CHAPTER 14

Communal Matters
Karen A. Leal

In Philotheou Parer9a ( Philotheos's Diversions), a novel by the grand dragoman

Nicholas Mavrocordatos (d. 1730) set in Istanbul in the early 18th century, the
narrator, a Greek Orthodox subject of the Ottoman Empire, crosses the Golden
Horn to Galata with his friend Jacob, a crypto-Christian.1 During the ride, a
garrulous old Muslim boatman (/siiydsft) describes his life, including the fires
and pestilence that had beset the city and destroyed his home and family, and
presents his views on his religious faith. He prays five times a day, and, display-
ing a certain practicality, respects not only Friday, the Muslim day of gathering,
when congregational prayers are held, but also Saturday, when Jews observe
the Sabbath, and Sunday, the Christian day of worship: "For who knows exactly
which form of worship pleases God?" 2
This pragmatic approach to religion reflects, and was perhaps a prod-
uct of, the contemporary urban environment of the Ottoman capital, where
Orthodox Christian, Am1enian, Jewish, and Muslim subjects often lived or
worked near one another, and might thus have been familiar with aspects of
their fellow Istanbulites' confessional lives. There were no ghettos in Greater
Istanbul (i.e., Istanbul proper and the three boroughs [bilad-t§elieye] of Galata,
Eyi.ip, and Oskiidar). Many neighborhoods were centered around a house of
worship-whether a masjid, church, or synagogue-but this did not necessar-
ily mean that only members of that faith lived there. In markets, the businesses
of Orthodox Christians, Jews, Armenians, and Muslims, other than shops sell-
ing foods and drink prohibited (bariim) under the sharia, were not segregated
by religion. 3 Nor, in many cases, were the guilds to which craftsmen of different
faiths belonged. 4 Mavrocordatos's open-minded boatman might have learned
about Jewish traditions as a member of the boatmen's guild (/siiyt/sftlare$niifi),
working on the Balat quay, where, in 1726,Jews such as Hayim, Bilnyamin [sic],
and Yuda were listed as plying their trade alongside Muslims such as Uzun

1 Mavrocordatos, Les loisirs de Philotlzee, ed. Bouchard, 112; see also ibid., 82, 92. A crypto-
Christian is a convert to Islam who secretly practices his original religion.
2 Ibid., 114.
3 inalcik, "Istanbul: An Islamic City", 13.
4 Yi, Guild Dynamics in Seventeenth-Century Istanbul, 65-70.

~) KONINKLI.JKE BHILl. NV, LEllJEN, 2022 I DOl:IO.ll63/9789004468566_015

366 LEAL COMMUNAL MATTERS 367

Hasan and imam Abdi, and Armenians such as Kirkor and Ha<;ador. But the Phanariots, after Fen er, 8 the district on the shore of the Golden Hom to which
boatman's interaction with his non-Muslim brethren in the guild would have I many in the community gravitated after the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate relo-
had its limits: it appears that guild members acted as guarantors (sing. kefil)
only for their co-religionists (e.g., <;1rac1 Hasan was the guarantor for San
I cated there around 1600 (Fig. 14.1).9 Near the Patriarchate was the Patriarchal
Academy, founded in 1454, which counted among its students the Moldavian
ibrahim, and vice versa; likewise Avram and Mosi). 5 \
prince Dimitrie Cantemir (d. 1723), who spent his youth in Fener, and whom
The depiction of Philotheos's friend Jacob, from Izmir, who outwardly pro- \ Nicholas Mavrocordatos replaced as hospodar of Moldavia in 1711. Enriched by
fesses Islam while privately honoring his Christian faith, is also noteworthy. He \ their commercial connections in the Mediterranean and the Balkans, and their
hosts a luncheon for Philotheos's guests in a lush garden situated on a height
overlooking the city, where they engage in lively philosophical debates and dis-
I business and cultural ties to Italy, the Phanariots held high-ranking lay posi-
tions in the church, and by the latter half of the 17th century, some were being
cussion. Living on the threshold between Islam and Christianity, he does not I integrated into the Ottoman government in the powerful roles of grand drago-
seem to fear the punishment apparently meted out in 1672 to an adolescent I man and dragoman of the fleet-without converting to Islam, as non-Muslims
named Nicholas, as described by Antoine Galland (d. 1715), a French archae-
ologist and translator of The Thousand and One Nights, who was part of the
I who entered the state bureaucracy had previously been required to do.
In 1719, Philotheou Parerga was presented to the French ambassador to
French embassy to Constantinople in the early 1670s. According to Galland, the Ottoman Empire, the Marquis de Bonnac (d. 1738), as a gift for Louis xv
the boy was taking Turkish lessons from a Muslim barber who worked next (r. 1715-74). The work was "intended to be a sort of literary covering [sic] let-
door to his father's shop in the commercial district ofTahtakale (Ta}:it al-~al'a), ter ... written by a Christian statesman who enjoys the freedom of expres-
near the Yeni Valide mosque (completed just a few years earlier, in 1665), when sion allowed by a tolerant, beneficent monarch, and an enlightened form of
he was tricked into reading the Islamic profession of faith. After objecting that govemment". 10 In the characters of the Muslim boatman andjacob, among oth-
he was a Christian, Nicholas was imprisoned and then executed for apostasy. 6 ers, Mavrocordatos provided his European readers with an idealized depiction
Jacob's imaginary Istanbul garden is idyllic. But in accounts of the lives of neo- of how residents of varying confessional identities interacted in Istanbul at the
martyrs who lived in the 17th century, when individual conversions to Islam tum of the 18th century, perhaps as a counterpoint to less flattering depictions
were on the rise, "closely intertwined space[ s ]" where Orthodox Christians by some European visitors to the city. But a brief survey of the activities of the
and Muslims intermingled, such as the neighborhood of Tahtakale, were fre- residents of one neighborhood in Fener-gleaned from 17th-century tribunal
quently portrayed as posing a mortal threat to Christian lives. 7 court records (kadt sicilleri)-offers a more nuanced understanding of how the
Nicholas Mavrocordatos, the author who gave voice to the characters of city's inhabitants conducted their lives in this era. With regard to non-Muslims
the Muslim boatman, Jacob, and Philotheos, was descended on his father's in particular, both Mavrocordatos's fictional account and the court records
side from a wealthy Chian silk merchant for whom he was named, and on his discussed below reveal that, even as Greek Orthodox Istanbulites were fully
mother's side from Scarlatos Begliktzis, a beef purveyor who made his fortune enmeshed in the life of the city, they were also developing a heightened aware-
supplying the Ottoman court. In this era, leading Greek Orthodox merchant ness of themselves as a distinct group in the capital. This sense of communal
families such as these, who frequently embellished (and at times fabricated) identity would develop further as they engaged with the Imperial Divan, and
their Byzantine pedigree, rose to prominence, first in Istanbul and later as perhaps also with the objections of Muslim neighbors, in seeking permission
hospodars (Rom. lord, master) of the Danubian principalities of Wallachia to repair a number of dilapidated churches throughout the city.
and Moldavia. The members of the Greek Orthodox elite were known as

5 iKs vol. 21, istanbul Mahkemesi 24, no.153 (original text, fol. 47a-2). The scribe seems to have
erroneously subsumed a few Armenians, such as the individuals Kirkor (sic, Krikor) and
Ha~ador, under his listing of the Jewish guild members. 8 The Ottoman name derives from the Greek phamiri, lighthouse, so-called in reference to
6 Constantelos, "'Neomartyrs'", 221-22; de la Croix, Etat present des nations, 213-46; Galland, a lantern lit at a nearby tower in Byzantine times.
Journal d'Antoine Galland, vol. 1, 220-21. 9 On the relocation, see Runciman, Great Church in Captivity, 190-91.
7 Krstic, Contested Conversions, 146. See also Baer, "Islamic Conversion Narratives". rn Kamperidis, "Notion of Millet", 70.
 C01'1!'v1UNAL 1\IATTEHS 369

The Residents of the Abdi Suba~1 Quarter of Fener

~- - . As a grand dragoman in the service of the Ottoman state, a novelist who

_.,__;. - ~·.-. -:;;, ; 9 Golden
wro te in a style imitating classical Greek, and a resident of Fener, Nicholas
, ...-, Mavrocordatos exemplifies t he ways in which an erudite Greek Orthodox
-0'; Horn
~/ lstanbulite fit into the fabric of life in the Ottoman capital. His father was
Alexander Mavrocordatos ( cl. 1709), a doctor of medicine educated in Italy,
who himself served for a lmost three decades as grand dragoman (diviin-1
'ci/i terciimci111). In 1G9G, two d ecades before Nicholas composed Plzilotheou
Parerga, Alexande r appeared in a local courtroom simply as a translator
(tercii111cin ). 11 Identified in th e court record 12 by h is Ottoman patronym iskerlet
oglu (son of iskerlet [Scarlattos ]) 13 rather th an as Mavrocordatos, he was there
..;
to tra nslate, from English into Turkish, a document relating to the claim of
an English merchant, identified as "Carco [George?] v. Radomdini".14 A com-
7~" -
~ , · ~·· plaint had been fi led against the latter by r wo Orthodox Christians, Manoi and
." . . Dimit raki, who lived in the Abdi Suba§l quarter (maballe), near Fenerkap1s1
, .•, ' . 8 (Fener Gate), a nd so may have known th e cider Mavrocordatos not only as a
;,; 'f/J distinguished Ottoman minister but also as a neighbor, since the grand drago-
, 't . .
jJ- 1 man owned a home nearby. 15 The English merchant h ad Antonaki v. Ist ifani,

,
head dragoman of the English cmbassy, 16 attest to the contents of the docu-
'
ment. Mavrocordatos's presence in court may have reassured the plaintiffs,
• rn::, . not only because he could affirm that the document had been translated cor-
.. . rectly (partic ularly since it tu rned out to be detrimental to their case), but also
- '
)1: ltf because of his local tic to th em a nd his governmental position.
1j ~ .a..... •

IT] Ecumenical Patriarchate [ID Fener wharf

{Aya Yorgi Kilisesi)
11 The English term "dragoman" is a corruption of terciim czn.
11] Abdi Suba~• Mosque [2] Balat wharf
12 Ku ran (ed. ), Mahkemc Kayillan f§1fj111 d a, vol. 1, 891-94 (ista nbul 22, fol. 36a/2).

rn {Kanli
@]
Panagia Mouchliotissa Church
Kilise)
Patriarchal Academy {?) (est. 1454)
---
Old City Wall 1:-1
14
Lea l, "Ottoman State and Greek Orthodox of Ista nbul", 423.
The abbreviation "v." stan ds for veled, meaning "son of". This word was used exclusively fo r
non-Muslim males, as opposed to ibn (usually abbrevia ted "b."), which was used only for
□ Muslim men.
rn Dimitrie Cantemir's mansion 15 I le had a house described as "within Fenerkap1s1", although the Abdi Suba§l quarter is not
[ill Fener gate s pec ifically m entioned. Ah met Re fik , Hier[ On jkinci Astrda, 21. The Fener Gate and most
Seo of of the sea walls are no longer extant. Deleon, Ancient Districts, 80.
Metochion of the Monastery Marmara
II] of St. Catherine 16 Antonaki appears to have been a local Greek Onh odox translator in the employ of the
English e mbassy. Foreign e mbassies often doubted the loyalty of su ch dragom a ns, due
FIGURE 14.J Map showing certai n landmarks in Fen er. The exact location of
to "rea l or su pposed venality but a lso because t heir status as subjects of the sultan m ade
the Patriarchal Academy (no. 4) in the 17th century is unknown ,
them liable to p ressure by t he Ottoman authorities". Faroqhi, 1he Ottoman Empire and the
though it was certainly in Fene r. I have hypothetically placed it
World Around II , 174.
on the site of the Greek Orthodox College, built in 188::1.
BASE MAP: C . SCOTT WALKER, HARVARD MAP CO LL ECT I ON,
HARVARD COL LEG E LJBHAl!Y
370 LEAL co~t ~t Li:-,;.-\ L ~t .-\TT I-: HS 371

With its eponymous mosque 17 located directly behind the Patriarchate, Abdi
Suba§I was a well-off neighborhood near Fenerkap1s1, which was renowned ( or I
infamous) for its fishermen and taverns. 18 This was one of the three quarters
that made up Fener, the other two being Tahta Minare and Tevki'i Ca'fer. 19
Comprising perhaps ten or fifteen streets a nd usually centered on a main road
(tari~-i 'amm), with some houses of worship and small shops providing local
II
services, neighborhoods such as these "foste red a durable sense of local iden-
tity and cohesion" for their inhabitants, who were of varied socioeconomic and
religious backgrounds.20
By the 18th century, when most homes in Ista nbul were just one or two sto-
'II
ries and made of wood,2 1 the wealthy Greek 0 1t hodox denizens of Fener built I
imposing two- and three-story stone (kargtr ) mansions (Fig. 14.2).22 A stately
stone building nearby served from 1686 as the metochion (residence) of the
Monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai, which since Byza ntine times had
had a representative in the city. Its salon ran "the length of the house but ...
[was] bli nd on the Horn side ... presumably because the owner did not wish to
look out upon the wharf or suffer the stench of the polluted water".23 Like the
Balat pier furth er up the Golden Horn, Fener's wharf was a lways busy, as it was
intimately connected to the commercial center of Eminoni.i, further down the
Golden Horn toward the Bosphorus. 24 F I GUH I-: 14.:! l'hanariol h o uses in Fcner. E. Diez, Alt-J..:011sta11ti11opel: H1111dertzelm
Despite Abdi Suba§1's proximity to the nexus of Greek ecclesiastical and sec- 11/w/ogmphischc .-11!/iwhmcn d cr Stadt 1111d ihrer Bau- 1111d K1mst-Dc11k111ciler,
iV1 un ich - Pasing. 192 0
ular power, it housed a diverse population in the latter half of the 17th centuiy,25
including n-vo Muslim ladies, Emine bt. ivaz26 and Fatnna bt. Abdullah, the
latter likely a convert, who in 1663 made renovations to their home by adding Drako and his n ephew Mihalaki v. Kostantin, n -vo Orthodox Christians wh o
a §ii.hni§[n (bay window), a talitapu§ (covered wooden balcony on the roof), served a s the rep resentatives of the prin ce of Moldavia. In late June of that
and a kenif (privy). This damaged the property of the ir next-door neighbors, yea r, they compla in ed to t h e sha ria court that these structures were putting
pressure on the v,1all between the houses, causing it to lean p recariously toward
their own property. Royal arch itects, a long w ith Muslim neighbors, were
17 The Abdi Suba§I mosque was built a fter the conquest of the city in 1453 and renovated
sent to confirm the situa t io n , and di rec ted Emine and Fatima to undertake
in the 16th century during the reign of SUleyman (r. 1520-66). Ayvansarayi, Garde11 of the
Mosques, ed. Crane, 226, n. 1778. the n ecessary re pairs.:! 7 Two years later, the priest Yakomi v. Tozako and four
18 Evliya <;:elebi, Evliya r;etebi Seyahatnamesi, vol. 1, ed. Dankoff, Ka hraman, Dagh, 140, 275. Greek Ort hodox lay men, resid ents of th e part o f Abdi Suba§J located outside
19 Ana n, "Fener", 341; see a lso Leyla Kayha n Elbirl ik's c hapter on "Neigh borhood and Family Fenerkap1s1, accused som e of the ir Jewish neighb ors of attacking and verb ally
Lives" in this volume.
ab using a watchman, w h o m the Greeks had h ired to patrol the neigh borhood,
20 Behar, A Neighborhood in Ottoman /sta11bul, 4.
21 inalc1k, "istanbu l", TDVIA, 237.
and ot he r Christia n residents of the q uarter. Altho ugh the j udge issued a fiiic-
22 Goodwin, Ottoman Architecture, 447-48. See also Sezgin, "Les maisons e n pierre"; Cerasi, cet ( document) ord e ring the expulsion of t he Jews, an agreement was reached ,
"Istanbul 1620-1750", 481. These ma nsions were torn down in the early 20th centu ry. allowing the m to s tay. It is possible th at these Jewish residents of"outer" Abdi
23 Goodwin, Ottoman Architecture, 448. See also Deleon , Ancient Districts, 82. On the repair Suba§I were amo ng the Jews w hom the Ottoman auth orities had fo rced out of
of the chu rch associated with the metochio11, sec n. 83, below.
the neigh borhoods o f Em in onti (an area known in Byzan tine times as Porta
24 Erbey & Erba§, ''Fencr Balat", 144.
25 On the long-term nature of this demographic diversity, see Kafescioglu, Co11sta11ti11opolis/
Istanbul, 186- 88; Ycrasimos, "La fondation", 218.
26 The abbreviatio n "bt." sta nds for bin/, meaning "da ughter of". 27 i KS vo l. 1G. is ta nbul Mah keme si 12, no. 308 (original text, fol. 26(2)a-5).
372 LEAL COMMUNAL MATTERS 373

Hebraica (Jewish Gate)) after the great fire (ibrii/s-t kebfr} of 166028 and subse- documentation refuting his claim. For these converts, joining the dominant
quent construction of the Yeni Valide mosque, and who were made to resettle religion did not mean they could completely extricate themselves from their
outside the city walls, in areas such as Balat and Haskoy. Memories of that con- former lives as Christian residents of the quarter, nor did their new Muslim
flagration, which started in Eminonii, may have also prompted Father Yakomi status guarantee any favors at the hands of the kadi (sharia court judge). A
to mention the Greeks' fear that their Jewish neighbors might start a fire in decade later, in July 1678, a Greek Orthodox woman of Abdi Suba§I, Saltane
Abdi Suba§I, due to the particular way they lit the braziers in their homes. In ht. Dimitri, also sought a change in her circumstances, not through conver-
response, and as part of their accord to remain in the neighborhood, the Jews sion but by asking the kadi in nearby Haskoy to grant her a divorce (mu!Jiilaca)
promised to build and use new braziers "like the ones in Muslim homes". 29 from her husband, Yorgaki v. Nikola. 33 Non-Muslims were allowed to tum to
Some court records describe the Abdi Suba§I quarter as "within" (dii!Jilinde) their own intracommunal courts to plead cases involving their co-religionists,
Fenerkap1s1, while others describe it as being "outside" (lziiricinde ). If the situ- if the parties agreed to do so and the conflict did not involve a capital offense
ation was like that in neighboring Balat, wealthier residents generally lived or threaten public order. 34 Saltane may nevertheless have believed that the
within the walls, while poorer Jewish residents lived outside, in ya/zud!Jiines kadi, applying sharia law, would be more receptive to her complaint than the
(tenements intended for Jews). 30 In the first case discussed above, Drako Greek ecclesiastical courts that were around the comer and had jurisdiction
and Mihalaki lived within the walls, next to two Muslim ladies who had the over their flock in internal matters such as marriage. Indeed, by 1672 Patriarch
resources to make extensive renovations to their home. The details of their dis- Dionysios IV had become so concerned about how many members of his
pute suggest that the parties shared a similar socioeconomic status in "inner" flock were seeking divorces at the Muslim court that he requested an imperial
Abdi Suba§I. Meanwhile, the Greeks represented by Father Yakomi lived on the diploma (beriit) stating that the patriarch "had exclusive jurisdiction to grant
other side of Fenerkap1s1. Wealthy enough to hire a watchman (though per- divorces between Christians".35 This did not, however, deter Saltane from visit-
haps not as wealthy as Drako and Mihalaki across the wall), they clashed with ing the Haskoy court in 1678.
their Jewish neighbors, who appear to have been primarily renters, perhaps
recently arrived from Eminonii. Though the dispute was nominally between
Christians and Jews, it may also have had to do with the tensions that arose 2 The Crisscrossing Ties Connecting Muslims and Non-Muslims in
when one group felt its space being encroached upon by another group that it Early Modem Istanbul
saw as lower than itself on the socioeconomic scale.
Personal matters, too, are telling. In 1667, Mehmed b. Abdullah, a resident of Even as religion remained the most important criterion by which individuals
"inner" Abdi Suba§i and convert to Islam previously known as Dimitri v. Sebasti, were defined, and defined themselves, in Ottoman society, these vignettes-
appeared in the sharia court with his former wife, the Greek Orthodox Fetorye about guild members, an erudite host who kept his true religious beliefs hid-
bt. Petko, in a dispute over his alleged share of a house in the neighborhood. 31 den, adolescent apostates (or martyrs, depending on one's point of view),
Around the same time, another convert residing in the quarter, Siileyman Greek Orthodox Ottoman diplomats, merchants, recent converts to Islam,
b. Abdullah, made a claim against the Jew Menahem v. Yasef regarding the litigants and witnesses, homeowners, and sometimes unhappy or unwilling
value of jewelry and other precious items that had come into Menahem's neighbors and spouses-illustrate other ways that residents of Istanbul were
possession after Siileyman's former wife, the Christian woman Harsandi, had connected to one another, highlighting the crisscrossing ties that bound them,
pledged them to Ahmed Agha, the miitevelli (administrator) of an endow- in various permutations, both horizontally to one another and vertically to the
ment in Eyiip, as collateral for a loan. 32 Both Siileyman and Mehmed lost their state, at the turn of the 18th century. 36
cases-Siileyman for lack of evidence and Mehmed because Fetorye produced
the formerly married couple's material riches, it seems likely that they were from "inner"
28 ~i§man, Burden ofSilence, 34. Abdi Suba§1,
29 Kuran (ed.), Mahkeme Kaylllart l§tgmda, vol. 1, 644-45 ( istanbul 16, fol. 86b/t ). 33 iKs vol. 30, Haskoy Mahkemesi 10, no. 110 (original text, fol. 64-1).
30 Leal, "Balat", 176, 178-80, 184. 34 Al-Qattan, "Inside the Ottoman Courthouse", 203, 209-10.
31 iKS vol. 17, Bab Mahkemesi 3, no. 547 (original text, fol. 72a-2). 35 Baer, "Islamic Conversion Narratives", 434, citing Pantazopoulos, Church and Law, 103.
32 iKS vol. 17, Bab Mahkemesi 3, no. 459 (original text, fol. 63a-1). The decree does not 36 Until the late 20th century, ties such as these were largely obscured by the wide-
state whether this was the part of Abdi Suba§1 that was within Fenerkap1s1, but given spread acceptance of the "millet system" paradigm, according to which the empire's
374 LEAL COM.MUNAL MATTEHS 375

In early modem Istanbul, where in the 17th century perhaps two-fifths of Primacy was accorded to Muslims, and especially to Muslim men, in com-
the residents were non-Muslim, 37 the acceptance of "difference" was implicit parison to whom non-Muslims, known as clhimmis,41 were accorded a lesser
not only in the Ottomans' administration of their subjects, but also in how position professionally, legally, physically, religiously, and linguistically,
the inhabitants of the city interacted with one another. Whereas the Spanish thereby imparting, in the case of Istanbul, a cosmopolitan air to the city, while
expulsion of the Jews in 1492 and of the Moriscos in 1609, and Louis x1v's also making clear who did and who did not belong to the dominant group. In
revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, could be seen as part of an effort records of the Imperial Divan, for example, a Muslim man was described as
to impose religious uniformity in Spain and France respectively, it has been "somebody" (kimesne), while the specific terms Ennen[ and Yahil.dfwere used
noted that in the early modem era, with the exception of the institution of to single out, respectively, Armenian and Jewish men; and Muslim women
the dew;inne, 38 which by the 17th century was in any case falling into disuse, were given the honorific [ziitiln (lady) or 'avret (woman), whereas a Christian
there was a "near lack of any political will [among the Ottomans] to trans- woman was called Nm1riiniye (Nazarene ).42 "The person with the power takes
form" their non-Muslim subjects' religious '"difference' into 'sameness"'.39 Even the noun-and the norm-while the less powerful requires an adjective."43
as Ottoman political and religious authorities attempted in the 16th and 17th Yet the boundaries implied by these designations were not impermeable: con-
centuries to bring the conduct of their Muslim subjects"( and to a lesser extent, versions to Islam, which increased in the 17th century,44 provided a way for
the[ir] beliefs) ... in line with the precepts of Sunni Islam, as they were under- dhimmis such as Abdi Suba§I resident Dimitri v. Sebasti to enter the dominant
stood at that time", it was not Ottoman practice to drive either non-Muslim or group as Mehmed b. Abdullah. 45
"heretical" Muslim communities outside the empire's borders. 40 In return for the protection of the state, non-Muslims had to pay a poll tax
{jizya). Also, the dhimma in theory restricted what non-Muslims might wear,
the height and color of their buildings, the bearing of arms, and the public
Greek Orthodox, Armenian, and Jewish subjects belonged to legally sanctioned, semi- display of their religion-limitations all meant to symbolize the lesser, albeit
autonomous religious communities (sing. millet) under the authority of the central gov-
tolerated, position they held in society due to their willful non-acceptance of
ernment. More recently, however, a consensus has developed that it is not useful to view
these communities in the early modem period as insular clements within the Ottoman Islam. But the enforcement of these restrictions varied with time and place
Empire (Faroqhi, "Ottoman Ruling Group", 256; Greene, Edinburgh History of the Greeks, across the empire, and it seems that.just as the Ottoman state lacked the will
29). The shortcomings and nuances of the millet system paradigm are beyond the scope to impose religious uniformity on its non-Muslims, so too it lacked the will
of this essay (see, inter alia, Braude, "Foundation Myths"; Ursinus, "Millet"; Konortas, (and perhaps the resources) to enforce the distinctions that were meant to
"From Ta'ife to Millet"), but I note that the term does not appear in any of the sharia court
decrees about Abdi Suba§t described above.
highlight the religious differences among its subjects.46 For example, despite
37 Ba§aran, Selim Ill, 61. There arc no satisfactory estimates for the population of Istanbul
in the 17th century, but the scholarly consensus is that it could not have been more than
300,000 (Yi, Guild Dynamics in Seventeenth-Century Istanbul, 26-27).
38 That is, the Ottomans' periodic levy of Christian children, who were converted to Islam
and groomed for the highest offices of the state or for entry into the janissary corps. See 41 From the Islamic concept of the ah/ al-dhimma (Ott. Turk. iimml, eh/ el-iimme, ehl-i
Agoston, "Dev§irme"; Agoston, "Janissaries". Inhabitants of Istanbul were excluded from ?immet), the people of the "pact", i.e., the obligation of Muslim rulers to protect and toler-
the dev~inne, but once the levy became less common, some men may have been moti- ate the presence of non-Muslims in tl1eir domains.
vated to convert to Islam as a way to enter the military class: see Baer, "Islamic Conversion 42 Al-Qattan, "Inside the Ottoman Courthouse", 209-11; Leal, "Ottoman State and Greek
Narratives", 435. Orthodox of Istanbul", 199-205.
39 Rodrigue, "Difference and Tolerance", [n.p. ]. Sec also Baer, "Islamic Conversion Narra- 43 Steinem, "Women Have 'Chick Flicks.' What About Men?" Steinem writes: "I realized
tives", 432. the problem began with the fact that adjectives are mostly required of the less power-
40 Terzioglu, "How to Conceptualize Ottoman Sunnitization", 313; Terzioglu, "Where ifm-i ful. Thus, there arc 'novelists' and 'female novelists,' 'African-American doctors' but not
/fa/ Meets Catechism", 104-05. Nevertheless, Ottoman "Sunnitization", though directed 'European-American doctors'." Although adjectives such as Ennenl, Yahudl, and N~riiniye
toward the "social disciplining" of the empire's Muslims, would have particular rami- are in these instances used substantively, Steinem's point remains relevant.
fications in the 17th century for the Jewish and Christian communities of Istanbul, as 44 Sec n. 7, above.
described below, when Ottoman religious and political authorities would try to define 45 Sec n. 31, above.
relations with those communities in a manner more strictly based on the sharia: see 46 Faroqhi, "Ottoman Ruling Group", 243; Braude & Lewis, "Introduction", 6; see also
Terzioglu, "How to Conceptualize Ottoman Sunnitization", 321. Terzioglu, "How to Conceptualize Ottoman Sunnitization", 322.
376 LEAL COMMUNAL MATTERS 377

the existence of sumptuary laws, Sir Paul Rycaut, writing in the 1670s, despon- 3 Between the Kad1zadelis and the Treaty of Karlowitz:
dently noted "how gladly the Greeks and Annenian Christians imitate the The Fluctuating Fortunes of Dhimmis in the 17th Century
Turkish Habit, and come as near to it as they dare". 47 Cultural assimilation
was perhaps inevitable when different groups lived and worked so near to The opportunity for non-Muslims, and in particular the Greek Orthodox, to
one another. Indeed, in the 17th century, this blurring of the borders between restore their houses of worship-which would facilitate their ability to con-
Muslim and dhimmi would prompt some Istanbulite Muslims to agitate for gregate and practice their respective religions-came in the wake of two
a more restrictive stance toward the dhimmi population of the city.48 At developments: the waning of the puritanical Kad1zadeli movement that had
times, then, restrictions meant to highlight the Muslim/dhimmi divide were gripped the city since the 1630s, and the impact of the Ottoman-Habsburg
enforced-when Muslim subjects demanded it, or when doing so proved con- wars (1683-99).
venient given local, empire-wide, and international conditions. In the early Although the person most closely identified with the beginning of the
modem era, the Ottoman state "made a large number of very matter-of-fact Kad1zadeli movement, Kad1zade Mehmed b. Mustafa (d. 1635), mainly targeted
decisions, based on expediency and taking into account what was possible the sufi orders, which he felt were harmful to Muslim society, one of his succes-
under given circumstances".49 In sum, the place of non-Muslims in Ottoman sors, Vani Mehmed Efendi (d. 1685), also focused attention on non-Muslims,
Istanbul was "tolerable but insecure", 50 their status often dependent on the whom he blamed for the military problems the empire was experiencing in
degree to which the Muslims among and with whom they lived and worked Crete and related political and financial difficulties. As the shaykh (spiritual
insisted on having the Ottoman state (so near and perhaps more strongly felt advisor) to both Sultan Mehmed IV (r. 1648-87) and his grand vizier Fazil
in the bustling capital) enforce the dhimma-which in theory rigidly dictated Ahmed Koprillil ( d. 1676), and mosque preacher of the Yeni Valide mosque in
the space that non-Muslims would be accorded in a Muslim society, but in Eminonil, Vani Efendi had "both the sale and consumption of wine forbidden
Ottoman hands was often malleable. on pain of death wherever there was a mosque, regardless of the composition
As a series of documents related to the repair of Greek Orthodox churches of the neighborhood". 52 He also wished to eliminate the communal prayers
throughout Istanbul reveals, however, in the last decade of the 17th century that were said in times of calamity, such as during outbreaks of the plague
the Greek Orthodox, too, influenced the built environment in which they that beset the city, when Muslim imams along with the Greek Orthodox and
lived alongside Muslim, Jewish, and Armenian neighbors. In so doing, Greek Armenian patriarchs prayed for God's intercession before an assembly gath-
Orthodox Istanbulites appear to have tested the boundaries of what they ered in Okmeydam. In 1664, when the sultan called for such prayers to be said
were allowed to do when repairing their churches-in the process sometimes before the start of a campaign, Vani Efendi successfully argued that Muslim
angering neighboring Muslims, who would not hesitate to report the Greeks' prayers would not be made more effective by the"[ a ]ssembly of all the people
"transgressions" to the sharia courts and to the Divan, and sometimes them- of a City into one body". 53 The shaykh "even sought the execution of [the first
selves turning to these institutions, when they felt they were being hindered in grand dragoman] Panagiotis Nikousios ... with whom he engaged in a heated
carrying out renovations for which they had received the state's permission.51 dispute over the finer points of Christian law"-this despite the fact that it was
Fazil Ahmed who had elevated Nikousios to the position of grand dragoman. 54
During this period, Jewish physicians to the sultan were increasingly
required to convert to Islam, a transformation perhaps related to the influence

47 Rycaut, Present State of the Ottoman Empire, 153. 52 Zilfi, "The Kad1zadelis: Discordant Revivalism", 264.
48 See below on the influence of the Kad1zadelis in this regard, as well as the role played by 53 Rycaut, History of the Turkish Empire, 154, as discussed in Zilfi, "The Kad1zadelis:
Muslim residents of a neighborhood when their Greek Orthodox neighbors sought per- Discordant Revivalism", 264. Others, however, such as the shaykh al-Islam Minkarizade
mission to repair their churches. (d. 1677 ), advocated public multi-communal prayers. Norton, "Introduction", 7-8; ~i§man,
49 Faroqhi, The Ottoman Empire and the World Around It, 3. "Minkarizade", 406-08.
50 Braude & Lewis, "Introduction", 6. 54 Leal, "Ottoman State and Greek Orthodox of Istanbul", 15: Cantemir, History of the Growth
51 This discussion of church repairs is based on a section (243-64) of chapter 4 of my 2003 and Decay, trans. Tindal, 261-62; de la Croix, £tat present des nations, 247-60: Kermeli,
dissertation "The Ottoman State and the Greek Orthodox of Istanbul". "Polemic/Apologetic Literature".
 r
378 LEA L 379

of the queen mother Hadice Turhan Sultan (an acolyte, like h er son, of Va ni 4 Churc h Repairs in Istanbul
Efendi), 55 as well as to th e rise of th e messianic movement of Sabbata i Tsevi
(d. 1676), which caused the Jews to seem untrustvvorthy to th e Ottom a ns.5 6 Even if h e never entered o ne, Mavrocordatos's fe rryman likely passed by the
Moreover, in contrast to previous periods, after the great fi re o f 1660, mem- Orthodox Christian, Arm e nian, a nd Jewish houses of worship that dotted the
b ers of the Jewish comm unity were not permitted to rebuild their synagogues, urba n landscape a n d were physical manifestations of the non-Muslim presence
and were expelled from their homes in Eminoni.i, as part of Hadice Turhan
Sultan's project to complete the mosque begun t here by Safi ye Sulta n in 1597.57
Ch ristians, by contrast, were "initially allowed to purchase t he properties on
which churches had stood and were even permitted to rebuild th e structures
I\ in the city, a lthough m ost of t hese were kept in cons picuous, hidden behin d
h igh walls, in keeping with the principle that th e particularities of dhimmi life
shou ld n ot impinge o n society at la rge, a nd perhaps also to keep the prying
eyes of nosy neighbors at bay. Neverth eless, wh ile guiding his skiff, he might
[that had been destroyed], ostensibly as homes", 58 though this permission was have caugh t a glimpse of the dome of the church of St. Mary of the Mongols
soon rescinded, allegedly because the Christians had built church es rath er (known in Greek as the Thcotokos Mo uchliotissa, Panagh ia Muchliotissa, or
than residences. This reversal, too, was the work of Faztl Ahmed , perhaps Theotokos Panaghiotissa )61 ( Fig. 14.3), located in the Atik Ni§anc1Ca' fer <;elebi
under Vani Efendi's influence. quarte r6 :! of Fene r, on a s u mmit overlooking th e Golden Horn. Its Turkish
Vani Efendi was relieved of his office in 1683, after th e siege of Vienna, name, though , m igh t ha ve been mo re familiar to him-Kanh Ki.imbed Kilise
which he h ad enthusiastically endorsed, ended in fa ilure, and Kad1zadeli (Church with the Bloodie d Dome) or, more simply, Kanh Kilise, so-called in
influence thereafter declined, though it never disappea red ent irely. By this rem embrance o f a battle that took place there when the city was taken in
time, the empi re, "which had only in the previous decade reach ed its greatest 1453, du ring wh ich the Byza ntine Greeks took refuge in the church and then
expanse with the capture of Podolia (in Poland ), was now put o n the defen-
sive in a series of wars waged over the next fifte en years w ith the coalition
of the Habsburgs, Venice and Russia [the Hol y League]".59 This v,1as one of
the rare times the Ottomans were forced to fight on mulliple fronts (in th e
Mediterranean, on the Danube, and in the Crimea). In an effort to curry favor
with Orthodox Christians in the Balkans when the Ottomans we re faring badly
in the war wi th the Holy League, the grand vizier Kopri.ili.i Fazil Mustafa Pasha
(g.v. 1689- 91 ), brother of Fazil Ahmed, eased restrictions on church repairs and
allowed new materials to be used when making repairs, whic h had p reviously
°
been prohibited.6 Fore ign policy considerations thus influe n ced the Ottoman
state's relations with its largest non-M uslim community in this e ra. It appears
that Orthodox Christians in Istanbul took advantage of this loosening of th e
rules in a way that would affect churches throughout the city.

55 Thys-~enocak, "Yeni Valide", 67.

56 Baer, Honored by the Glory of Islam, 121- 38; Greene, Edinburgh /-listo1y of the Greeks, 134. F I GUH E 14. 3 Thcot okos M ouch liotissa Church ( Kanh Kilise) (c.1261 ), Fener. Lithograph ,
57 Baer, "Great Fire of 1660", 166- 67; $i§man, Burden ofSilence, 34- 37. A.G. Paspatcs, Bu(avnvai µu.ira, wrroypa<ptxai xai irrrop1xai, µrra rr).drrrwv i:ix6vwv,
58 Baer, "Great Fire of 1660", 160. Sec also G re e ne, Edinburgh Hist01y of the Greeks, 134. Constan t inople, 1877
59 Leal, "Ottoman State and G reek Orthodox of Istanbul'", :17; Howard, Ottoman Empire, 172;
Ortayh, "Ottoman Empire", 6.
60 Cantemir, History of the Growth and Decay, trans. Tin dal. 367- 68; Giikbilgin & Hepp, 61 Sec M Liller-\,\liencr, Bildlcxikon, 20 4, for o ther ve rsio ns of the name.
"Kopri.ilii"; Ham mcr-Purgstall, J-listoire, vol. 12,307; Ydmaz, "Life of Kiipri.ilii Fazil Mustafa 62 This a p pears to be a n o th e r na me for t he Tevkii Cafer qua rter id entified above. Today the
Pasha", 46-47. stree t o n wh ic h t h is c h u rc h is located is called Tevkii Cafer Mektebi Sokag1.
 380 LEAL COMMUNAL MATTERS 381

continued their resistance nearby, on what came to be known as Sancaktar By the 1690s, then, the Kanh Kilise was a renowned site in Fener, its his-
Yoku§U {Standard-Bearer's Slope). 63 Distinguished by its elegant dome and tory enmeshed in the urban landscape of the Orthodox Christian parishioners
quatrefoil plan, 64 the Kanh Kilise was one of the few masonry churches not to it served, but also part of the background of day-to-day life for others in the
have been converted into a mosque after the conquest. 65 It may therefore have neighborhood or those who might see it from afar as part of the skyline. It was
been more noticeable than other non-Muslim houses of worship, and thus a also, according to its parishioners, in a dire state of disrepair. 71
landmark for all residents in the area. Christians and Jews in Istanbul, as in other parts of the empire, were entitled
The church had been established more than four centuries before by a to repair and restore religious buildings that had existed prior to the conquest
Byzantine princess, Maria Palaiologina, the illegitimate daughter of Emperor of the city; they were not, however, allowed to expand or embellish them with
Michael VIII (r. 1259-82). The adjective "Mouchliotissa" may mean "of the bell towers or ornaments that indicated the building's function. 72 Before begin-
Mongols", in reference to the time the princess spent in Iran as the wife of the ning repairs, it was necessary to petition either the sharia court or the Divan.
Ilkhanid ruler Abaqa Khan, the son of Hillegu (d. 1265). Another theory is that It has not been established why petitioners would select one venue over the
the name derives from the town of Mouchlion, near Mystras in the Peloponnese, other for submitting these requests, 73 though in the case of churches located
whose inhabitants had been deported to Fener by Sultan Mehmed II (r. 1444- in Istanbul, the decision to consult the Divan was perhaps not illogical, given
46; 1451-81) in 1458-the popular name thus evoking the original home and its proximity to the Orthodox Christian petitioners and churches involved, and
forced migration of early inhabitants of the district. 66 Mehmed I I allegedly Phanariot influence there. In any event, in the documents described below,
granted the church 67 to the architect of his mosque complex, who may have wherever the original petition was submitted, the kadi was an integral part of
been a Greek Orthodox Christian convert known as Christodoulos, 68 in grati- the Divan's decision-making process vis-a-vis the repair of churches in the cap-
tude for his work. The Kanh Kilise apparently possesses records document- ital. Indeed, certain decrees address the kadi specifically, ordering him or his
ing both Mehmed 11's guarantee that the church would not be confiscated representatives to conduct an investigation (keef) in the presence of Muslims
or converted into a mosque, 69 and Bayezid 11's (r. 1481-1512) confirmation of from the neighborhood in question, to make sure that the church's condition
Mehmed's promise.10 was as the petitioners claimed. After the inspection was completed and the
necessity of the repairs confirmed, the petitioners would return to the Divan
Pamukciyan (ed.), in Eremya <;elebi, istanhul Tarihi, trans. Andrcasyan, 167-68. with a document stating that the keef had been carried out and providing
Marinis, Architecture and Ritual, 199; also see n. 72 below. details about the dimensions of the church; permission to proceed was then
Runciman, Great Church in Captivity, 191, mentions two other Byzantine-era Orthodox
granted or not. The shaykh al-Islam was also frequently consulted and, in the
churches that were not converted: St. George of the Cypresses in Samatya (Psamathia),
destroyed in an earthquake early in the 18th century, and St. Demetrius Kanavou, which cases studied below, Orthodox Christians consistently obtained fatwas sanc-
burned down a few years later. Regarding the Kanh Kilise, sec Cantemir, History of the tioning such restorations-perhaps to "ward off" complaints by Muslims. 74
Growth and Decay, trans. Tindal, 102-05, 109. In the fall of 1691, a group of Orthodox Christians, in what may illustrate the
66 Smaragdi, "Panagia Mouchliotissa"; Yerasimos, Constantinople: Istanbul:~ Historical final step in the petition process described above, came twice to the Sublime
Heritage, 134,
Yerasimos, la fondation de Constantinople, 149, has suggested that Mehmed may have
Porte in connection with repairs to the Kanh Kilise, and received two rulings. 75
actually granted the architect a different church, which had disappeared by the mid- The petitions vividly describe the church's dilapidated state: the roof had
sixteenth century and was, he surmises, later conflated with the Kanh Kilise.
68 As noted by Kafescioglu, Constantinopolis/lstanbul, 260, n. 78, Yerasimos's identification
of Christodoulos with Atik Sinan, the architect of the Mehmed 11 mosque (Yerasimos, 71 BOA, MD 102, 63, 69. Hereafter, for brevity, a reference to an unnumbered decree will cite
lafondation de Constantinople, 149; see also Babinger, Mehmed the Conqueror, 292), is the register number and page number (e.g., MD 102, 63). If a decree is numbered, the reg-
conjectural. See also Goodwin, History of Ottoman Architecture, 121-22; Sonmez, "Sinan-1 ister and decree numbers are separated by a slash (e.g., MD 110/2329); seen. 76 below.
Atik". Dimitrie Cantemir, in any case, refers to the architect only as Christodoulos. 72 Until the Tanzimat, there were also prohibitions on domed constructions in non-Muslim
69 Cantemir, History of the Growth and Decay, trans. Tindal, 109; Constantios, Keuvuravrtvtck buildings (Necipoglu, Aye of Sinan, 59, 118-19; Girardelli, "Architecture, Identity, and
1ra.:l.ata TE xal VEc,rripa, u4; Ryder, "Despoina", 78. Cantemir states that he himself read the Liminality", 239-40 ), making the Mouchliotissa's prominent position in Fener that much
"Writing given by Mahomet to Christodulus" and deposited it in the "Treasury of the more notcv,1orthy.
Church of the blessed Virgin Mary at Muglotissa". 73 Gradeva, "Ottoman Policy", 25.
van Millingen, Byzantine Churches, 276. I have not yet been able to examine the docu- 74 Gradeva, "From the Bottom Up", 161.
ments in the Kanh Kilise mentioned above. 75 Seen. 71 above.
382 LEAL COMMUNAL MATTEHS 383

become "broken with the passage of time" and "ruined by raindrops"; shattered were generally referred to collectively in terms that highlighted the Orthodox
windows needed replacing and walls needed repair. The petitioners allude to Christian community's Rum (Roman) identity; its non-Muslimness, that is, its
a fatwa previously obtained from the shaykh al-Islam, granting them permis- members' status as dhimmis and kefere (unbelievers) and as part of the taxpay-
sion to make the necessary repairs. And, in the concluding lines of the first ing subject population (re'ayii); and its communal organization (as character-
decree, their request for an order that no one hinder or prevent them from ized by the term fii'ife). 79
executing the project is granted. This order is repeated in the second, related In the decrees mentioned above regarding the Kanh l<ilise, the petition-
decree, which notes that an investigation had been carried out (by the kadi or ers expressly request an order from the sultan that no one interfere with
someone designated by him) to verify the claims being made. their repairs. This may have been merely the customary conclusion to such
These were just two of eighteen decrees 76 issued in the 1690s detailing the a petition; then again, the request may have been made specifically because
neglected state of many Greek Orthodox churches, which were described as Muslims living near the church might oppose their renovation or claim that
!J.ariiba mil§rif (on the verge of collapse), kohne (decrepit), and milnhedim the repair work being done went beyond what had been approved by the
(fallen down). 77 Indeed, these years witnessed a concerted effort by Greek fatwa and previously completed investigation.80 The formulaic language of
Orthodox subjects to renovate and repair (tecdid and ta'mir)-and perhaps, the decrees thus embodied many layers of perceptions, not only those of the
by pushing the boundaries of what their neighbors and the authorities would Divan but also those of the dhimmis and perhaps of the Muslim residents of
tolerate, expand-the houses of worship that were focal points of their com- the neighborhood as well. From the dhimmis' perspective, the sultanic order,
munal lives in various quarters of Istanbul. As mentioned above, Grand Vizier preventing them from being hindered from completing their renovations,
Kopriilii Faz1l Mustafa Pasha eased restrictions on church repairs, and, accord- would hopefully put an end to the matter (though, as Gradeva has pointed
ing to Dimitrie Cantemir, it was "a common saying among the Greeks, that out, in theory this part of the process could continue indefinitely, if Muslim
Kioprili ogly built more Churches, thanjustinian". 78 neighbors continued to raise objections, whether justified or not). 81 We see
Orthodox Christian Istanbulites were thus familiar with the bureaucratic the process in action again in June 1686, when Muslim elders were called upon
maze they had to navigate to obtain permission to repair their churches. It to inspect the Aya Yani church (i.e., the church of St.John the Baptist [Hagios
must have taken time and planning to compile a compelling list of reasons Joannes Prodromos ], associated with the metochion of the monastery of St.
why the repairs being requested were necessary, to obtain a fatwa from the Catherine on Mount Sinai) 82 in the Karaba§ quarter of Balat, and confirm that
shaykh al-Islam, to appear before the kadi and/or the Imperial Divan, and, per- the repairs made, for which the sultan had previously granted permission, had
haps, to be present while the kadi conducted his investigation. Before start- not exceeded the original dimensions of the structure. Once the church passed
ing this process, moreover, there would have been internal discussion about inspection, parishioners were not to be harassed (ta'arruz olunmaya) in the
how to pay for the repairs and renovations. It is not clear whether the resto- "execution of their vain rites". 83
rations undertaken in these years were part of an overall plan for the com- The Kanh Kilise, described twice as fsadlm (ancient), had existed since the
munity's churches, or whether the parishioners of each neighborhood were 13th century and thus was eligible for repairs in accordance with the stipula-
~lone responsible for initiating petitions regarding their local church and pay- tion that only religious buildings constructed prior to the conquest could be
ing for the repairs. In any case, Greek Orthodox parishioners across the city restored. It seems unlikely, however, that all of the approximately 40 other
seem to have been aware that this was a propitious moment to begin renova- churches functioning in the city 84 could have met this criterion. Nevertheless,
tions. Although a few petitions were submitted by priests ( described as ruhbiin
fu/saras, and ruhbiinlar) and three mention the patriarch, the petitioners
79 Hence, Rum ~immtfer, ;imml /ii'ifesi, elzl-i ;immet kefere fii'ifesi, Rum ;imml fii.'ifesi, ;imml
re-uyii {a'{/esi, Rum /ci'ifesi, ehl-i ;:immet re'aycist, elzl-i ;immet Rum ta'ifesi, ehl-i ;immet
76
BOA, MD 99, 161; MD 100/64; MD 100, 133; (MD 102, 63; MD 102, 69) (decrees in paren- re'ayii /ii'{fesi, and ;immller.
theses refer to the same church); (MD 102, ng; MD 104/210); (MD 102, ng; MD 104/211); 80 Gradcva, "From the Bottom Up", 155-56, notes, with respect to the Balkans, uprotests by
MD 104/74; MD 104/654; MD 104/814; MD 104/n94; MD no/1948; MD no/2329; (MD 110/2622; local Muslims" against such permits.
MD 110/2715); MD m/343; and A.DVNS.~KT 6/621. 81 Ibid., 157-60.
77 BOA, MD 100/64; (MD 102, 63; MD 102, 69); {MD 102, n9; MD 104/210); MD 104/74; 82 van Millingen, Byzantine Constantinople, 234.
MD 104/814; MD 104/u94; MD no/2329; (MD uo/2622; MD no/2715). 83 iKS vol. 19, Bab Mahkemesi 46, no. 535 (original text, fol. 88a-3).
Cantemir, HL,;tory of the Growth and Decay, trans. Tindal, 368. 84 Runciman, Great Church in Captivity, 191 (based on Baudier, Histoire generate, g).
384 LEAL COMMUNAL MATTERS 385

they are consistently called /sadim, an assertion that is never questioned in 5 Conclusion
any of the decrees in this sample. It is as though the petitioners were familiar
enough with the system to know that it was crucial to make this allegation The collision and the intermingling of ... so many races and creeds make ...
(whether true or not) about the age of the buildings, and that if it were not a permanent exhibit of the phenomenon of one world .... The city has to
included in the petition, questions would be raised. As the decade progressed, be tolerant.. .. If the people were to depart even briefly from the peace of
the somewhat vague adjective fsadim was replaced by the more specific and cosmopolitan discourse, the town would blow up higher than a kite. 90
evocative Jet/:l-i bafsan[yyeden (dating from the time of the conqueror, i.e.,
1453). Over just a few years, this more precise phrase came to be used, to the E.B. White was writing about New York in the 1940s, but his observations seem
exclusion of fsadim, to buttress requests for approval of church repairs, perhaps equally relevant to Istanbul in the early 1700s. While few Istanbulites likely pos-
because if the petitioners provided an exact date there would be less chance of sessed the ecumenical perspective of Mavrocordatos's fictional boatman, who
an argument about the age of the church.85 Jewish and Armenian lstanbulites seemed equally open to all three faiths ( or perhaps actually had no faith at all),
appear to have adopted a similar rhetorical strategy: in 1693, when the Jews it appears that, as the brief survey of the Abdi Suba§I quarter demonstrates,
of the Hac1 isa quarter of Balat sought to restore the Ahrida synagogue, the many Istanbulitcs may have been "tolerant not only from disposition but from
Karaferye synagogue, and the Yanbol synagogue, 86 the petition employed the necessity". 91 The day-to-day disputes and issues that occurred in Abdi Suba§I
phrase "fsabl elfetf:z" (before the conquest), though it is questionable whether in this era, and which were resolved more or less amicably before the kadi or
these synagogues could truly have been that ancient; 87 the same term, l;cabl the Divan, encapsulate many of the changes that were affecting both the city
elfet!J, was used in a petition to repair the Armenians' Aya Strati (Hagios as a whole and the empire at this time-e.g., the rising significance of the
Stratis, Surp H1re§dagabet) church in Balat.88 Phanariots, the increasing frequency of conversion to Islam, the heightened
In short, we see in these examples how, in the late 17th century, both Greek influence of Greek business partners and foreign agents, and the changing for-
Orthodox and Muslim Istanbulites negotiated-indirectly, through their inter- tunes of the Orthodox Christian and Jewish communities in these years. They
actions with the sharia courts and the Divan-how spaces in their neighbor- also highlight the way in which interactions between these groups affected
hoods would be managed and shared. Though Muslims had an opportunity to the configuration of the quarters that made up the city, from the most basic
articulate their objections, the dhimmis' voices were also heard and recorded walls that separated Muslim and Orthodox Christian neighbors, to Christians
in the relevant Divan and sharia court records. Under the watchful eyes of complaining about the braziers Jews used in their homes, to the restoration
their Muslim neighbors and with the state's permission, the Greek Orthodox of the religious institutions that might give the Greek Orthodox parishioners
of Istanbul were thus able to effect the restoration of buildings that were at who repaired them a heightened sense of their place in Istanbul in the com-
the core of their religious identity. As for the Kanh Kilise, despite the special ing century.
protection granted by the sultanic firmans of Meh med I I and Bayezid I I, there
was an attempt under Ahmed 111 ( r. 1703-30) to convert it into a mosque.
Dimitrie Cantemir argued on behalf of the Patriarchate, and managed to save Bibliography
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 386 LEAL COMMUNAL MATTERS 387

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