Wuolah Free U4
Wuolah Free U4
IsabelGilPerez
Facultad de Filología
Universidad de Sevilla
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A) MAJOR CHANGES FROM OLD TO MIDDLE ENGLISH
B) EARLY MODERN ENGLISH.
III.The short vowels i, u, e and o probably varied between tense and lax pronunciations
depending upon the surrounding consonants, just as they do in MnE.
IV. In unaccented syllables, <e> was pronounced /ə/.
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Reservados todos los derechos.
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❖ FIRST SOUND CHANGES
▪ ME: THE PRINCIPAL CONSONANTAL CHANGES
In Origins and Development, pages 158-60, Pyles lists nine consonantal changes which
occurred during the Middle English period:
1) Loss of [h] before [l], [n] and [r].
OE hlæfdige > ME lady
OE hlæhhan > ME laughen
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OE hnægan > ME neyen (neigh)
OE (h)ræfen > ME raven
2) [g] > [w] after [l] or [r].
OE sorg > ME sorwe (sorrow)
OE swelgan > ME swelwen (swallow)
3) Loss of [w] between consonant and back vowel.
OE eallswa > ME also
OE hwa > ME ho (who)
OE þwong, þwang > ME thong
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▪ ME: LENGTHENING AND SHORTENING OF VOWELS
during the late OE period or in early ME times.
- Vowels were LENGTHENED:
a. Before certain consonant sequences: especially mb, nd, ld.
cо̄ld
fēēld ‘field’
grо̄ūnd
hо̄lden ‘to hold’
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wо̄mB
b. In open syllables.
āker ‘acre’
bētel ‘beetle’
bēver ‘beaver’
dо̄re ‘door’
hо̄pe
tāle
[Open syllable: a syllable with a vowel sound and no consonant after the
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ModE developed from an ME ModE developed from an ME
form with a long vowel form with a short vowel
bathe bath (short in AmE)
bleed bled
break breakfast
clean cleanse
creep crept
dear ‘beloved’ darling (short in AmE)
deep depth
glaze glass (short in AmE)
goose gosling, gooseberry
- Rhoticity.
Rhotic dialects: Irish, Scottish, general American.
Non-rhotic dialects: English, Australian, South African.
➢ /a:/ (long) in some contexts because preconsonantal /r/ is dropped.
We do not know exactly when this started happening.
o ‘bark’ had and /r/ still with Shakeapeare.
o Later, in the 19th century, teachers tried to avoid the r-drop; but it had
become fashionable.
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❖ CHANGES IN SPELLING (hand-out)
- Middle English has a very different appearance to Old English because of:
• Collapse of the West-Saxon standard.
• Development of local graphology.
• Influence of French conventions.
- Variability of spelling in Middle English.
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‘might’: mihte, myhte, micht.
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3) Substitutions from French
o French convention of using <ou> for /u:/
OE ūt → ME out
OE fūl → ME ful, fule, fole, foul(e)
OE nū → ME nu, nou, now
➢ The re-spelling did not affect the pronunciation.
Medieval scribes were French (Normans). They heard /u:/ and
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associated it to the French spelling <ou>. It would later move to /aʊ/
with the GVS but the spelling changed before that and had nothing to
do with reflecting that change. It was never pronounced /ou/: the
orthography is misleading, chaotic because of the mixture of
languages.
OE hus /u:/>ME house /u:/>eModE house /aʊ/. German Haus /aʊ/
o ME <th> for OE <þ>
Originated in classical words e.g. Lat. thronus → French trone →
ME t-, th-.
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5) OE hw- → ME hw-, qu-, qw-, wh-, w-
➢ OE <hw> /hw/ was cognate with Romance <qu> /kw/. PIE *qwos,
*qwes is the ancestor of English who and Latin quis, quid.
➢ Orm was the first regular user of , according to OED.
➢ OE /hw/ → ME /hw/ and /w/
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▪ MARKING OF LONG VOWELS
I. final -e, once it had become grammatically meaningless.
OE on līfe → ME aliue (-e former dative inflection)
II. vowel sometimes doubled.
meet and boot
maad and tijm
III. <i>
- developed ‘dot’ (or ‘tittle’) first in early medieval Latin, near <n>, <m>.
▪ SPELLING OF CONSONANTS
Phonemicization of voiced fricatives and its effect on spelling
OE:
- <f> for [f, v]
- <s> for [s, z]
- /ð/: <þ> for [θ]. <ð> for [ð]
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ME:
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- new digraph: <th> for /ð/ - did not and still does not distinguish voicing.
e.g. thin, thine
- new phonemes: /z/ and /v/ in initial position because of word-borrowing from
French:
zenith, zeal, virtue, very
<h>
✓ Word-initially:
- OE: never pronounced.
- ME: sometimes spelled but not pronounced in loanwords from French (<
Latin)
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Yogh
OE:
- yogh <ʒ>
• /g/ god
• /j/
Near front vowels: -ge, gē, forgeat
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• /ɣ/ halgan, folgian, sorgan
ME:
- <g> for /g/
OE ʒod → ME God.
- <g> for /ʤ/ in loanwords
gem, gentle, generacioun.
Also finally: college
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▪ ME: SUMMARY OF CHANGES
Characteristics of ME spelling compared to OE
The nature of the bee = N. Sir John Mandeville = M. Robert of Gloucester = G
ME OE Examples
1 <th> used alongside <þ> <þ> N the (1), with (1), thaym (2),
anothire (3), erthe (3, 10) etc.
for /θ/ and /ð/
(voiceless and voiced dental
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fricatives)
2 <sch> <sc> N scho (1), schewand (8), schorte
(34). M schall (1), flesch (6).
for /ʃ/
3 <ch> <c> charyté (12), charge (37)
for /tʃ/
(voiceless post-alveolar affricate)
4 <gh> <h> N noghte (2, 24), feghtande (14),
thoght (23), moghte (24).
6 <u> and <v> <f> N neuer (6), heuene (9), heuy, (23),
seruis (29). M Haue (2, 7),
for /v/: medial vs. initial position /v/bu
merueyllous (7), merueyllous (8)
(voiced labiodental fricative /v/)
N vile (10), vaynité (11)
7 <v> <u> vs (16), vndirstandynge (37)
for /ʊ/ in initial position
(lax high back rounded vowel)
8 <y> alonside <i> <i> thaym (2), ydyllness (6) wynges
(11) etc.
for /i/
(tense high front unrounded vowel)
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Features of the spelling/phonology that can help identify a dialect:
• Northern (the nature of the bee)
Spelling
- <f> instead of <u> / <v>
lufes (6), lufe (17, 18…), hafe (13, 37)
- <u> instead of <o(o)>
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gude (7)
- single <s> instead of <sch> for /ʃ/
sulde (15)
- unpalatalised /k/
swylke (20), wylke (24)
Pronunciation
- <a> instead of <o> points to
➢ retention of OE long /a:/ that was /o:/ in the South already
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• Western: West-Midlands and South-Western (Gloucester)
Pronunciation
- OE /y/ > ME /u/: rounding.
PdE <i> or <e>
dude (did), þulk (the ilk=the same), lute (little), ȝute (yet)
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LONG VOWEL SHIFTS (later)
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why we call it that. Chain shifts are by no means rare in vowel systems, and they
occasionally even happen in consonant systems. But why should such an
amazing rearrangement occur at all? What started the GVS, and why did it keep
going until all seven vowels had moved to different places in the vowel space?”
Trask (2015: 79)
- A chain shift: the changes are related and affect each other.
- Something unique to English as well as unique within English.
- It was said to mark the change between ME and eModE (happened 1450-1700).
In the so-called Great Vowel Shift, the seven long monophthongs of ME were all
changed in their phonetic realisations:
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- A shift in tongue-height.
- A regular change: it affected all long vowels.
- An unconditioned change: the sounds change independently from the phonetic
context. There is no visible phonetic reason: unknown origin.
- The changes were gradual and happened across generations, during hundreds of
years. Some changes happened later than others.
We do not know when every change happened, we can only look for proof in
texts written throughout those years. Diphthongisation happened at a much later
stage than the rest.
- Some sounds underwent much more change than others, e.g. /a:/
➢ Some originally different sounds merged into one same sound with different
spellings and histories.
➢ The letters in English do not correspond to their Continental values:
<a> represents /a:/ in Swedish, Norwegian and German, but /eɪ/ in English
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▪ THEORIES ABOUT THE GVS
a) Is there any evidence that the GVS is a chain shift? No…
b) Does the available evidence support the traditional dating? No…
c) What exactly happened in the GVS, and why?
Recently:
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• ROGER LASS (1999)
- 14th century, East Midlands: first innovating spellings reflecting the beginning of
the GVS are found.
- c. 1500: /i:/, /u:/, /e:/, and /o:/ finished raising.
- the rest of the long vowels shifted later.
- c. 1650: the GVS was over.
- The ontology of the GVS has been questioned by Gjertrud Stenbrenden. 2016.
Long-Vowel Shifts in English, c. 1050-1700: Evidence from Spelling.
2) /e:/ and /o:/ were dragged upwards to fill the notional vowel space vacated
by the diphthongization.
3) The remaining three long vowels /ɛ:/, /ɔ:/ and /a:/ were raised.
The GVS was triggered by “a chain that starts with the introduction of some holes
which drags other segments into them, thereby creating more holes which in turn drag
other segments into them, and so on” (Trask 2015: 80)
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• KARL LUICK (1965-1935): THE PUSH CHAIN
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Viennese scholar. He established English historical linguistics on the continent. His
main contribution is his Historische Grammatik der englischen Sprache.
He argued that the GVS was a push chain.
1) Pushing: the trigger of the change was the raising of the mid vowels /e:/ and
/o:/. On their way upwards, they evicted /i:/ and /u:/ from their slots.
- The GVS was triggered by “a chain that starts with movement of one segment
dangerously close to a second one, causing that second one to move out of the
way and do the same thing to a third segment” (Trask 2015: 80)
- Roger lass supported this theory.
Scottish accent: house /u:/ and book /o:/
➢ He proposed that /u:/ > /əu/ did not happen because /o:/ > /u:/ did not
happen.
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GERTRUDE STENBRENDEN (2016)
- The raising of the close-mid vowels and the close vowels were simultaneous
➢ the close vowels did not diphthongise to avoid mergers, as it was
thought.
If both changes were simultaneous, it cannot be argued that the GVS was
triggered by either a push or a drag change meant to optimize the vowel
system.
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- Stenbrenden’s proof:
The reflexes of the close vowels and the close-mid vowels did not merge. It is
now known that the close-mid vowels were raising by the second half of the 13th
century (much earlier than it had been earlier believed); because there is no
merger, the close vowels must have started to diphthongise at the same time.
- “Irregular spellings indicating early vowel shift are quite numerous, as the
present work has shown, and they suggest that the changes conventionally
subsumed under the ‘GVS’ started in the mid-to-late thirteenth century.”
(Stenbrenden 2016: 308)
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❖ LONG VOWEL SHIFTS
The GVS is only a diagrammatic summary of two temporally extended processes:
1)
i. Early raising of the mid-close (or mid-high) vowels.
ii. Simultaneous diphthongisation of the close ones.
iii. Later raising of the mid-open and low vowels.
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2) A second raising.
Second raising of ME /ɛ:/
(took place in the 15th c., in the Northern dialects, 17th c. in the South).
➢ leads to merger with ME /e:/: both are ModE /i:/.
➢ Does not go to completion → a split within ME /ɛ:/ (will merge with ME /a:/)
▪ The meet-meat merger.
[ME open / ɛ:/ and closed /e:/]
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These mergers may be the result of the coming together over time of two
processes that have no particular ‘conceptual relation’: “Apparent
historical patternedness and directionality are typically accidental”
Lass (2006)
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➢ Leads to merger
a) With the original ME /e:/ when it had not raised yet. (speak-make)
b) With the original ME /ɛ:/ that did not undergo the second rising.
They are all eModE /e:/
BUT the meat-words changed as their high-mid (half-close) /e:/ raised to /i:/;
while the /e:/ in the make-words (original /a:/) did not continue to raise for a third
time.
➢ these rhymes did not persist.
/e:/ in the make-words, instead of raising for a third time, gave way to /eɪ/ in the
Southern mainstream dialect at the end of the 18th c.
A parallel process of diphthongisation was undergone by /o:/ in words like boat
and home.
b) With the original ME /ɛ:/ that did not undergo the second rising.
Some mergers of that /ɛ:/ with ME /a:/ [and later with ME /ai/].
the stressed vowels of name, take, cake (from ME /a:/) merged with
those of break, steak, great (from ME /ɛ:/).
OE nama: a: > æ > ɛ: > e: > eɪ
The sound /e:/ went forward, it became the diphthong as if it had come
from /a:/.
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- In some words, the vowel /ɛ:/ was shortened to /ɛ/ and so missed out on the
Long Vowel shifts:
bread, dead, dread, head, lead (n.), spread, thread, tread, red, shred,
sweat, threat, fret, let, breath, death.
- A few /ɛ:/ words conserved a tendency to keep the two long e’s distinct – they
fall in with the development of ME /a:/ - [a: > æ: > ɛ: > e: > eɪ], giving rise to
homophone pairs in PdE such as
great – grate; steak – stake; break – brake
But these are relics.
Rhymes such as these were still possible, for some speakers at least, as late as
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❖ North-South SPLITS
- /a/ - /æ/.
/a/ moved up to /æ/ by the mid-17th c.
• North of England, AmE: it has remained there.
• South: the vowel was lengthened and backed to /a:/
➢ Split
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castle, past, bath, last, master, path
- /ʊ/ - /ʌ/.
• Shortening of /u:/ [from /o:/ in the ‘GVS’] to /ʊ/.
book, foot, good, look.
OE fо̄t /fo:t/ > ME foot /fo:t/ > eModE /fu:t/ > eModE /fʊt/
• South: lowering and unrounding of /ʊ/ into /ʌ/.
cut, dull, fun, luck
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❖ CONSONANTS: simplifications (lenition, weakening) and new arrivals
(eModE)
- <gh> /ç/ and /x/
• fall silent mainly
bough, plough, slough, drought
bought, brought, ought, thought
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dough
bright, night, sigh, thigh, light
through
• survive as /f/ in some cases (no rule)
chough, rough, tough, cough, enough /ʌf/
→ In this respect, PdE is more complex than ME.
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• [hw] simplified to [w] → homophones
wail / whale; wine / whine; witch / which; weather / whether.
- [g] (voiced velar stop) dropped after velar nasal in [ŋg]
This gave phonemic status to /ŋ/ (opposition to alveolar /n/):
sin /n/ vs. sing /ŋ/; ran /n/ vs. rang /ŋ/
➢ Last phoneme to be aquired. A gain because of a loss.
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- Assimilation (coalescence):
alveolar sounds + palatal [j] → palatoalveolar fricative or affricate.
sj > ʃ zj > ʒ tj > tʃ dj > dʒ
palatoalveolar, palatoalveolar, palatoalveolar, palatoalveolar,
voiceless fricative voiced fricative voiceless affricate voiced affricate
mission vision stew dew
vicious measure tune duke
social pleasure future dune
nation decision Christian immediately
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