People around the world say that our democracy is genuine while other people are
unhappy with the way in which our democracy is being managed.
Overview
The ruling party’s unbroken incumbency before and since the introduction of multiparty
elections in 1994 has allowed it to establish significant control over state institutions. The
opposition has disputed the results of recent elections, and its armed wing fought a low-level
conflict against government forces that persisted until a truce was signed in 2016.
Is our election process fair? Why and why not?
The answer is NO. FRELIMO first took power when Mozambique gained independence in
1975, and has remained in power since the 1992 agreement that ended the country’s 1977–92
civil war and the introduction of multiparty elections in 1994. Since then, FRELIMO’s use of
public resources to fund campaign activities has provided it with an unfair electoral
advantage.
In 2018, the parliament overwhelmingly approved constitutional reforms that in coming years
would allow the indirect election of provincial governors, district administrators, and mayors.
The changes were viewed as beneficial to RENAMO and a step toward greater
decentralization and political stability. However, FRELIMO harnessed pressure tactics, the
advantages of incumbency, and apparent fraud to secure an overwhelming victory in the 2019
elections. Because the party won the most votes in all provinces, it may select all of the
country’s provincial governors, effectively making the previous year’s constitutional reforms
moot.
The campaign was marred by violence, much of which targeted opposition members or their
supporters, and several politicians and activists were killed. Anastácio Matavel, a respected
independent election observer, was killed that October, with members of an elite police unit
accused of carrying out the murder. Further violence was reported at dozens of polling
stations on election day, as were instances of harassment of poll workers, notably those
appointed by the opposition, with police taking part in the intimidation. Additionally, there
were credible reports of ballot-box stuffing; interference with the registration of election
observers; serious voting-register inaccuracies, particularly in Gaza Province; and tabulation
irregularities. As in past elections, FRELIMO enjoyed a strong advantage due to its use of
state resources to fund campaign activities and secure media coverage. A number of
opposition rallies were prevented by authorities.
Opposition parties denounced the election as fraudulent, while civil society organizations
denounced the polls, saying they were neither free, fair, nor transparent; that the ruling party
had captured the electoral machinery through the National Elections Commission’s (CNE)
appointment process; and that the polls were the worst since the introduction of multiparty
democracy in 1994. International observers from the Community of Portuguese Language
Countries, the European Union, and the US embassy expressed concern about the reports of
irregularities and election-related violence, but ultimately recognized the presidential
election’s outcome.
Moreover, Elections are administered by the CNE and a support body, the Technical
Secretariat for Electoral Administration. While the CNE’s members hail from FRELIMO,
RENAMO, the MDM, and civil society, FRELIMO effectively controls the selection process.
Domestic and international observers have long argued that this structure has led to the
politicization of the body, and deeply undermines stakeholder confidence in its operations.
Seven new CNE members were selected by the FRELIMO-controlled parliament in
December 2020.
The CNE’s administration of the 2019 elections drew sharp domestic and international
criticism. Among other issues—including irregularities in distribution of campaign finance
funding and ballot printing, and general opacity of operations—large discrepancies emerged
between the CNE’s voter rolls and records kept by the National Institute of Statistics, notably
in Gaza Province, a FRELIMO stronghold. CNE records showed more than 300,000 more
registered voters in Gaza than voting-age adults counted in the 2017 census.
What measures should be taken into account in order to have fair, just and transparent
elections?
Insufficient attention to administrative and procedural matters will negatively impact the
organization of a transparent and legitimate election. The significance of these practical steps
should not be underestimated in election where tension is high and public trust is low. The
following administrative and procedural matters should be prioritized in elections:
(a) Inspection of the voters roll. The voters roll should be made available for public inspection
to allow for public accountability and the participation of various stakeholders. Additionally,
public accountability promotes the accuracy and integrity of the voters roll.
(b) Proper accounting for election materials and equipment. In many elections, distribution of
election materials and equipment is chaotic, leading to accusations of vote-rigging. Shortage
of materials, whether intentional or not, also can lead to the disenfranchisement of voters.
(c) A transparent process for vote reconciliation. Typically, ballot counting takes place at pre-
determined centralized points in each constituency. However, lack of reconciliation and
secrecy in the counting of votes undermines public confidence in the elections.
Vote counting therefore must be a transparent process and must not take place before an
accounting of spoiled papers, unused voting papers, vote registers and all election materials.
Many elections see widespread accusations of ballot boxes mysteriously appearing or
disappearing, which, unsurprisingly, results in allegations of vote rigging and contesting of
the results.
(d) A code of conduct should be implemented for the campaign period. As discussed, free and
fair elections hinge on the freedom of political parties to campaign for votes. Access to all
areas of the country must be guaranteed. A code of conduct is important because it
emphasizes the fact that political parties must share in the responsibility of ensuring the
freedom of others to campaign and canvas for votes.
(e) The police must enforce in a fair, equitable and professional manner all laws and
regulations surrounding the security of public campaign activities and the arrest, investigation,
and detention of any who break campaign laws. In turn, parties should work with police to
facilitate security and public order at campaign events.
