. 1907.
130. Calvert, Albert Frederick. Granada, present and bygone. London.
1908.
131. Calvert, Albert Frederick. Impressions of Spain. London. 1903.
132. Calvert, Albert Frederick. Leon, Burgos and Salamanca; a
historical and descriptive account. London and New York, 1908.
133. Calvert, Albert Frederick. Madrid; an historical description and
handbook of the Spanish capital. London and New York. 1909.
134. Calvert, Albert Frederick. Moorish remains in Spain; being a brief
record of the Arabian conquest of the peninsula with a particular account of
the Mohammedan architecture and decoration in Cordova, Seville &
Toledo. London and New York. 1906.
135. Calvert, Albert Frederick. Royal palaces of Spain; a historical &
descriptive account of the seven principal palaces of the Spanish kings.
London and New York. 1909.
136. Calvert, Albert Frederick. Sculpture in Spain. London and New
York. 1912.
 137. Calvert, Albert Frederick. Seville; an historical and descriptive
account of “the Pearl of Andalusia.” London and New York. 1907.
138. Calvert, Albert Frederick. Southern Spain. London. 1908.
139. Calvert, Albert Frederick. Spanish arms and armour, being a
historical and descriptive account of the royal armoury of Madrid. London
and New York. 1907.
140. Calvert, Albert Frederick. Toledo, an historical and descriptive
account of the “City of generations.” London and New York. 1907.
141. Calvert, Albert Frederick. Valencia and Murcia, a glance at African
Spain. London and New York. 1911.
142. Calvert, Albert Frederick. Valladolid, Oviedo, Segovia, Zamora,
Ávila, & Zaragoza; an historical & descriptive account. London and New
York. 1908.
143. Calvert, Albert Frederick, and Mrs. Catherine Gasquoine (Hartley)
Gallichan. The Prado; a description of the principal pictures in the Madrid
gallery. London and New York. 1907.
144. Calvert, Albert Frederick, and Walter M. Gallichan. Cordova, a city
of the Moors. London and New York. 1907.
145. Chapman, Abel, and Walter J. Buck. Unexplored Spain. London.
1910.
146. Chapman, Abel, and Walter J. Buck. Wild Spain ... Records of sport
with rifle, rod, and gun; natural history and exploration. London. 1893.
147. Chatfield-Taylor, Hobart Chatfield. The land of the castanet.
Chicago. 1896. New York. 1906.
148. Clark, Keith. The spell of Spain. Boston. 1914. Bib.
149. Collier, William Miller. At the court of His Catholic Majesty.
Chicago. 1912.
150. Collins, W. W. Cathedral cities of Spain. London and New York.
1909.
151. Crockett, Samuel Rutherford. The adventurer in Spain. London.
1903.
152. D’Este, Margaret. With a camera in Majorca. New York. 1907.
153. Dickinson, Duncan. Through Spain. London. [1914].
 154. Elliott, Mrs. Maud (Howe). Sun and shadow in Spain. Boston.
1908. 1911.
155. Ellis, Henry Havelock. The soul of Spain. Boston and New York.
[1908].
156. Fitz-Gerald, John Driscoll. Rambles in Spain. New York. [1910].
157. Flitch, John Ernest Crawford. A little journey in Spain; notes of a
Goya pilgrimage. London. 1914.
158. Flitch, John Ernest Crawford. Mediterranean moods, footnotes of
travel in the islands of Mallorca, Menorca, Ibiza, and Sardinia. London.
1911.
159. Ford, Richard. Gatherings from Spain. London. 1846. London and
New York. [1906]. Bib. Also issued under the title The Spaniards and their
country.
160. Ford, Richard. Handbook for travellers in Spain. 2v. London. 1845.
1898.
161. Franck, Harry Alverson. Four months afoot in Spain. New York.
1911.
162. Gade, John Allyne. Cathedrals of Spain. Boston and New York.
1911. Bib.
163. Gallichan, Mrs. Catherine Gasquoine (Hartley). The cathedrals of
southern Spain. London [n.d. Not earlier than 1912].
164. Gallichan, Mrs. Catherine Gasquoine (Hartley). Moorish cities in
Spain. London. 1906.
165. Gallichan, Mrs. Catherine Gasquoine (Hartley). Spain revisited, a
summer holiday in Galicia. London. [1911?].
166. Gallichan, Mrs. Catherine Gasquoine (Hartley). The story of
Santiago de Compostela. London and New York. 1912.
167. Gallichan, Walter M. The story of Seville. London. 1903.
168. Gautier, Théophile. Wanderings in Spain. London. 1853. Orig. Fr.
ed. (Tra los montes) Paris. 1843. 2d. Fr. ed. (Voyage en Espagne) Paris.
1845.
169. Hart, Jerome A. Two Argonauts in Spain. San Francisco. 1904
[1903].
170. Hay, John. Castilian days. Boston. 1871. Cambridge. 1903.
 171. Higgin, L. Spanish life in town and country. London. 1902. New
York and London. [1911].
172. Howells, William Dean. Familiar Spanish travels. New York and
London. 1913.
173. Irving, Washington. The Alhambra. 2v. Philadelphia. 1832. 1v.
Boston and New York, [c 1915].
174. Kennedy, Bart. A tramp in Spain, from Andalusia to Andorra.
London. 1892. 1904.
175. Llewellyn, Owen, and L. R. Hill. The south-bound car. London.
1907.
176. Lomas, John. In Spain. London. 1908.
177. Lowell, James Russell. Impressions of Spain. Boston and New
York. 1899.
178. Luffmann, Charles Bogue. Quiet days in Spain. London. 1910.
179. Luffmann, Charles Bogue. A vagabond in Spain. London and New
York. 1895.
180. Lynch, Hannah. Toledo, the story of an old Spanish capital.
London. 1898. 1910.
181. Marden, Philip Sanford. Travels in Spain. Boston and New York.
1910.
182. Marriott, Charles. A Spanish holiday. New York. 1908.
183. Meakin, Annette M. B. Galicia, the Switzerland of Spain. London.
[1909]. Bib.
184. Nixon-Roulet, Mary F. The Spaniard at home. Chicago. 1910.
185. O’Connor, Vincent Clarence Scott. Travels in the Pyrenees,
including Andorra and the coast from Barcelona to Carcassone. London.
1913.
186. O’Reilly, Eliza Boyle. Heroic Spain. New York. 1910.
187. Penfield, Edward. Spanish sketches. New York. 1911.
188. Rudy, Charles. The cathedrals of northern Spain, their history and
their architecture. Boston. 1906.
189. Seymour, Frederick H. A. Saunterings in Spain; Barcelona,
Madrid, Toledo, Cordova, Seville, Granada. London. 1906.
190. Shaw, Rafael. Spain from within. New York. 1910.
 191. Slater, Ernest, pseud. Paul Gwynne. The Guadalquivir, its
personality, its people and its associations. London. 1912.
192. Street, George Edmund.... Some account of Gothic architecture in
Spain. 2v. London. 1865. 1914.
193. Tyler, Royall. Spain, a study of her life and arts. New York. 1909.
Bib.
194. Villiers-Wardell, Mrs. Janie. Spain of the Spanish. New York. 1909.
1914.
195. Ward, G. H. B. The truth about Spain. London, New York, Toronto,
and Melbourne. 1911.
196. Wigram, Edgar T. A. Northern Spain, painted and described.
London. 1906.
197. Williams, Leonard. Granada, memories, adventures, studies and
impressions. Philadelphia. 1906.
198. Williams, Leonard. The land of the Dons. London. 1902.
199. Williams, Leonard. Toledo and Madrid, their records and
romances. London. 1903.
200. Wood, Charles William. Glories of Spain. London and New York.
1901.
201. Wood, Ruth Kedzie. The tourist’s Spain and Portugal. New York.
1913.
202. Wood, Walter. A corner of Spain. New York and London. 1910.
203. Zimmerman, Jeremiah. Spain and her people. Philadelphia. 1902.
London. 1906.
 INDEX
A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I, J, K, L, M, N, O, P, Q, R, S, T, U, V, W, X, Y,
Z
Abbasside family, 42, 43.
Abdallah, 45.
Abd-er-Rahman I, 42, 43, 49, 50.
Abd-er-Rahman II, 44.
Abd-er-Rahman III, 45, 47, 49, 50, 54, 57.
Abdul Malik, 46, 58.
Aben-Hayyán, 103.
Abu Abdallah. See Boabdil.
Abul Cassim Mohammed, 69.
Abul Hassan, 204.
Academy, the. See Real Academia Española.
Academy of Fine Arts. See Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San
Fernando.
Academy of History. See Real Academia de la Historia.
Achila, 32.
Acosta, 347.
Acquaviva, 356.
Acuña, Fernando de, 203.
Adelantados, 90, 93, 154-156, 197, 199, 200,
222.
Adrian, Cardinal. See Adrian VI.
Adrian VI, Pope, 238, 239, 317.
Affonso Enríquez of Portugal, 75, 76.
Africa, 6, 8, 10, 17, 19, 28, 32, 39, 40, 42-45,
69-71, 77, 121, 136, 172, 196, 205,
206, 208, 214, 217, 223, 235, 236, 241, 242,
249, 250, 252, 260, 265, 268, 277, 279,
280, 379, 390, 513. See Algiers, Morocco,
Tripoli, Tunis.
Ágreda, María de Jesús, 310.
Agrippa, 18.
Alans, 26-28.
Alarcón, the navigator, 349.
Alarcón, the novelist, 515.
Alarcos, battle of, 71, 76.
Alaric, 27.
Álava, 117, 134, 135, 197-200.
Alba, dukes of, 251, 252, 323, 428.
Albéniz, 516.
Alberoni, 374, 375, 377, 434, 439, 444, 451.
Albigenses, 79, 80.
Alburquerque, 118, 119.
Alcabala, the, 157, 175, 216, 225, 227, 237,
278, 295, 297, 336, 453.
Alcalá, ordinance of, 142, 160, 163, 226,
441; university of, 230, 312, 340, 474.
Alcaldes, 92, 93, 154, 159, 174, 222, 432,
433, 446, 473.
Alcántara, order of, 94, 219, 220.
Alcaraz, 450.
Alcudia, 430; Duke of: See Godoy.
Alegre, 482.
Alexander III, Pope, 76.
Alexandrian school, 102, 103.
Alfieri, 482.
Alfonso, Prince, 115.
Alfonso (another), Prince, 123, 124.
Alfonso I of Aragon, 74, 75, 78, 79.
Alfonso II of Aragon, 79, 110.
Alfonso III of Aragon, 127, 128.
Alfonso IV of Aragon, 129.
Alfonso V of Aragon, 132, 148, 167, 170, 188-191,
207, 212.
Alfonso I of Asturias and León, 54, 55.
Alfonso II of Asturias and León, 55, 56.
Alfonso III of Asturias and León, 57.
Alfonso IV of Asturias and León (925-930).
Omitted.
Alfonso V of Asturias and León, 58.
Alfonso VI of León and Castile, 70-74, 95.
Alfonso VII of León and Castile, 74-76.
Alfonso VIII of Castile, 71, 75-77, 79,
106, 112, 135.
Alfonso IX of León, 76, 77, 106.
Alfonso X of Castile (and León), 112-116,
142, 144, 146, 152, 153, 155, 156, 160-164,
174, 181, 185, 226.
Alfonso XI of Castile (and León), 116-119,
129-131, 135, 138, 153, 156, 157, 159,
162, 163, 165, 174.
Alfonso XII of Spain, 503, 505, 506, 508.
Alfonso XIII of Spain, 506, 509-511.
Algarve, 113, 407; Prince of: See Godoy.
Algeciras, 10, 32.
Algiers, 242, 356, 390.
Alhambra, the, 201, 205.
Alicante, 450, 468.
Aljubarrota, battle of, 121.
Almansor, 45, 46, 48, 51, 54, 57, 58.
Almería, city and province of, 2, 69, 71.
Almohades, ix, 70, 71, 75-77, 84, 85, 87,
102, 104, 113. See Moslems.
Almoravides, 69, 70, 72, 73, 84, 87, 102, 104.
See Moslems.
Alomar, 515.
Altamira, Rafael, 335, 516, 525.
Alvarado, 347.
Álvarez, General, 491.
Álvarez, the sculptor, 485.
Álvarez Quintero, the brothers, 515, 516.
Amadeo, King, of Spain, 503, 504.
Amadís de Gaula, 145, 185, 232, 355.
Amalia, Queen, of Spain, 472.
Amelot, 374, 434.
American Revolution, 383, 384, 399.
Americans. See United States.
Americas, the. See Spanish America.
Amigos del País, 462, 474.
Andalusia and the Andalusians, 2, 3, 9,
11, 19, 38, 39, 44, 67, 71, 79, 138, 156, 180,
203, 204, 211, 229, 268, 280, 284, 327,
364, 365, 431, 460, 462, 464, 466, 490,
516, 518, 520, 522.
Anglada, 516.
Anian, Strait of, 476.
Anjou, House of, 128, 132, 207. See Charles
of Anjou.
Anson, George, 381.
Antonio, Julio, 516.
Antonio, Nicolás, 347.
Antonio of Crato, 251-253.
Arabs, the, 32, 39-52, 59, 71, 84, 107, 108,
182, 183, 185, 188, 200, 248, 277, 278, 309,
363. See Moslems.
Aragón, Alfonso de, 216.
Aragon (kingdom and province of) and the
Aragonese, 2, 44, 45, 54, 56, 58, 64-66,
68, 71, 74, 75, 78-82, 96-101, 106, 109-111,
115, 117, 119, 120, 122, 124-134,
146-150, 155, 166-173, 176-179, 187-193,
195, 203, 206, 208, 209, 211-215, 217,
219, 221-224, 227, 229, 231, 234, 235,
244, 252, 253, 263, 268, 272-277, 280,
288-290, 296, 301, 311, 325, 411, 412, 422,
427, 429, 431, 432, 435, 453, 460, 476.
Aranda, Count of, 389, 393, 394, 402, 420,
423, 428, 435, 436, 451, 472.
Aranjuez, 408, 423, 450, 492.
Archivo General de Indias, 476, 481.
Argentina, 389, 523.
Argote y Góngora. See Góngora.
Arian creed, 27, 30, 31, 36.
Aristotle, 103, 184.
Arjona, 71.
Arlegui, 482.
Armada, the Spanish, 253, 255, 256, 287.
Armada de Barlovento, 299.
Armenteira, 164.
Arniches, Carlos, 515.
Arriaga, Cofradía of, 135, 197.
Arriaga, Julián de, 436.
Arricivita, 482.
Arrieta. Bartolomé de, 300, 441.
Arrieta, the composer, 515.
Arteaga, 479.
Arthur, King, of England, 185.
Artois, 235.
Asia, 7, 262. See Asia Minor.
Asia Minor, 8, 129. See Asia.
Asiento, the, 370, 371, 380, 381, 385, 456.
Asso, 481.
Assyria and the Assyrians, 7, 10.
Astorga, 20.
Asturias, Princes of, 121, 426.
Asturias and the Asturians, 11, 53-57, 60-64, 135, 180, 327, 431, 434-436,
460.
Ataulf, 27, 28.
Athanagild, 29.
Athens, 129, 131, 190.
Atlantic Ocean, 1, 229, 260, 328, 385.
Audiencias, 155, 156, 222, 292, 293, 311, 321, 429-433, 437.
Augsburg, Diets of, 243.
Augustinians, 312, 314.
Augustus, 18, 20.
Austerlitz, battle of, 407.
Austria, House of. See Hapsburg.
Austria and the Austrians, 207, 235, 236, 244, 368, 369, 372, 375-379, 381,
402, 407, 496.
Autos de fe, 223, 224.
Avendaño, Francisco de, 353.
Averröes, 103, 110, 188.
Avignon, 120, 131, 168.
Ávila, 23, 239, 464.
Ayacucho, battle of, 488.
Ayala, Pedro Lópes de. See López de Ayala.
Ayala, the dramatist, 515.
Ayala, the navigator, 479.
Ayora, Gonzalo de, 226.
Ayuntamientos, 159, 290, 413, 426, 429, 432, 433.
Az-Zahra, palace of, 49.
Azcárate, 525.
Azcoytia, 450.
“Azorín,” 515.

Bacon, Francis, 342.

Badajoz, city and province of, 2, 20, 69-71, 405.
Baegert, 482.
Bahama Islands, 397, 398.
Baja California, 476.
Balearic Islands, 19, 69, 81, 100. See Ibiza, Majorca, Minorca.
Baltic Sea, 189.
Barba, Alonso, 350.
Barbarossa, 242.
Barbary Coast. See Africa, Algiers, Morocco, Tripoli, Tunis.
Barca family, 12-14.
Barcelona, city of, 12, 22, 28, 64, 99, 125, 133, 147-149, 168-170, 172,
173, 177-179, 188, 215, 216, 221, 229, 263, 264, 286, 329, 372, 417, 423,
429, 431, 451, 460, 466, 484, 512;
 counts of, 56, 58, 65, 75, 77, 78, 79, 133;
university of, 188, 312,350.
Barlovento. See Armada de Barlovento.
Baroja, Pío, 515.
Barraganía, 88, 96, 144, 164, 196, 216, 281, 305, 315.
Basle, treaty of, 403.
Basque provinces, the, and the Basques, 8, 43, 55, 58, 134, 135, 175, 192,
196-200, 213, 288, 423, 430, 432-434, 461, 465, 518. See Álava,
Guipúzcoa, Vizcaya.
Bavaria, Prince of, 270.
Bayeu, 485.
Baylén, battle of, 490.
Bayonne, 409, 489-491.
Beaumarchais, 483.
Beaumont, 482.
Becquer, 515.
Behetrías, 197-199.
Belgium. See Catholic Netherlands, Low Countries.
Benavente, Jacinto, 515, 516.
Benedict XIII, Pope, 131, 168.
Benedict XIV, Pope, 453.
Benedictines, 472.
Benedito, 516.
Beni-Casi family, 44.
Benimerines, 113, 114, 117, 131, 136.
Benlliure, 516.
Berbers, the, 8, 14, 19, 32, 40-43, 45-47, 49, 50, 69-71, 84, 200, 241. See
Moslems.
Berenguela, Queen, of Castile, 76, 77, 90.
Berruguete, 362.
Beruete, 516.
Bethencourt, Juan de, 122.
Biblioteca Nacional, 476.
Bilbao, city of, 329, 468.
Bilbao, the painter, 516.
Biron, 388.
Biscay, Bay of, 260.
Black Prince, the, 120.
Black Sea, 27.
Blanche of Bourbon, 118, 119.
Blanche of Navarre, 123, 134.
Blay, 516.
“Blue Lady.” See Ágreda.
Boabdil, 204, 205.
Bobastro, 44, 45.
Boccaccio, 184, 185, 356.
Bodega, 479.
Bogotá, 478.
Bologna, 452.
Bonaparte. See Joseph, Napoleon.
Bonilla, Adolfo, 515.
Borgia, Alfonso. See Calixtus III.
Borja, Cardinal, 318.
Borja, town of, 450.
Boston, 393.
Bougainville, 388.
Bourbon, House of, 118, 270, 284, 370, 384-386, 393, 397, 399, 404, 405,
407, 410, 421, 425, 426, 429, 432, 434, 438, 443, 445, 452, 454, 455, 469,
482, 497, 500, 503.
Bracamonte, Rubín de, 122.
Braciano, Duke of, 373.
Braga, 20.
Braganza, House of, 251, 265, 267.
Bravo Murillo, 500, 501.
Brazil, 252, 392.
Bretón, 515.
Bruges, 176, 326, 337.
Buckingham, Duke of, 284.
Bueno, Manuel, 516.
Buenos Aires, 388.
Burgos, 57, 329, 330, 409;
ordinances of, 160.
Burgoyne, 395.
Burgundy, 235, 236, 244, 262.
Burriel, 481, 482.
Byng, 376, 377.
Byzantine Greeks. See Byzantine Romans.
Byzantine Romans, 29-31, 33, 36-38, 50, 52, 129, 190.

Caballeros, 85, 86, 97, 137, 138, 141, 148, 159, 166, 170, 185, 192, 194,
211, 273, 433.
Cabezón, 366.
Cáceres, 2, 244.
Cádiz, city and province of, 2, 10, 32, 38, 255, 328, 392, 423, 468-470, 484,
492, 493, 496.
Cæpio, 17.
Cæsar, 18, 185.
Calatrava, order of, 75, 94, 139, 219, 220.
Calderón, Alfredo, 515.
Calderón de la Barca, Pedro, 355.
California, 156, 232, 349, 361, 481;
Gulf of, 349.
Calixtus III, Pope, 190, 191.
Cámara de Castilla, 292, 321, 412, 431, 433.
Camarilla, the, 495, 501.
Campillo, 434, 480.
Campoamor, 515.
Campomanes, 415, 418, 435, 450, 459, 461, 480, 481.
Canalejas, 509.
Canary Islands, 6, 122, 206, 293, 431, 453.
Canellas, 97.
Cangas de Onís, 53.
Cano, Alonso, 362, 366.
Cano, Melchor, 314, 316.
Cánovas del Castillo, 516.
Canstadt man, 6.
Cantabrian Mountains, 2, 491.
Cantabrians, 8.
Capmany, 481.
Caribbean Sea, 253, 385, 387.
Carlism, 497-501, 503-505, 511.
Carlos, Don, 497, 498, 503.
Carmona, 69.
Carpetana Mountains. See Carpeto-Vetónica Mountains.
Carpeto-Vetónica Mountains, 2, 3, 54.
Carpio, Bernardo del, 55.
Carranza, Bartolomé, 307.
Carreratge, 168, 169, 173, 199.
Carrillo, Alonso de, 183.
Cartagena in America, 380.
Cartagena in Spain, 12, 13, 23, 27.
Carthage and the Carthaginians, 7, 10-15.
Carvajal, 224.
Casa de Contratación, 231, 328, 341, 348, 349, 468.
Castaños, 490.
Castelar, 505.
Castellanos, Juan de, 347.
Castellón de Ampurias, 11.
Castile and the Castilians, 1-5, 38, 57, 58, 60-64, 66, 68, 69, 71-78, 81, 82,
84-99, 104-125, 129, 131-147, 149, 151-167, 169-176, 180-190, 192, 197-
199, 203-206, 209-221, 223, 224, 226-231, 235, 237-240, 242, 249-253,
262-266, 274-277, 280, 288-290, 292, 296, 301, 311, 325, 327, 346, 364,
369, 372, 426, 427, 429-432, 441, 453, 460, 464;
language of, 106, 184, 185, 189, 190, 197, 231, 308, 341, 346, 351-353,
357, 358, 476, 481, 518. See New Castile, Old Castile.
Castro, Américo, 515.
Castro, Juana de, 119.
Castro, Rosalía de, 515.
“Catalan vengeance,” the, 129.
Catalonia and the Catalans, 2, 11, 13, 56, 58, 59, 64-66, 77-82, 96-100, 109,
110, 125, 127, 129-134, 146-150, 168-173, 176-179, 184, 187, 189, 190,
192, 203, 206, 210-212, 221, 227, 231, 258, 262-265, 267, 272, 275, 276,
280, 288-290, 296, 299, 301, 311, 328, 359, 370-374, 379, 380, 422, 426,
427, 429-431, 432, 441, 453, 460, 466, 511, 512, 518;
language of, 110, 189, 190, 231, 429, 511, 518.
Catherine of Aragon, 207.
Catholic Kings. See Ferdinand II of Aragon, Isabella I of Castile.
Catholic Netherlands, 250, 262, 372, 378. See Low Countries.
Catholic Reaction. See Counter-Reformation.
Catholicism, 22, 27, 29-31, 36, 80, 216, 243, 246-248, 250, 251, 253-255,
261, 264, 281, 288, 302-304, 306, 308, 313, 315, 316, 319, 343, 355, 359,
443, 445, 448, 455-457, 494, 501, 502, 512, 514, 521. See Arian creed,
Church.
Cavanilles, 478.
Cavo, 482.
Cejador, 515.
Celtiberian Mountains, 2.
Celtiberians, the, 8, 9.
Celts, the, 8, 9.
Censos, 281, 416, 452.
Cerda, Fernando de la. See Fernando.
Cerdagne, 134, 206, 207, 235, 262.
Cervantes de Salazar, 347.
Cervantes y Saavedra, Miguel de, 334, 353, 355-357, 359, 483.
Ceuta, 268, 513.
Chaldea and the Chaldeans, 7, 10;
language of, 230.
Champagne, Count of, 82.
Chancillerías. See Audiencias.
Chanson de Roland, 43.
Chapí, 515.
Chappe d’Autereche, 476.
Charlemagne, 43, 55, 185.
Charles, Prince, 247, 256.
Charles, the Archduke. See Charles VI (the Emperor).
Charles V, the Emperor. See Charles I of Spain.
Charles VI, the Emperor, 270, 369-372, 376-381, 444.
Charles of Anjou, 126.
Charles of Valois, 127.
Charles of Viana, 132-134.
Charles I of England, 284.
Charles IV of France, 134.
Charles VIII of France, 206, 207.
Charles I of Spain, 209, 216, 219, 234-250, 256-258, 263, 275-277, 283-
287, 289, 293, 296, 298, 300, 306-308, 311, 314, 316-320, 322, 326, 335,
339, 345, 346, 352, 353, 363.
Charles II of Spain, 258, 268-271, 285, 288, 289, 333, 369, 384.
Charles III of Spain, 376-380, 382-386, 389-392, 394-399, 403, 411, 412,
414, 415, 419, 420, 422-424, 427, 431-433, 435, 436, 438, 439, 445, 447,
449-454, 456, 461-465, 467, 472-475, 478, 479, 481, 485, 486, 495.
Charles IV of Spain, 384, 399-404, 407-409, 412, 415, 419, 422, 423,
425, 427, 435, 436, 439, 446, 447, 456, 463, 469, 473, 477, 486, 488, 498.
Charolais, 235.
Charron, 343.
Chatham, Lord. See Pitt.
Chicharro, 516.
Chièvres, 237.
Chile, 478.
Chindaswinth, 31, 35.
Chinese, the, 353.
Choiseul, 389.
Christians, 22, 23, 39-41, 43-47, 49, 53-60, 67-73, 75-77, 84, 85, 87, 88, 97,
102, 103, 105, 106, 108, 110, 124, 135, 136, 142, 143, 147, 150, 172, 180,
182, 192, 193, 195, 200, 201, 205, 213, 214, 236, 248, 249, 266, 274-278,
280, 307, 338, 342, 362, 421. See Church.
Chueca, 515.
Church, the, 22, 23, 26, 27, 35-37, 41, 42, 47, 49, 53-55, 60-63, 65, 66, 85-
88, 90, 91, 93-98, 100, 105, 111, 114, 117, 123, 124, 127, 131, 137-141,
143, 144, 146, 155-160, 163-165, 169, 172, 173, 182-184, 188, 197, 210,
212, 216, 217, 222, 225, 227, 237, 239, 248, 249, 252, 266, 273-278, 283,
289, 293, 295, 297, 303-323, 325, 334, 340-343, 347, 351-353, 365, 366,
401, 412, 415, 416, 418, 422, 426-428, 430, 437, 441, 443-460, 462, 464,
472, 473, 476, 477, 479, 480, 485, 493, 494, 496, 500, 501, 504, 505, 511-
513, 522. See Albigenses, Alcántara, Augustinians, Benedictines, Calatrava,
Catholicism, Christians, Cistercians, Cluny, Counter-Reformation,
Dominicans, Franciscans, Illuminism, Inquisition, Jesuits, Limpieza de
sangre, Mozárabes, Mysticism, Nobles, Papal States, Priscillianism,
Protestantism, Quietism, Reformation, Santiago, Templars.
Churriguera, 362.
Cicero, 184.
Cid, the, 72-74, 106.
Cieza de León, 347.
Cistercians, 75, 164.
Cities. See Towns.
Ciudad Real, town and province of, 2, 450.
Ciudadela, 195.
Civita Vecchia, 452.
Clará, 516.
“Clarín,” 515.
Clavigero, 482.
Clement V, Pope, 167.
Clement VII, Pope, 167, 168.
Clergy. See Church.
Clovis, 29.
Cluny, monks of, 65, 66, 72, 86, 95, 96, 98, 106. See Church.
Cobos, Bernabé, 347.
Coello, 366.
Cofradías, 144, 145, 182, 281, 417. See Arriaga.
Coimbra, 54.
Colmeiro, 516.
Colonna, 184.
Columbus, Christopher, 232, 522.
Columbus, Ferdinand, 347.
Comenius, 343.
Commons, House of, 493.
Compilación de Canellas, 97.
Compostela, Santiago de, 55, 63, 74, 75,
93, 95, 105, 106, 165, 174, 238, 263.
Comunales, 93.
Comunidades, the, 239, 248, 250.
Concejo. See Towns, Villa.
Condé, 261.
Consejo de Castilla. See Consejo Real.
Consejo Real, 154, 203, 221, 264, 290-293,
311, 317, 320, 321, 329, 331, 418, 425,
426, 428, 431, 433, 435, 445, 450, 468,
475.
Consejos, the, 292, 297, 430, 431, 433, 441,
468. See Cámara, Consejo Real.
Consell, the. See Barcelona.
Conservatives, the, 506, 509, 512. See
Moderates.
Constance of Aragon, 130.
Constance of Sicily, 126.
Constantinople, 129, 132, 195, 249.
Constanza, Princess, 121.
Constitutions, 493, 494, 496, 498-502, 504-506,
509, 510.
Consulados, 109, 177, 178, 328, 329, 331,
468, 469.
Consumo, the, 157.
Convention, the French, 403.
Conversos, the. See Marranos.
Copernicus, 349.
Córdoba, Gonzalo de, 208, 226.
Cordova, 24, 43-45, 47, 49, 50, 53, 68, 69,
77, 103, 224.
Coria, 54.
Corneille, 482.
Cornejo, 481.
Cornwall, Earl of, 112.
Corregidores, 90, 159, 198, 199, 220, 238,
290, 329, 429, 432, 466, 473.
Corsica, 8, 128, 171, 452.
Cort, the, 93, 154, 155.
Cortes, the, 85, 89-93, 97, 99-101, 114,
117, 123, 128, 133, 140, 141, 147, 148, 158,
160, 161, 163, 165-168, 170, 171, 173,
178, 209, 217, 220, 221, 226, 237-239,
252, 263, 277, 288, 289, 294, 297, 299,
301, 302, 305, 311, 320, 321, 413, 425-429,
473, 492-498, 501-505, 509.
Cortés, Hernando, 296, 347, 350.
Coruña, 238, 255, 263, 450.
Cossío, 516.
Costa, 525.
Counter-Reformation, 306, 312, 342. See
Church, Protestantism, Reformation.
Counts, 61, 62, 65, 90, 211, 221, 273.
Covadonga, battle of, 53, 54.
Cowley, 388.
Cristina, Queen, of Spain, 497-500.
Cromagnon man, 6, 7.
Cromwell, 262, 393.
Cruz, Juan de la, Saint, 310.
Cruz, Ramón de la, 484, 487.
Cruzada, the, 225, 292, 295, 444, 445.
Cuba, 488, 500, 506.
Cuenca, town and province of, 2, 450, 460.
Cueva, Beltrán de la, 123.

Dante, 185.
Danube River, 27.
Danvila y Collado, 516.
Daoiz, Luis, 410.
Darío, Rubén, 515.
Daroca, 450.
Daza, Juan de, 224.
Denia, 69.
Denmark, 189, 308, 330, 379.
Depósito Hidrográfico, 479.
Deputation of the Cortes. See Generalitat.
Descartes, 343.
Díaz, Juan, 308.
Díaz, Rodrigo, or Ruy. See Cid.
Díaz de Montalvo, Alfonso, 226, 300, 301,
441.
Díaz del Castillo, Bernal, 347.
Dicenta, 515.
Diderot, 428.
Diez Canedo, 515.
Diezmos, 140, 225, 295, 452.
Diocletian, 19, 22.
Directory, the French, 404.
Dominic, Saint, 80, 96.
Dominicans, 80, 96, 173, 304, 314, 316,
358. See Church.
Don Quixote, 355-357.
Donativos, 295.
Dorantes de Carranza, 347.
Dos de Mayo, the, 399, 410, 486, 489, 513.
Dos novenas, 140.
Douro River, 2, 17, 54, 58.
Doz, 476.
Drake, Francis, 253, 255.
Dukes, 211, 221, 273.
Dupont, 490.
Dutch, the. See Protestant Netherlands.

East Indies, 262.

Ebro River, 2, 3, 7, 408, 490.
Echegaray, 515.
Edward, Prince. See Black Prince.
Edward I of England, 112.
Edward III of England, 120, 121.
Egmont, Port, 388, 389.
Egypt and the Egyptians, 8, 39, 42, 43. See Gypsies.
El Greco, 364, 366, 485, 516.
El Zagal, 204.
Elche, 169.
Elhuyar brothers, 478.
Elisa, 479.
Elizabeth, Queen, of England, 253-255.
Elvira, 22, 45.
Emporium, 11.
Encomienda, 60, 138.
Encyclopedia, the, 428.
England and the English, 92, 105, 112, 113, 120, 121, 134, 158, 175, 176,
203, 207, 209, 235, 236, 241, 244, 246, 247, 253-256, 259, 260, 262, 267,
269, 270, 299, 330, 337, 342, 346, 359, 368-372, 376, 377, 379-401, 403-
407, 425, 429, 435, 440, 450, 451, 456, 458, 459, 469-471, 483, 489, 491,
499, 508, 514, 518, 519.
Engracia, Saint, 22.
Ensenada, Marquis of, 434-436, 439, 440, 480.
Enzina, Juan del, 232, 353.
Épila, battle of, 130.
Erasmus, 342.
Escarano, 393, 396.
Escoiquiz, 406, 409.
Escorial, the, 255, 362.
Espagnoletto. See Ribera (the painter).
Espartero, 499, 502.
Espéculo, the, 162.
Espinosa, 482.
Esquivel, 350.
Estudios Reales de San Isidro, 341.
Etruria, 405, 407, 410.
Etruscans, the ancient, 24.
Eulalia, Saint, 22.
Euric, 28, 29,
34.
Europe and Europeans, 1, 3, 6, 21, 28, 38, 44, 45, 49-51, 60-62, 64, 67, 86,
91, 94, 102, 103, 105-108, 110, 112, 139, 148, 165, 181, 182, 186, 188, 195,
202, 203, 206, 209, 219, 230, 234, 236, 240-246, 248-251, 254, 257-262,
265, 266, 269, 270, 284, 286, 298, 300, 303, 306, 315, 324, 328, 330, 334,
336-338, 350, 352, 355, 356, 358-360, 368-370, 376, 380-384,
391, 392, 394, 401-403, 407, 415, 419, 426, 449, 466, 471, 478, 480-482,
492, 495, 496, 500, 513, 520.
Évora, 266.
Evreux, House of, 134.
Expolios, 319, 321.
Extremadura, 1, 2, 44, 45, 212, 228, 280, 431, 460, 464.

Fachenetti concordat, 320.

Fadrique of Sicily, 128, 129.
Falkland Islands, 388, 389, 400.
Falla, 516.
Family Compact, the, 379, 383, 386, 389, 390, 395, 400.
Far East, the, 265, 353, 488.
Farnese, Alexander, 251.
Farnesio, Isabel, 374-382, 404, 418, 445, 449, 451.
Ferdinand I, the Emperor, 235, 244.
Ferdinand II, the Emperor, 260.
Ferdinand of Antequera. See Ferdinand I of Aragon.
Ferdinand of Aragon. See Ferdinand II of Aragon.
Ferdinand I of Aragon, 122, 131, 132, 168, 170, 189.
Ferdinand II of Aragon, 111, 124, 133, 134, 148, 154, 191, 202-215, 217-
230, 234, 235, 272, 276, 277, 287, 290, 292-294, 300, 306, 316, 325, 332,
335, 350.
Ferdinand of Bourbon, Prince, 382.
Ferdinand I of Castile, 71, 73, 75.
Ferdinand II of León (1157-1188). Omitted.
Ferdinand III of Castile (and León), 68, 76, 77, 80, 81, 91, 95, 111, 158,
162.
Ferdinand IV of Castile (and León), 115-117.
Ferdinand V of Spain. See Ferdinand II of Aragon.
Ferdinand VI of Spain, 378, 381, 382, 391, 412, 418, 422, 431, 435, 439,
445, 449, 474, 478, 484.
Ferdinand VII of Spain, 406-409, 477, 486, 488, 492-498.
Ferdinand of Naples, 132.
Fernán González, 57.
Fernán-Núñez, Count of, 472, 481.
Fernández. See Moratín.
Fernández Caballero, 515.
Fernández de Oviedo, 347.
Fernández Duro, 516.
Fernández Guerra, 516.
Fernando de la Cerda, 113, 115.
Ferrán, 515.
Ferrara, 452.
Ferrer, Francisco, 511, 512.
Ferrer, Jaime, 189.
Feudalism. See Church, Nobles, Towns.
Feyjóo, 472, 483.
Fidalgo, 479.
Figueras, President, 504.
Fiscal, the, 156.
Fita, Fidel, 516.
Flanders, the Flemings, and Flemish influences, 105, 176, 187, 190, 195,
209, 233, 235, 237, 239, 247, 250, 270, 286, 294, 297, 323, 328, 342, 462.
Flor, Roger de, 129.
Florence, 209, 363.
Florencia, 347.
Flórez, 476.
Florida, 387, 395, 397, 398, 488.
Floridablanca, Count of, 395, 396, 400-402, 415, 428, 435, 436, 452, 463,
480.
Foix, Count of, 134.
France, the French, and French influences, 1, 8, 27-30, 34, 40, 42, 43, 58,
59, 64-66, 74, 75, 78-81, 83, 86, 89, 92, 105-107, 110, 115, 118, 120, 126,
127, 131, 134, 139, 161, 172, 181, 185, 188, 190, 196, 197, 200, 206-209,
214, 229, 235, 236, 240-244, 246-248, 251, 254, 255, 258, 260-265, 267-
271, 280, 299, 300, 308, 312, 327, 330, 333, 351, 359, 360, 368-390, 392-
397, 399-411, 419-421, 425, 427-429, 434, 440, 445, 449, 452, 454, 457,
459, 461, 468-472, 476, 482-485, 489-493, 496, 497, 500, 503, 508, 513,
514, 518, 524. See French Revolution, Provençal influences.
Franche-Comté, 235.
Francis I of France, 209, 235, 240, 241.
Franciscans, 96, 173, 216, 217, 304, 314. See Church.
Franks, the, 19, 29, 30, 42, 43, 55, 56, 64.
Freemasons, 495, 512.
French Revolution, 161, 384, 399-402, 428, 429, 457, 477, 496.
Fuero Juzgo, 31, 37, 63, 65, 91, 98, 99, 162, 163.
Fuero Real, 162, 163, 441.
Fuerza, recourse of, 156, 164, 291, 311, 321, 322, 446.
Furfooz man, 6.

Galba, 16.
Galeras, the, 295.
Galés. Pedro, 308.
Galicia and the Galicians, 2, 4, 8-10, 11, 27, 28, 56-58, 71, 74, 106, 180,
184, 185, 203, 238, 327, 431, 434, 460, 478, 511.
Galván, 350.
Gálvez, Bernardo de, 397.
Gálvez, José de, 436.
Gándara, 516.
Ganivet, 515.
García de la Huerta, 484.
Garnier, 393.
Gascony, 112, 113.
Gastambide, 515.
Gaudí, 516.
Gelmírez, Diego, 74, 75, 95.
General Privilege, the, 126, 130, 167.
Generalitat, the, 148, 170-172, 178, 299.
Genoa, 109, 129, 131, 297, 470.
Germanic tribes, 26-29, 33, 59, 63, 75. See Alans, Germans, Ostrogoths,
Suevians, Vandals, Visigoths.
Germany and the Germans, 105, 112, 113, 229, 235, 236, 238, 240-244,
246, 247, 260, 269, 285, 297, 308, 350, 359, 366, 371, 448, 462, 483, 485,
508, 513, 514. See Prussia.
Gerona, city and province of, 11, 64, 65, 77, 82, 172, 173, 212, 430, 491.
Gibbon, 346.
Gibraltar, 32, 71, 371, 376, 377, 379, 381, 382, 385, 396, 397, 407, 514.
Gilbert, Humphrey, 253.
Giner de los Ríos, 516, 525.
Giotto, 187, 190.
Godoy, Manuel, 402-409, 419, 422, 423, 436, 447, 448, 455, 472, 474, 475,
477, 516.
Gómez de Baquero, 516.
Góngora, Luis de Argote y, 358.
Góngora, the historian, 347.
González Blanco, 515.
González Bravo, 500, 503.
González Dávila, Gil, 350.
González del Castillo, 484.
Gothic art, 107, 108, 110, 186, 187, 190, 197, 233, 361, 362.
Gothic rite, 36, 95, 98, 100.
Goya, Francisco José, 366, 421, 422, 471, 485, 486, 516.
Granada, city of, 2, 53, 71, 201, 205, 293, 423, 431;
kingdom and province of, 2, 3, 50, 68, 69, 71, 77, 82, 111, 113, 115, 117,
121-123, 135, 136, 142, 192, 200-202, 204-206, 211, 213, 219, 221, 225-
227, 248, 277, 280, 327, 431, 460.
Granados, 516.
Grandees, 211, 273, 373, 379, 411-413, 447, 501, 505.
Great Schism, 131, 164, 167, 168, 317.
Greece, the Greeks, and Greek influences, 6, 7, 11-14, 18, 24, 36, 37, 51,
102, 103, 105, 190, 230, 242, 342, 350-353, 361, 362, 364, 484. See
Byzantine Romans.
Gregory VII, Pope, 95, 164.
Gregory XIII, Pope, 322, 349.
Gregory XIV, Pope, 317.
Grimaldi, 394,
395.
Grotius, 344.
Guadalajara, 54, 450.
Guadalquivir River, 1-3, 5, 49.
Guadalupe, Sentence of, 212.
Guadarrama Mountains. See Carpeto-Vetónica Mountains.
Guadiana River, 2.
Guastalla, 381.
Guatemala, 478.
Guerrero, 366.
Guesclin, Bertrand du, 120.
Guimerá, 515.
Guipúzcoa, 134, 135, 197-200, 274, 284, 301, 429, 460.
Gutiérres de Santa Clara, 347.
Guzmán, Domingo de. See Dominic.
Guzmán, Leonor de, 118.
Guzmán el Bueno, 114, 115.
Guzmán family, 138, 152.
Gypsies, the, 275, 276, 414.

Hadrian, 20.
Hakem I, 43, 44.
Hakem II, 45, 57.
Hamilcar, 12.
Hannibal, 12-14.
Hapsburg, House of, 113, 207, 234-236, 241, 243, 244, 246, 260, 268-271,
276, 284, 287, 293, 303, 316, 331, 332, 368, 374, 411, 426, 432, 443, 446,
452, 454, 455, 473, 506.
Harcourt, 270.
Harrach, 270.
Hasdrubal, the elder, 12-13.
Hasdrubal, the younger, 13.
Havana, 386, 387, 395.
Hawkins, John, 253.
Hayti, 403.
Hebrew literature, 188, 230, 352. See Jews.
Heceta, 479.
Henry, Prince, of Portugal, 189.
Henry I of Castile, 76.
Henry II of Castile (and León), 118-121, 138, 140, 186.
Henry III of Castile (and León), 121, 122, 135, 138, 186.
Henry IV of Castile (and León), 122-124, 134, 138, 139, 143, 164, 204,
210.
Henry VIII of England, 207, 208, 235.
Henry IV of France, 248, 260.
Henry of Lorraine, 74.
Henry I of Portugal, 251, 252.
Henry of Trastamara. See Henry II of Castile (and León).
Hermandades, 92, 141, 155, 158, 220, 223.
Hermenegild, 30.
Herrera, Juan de, 361, 362.
Herrera, the historian, 347.
Herrera, the painter, 366.
Hevía, 347.
Hidalgos, 211, 273, 274, 295, 298, 411-414, 419, 434.
Hillo, Pepe, 422.
Hinojosa, 516.
Hippocrates, 350.
Hisham I, 43.
Hisham II, 45, 46, 69.
Hisham III, 46, 68.
Hispano-Romans, 18-21, 24, 25, 28-31, 33-36, 47, 50.
Hittites, the, 8.
Hobbes, 428.
Hohenstaufen, House of, 126.
Holland. See Low Countries, Protestant Netherlands.
Holy Roman Emperors. See Holy Roman Empire.
Holy Roman Empire, 75, 112, 113, 126, 153, 207, 209, 235, 244, 269, 270,
369, 371.
Homer, 185, 356.
Honduras, 385-387, 395, 397, 398.
Honores, 138.
Honrats, 169, 170.
Hoyos, 356.
Huesca, 450.
Humanism, 230, 231, 343, 347, 351-353, 356.
Humboldt, Alexander von, 448, 478, 483.
Hume, 345, 428.
Hungary, 26, 242.
Huns, 27.

Ibáñez, Blasco, 515, 516.

Iberian Mountains, 2.
Iberian Peninsula, 1, 5-7.
Iberians, the, 7-10, 12, 14.
Ibiza, 10, 81.
Iglesias, 515.
Ignatius, Saint. See Loyola.
Ilerda, battle of, 18.
Iliberis, 22.
Illo, Pepe. See Hillo.
Illuminism, 308, 309, 314, 457. See Church.
Incas, the, 281.
Index, the, 307, 311, 319, 428, 455.
India, 50, 229.
Indians, 60, 272, 275, 296, 353, 391, 449, 518.
Iñigo Arista, 56.
Innocent III, Pope, 76, 80.
Inquisition, the, 202, 206, 210, 214-216, 221-224, 231, 248-250, 263, 276-
278, 293, 304, 305, 307, 309-312, 314, 315, 319, 360, 428, 439, 444-449,
455-457, 494. See Church.
Insúa, Alberto, 515.
Irish, the, 264, 315.
Isabel, Princess, 121.
Isabella I of Castile (and León), 111, 123, 124, 133, 134, 139, 154, 202-230,
242, 272, 276, 287, 290, 292-294, 300, 306, 316, 325, 332, 350, 383.
Isabella II of Spain, 498-503, 506.
Isidore, Saint, 37, 107.
Isla, 483.
Islam, 43. See Mohammedanism.
Itálica, 20.
Italy, the Italians, and Italian influences, 6, 8, 13, 17, 27, 78, 100, 105, 109,
110, 125-127, 132, 167, 172, 177, 178, 181, 182, 184, 185, 187, 188, 190,
191, 195, 202, 203, 207-209, 214, 218, 219, 229-231, 233-236, 241-244,
247, 258, 260, 261, 264, 268, 297, 300, 308, 312, 316, 318, 320, 339, 351-
353, 355-357, 359, 362-364, 366, 374-382, 434, 444, 470, 471, 482-485,
487, 518.

Jaén, 114.
Jaime I of Aragon, 68, 80-82, 97-100, 109-112, 125, 150, 167, 173, 192.
Jaime II of Aragon, 127, 128, 167.
Jaime II of Majorca, 82, 126, 127, 192.
Jaime of Urgel, 131, 132, 168.
Jamaica, 385.
James, Saint, 55.
James I of England, 254, 259.
Janda, battle of, 32.
Jansenists, 443, 456.
Japanese, the, 353.
Jay, John, 397.
Jena, battle of, 407.
Jenkins, 380.
Jerez, 347.
Jerusalem, 55, 312.
Jesuits, 266, 304, 310, 312-315, 323, 341, 359, 391, 443, 444, 448-453,
456, 473, 474, 478, 480, 483. See Church.
Jews, the, 31, 32, 36, 39, 41, 42, 47, 84, 86, 87, 96, 98, 102-105, 143, 147,
149, 150, 158, 160, 175, 176, 182, 183, 188, 193-196, 210, 213-216, 221,
229, 266, 280, 304, 308, 315, 332, 414, 456, 457. See Marranos.
Jiménez de Cisneros. See Ximénez.
Jiménez de Rada, Rodrigo, 107.
Jiménez de Urrea, Miguel, 189.
João IV of Portugal, 267. See Braganza.
John, Don, of Austria. See Juan of Austria.
John of Gaunt, 121.
Joseph, King, of Spain, 409, 488, 490.
Jovellanos, 415, 436, 447, 459, 472, 474, 475, 480, 481.
Juan, Jorge, 476, 478.
Juan, Prince, of Castile, 114-116.
Juan I of Aragon, 131, 148, 167, 188, 189.
Juan II of Aragon, 132-134, 148, 170, 171, 195, 206, 212.
Juan of Austria, 249-251, 254.
Juan of Austria (another), 268, 269.
Juan I of Castile (and León), 121, 140, 154, 167, 186.
Juan II of Castile (and León), 122, 123, 139, 154, 156, 161, 181.
Juana Enríquez of Castile, 132-134.
Juana la Beltraneja, 123, 124, 203.
Juana la Loca, 207-209, 235, 244.
Judaizantes, 215. See Marranos.
Jumilla, 450.
Junot, 407.
Junta Central, 492.
Junta de Comercio y Moneda, 330, 468.
Junta de Moneda. See Junta de Comercio
y Moneda.
Justicia, the, 97, 125, 126, 128, 130, 166.
Justinian, 29, 97, 163, 184, 301, 441.
Juzgado de Imprenta, 428.

Kino, Eusebio, 482.

Koran, the, 48, 49.

La Bisbal, 177.
La Celestina, 232, 356.
La Mancha, 2, 3, 228, 280, 460.
Labrit family, 240.
Lafita, Juan, 516.
Lancaster, Duke of. See John of Gaunt.
Lanza, Silverio, 515.
Lanzas, 295.
Las Casas, Bartolomé de, 347, 358, 518.
Las Mesas, 450.
Latifundia, 138, 144, 281, 325, 327, 336, 464, 522.
Latin language, 36, 50, 63, 106, 107, 184, 185, 189, 197, 230-232, 307,
341, 346, 350-353, 359. See Rome.
Latins, 15. See Rome.
Lauria, Roger de, 127.
Lee, Arthur, 395.
Leocadia, Saint, 22.
León, city of, 20, 56, 57, 361.
León, Ricardo, 515.
León (kingdom and province of) and the Leonese, 56-58, 60-64, 69-77, 85-
97, 104-110, 161, 162, 180, 491.
León Pinelo, 347.
Leonor of Navarre, 134.
Leopold of Hohenzollern, 503.
Leovgild, 29, 30, 35.
Lepanto, battle of, 249, 356.
Lérida, 18, 78, 110.
Lerma, Duke of, 259, 266.
Lesage, 483.
Letrados, 154, 156, 221, 272, 274, 300.
Leyes de Toro, 217, 227,
281, 301, 441.
Liberalism, 489, 495-503, 506, 508, 509, 514.
Limosna al rey, 295.
Limpieza de sangre, 216, 315, 417.
Linares Rivas, 515.
Lisbon, 255, 265.
Livy, 185, 186, 347.
Llorente, 481.
Lobeira, Vasco de, 185, 232.
Locke, 428.
Loire River, 28.
London, 365, 389, 393, 403.
Lope de Vega. See Vega.
López de Ayala, Pedro, 139, 152, 186.
López de Chinchilla, Garcí, 203.
López de Gómara, 347, 350.
López de Haro, 479.
López de Velasco, Juan, 347, 348.
Lords. See Church, Nobles.
Loreto, 55.
Louis IX of France, 77.
Louis XII of France, 208.
Louis XIV of France, 262, 269-271, 369, 371, 373-375, 425.
Louis XV of France, 375, 377, 378, 389.
Louis XVI of France, 396, 401-403, 496.
Louis the Pious, 55.
Louisiana, 387, 405, 406.
Low Countries, the, 209, 234, 235, 244, 247, 250-252, 254-256, 258, 259,
261, 267, 269, 296, 312, 374, 376, 455. See Catholic Netherlands, Flanders,
Protestant Netherlands.
Loyola, Ignacio de, 311, 312.
Lucan, 24, 185.
Lucas of Tuy, 107.
Lucero, 224.
Lucian, 356.
Lugo, 20.
Luis I of Spain, 377, 378, 426.
Lull, Raymond, 110, 188, 309.
Luna, Álvaro de, 122, 123, 139.
Luna, Pedro de. See Benedict XIII.
Lusitania and the Lusitanians, 8, 9, 16, 17, 57.
Luther, Martin, 307, 309.
Luxembourg, 235.
Luzán, Ignacio de, 482.

Machado (two), 515.

Madrid, 255, 263, 270, 283, 286, 291, 329, 331, 341, 354, 365, 370, 408-
410, 421-423, 435, 450, 451, 455, 460, 468, 469, 473, 478, 479, 484, 490,
491, 508;
ordinance of, 160.
Maeztu, 515.
Magellan, Strait of, 388.
Mahomet, 39.
Mahomet-ben-Abdallah-abu-Amir. See Almansor.
Mahón, Port, 381.
Maimónides, 103.
Majismo, 421, 424, 486.
Majorca and the Majorcans, 81, 82, 109, 126, 131, 172, 187, 189, 190, 192-
196, 240, 274, 275, 290, 293, 359, 427, 430-432, 437.
Málaga, city and province of, 2, 10, 68, 69.
Malaspina, 476.
Malouines Islands. See Falkland Islands.
Malta, 249;
knights of, 404.
Maluinas Islands. See Falkland Islands.
Manfred of Athens, 129.
Manfred of Sicily, 126.
Manila, 386-388.
Manuel I of Portugal, 252.
Maragall, 515, 516.
Marcus Aurelius, 20.
María Ana of Austria, 269, 284.
María Cristina, Queen, of Spain, 506.
María Cristina of Naples. See Cristina (Queen).
María Luisa, Queen, 402, 404, 405, 407-409, 412, 424, 448, 455.
María Luisa of Savoy, 374.
María of Aragon, 148, 149.
María of Portugal, 247.
María Teresa of Spain, 262, 270.
María Victoria of Portugal, 392.
Mariana, 345-347.
Mariánica Mountains, 2.
Marie de Medici, 260.
Marinas, 516.
Marius, 17.
Marmontel, 482.
Marquina, 515.
Marquises, 211, 221, 273.
Marranos, 143, 158, 189, 193, 214, 215. See Jews, Judaizantes.
Marseilles, 11.
Martel, Charles, 42.
Martial, 24.
Martín I of Aragon. 131, 148, 167.
Martínez de la Mata, 344.
Martínez Marina, 481.
Martínez Sierra, 515, 516.
Martyr, Peter, 230, 232.
Mary, Queen, of England, 244, 247, 253, 342.
Mary Stuart, 254.
Masdeu, 480, 481.
Mathei, 388.
Maura, Antonio, 511, 512.
Mauretania, 19.
Maurice of Saxony, 243.
Maximilian I, the Emperor, 235, 237.
Mayáns, Gregorio, 480.
Media anata, the, 295, 413.
Medici, Marie de. See Marie.
Medina, 476.
Medina del Campo, 328, 329.
Medina Sidonia, dukes of, 138, 211, 255, 267, 268.
Mediterranean Sea, 1, 2, 6, 8, 10, 12, 45, 66, 81, 102, 105, 109, 129-132,
158, 170-172, 177, 178, 195, 206, 229, 249, 260, 325, 328.
Meléndez Valdés, 483.
Melilla, 206, 390.
Melón, 164.
Mendieta, 347.
Mendoza, Pedro de, 216, 227.
Menéndez, the painter, 485.
Menéndez Pidal, 515.
Menéndez y Pelayo, 515, 516.
Mengs, 485.
Mercado, 350.
Mercator, 348.
Mérida, 20, 22, 32, 40, 44.
Merinos, 90, 92, 93, 154-156, 199.
Merlin, 185.
Mesa, 515.
Mesenghi, 445, 447.
Mesta, the, 104, 105, 155, 174, 227-229, 282, 325, 327, 416, 463, 465.
Metaurus, battle of the, 13.
Mexico, 296, 478, 500, 523. See New Spain.
Meyra, 164.
Milá Fontanals, 515.
Milan, 207, 209, 241, 267, 372.
Milicias, the, 453.
Military orders. See Alcántara, Calatrava, Church, Malta, Nobles, Saint
John, Santiago, Templars.
Millones, the, 294, 297.
Milton, 482.
Mina, 491.
Minorca, 81, 195, 371, 376, 379, 381, 382, 386, 396-398, 406.
Mirabeau, 428.
Miralles, 397.
Miranda, Marquis of, 428.
Mississippi River, 387, 398.
Mociño, 477.
Moderates, the, 496, 498, 499.
Moguls, the, 121.
Mohammedanism, 39-41, 43, 47-49, 51, 59, 69-72, 217, 248, 277. See
Moslems.
Molina, María de, 115, 116.
Molina, the botanist, 477.
Molinism. See Quietism.
Molinos, Miguel de, 309.
Mombeltrán, 450.
Mondoñedo, 164.
Moñino, José. See Floridablanca.
Montaigne, 343, 482.
Montalvo, Alfonso Díaz de. See Díaz.
Montalvo, Garcí Ordóñez de. See Ordóñez.
Montañés, 362.
Montano, Arias, 314, 352.
Montepíos, 417, 463.
Montesquieu, 428.
Montfort, Simon de, 80, 81.
Montiel, battle of, 120.
Moors. See Almohades, Moslems.
Morales, Ambrosio de, 346, 347.
Morales, the composer, 366.
Morales, the treasurer, 224.
Moratín, Leandro Fernández de, 483, 484.
Moratín, Nicolás Fernández de, 483.
Moreno Carbonero, 516.
Moriscos, 205, 213, 242, 248, 249, 272, 275-280, 304, 308, 327, 334, 336.
Morocco, 70, 82, 113, 117, 383, 390, 414, 456, 500, 511, 513. See Africa.
Morote, 515.
Moslems, the, 5, 19, 26, 32, 33, 38-59, 63, 64, 66-73, 75-79, 81, 84, 85, 87,
88, 92, 94, 96, 98, 102-105, 111-113, 115-117, 123, 126, 135, 136, 138,
142, 158, 172, 174, 178-183, 188, 195, 196, 200, 201, 204-206, 213, 216,
225, 229, 241, 242, 247-249, 275, 279, 280, 284, 285, 295, 299, 315, 324,
332, 334, 338, 363, 66, 390, 414, 456, 513, 518, 520, 522. See Almohades,
Almoravides, Arabs, Benimerines, Berbers, Granada, Islam,
Mohammedanism, Moriscos, Morocco, Mudéjares, Muladíes, Renegados,
Shiites, Sunnites, Syrians.
Mota Padilla, 482.
Moura, Cristóbal de, 252.
Mozárabes, 47, 49, 50, 55, 59, 79, 84, 86, 87, 96, 98, 105. See Gothic rite.
Mozart, 487.
Mudarites. See Shiites.
Mudéjar architecture, 108, 109, 187.
Mudéjares, the, 86, 87, 96-98, 100, 102, 105, 142, 143, 147, 149, 150, 158,
160, 175, 183, 193, 196, 200, 205, 210, 213, 214, 272, 276, 277, 304, 308.
Mühlberg, battle of, 243.
Muladíes, 41. See Renegados.
Munda, battle of, 18.
Muñoz, Gil, 168.
Muñoz, the historian, 481.
Muñoz Degrain, 515.
Muñoz San Román, 515.
Murat, 408, 409.
Murcia, city of, 77, 437, 450;
province of, 2, 44, 50, 79, 81, 280, 435.
Murillo, 365, 366, 485.
Musa, 32, 33.
Mutis, 477.
Mysticism, 309, 310, 343, 359. See Church.

Nájera, 91.
Naples, city of, 132, 188, 231;
kingdom of, 126, 132, 171, 189, 191, 195, 207, 208, 235, 268, 364, 372,
379, 380, 384, 447, 449, 452, 456, 472, 497.
Napoleon I of France, 399, 400, 404-410, 439, 488-492, 494, 497.
Narbonne, 29.
Narváez, 500-502.
National Assembly, the French, 400, 401, 493.
Navalcarnero, 450.
Navarre, 55-59, 64-66, 71,
73, 75, 76, 79, 82, 83, 101, 110, 112, 120, 132-135, 192, 196, 197, 199,
207-209, 213, 214, 219, 235, 240, 288-290, 427, 430-433, 441, 460, 461,
491.
Navas de Tolosa, battle of, 71, 76.
Neanderthal man, 6.
Nebrija, Antonio de, 231.
Nelson, 406.
New Castile, 2, 431. See Castile.
New Orleans, 395, 397.
New Spain, 394, 448, 450, 482. See Mexico.
Newfoundland, 325, 385-387, 397.
Nicene creed. See Catholicism.
Nieto, 516.
Niño, Pero, 158.
Nobles, the, 30-35, 40, 41, 53-57, 60-65, 67, 73, 74, 76-82, 85, 86, 89-94,
96-101, 104, 111, 113-128, 130, 132, 133, 137-142, 144-157, 159, 160, 163,
166-172, 177, 192, 196-200, 202-204, 210-213, 217, 219-221, 225, 237-
240, 252, 253, 263, 266, 267, 272-281, 288-290, 294, 295, 298, 307, 325,
334-336, 339, 341, 352, 402, 411-415, 419, 421, 422, 424, 426-428, 430,
433, 437, 447, 448, 459, 460, 462, 464, 468, 472-474, 490, 494, 501, 505,
511, 518, 522. See Caballeros, Church, Counts, Dukes, Grandees,
Hidalgos, Marquises, Military orders, Ricoshombres.
Nootka affair, the, 400, 401.
Normans, 44, 64.
North Africa. See Africa.
North America. See Spanish America, United States.
Norway, 189.
Novísima Recopilación, 425, 441.
Nueva Recopilación, 300, 301, 425, 441.
Numantia, 16, 17.
Numidians, 14.
Núñez de Arce, 515.

Ocampo, Florián de, 345, 346.

Octavius. See Augustus.
O’Donnell, 500-502.
Oidores, 154.
Old Castile, 2, 431, 460. See Castile.
Olivares, Count-Duke of, 261, 263-268, 284, 288.
Oman, 489, 491.
Omar-ben Hafsun, 44, 45.
Ommayad family, 42, 46.
Ordenanzas Reales, the, 226, 301.
Ordóñez de Montalvo, Garcí, 232.
O’Reilly, Alejandro, 390.
Oretana Mountains, 2.
Orleans, Duke of, 375.
Orosius, 36.
Orry, 374, 434, 439.
Ortega, the historian, 482.
Ortega Gasset, 515.
Ostend Company, the, 378.
Ostrogoths, 27.
Ovid, 185.
Oviedo, 55-57.

Pacheco, 366.
Pacific Ocean, 310, 350, 381, 388.
Padilla, María de, 118, 119, 121.
Padilla family, 119.
Páez de Castro, 345, 346.
Palacio Valdés, 515.
Palacios, 516.
Palafox, General, 491.
Palafox, Juan de, 449, 450.
Palatinate, the, 260.
Palencia, 106, 450.
Palestine, 82.
Palma, 192-195, 430, 437.
Palou, 482.
Pamplona, 54, 312.
Panamá, Isthmus of, 350.
Papal States, 126-128, 241, 247, 260, 316-320, 451, 504. See Church,
Rome.
Paraguay, 391, 392, 435, 449.
Pardo Bazán, 515.
Paris, city of, 247, 369, 512;
treaty of, 387;
university of, 312.
Parlement of Paris, 369.
Parliament, the British, 388.
Parma, 374, 376, 381, 404, 405, 445.
Partidas, the, 162-165, 171, 175, 181, 184, 185, 226, 281, 301, 441.
Pase Regio, the, 95, 164, 167, 317, 318, 320, 322, 444-447.
Passau, 243.
Patiño, 434, 436, 439.
Patronato Real, 227, 292, 322, 443, 445.
Paul IV, Pope, 247, 316-318.
Paul, Saint, 22.
Paula, Francisco de, 410.
Pavón, 477.
Peace, Prince of the, 403. See Godoy.
Pedrell, 516.
Pedro I of Aragon (1094-1104). Omitted.
Pedro II of Aragon, 79, 80, 98, 126, 127, 167.
Pedro III of Aragon, 82, 125-127. 192.
Pedro IV of Aragon, 119, 120, 129-131, 146, 148, 150, 166-168, 171, 173,
188, 192.
Pedro I of Castile (and León), 117-121, 129, 138, 186.
Pelayo, 53, 54.
Penibética Mountains, 2.
Peninsula War, 491, 492.
Peñíscola, 168.
Pereda, 515.
Perés, Ramón D., 515.
Pérez, the navigator, 479.
Pérez de Ayala, 515.
Pérez de Guzmán, 186, 345.
Pérez de Ribas, 347.
Pérez Galdós, 515, 516.
Persia, 121.
Perú, 281, 296, 478.
Pesquisa, the, 156, 157, 273.
Pesquisidores, 220.
Pestalozzi, 474.
Petrarch, 184, 185.
Petronilla, 79.
Philip of Bourbon, Prince, 378, 381.
Philip I of Castile (and León), 207, 208, 211, 235, 244.
Philip II of Spain, 244-259, 265, 267, 283-287, 292, 294, 296, 297, 303,
306-308, 311, 314-322, 325, 326, 331, 332, 340, 342, 346, 348, 352, 362-
364, 455.
Philip III of Spain, 256, 258-260, 266, 284, 285, 288, 294, 296, 340, 365.
Philip IV of Spain, 258, 260-268, 283, 284, 288, 295, 308, 310, 318, 320,
326, 333, 340, 352, 362, 365, 372.
Philip V of Spain, 270, 271, 369-378, 381, 412, 418, 419, 422, 425-427,
429, 434, 444, 449, 478, 485, 498.
Philip IV of France, 83.
Philip the Handsome. See Philip I of Castile (and León).
Philippine Islands, 450, 488, 506.
Phocians, 11.
Phœnicians, 7-11, 14.
Pi y Margall, 504.
Picavea, 515.
Picón, 515.
Piquer, Andrés, 480.
Pisa, 78, 109, 129.
Pitt, William, 380, 385, 393.
Pius IV, Pope, 247, 308, 317.
Pius V, Pope, 318.
Pizarro, 296, 347.
Plasencia, 376, 381.
Plata, Río de la, 386, 391.
Plato, 103, 184.
Plutarch, 185.
Plymouth, 256.
Poitiers, 42.
Poland, 379.
Pombal, Marquis of, 391, 392.
Pompey, 18.
Ponce de la Fuente, Constantino, 307.
Ponce family, 138, 152.
Porlier, 491.
Porto Rico, 506.
Portocarrero, 270.
Portugal and the Portuguese, 1, 2, 5, 8, 9, 11, 19, 27, 58, 74-76, 113, 115,
117, 118, 120-122, 124, 155, 184, 185, 189, 195, 207, 214, 229, 231, 246,
247, 251-253, 258, 259, 262, 265-268, 288, 322, 330, 370, 383, 386, 387,
390-392, 394, 397, 404-408, 435, 449, 452, 490, 491.
Posada, 525.
Pradilla, 515.
Prado, the, 365, 484.
Pragmatic Sanction, 378, 381.
Prim, 500, 502-504, 506.
Primicias, 452.
Princes, 273.
Priscillian, 23.
Priscillianism, 23.
Privilege of the Union, 128, 130, 166.
Progressives, the, 496, 498, 499.
Propios, 93, 415.
Protestant Netherlands, the, and the Dutch, 246, 250, 251, 253, 254, 259-
262, 265, 267-269, 299, 330, 344, 369, 370, 376, 378, 379, 434, 456. See
Low Countries.
Protestantism, 241-243, 248, 250, 251, 253, 261, 302-304, 306-309, 315,
318, 455, 456, 472. See Church, Counter-Reformation, Reformation.
Provençal influences, 79, 106, 110, 184, 188-190. See France.
Prussia, 379, 381, 402, 407, 496, 503.
Puebla de los Ángeles, 450.
Puig, 516.
Pulgar, Hernando del, 232, 345.
Punic Wars, 12-14.
Puritans, 393.
Pyrenees Mountains, 1, 2, 8, 28, 40, 43, 64, 127, 190, 208, 235, 240, 262,
369, 403, 428, 482.
Quadrivium, 181.
Quero, 450.
Quevedo, Francisco de, 358.
Quietism, 309.
Quintana, 483.
Quintilian, 24.

Racine, 482.
Radicals, the. See Progressives.
Raleigh, Walter, 253.
Ramiro I of Aragon (1035-1063). Omitted.
Ramiro II of Aragon, 79.
Ramiro I of Asturias and León (842-850). Omitted.
Ramiro II of Asturias and León, 57.
Ramón Berenguer I of Barcelona, 58, 77, 99, 100.
Ramón Buerenguer II of Barcelona (1076-1082 Omitted.
Ramón Buerenguer III of Barcelona, 73, 78.
Ramón Buerenguer IV of Barcelona, 78, 79, 100.
Ramón y Cajal, Santiago, 517.
Raphael, 363.
Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando, 484, 485.
Real Academia de la Historia, 476, 481.
Real Academia Española,
476, 481.
Reales, 225.
Reccared, 30, 31, 36.
Recceswinth, 31, 35.
Recopilación de las Leyes de Indias, 301.
Reformation, the, 207, 236, 240, 304, 306, 342.
See Church, Counter-Reformation, Protestantism.
Regency, the, 492, 493.
Regidores, 429, 432, 433.
Reguera, Juan de la, 441.
Reid, 343.
Renaissance, 103, 125, 149, 184, 185, 188, 189, 231, 233, 285, 338, 341,
351, 361, 363.
Rendón, 397.
Renegados, the, 41, 43-45, 47, 59, 71, 84, 200.
See Moslems.
Republicans, the, 503-505, 510, 511.
Requesens, 251.
Residencia, the, 220, 306, 433.
Revilla Gigedo, 482.
Rhine River, 26.
Rhodes, 195.
Ribera, Juan de, 279.
Ribera, the painter, 364-366.
Richelieu, 261.
Ricoshombres, 128, 211, 273.
Riego, 496.
Riepto, the, 157, 170, 222.
Ripperdá, Baron of, 378, 379, 434.
Rochford, Lord, 393.
Rocroy, battle of, 261, 262.
Roderic, 32, 33, 53.
Rodríguez Marín, 515.
Roelas, 366.
Rojas, Fernando de, 232, 356.
Roland, 43.
Romans, 12-28, 34, 36, 37, 51, 52, 64, 88, 362, 484.
 See Rome.
Rome, city of, 27, 55, 79, 168, 308, 311, 312, 316, 318, 319, 322, 342, 349,
356, 424, 443, 451, 452;
law of, 20-22, 24, 26, 33, 35, 63, 97, 99, 105, 106, 113, 138, 143, 144,
147, 149-151, 156, 163, 171, 181, 184, 189, 210, 217, 281, 301, 305, 344,
415-417, 441, 450;
republic and empire of, 12-28, 33, 36.
See Byzantine Romans, Hispano-Romans, Latin language, Latins, Papal
States, Romans.
Romanesque architecture, 107, 110.
Roncesvalles, 43.
Ronda, 18.
Ronsard, 482.
Rooke, 371.
Rossini, 487.
Rousseau, 428, 474.
Roussillon, the, 82, 134, 192, 206, 207, 235, 262, 264.
Rudolph of Hapsburg, Count, 113.
Rueda, Lope de, 353, 356.
Rueda, Salvador, 515.
Rueda, town of, 70.
Ruiz, Lieutenant, 410.
Ruiz, the botanist, 477.
Ruiz de Luzuriaga, 478.
Rusiñol, 515, 516.
Russia, 496.

Saavedra, Diego de, 350.

Saavedra, the minister, 436.
Sacramento, 386, 387, 391, 392, 435, 449.
Saguntum, 12, 13.
Sahagún, the historian, 347.
Sahagún, town of, 86.
Sahara Desert, 69.
Said Armesto, 515.
Saint John, order of, 170.
Salado, battle of the, 117, 131, 136.
Salamanca, city of, 95, 450;
university of, 106, 181, 312, 340, 350, 428.
Salcedo, 350.
Salcillo, 485.
Salic law, 427, 498.
Salmerón, 504, 505.
Sallust, 185.
Salvá, 478.
San Ildefonso, 450.
San Lúcar, 450.
San Marcos of León, 361.
San Onofre, 318.
San Pablo of Valladolid, 233.
San Sebastián, 284.
San Telmo of Seville, 362.
Sánchez, Julián, 491.
Sancho García of Navarre, 56.
Sancho I of Asturias and León, 57.
Sancho II of Castile, 73.
Sancho III of Castile (1157-1158). Omitted.
Sancho IV of Castile (and León), 114, 115, 138, 154.
Sancho the Fat. See Sancho I of Asturias and León.
Sancho the Great of Navarre, 58, 66, 71, 78, 135.
Santa Fe, 205.
Santa Tecla, 392.
Santiago. See Compostela.
Santiago, order of, 94, 219, 220.
Santo Domingo, 403.
Saragossa, 20, 22, 23, 43, 69, 70, 73, 78, 167, 177, 216, 329, 431, 450, 491.
Saratoga, 395.
Sardinia, island and kingdom of, 128, 129, 131, 132, 171, 235, 262, 372,
376, 402.
Sarmiento, 478.
Savary, 409.
Savoy, 370, 372, 374, 376, 503, 504;
Duke of, 374.
Scandinavia, 27, 177.
Scipio, Gnæus, 13.
Scipio, Publius Cornelius, 13.
Scipio Æmilianus, 17.
Scipio Africanus, Publius Cornelius, 13, 14.
Scotland and the Scotch, 254, 255.
Scylax, 7.
Sebastian I of Portugal, 251, 252.
Segovia, 156.
Segoyuela, battle of, 33.
Segundones, 138, 220, 273.
Seneca, 24, 184.
Serrano, General, 503.
Serrano, the composer, 516.
Sertorius, 17, 18.
Servet, Miguel, 308.
Servilianus, 16, 17.
Sessé, 477.
Setenario, the, 162.
Seven Years War, 382, 386-388.
Severo, Saint, 22.
Seville, 10, 20, 36-38, 45, 50, 68, 69, 73, 77, 81, 95, 105, 138, 143, 149,
152, 164, 174, 180, 187, 215, 223, 265, 284, 286, 307, 325, 328, 329, 353,
361, 362, 366, 423, 431, 460, 466, 476, 492, 521, 524.
Shiites, 40, 42, 44.
“Sicilian vespers,” the, 126, 129.
Sicily, 6, 7, 12, 126-129, 131, 132, 171, 189, 235, 268, 372, 376, 377, 379.
Sierra Morena, 462.
See Mariánica Mountains.
Sierra Nevada. See Penibética Mountains.
Siete Partidas. See Partidas.
Sigüenza, 164.
Siliceo, 314.
Simancas, 342, 476.
Sisebut, 31.
Sixtus V, Pope, 318.
Smith, Adam, 344.
Solariegos, 212.
Solís, 347.
Solórzano, 344, 347, 358.
Somodevilla. See Ensenada.
Soria, ordinance of, 160;
town of, 17.
Sorolla, 516.
Sotomayor, 516.
South America, 370, 390-392, 476, 479.
See Spanish America.
“Span,” 10.
“Spania,” 10.
Spanish America, 5, 38, 39, 99, 112, 140, 151, 155, 156, 202, 203, 206,
210, 219-223, 227, 229-231, 234-236, 241, 244-246, 251, 253, 257-259,
262, 272, 274, 275, 279, 284, 285, 293, 296-299, 301, 303-306, 312, 313,
322, 324, 325, 327, 328, 330-332, 334, 336-339, 341, 343, 344, 347-350,
352, 353, 358-361, 368-372, 378, 380, 381, 384-387, 390-395, 397-401,
403, 406, 408, 414, 424, 431, 435, 442, 443, 451-453, 458, 466-471, 476-
479, 481, 482, 485, 486, 488, 489, 492-497, 506, 508, 510, 513, 523.
Spanish Main, the, 253.
Spanish Mark, the, 56.
Spencer, 344.
Spínola, Ambrosio, 259-261.
Spires, Diets of, 243.
Squillace, 420, 450.
Stanhope, 270.
Stuart, Mary. See Mary Stuart.
Suárez de Peralta, 347.
Suevians, the, 27-30, 34, 37.
Sulla, 17, 18.
Sunnites, 40, 42-44.
Sweden, 189, 269, 379.
Swinthila, 31.
Switzerland and the Swiss, 3, 209, 285.
Syria and the Syrians, 39, 42.
See Moslems.

Tagus River, 2, 332.

Taifas, 68-72, 75, 84, 102, 504.
Talavera, Hernando de, 214, 227.
Talavera, town of, 54, 155.
Tamayo, 515.
Tamerlane, 121.
Tanucci, 472.
Tarazona, 189.
Tarifa, 2, 32, 72, 114, 115, 117.
Tarik, 32, 33.
Tavera, 246.
Taverner, 430.
Téllez, Gabriel, 354.
Téllez Girón, Pedro, 139.
Tello, 347.
Templars, order of the, 94, 139.
Tenreiro, 515.
Tercias reales, 140.
Teresa de Jesús, Saint, 310, 311.
Teresa of Portugal, 74, 75.
Theodoric, 28, 29.
Theodosius, 20.
Theotocopuli, Domenico. See El Greco.
Thirty Years War, 260-262.
Tierras, 138.
Tirso de Molina. See Téllez (Gabriel).
Titian, 363.
Tobarra, 450.
Toledo, archbishops of, 124, 164, 167, 205, 216, 307, 314, 322;
city and province of, 2, 22, 29, 30, 32, 33, 43-45, 54, 69, 72, 78, 95, 107,
155, 164, 187, 217, 223, 237-239, 364.
Tolstoy, 344.
Tordesillas, town of, 239;
treaty of, 253, 391.
Tories, 393.
Toro, Laws of (See Leyes de Toro);
ordinances of, 160.
Torquemada, Juan de, 215.
Torquemada, the historian, 347.
Torres Lanzas, 516.
Torres Naharro, 353.
Torrigiani, 452.
Tortosa, 69, 78.
Toulouse, 28, 75, 81.
Tours, battle of, 42.
Towns, 62-64, 87, 89, 91-93, 97-100, 104, 105, 108, 111, 114, 115,
117, 119, 123-127, 130, 134, 137, 138, 140-142, 144-149, 151, 152, 155-
163, 168-179, 192-200, 203, 220, 221, 228, 229, 237-239, 253, 263, 272,
276, 282-284, 289, 290, 293, 295, 325, 329, 331, 332, 354, 412-419, 423,
424, 426, 427, 430, 432-434, 458, 462, 468, 469, 473, 474, 478, 493, 496,
505, 508, 510, 511, 521, 523.
Trafalgar, battle of, 406, 440.
Trajan, 20.
Trent, Council of, 281, 306, 311, 319, 321.
Trinidad Island, 406, 407.
Tripoli, 456.
Trivium, 181.
Tunis, 126, 242, 250, 300, 456.
Turdetanians, 8.
Turina, 516.
Turkey and the Turks, 129, 132, 139, 195, 229, 241-243, 247, 249, 250,
260, 321, 456.
Tuscany, 376, 381, 405.
Two Sicilies, 235, 380, 382.
See Naples (kingdom of), Sicily.

Ulloa, Antonio de, 476, 478.

Unamuno, 515, 525.
Union, the, 127, 128, 130, 131, 173.
See Privilege of the Union.
United States, the, and the Americans, 196, 310, 369, 385, 392-398, 406,
410, 435, 488, 500, 506, 514, 518, 520, 521, 523.
See American Revolution.
Urban VI, Pope, 317.
Urban VII, Pope, 317.
Urquijo, 405, 447, 456.
Urraca, Queen, of Castile and León, 73-75, 78.
Ursins, Madame des, 373-375.
Usatges, 78, 99.
Utrecht, treaty of, 371, 376.

Vacantes, 320, 321, 444.

Valdés, Juan de, 308.
Valdés Leal, 366.
Valencia, city of, 22, 72, 73, 81, 110, 170, 173, 177-179, 188, 279, 284,
329, 431, 460, 484;
university of, 350.
Valencia (kingdom and province of) and the Valencians, 2, 3, 11, 13, 50, 69,
81, 82, 97, 100, 109, 110, 127, 128, 130, 132, 146, 147, 149, 150, 166, 169,
173, 176-179, 187, 189, 190, 221, 227, 231, 239, 240, 272, 275, 276, 279,
288-290, 296, 325, 327, 359, 422, 427, 429, 431, 432, 453, 460, 461, 465,
478, 516, 520.
Valera, 515.
Valladolid, city of, 114, 233, 239, 293, 307, 431;
ordinances of, 141, 142, 160, 237;
university of, 340.
Valle Inclán, 515.
Valverde, Quinito, 516.
Van Eyck, 187.
Vancouver Island, 400.
Vandals, the, 26-28, 37.
Varela, 456.
Vaulgrenant, 470.
Vázquez, 344.
Veedores, 220, 222.
Vega, Garcilaso de la, 347, 358.
Vega, Lope de, 354, 355, 367.
Velarde, Pedro, 410.
Velázquez, the architect, 516.
Velázquez de Silva, Diego, 364-366, 485, 516.
Venice, 207, 208, 363, 364, 366.
Veragua, Duke of, 522.
Vergennes, 389, 390, 393-395.
Vernon, 380.
Versailles, 369, 425.
Vetancurt, 347.
Vicente, Gil, 353.
Vicente, Saint, 22.
Victoria, Queen, of England, 510.
Victoria, the composer, 366.
Vienna, 378.
Vigo, 467.
Villa, 62, 63, 85, 86, 89, 91, 290, 412, 474.
See Towns.
Villa-Señor, 482.
Villaespesa, 515.
Villalar, battle of, 239.
Villanueva, Juan, 484.
Villareal, 155.
Villaviciosa, battle of, 268.
Villegas, 516.
Villena, Enrique de, 183.
Villena, town of, 450.
Virgil, 185.
Viriatus, 16-18.
Visigothic rite. See Gothic rite.
Visigoths, the, 26-37, 40-42, 44, 47, 48, 53, 54, 59, 63, 104, 146, 162, 163.
Visitadores, 220, 222, 293, 340.
Vitoria, battle of, 135;
town of, 409.
Vitoria, the jurist, 344.
Vivar, 72.
Vives, Luis, 281, 342-346, 473.
Vives, the composer, 516.
Vizcaya, 134, 135, 197-199, 268, 301, 412, 460.
Voltaire, 345, 428, 482.

Wallace, 344.
Wallia, 28.
Wamba, 32.
War of Independence, 488-492, 513.
War of Jenkins’ Ear, 380.
War of the Austrian Succession, 381.
War of the Spanish Succession, 370-374, 376, 429, 430, 432, 434, 439, 441.
Ward, 480.
Wellington, Duke of, 491, 492.
West Indies, 380, 387, 393, 395, 397, 488.
Westphalia, treaties of, 262, 455.
Weymouth, Lord, 396.
Whigs, 393.
White companies, 120, 158.
Wifredo, 56.
William of Orange (two), 251.
Windward Islands. See Armada de Barlovento.
Witiza, 32.

Ximénez de Cisneros, 205, 208, 209, 216, 223, 227, 230, 231, 242, 306,
317.

Yacub, 71.
Yemenites. See Sunnites.
Young, 482.
Yuste, 244.
Yusuf, 70.

Zalaca, battle of, 70.

Zama, battle of, 14.
Zamora, 57.
Zarate, 347.
Zoraya, 204.
Zubiaurre, the brothers, 516.
Zuloaga, 516.
Zulueta, 516.
Zurbarán, 365.
Zurita, Jerónimo, 346, 347.
 Printed in the United States of America.

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Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:

nobles duirng the regency=> nobles durng the regency {pg 121}
 Explorers wear required by law=> Explorers were required by law {pg
348}
checking inititative and making=> checking initiative and making {pg
418}
Frenchman Chappe d’Auteroche=> Frenchman Chappe d’Autereche
{pg 476}
Jahresberichte der geschichtswissenschaft=> Jahresberichte der
Geschichtswissenschaft {pg 528}

FOOTNOTES:
[1] The Historia, in four volumes, was first published in the years 1900 to 1911, at
Barcelona. It has now reached its third edition,—1913 to 1914. An excellent bibliography
eighty-eight pages in length with well over a thousand items is to be found in the fourth
volume.
[2] The founding of Spanish California (The Macmillan Company. New York. 1916), chap.
IX.
[3] The first and most important social question in the history of the Spanish people, says
Altamira, is that of modifying the physical conditions of the peninsula, as the basis of their
national development. They have been able to count on the fertility of some regions, the
abundant waters of others at some seasons of the year (most of which is lost in the sea, without
being utilized), the wealth of subterranean waters in many localities, and the mineral wealth
which lends itself also to industrial development. In other words, the problem is that of
correcting the unequal distribution of Spain’s resources, rather than of a lack of them.
[4] So called from the localities in Germany where bones of men of this type were
discovered.
[5] The inhabitants of the Canary Islands, a Spanish group off the northwest coast of
Africa, are of this race. They preserved their racial characteristics with great purity until the
fifteenth century, since which time more and more intermixture has taken place.
[6] As an illustration of the close relationship between Spain and northern Africa it may be
mentioned that the diocese of Spain under Diocletian included the province of Mauretania, or
northern Africa. A seventh province was formed of the Balearic Islands.
[7] Many of these city camps date from the period of Augustus, whose name appears in
most of them, e.g.: Cæsaria Augusta (Saragossa); Urbs Septima Legionis (León); Asturica
Augusta (Astorga) Lucas Augusti (Lugo); Emerita Augusta (Mérida); Pax Augusta (Badajoz);
and Bracara Augusta (Braga).
[8] Spain contributed its share of martyrs during the periods of persecution, especially in
the time of Diocletian. San Vicente of Valencia, Santa Eulalia of Mérida, San Severo of
Barcelona, Santa Leocadia of Toledo, and Santa Engracia of Saragossa were among those put
to death in Diocletian’s reign.
[9] This term, characterized by Joaquín Escriche (Diccionario razonado de legislación y
jurisprudencia. Madrid, 1847) as “barbarous,” is about equivalent to “Charter of the laws.”
[10] Named for him, Gebel-al-Tarik, or hill of Tarik.
[11] Near Medina Sidonia and Vejer.
[12] Province of Salamanca.
[13] The laws themselves furnish numerous indications of the customary evils. Doctors, for
example, were forbidden to cure women, unless in the presence of certain specified persons. It
may be added that doctors were made responsible by law for the effect of their medicines.
[14] One curious superstitious practice was that of celebrating a mass for an enemy who
was yet alive. It was believed that this would accelerate his death.
[15] The word “count” was not at that time a title of nobility.
[16] The figures are 300,000 and 5,408,000 dinars respectively, or roughly $700,000 and
$12,600,000. It is of course impossible to reckon the comparative purchasing power of a dinar
then and its equivalent today, although it was no doubt much greater then; hence, the above
figures have only a relative value.
[17] Almansor burned great numbers of philosophical works so as to win the favor of the
Mohammedan priesthood.
[18] Rueda continued independent,—an unimportant exception.
[19] Less famous than the Cid, but quite as representative of his time, was the figure of
Bishop Diego Gelmírez of Santiago de Compostela, who played an important part in the events
of Urraca’s reign. He was a vigorous, ambitious, restless, not overscrupulous man, breaking
pledges and changing from one side to another with the usual facility of men of that age. He
was not only ambitious for himself but was also an ardent votary of the extension of church
authority. He was a fighting bishop, who engaged in military campaigns himself and
encountered many vicissitudes both in the civil wars of the kingdom and in the local uprisings
of his own subjects. On one occasion the citizens of Santiago besieged him in his church, and
set fire to a tower in which he took refuge. Nevertheless, the bishop escaped in the guise of a
beggar. In the end he was usually successful. He procured the erection of Santiago de
Compostela into an archbishopric, and enjoyed the distinction, equally with the church of
Rome, of having seven cardinals as canons. He also gained the influential post of chaplain to
Alfonso VII.
[20] The word “merino” is an untranslatable term for an official in Spanish administration
whose powers varied greatly from century to century. While the merinos were at times “judges
of sheep-walks,” as the word is often translated, they usually had much broader power as
officials of the king. The merinos mayores, or greater merinos, were appointed by the king,
with functions largely judicial in character and with authority extending over the greater
provinces, such as Castile, León, or Galicia. Merinos menores, or lesser merinos, might be the
appointees and subordinates of merinos mayores, or, similarly, of the corregidores, or rulers of
districts.
[21] The term “adelantado” comes from the fact that the officials so-called were
“advanced,” or “put forward,” in the place of the king, to act in his name. There is some
authority to the effect that the title was in existence as early as the tenth century, but it was
certainly employed by the latter part of the twelfth century. In origin the adelantados mayores,
or greater adelantados, were judicial officials, hearing appeals that had formerly gone to the
king. The adelantado menor, or lesser adelantado, came into existence early in the thirteenth
century, at which time he was a judicial officer of higher rank than the merinos, but also
possessed extensive administrative powers. Many of the adelantados menores were stationed in
frontier districts, and indeed they were often called adelantados fronterizos (frontier
adelantados). It was natural, therefore, that they should acquire military functions. It was the
adelantado fronterizo of Spain who figured so prominently in the conquest of the Americas.
Most of the conquerors of the sixteenth century were adelantados. After that the title died out.
Hill, Roscoe R., The office of adelantado, in Political science quarterly, v. XXVIII, no. 4; Dec.,
1913.
[22] Taxes at that time were many and varied in kind, but may be reduced to three types:
regular contributions, but depending on the happening of some event; indemnities to escape
rendering certain due services; and fines. As examples of the first type may be mentioned the
goyosa (rejoicing) payable by a married man at the birth of a child; the movicio (removal)
payable whenever one changed his residence; the yantar, or food supplies, for the king and his
retinue whenever he visited a town; the servicios (services), or subsidies, granted by the
Cortes; the diezmos de mar (tithes of the sea), or customs duties collected at the ports. The
most notable tax of the second class was the fonsado (foss), payable by those who wished to
escape the obligation of going on a military campaign. One of the third group was the caloña
(fine), due from the inhabitants of a region where a crime had been committed and the guilty
person had not been found. Gradually it became the practice to commute these taxes for a
single payment, except for the fonsado and the yantar, which were not dispensed with.
[23] At the present time the word alférez is equivalent to “sub-lieutenant.”
[24] It is still allowed to exist in a chapel of the cathedral of Toledo, and in another of
Salamanca.
[25] To Saint Dominic is due the institution of the rosary.
[26] A curious law of Jaime I recommended that ladies of noble rank should not offer food
or lodging to jugglers, or even give them kisses.
[27] Neoplatonism was a late and decadent form of the Greek philosophies. It endeavored
to unite the precepts of Christian, Jewish, and oriental religions, and displayed a disregard for
the empirical investigation of the universe, holding that the way to redemption lay through
rising superior to the material manifestations of life.
[28] The wars of Sancho and Juan gave rise to the celebrated act of heroism of Guzmán el
Bueno. Guzmán was governor of Tarifa, and had promised Sancho that he would not surrender
the place. Juan appeared before Tarifa with a Moslem army, and threatened to kill Guzmán’s
infant son, whom he had in his power, unless the fortress were delivered. Guzmán preferred to
keep faith with his king, and sent his own dagger for Juan to use in fulfilling his threat. Juan
had the boy beheaded in front of the walls of Tarifa, but failed to take the town. The incident is
illustrative of the savage brutality of the age, and was a rather unusual instance for that time of
keeping political faith at any cost.
[29] So called from a legend respecting his death. He is said to have ordered two men put
to death for a crime which they protested they did not commit. As the sentence was being
executed they summoned Ferdinand to appear before the tribunal of God within thirty days,
and on the thirtieth day thereafter Ferdinand was dead.
[30] The eldest son of Fernando de la Cerda, and therefore the rightful king according to
the laws of Alfonso X.
[31] This document is often rendered in English as “Privilege of Union,” a phrase which is
frequently misunderstood to mean, privilege to unite. The use of the article is necessary in
order to give the correct connotation.
[32] The lack of regular armies in the medieval period gave rise to the employment of
mercenary troops composed of adventurers from all countries, whose presence became a
danger to the state, once the purpose for which they had been hired had been achieved.
Fadrique of Sicily found himself in this position at the end of the war with his father in 1302.
He therefore suggested to Roger de Flor, one of his mercenary leaders, that he go to the aid of
the Roman emperor of Constantinople, then in grave danger from the Turks, who had overrun
Asia Minor. Roger de Flor accepted the idea, and embarked for the east with a large body of
mercenaries, many of whom were Catalans. Through their aid the emperor won great successes
against the Turks, and he therefore granted wealth and honors to his mercenary helpers, with
the result that yet more mercenaries came to share in the prosperity of their brothers in arms.
Some of the Byzantine Greek nobles became jealous of the favor accorded to Roger de Flor
and his men, and planned a massacre which was so successfully executed that that leader and
thousands of his followers were killed. The survivors, some 3300 in number, did not lose
courage, but on the contrary resolved to avenge this treachery, and did so, so effectively that
the “Catalan vengeance” has become quite as famous a term in history as the “Sicilian
vespers.” They defeated their enemies in several battles, and sacked and burned many towns,
but at length accepted a call from the duke of Athens to assist him in his wars. They freed the
duke from the danger which threatened him, but when he tried to deal with them as the
Byzantine Greeks had done they dethroned him and sent a message to Fadrique of Sicily asking
him to take them under his protection. Fadrique sent his son, Manfred, who established the
Catalan duchy of Athens, which was destined to endure over half a century, from 1326 to 1387
or 1388.
[33] This was at the time of the Great Schism in the church. Benedict was an Avignon
pope.
[34] Blanche was the unfortunate queen divorced by Henry the Impotent of Castile. Shortly
after her imprisonment in Navarre she died suddenly, probably poisoned by order of her sister.
[35] The figure of Pedro López de Ayala (1332-1407) is typical of the nobility of the times,
illustrating also the new tendency to win triumphs in court intrigues rather than in warlike
pursuits. Despite the facility with which he changed from one side to another, he was able to
procure a profit for himself (even out of his reverses) without scandal and under a pretence of
serving the public good, being always on the border of immorality without falling openly and
resolutely into it. Thus he was able to rise from untitled poverty to nobility and extraordinary
wealth, and to the position of chancellor of Castile. He was also the most noted historian of his
time.
A worthy successor of the preceding was Pedro Téllez Girón, grand master of Calatrava,
whose achievements occupied the latter years of Juan II and most of the reign of Henry IV. As
a favorite of the latter before he became king he was influential in causing the downfall of
Álvaro de Luna, and profited by that event to secure honors and wealth for himself, so that in
the reign of Henry IV he proved to be the most powerful of the Castilian lords. He was also one
of the most turbulent and disloyal of the nobles, and knew how to procure a good price for his
services in the civil wars of his time. He would have married Isabella, the successor of Henry
IV, if he had lived, and in that event the history of Spain might have taken a different course.
[36] Usually the “royal thirds” amounted to two-ninths. At a later time, both in Spain and
the colonies, this tax was specifically called the dos novenas (two-ninths).
[37] The customs of the clergy will be taken up more fully in chapter XIV.
[38] It was still the practice to farm out the revenues for a fixed sum, leaving the contractor
to collect them as a private venture.
 [39] Despite the existence of bull-fighting in much earlier times,—for example, in the
Visigothic period,—there is no clear documentary reference to that game for centuries prior to
the reign of Alfonso X.
[40] The earliest recorded petition in their favor in the popular branch of the Cortes was in
1626!
[41] An estimate of 1359 states that there were 25,731 dwellings on royal lands, and 57,278
on those of the lords. As late as the seventeenth century it is said that 1800 cities and towns out
of 2400 belonged to the nobles or the church, or three-fourths of the total.
[42] Thus Queen María felt it incumbent upon her to enact, in 1454, that naked men should
not take part in processions of masqueraders.
[43] See page 90, note 1.
[44] Literally “audience,” or “hearing.” Originally, the king gave “audience” for the
decision of cases. Later, he was relieved of this duty by other officials, or bodies, and the name
was applied finally to the courts referred to in this volume.
[45] The most famous of these leagues was the Santa Real Hermandad (Royal Holy
Brotherhood) of Toledo, Talavera, and Villarreal which lasted until the nineteenth century,
although with modifications of its jurisdiction and activities. The members of the league might
pursue an offender as far as the borders of Portugal or Aragon. When they caught him they had
a banquet, after which the criminal was tied to a post to serve as a target, and a prize was given
to the one who first shot him through the heart. When the accused was already dead, a trial was
held and he was sentenced. This procedure helps one to visualize the real insecurity of the
times,—for the same summary methods were employed which men have used both before and
since when the central authority was not strong enough to guarantee public security. The
California Vigilance Committees in the days of the gold rush are an instance in point.
[46] Literally “corrector.” While the royal agent of this name might originally have been
considered a “corrector” rather than an administrator, he later came to rule over areas ranging
from that of a city to a province, with wide judicial and executive functions.
[47] In 1283 the General Privilege was added as book eight, for there had been the usual
seven parts in the code of Jaime I; in 1300 the reforms of Jaime II; in 1348 those of Pedro IV;
and finally those of Juan I and Martín I.
[48] In medieval schools grammar, rhetoric, and logic (comprising the trivium) were the
principal studies, supplemented by arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music (or the
quadrivium). These subjects were almost unrecognizably unlike those of the same names today.
[49] See page 110.
[50] The Basque game, with which the people of Navarre were equally familiar. This game
bears no resemblance to American base-ball; rather it is more like a combination of tennis and
hand-ball. At the present time the players, three on a side, use a kind of bat, or racket, and a
leather-covered, solid rubber ball. The ball is served against a side wall, and must be made to
bound back over a net. The ball is thus kept in play until one side misses a return, which scores
a point for the opponents. The side first making a required number of points wins the match.
[51] After referring to the wealth of jewelry worn by the women of his time a Moslem
writer goes on to say, “The women of Granada are beautiful, being distinguished for the
symmetry of their figures, the gracefulness of their bodies, the length and waviness of their
hair, the whiteness and brilliance of their teeth, the perfume of their breath, the pleasing
lightness of their movements, the cleverness of their speech, and the charm of their
conversation.”
 [52] See p. 159.
[53] Cf. p. 155, n. 3.
[54] The real was a former Spanish coin of elusive value. Prior to the reign of Ferdinand
and Isabella it was worth slightly more than ninety maravedís and after that reign slightly less
than eighty-nine. Today the real of copper (a theoretical coin) is worth thirty-four maravedís
and the real of silver sixty-eight. As the maravedí (which is no longer coined) was worth about
a sixth of a cent in present-day United States money, it will be seen that the real has ranged
from about fifteen to five cents in value. These amounts do not, of course, represent the actual
value, or purchasing power, of the real. That cannot be determined, but it was certainly many
times greater than it would be today.
[55] The two most important, those of Valladolid and Granada, were distinguished from the
others by being called chancillerías.
[56] Compare the figures on population given at page 333.
[57] The addition of the name “de Jesús” to that of some of the mystics came from their
assertions of a marriage with Christ, according to which fact their names, in Spanish fashion,
required this indication of their marital partner.
[58] The best place to see them is in the Velázquez room of the Prado at Madrid.
[59] The British settlement was abandoned in 1774, after which the Spaniards returned.
Following the establishment of Argentine independence that country occupied the Falklands,
and still claims them. Since 1833, however, they have been in the possession of England.
[60] For negotiating this treaty, which certainly did not redound greatly to the advantage of
Spain, Godoy won the title of Prince of the Peace.
[61] Those who have lived in Spanish boarding-houses (fondas) in our own times will
recognize that this description lacks very little of fitting contemporary Spain.
[62] See note at page 196.
[63] The Jansenists were a sect within the Catholic Church following the teachings of
Cornelis Jansen (1585-1638), who relied upon the tenets of Saint Augustine as the basis for a
reform of the church. They were opposed to the doctrine of papal infallibility, and were bitter
enemies of the Jesuits, besides differing from other Catholics in certain points of dogma. Their
views were eventually pronounced heretical.
[64] On the basis of the usual size of Spanish families, this would have meant one
churchman to every five to ten adult men.
[65] One well-known case of clerical impropriety was that of the two ambitious priests
whom Queen María Luisa employed as spies to keep her informed whether Godoy were
faithful to her or not.
[66] A fanega equals about 1.59 acres.
[67] There were some relatively unimportant combats after this date, and Spain did not
acknowledge defeat until 1836.
[68] Belloc, Hilaire, “The International,” in The Dublin Review, v. CXLVI, nos. 292-293,
pp. 167-181, 396-411. London. Jan. and Apr., 1910. This is an article about the Ferrer case.
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