Gurukul: Ancient residential school of India where Ram and Krishna studied

On this Teachers Day, dive into the fascinating education system of ancient India which brought about the
concept of residential education or commonly known as Hostels. Gurukul was the school where the
students left their families to live with their teachers and gain knowledge of life. Take a look at the details
below.

By Tulika Tandon

Sep 2, 2021, 13:53 IST

Gurukul system

India has always been known for its brightest minds, glorious past and great rulers. The credit of this glory
must be given to its organised and culturally developed education system. Since ancient India, the concept
of schools and hostels and teacher student relationship has been of prime importance.

The schools were known as Gurukuls. These schools were attended by various rulers of India like
the Pandavas, the Kauravas and even Lord Rama and Lord Krishna. The best part about Gurukuls was that
they followed the concept of hostels. Know more about the ancient schooling system of India below.

Gurukul: Ancient schools of Ram and Krishna & many famous kings of India

Gurukuls had three basic pillars- the Acharya or the teacher, the Shishya or the student and the ashram or
the place where they interacted.

The term is derived from Guru meaning teacher and Kula meaning clan or family.

The students were admitted to the Gurukul at a specific stage depending on the caste they belonged to.
The Brahmins, the Kshatriyas and the Vaishya students were admitted to the Gurukul at the age of 6,8 and
11 respectively. It was called Yajnopavita, Upanayana or Upavita then and sacrificial rituals were performed
before the students were allowed in. They sat near their Guru and studied as Brahmachari.

It was the duty of the Guru to impart knowledge to his pupil about all intellectual rites, scriptures and all
useful disciplines and finally initiating and marrying him to send him back to perform various household
duties.
Administration of the Gurukul:

Generally it was the Brahmin households that used to run Gurukuls. They were situated inside and outside
the villages or towns.

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Even the clergy back then used to attract the students and word of mouth was used as a method of
promotion.

There was never a barrier of rich or poor in a Gurukul which was the plus point the Indian education system
had even back then. The doors were always open to various deserving students.

The fee of the Guru or Acharya used to be called the 'Dakshina'. It could be offered by the Brahmachari
student through his services to the Gurukul or the Guru's family or through a payment of fee after
completion of his course. However, any financial reward was given only after the initiation and start of Guru
Vidayan.

The students also went as a routine practice to ask for alms or madhukari. Begging was an important part of
the celibacy fast thus being compulsory for all to follow. This helped the Guru run the Kul. Also subsidies
from the kings and the government, along with generous donations from the people around helped the
financial administration of the Gurukul.

Gurukul: The Routine followed

1. The students in the Gurukul had to follow a very strict routine. They had to be up by 5 in the
morning and perform Gangasnan along with Suryanandanam at the sunrise.

2. Then began the chanting of the "Gayatri Mantra '' followed by Surya Namaskar and Yoga Asanas.

3. This was followed by text studying or class until pre-noon or by 11:20 as per the modern clock.

4. Once the recitation was over the students followed to perform Madhukari or begging for alms.

5. After the students returned they were given an hour of rest followed by classes till dusk or sunset.

6. This was followed by Sayam Sandhya where hymns were sung and students were provided with
snacks. They were given dinner and were asked to sleep later.

Classes in the Gurukul

The method of teaching involved the Guru testing students before every lesson. It was a routine that 10-15
minutes before the starting of any class, the teacher used to take an oral revision test of the students to
analyse their learning.

The students used to learn the Samhitas as per their intelligence along with the Guru. This way the students
with better intelligence were able to memorise faster than others and were moved on to another lesson by
the Guru.

It was not a system that exists today where the children need to wait for others in their class to memorise
the lesson so that the whole class can be shifted to the next one. The students who were capable of
progressing were never hindered due to the non performers.

Types of Schools in ancient India:

There were three categories basically:

I) Gurukul: Here the teachers and the students lived together for imparting knowledge and life skills. This
was basically an amalgamation of textbook and practical education.

II) Councils: Here basically various experts were called to shed knowledge gained by them on specific
topics.

III) Tapasthali: In this system, people sat together, to hold big conferences, gatherings etc to yield
knowledge on various issues.

Gurukul: Subjects taught to the students

In the Gurukul, not just Vedas and Upnishads were taught to the students, but also the focus was on holistic
development of the child. The system was comprehensive and all encompassing. The teachings
included Mathematics, fundamentals of Astronomy, Science, Languages, Medicinal theories, along with
Vedas, Upnishads, Brahmanas, Dharmasutras etc.
Renowned scholars texts like Aryabhatt and Patanjali were also taught to the students in Gurukuls. The
students learnt Yogic sciences, performed war science practicals, martial arts and sports as well. This way it
leads to holistic development of the pupil as well.

Gurukul: An inspiration

The Gurukul was an inspiration to many medieval stage universities like Nalanda, Taxila and Vikramshila or
Vallabhi. Many Jataka stories and travellers including Huwein Tsang mentioned them in their scriptures.
Varanasi is the place where one may find many gurukuls along with Pathshalas and Annakshetras.

It is mentioned in the Ramayana that Sage Vashistha had a large ashram in the kingdom.It is here
where King Dilip went to perform austerities. Also the famous Vishwamitra attained brahmata in Vashistha’s
ashram.

Another famous ashram of that age was that of Bharadwaja Muni in Prayag.

Lord Rama was also educated in the same ashram of Rishi Vashistha. Even Lord Krishna followed this very
Gurukul system. He was educated by Rishi Sandipani. The famous stories of Krishna, Balaram and
Sudama happened in the very same Gurukul of Sandipani. Read the stories related to Krishna
Janmashtmi to know more about Lord Krishna's childhood here

How IITs Turned From Nehru’s Vision of Technology To Catering Engineers for MNCs

And while the IITs have been in decline for many years now, some of the MHRD’s exclusivist policies are
poised to drive them further into the ground.
Note: This article was first published on February 16, 2017 and is being republished on November 14, 2018,
Jawaharlal Nehru’s birth anniversary.

The India Institutes of Technology (IITs) – often considered by the general masses as the ‘holy cows’ of
technical education in India, and recognised in higher education circles as National Institutes of Importance
– are in fact premier institutes of the country that have, of late, come under scathing public criticism. This
has intensified after they failed to be among the top 100 universities in the QS and the Times Higher
Education global rankings. Strangely enough, though they find a place in the top ten institutes in the MHRD-
backed India rankings, the IITs have been reprimanded for participating under the engineering category as
opposed to their usual practice of participating under the university category in the world rankings.

Within Indian public circles, they are often berated as institutes that utilise public resources to finance
graduates whose sole objective is to serve developed countries, thus draining the intellectual and the public
capital of the country that produced them. Lamenting on how the IITs have turned into white
elephants, Ved Prakash, chairman of the University Grants Commission, has described them as “not more
than glorified engineering colleges”. Even on the research front, the IITs have been censured by many,
including Hamid Ansari, the vice-president of India, for failing to be among the top institutes of the world.

While tracing their growth, Murali Kanta points towards a glaring failure of the IITs to attract Scheduled
Caste, Scheduled Tribe and female students in a progressive way. In one of the recent issues of
the Economic and Political Weekly (EPW), the institutes were lambasted for failing to align their goals
with the democracy’s. In this backdrop, it is essential to put to test some of these critical comments against
the IITs and decipher the real problems that have prevented these institutes from achieving their full
potential. And in order to do that, we must first understand the structure of the IITs and the socio-political
context in which they were set-up.

Institutes, not universities

On the recommendation of the N.R. Sarkar committee report (1946), the first Indian Institute of Technology
was established in Kharagpur in May 1950. The consequent IIT (Kharagpur) Act, 1956, declared the IIT to be
“an institute of national importance”. Five years later, the Institutes of Technology Act, 1961, created a
unique framework for the funding, administration and academic development of the IITs as privileged
institutions.

Within a decade, four more IITs were established in (then) Bombay, Madras, Kanpur and Delhi to meet the
growing technological demands of the planned economy. Jawaharlal Nehru, the chief architect behind the
creation of the IITs, had envisaged these institutes as cornerstones in building the industrial, scientific and
technological edifice of the nation. He had hoped that these institutes would provide valid and vital inputs
in building huge dams, power plants and industrial production units – and so spearhead the technological
force of the nation. In other words, these institutes were established with an express concern to advance
the bubbling aspirations of post-Independence India’s historic tryst with the project of modernity.

Though the IITs Act had envisioned many noble social objectives in principle, its main objective was reduced
to catering engineers to the growing body of Indian industry in practice. As a result, employment became
the major objective of education in these institutes. Nehru emphasised just this in his first convocation
address at IIT Kharagpur:

We take all the trouble to put up this expensive Institute and train up people here, and then, if we do not
utilise the services of those people, then there is something wrong about the governmental apparatus or
Planning Commission or whoever is supposed to deal with this matter. Such state of affairs can only be
described as fantastically stupid because one trains people for certain ends and then wastes them, not even
for a moment thinking in terms of the individual’s employment and his living, etc.
Thus, it is evident that the institutes were primarily meant to produce quality engineers who would have a
greater role to play in building not just a new India but also developing nations in Asia and Africa – as they
were direly needed technical personnel to lead their societies. It is worth noting in this context that, in an
underdeveloped but mixed economy, where upward mobility is the sole guiding principle of the middle
class, employment takes centre-stage and pushes research into a secondary position.

We ought to remember that there is a big difference between the structure of a university and an institute,
and that both are envisioned to serve a unique but different purpose. As Rukmini Bhaya Nair has pointed
out, “a university is meant to be inclusive and universal, whereas an institute stands for specialisation and
technical knowledge.”

While universities emphasise on research in the basic sciences, humanities and social sciences, institutes
are primarily expected to provide trained graduates and consultancy to the industry. Therefore, government
policies regarding IITs have always emphasised academic-industry interactions with a hope to generate
funds. And obviously, as a result, institutes that have nowhere close to the ideal teacher-students ratio push
research and academics to a secondary position.

Moreover, IITs are under immense government pressure to generate funds. The appointment of business
tycoons into the governing council of the institutes further indicates the wider influence of the neoliberal
corporate influence on research and academics at the IITs. Nevertheless, it is significant that, until very
recently, Indian business houses – unlike their counterparts from around the world – rarely funded research
and development at the IITs or, for that matter, at any institutes of higher learning.

Where the IITs failed

Unfortunately, except in producing quality engineers, the IITs have failed the country on many fronts today.
They have not become thought leaders in ushering in any radical thinking that could alleviate some of the
burning concerns of contemporary India. They have not been able to provide academic leadership to
a country that still has a staggering number of illiterate people. As the EPW analysis read: “Despite being
among the foremost centres of technological education in the nation, the IITs have remained passive
observers rather than thought leaders on the question of India’s path of development.”

The IITs have miserably failed to:

1. develop the scientific temper among the common masses, and

2. bring in structural changes to overcome the hurdles of a hierarchical society because of the
marginalised position they have accorded their humanities and social science (HSS) departments

The shrewd politician that he was, Nehru seems to have anticipated this predicament, understanding that
with such reliance on technology, the institutes would become too narrow in focus and gradually lose their
relevance in society. Hence, as Nair wrote, “He wanted a structural component within the system that was
oriented towards turning technologists into ‘better men and women’.”

I know you can measure with your techniques and rules the hardness and strength of this metal or that, of
stone and iron and whatnot. … How do you measure the strength of an individual? The human being as
material is not only a difficult material but an exciting material because it is a live material, a growing
material, a changing and dynamic thing. No two persons are alike and we have to build with that material…
[and] function in the environment of India with the material of India… It is important that … engineers
advance to become better men and women.

Although Nehru emphasised the role of the HSS departments in shaping the human material in
technological institutes, the lopsided national policies on higher education that followed and the inept local
administration at the IITs ignored that wisdom. And in ignorance, they sidelined the HSS departments.
Then again, this observation holds good for the departments of basic sciences, too. Though the HSS
departments were expected to humanise technology, the emphasis shifted to technologising the
humanities. For example, because of its global reach, English was the only discipline from the languages
that was introduced in the IIT curricula. No other language of the land found a place in the academic
courses. French, German and a couple other foreign languages received some attention – again and only for
the market benefits. Moreover, the liberal and the neoliberal policies of the government further intensified
the commercial use of the HSS disciplines.

Thus, English was reduced to a set of communication skills. Psychology was turned into HR. Economics
became mathematical modelling. Philosophy was reduced to logic. The post-1990s thrust on liberalisation
and then globalisation accelerated these trends and strengthened the structure of the IITs further to serve
the growing demands of MNCs.

According to Simon Kuznets, a nation’s economy passes through a transition from agriculture to
manufacturing and then to the service sector. However, economic liberalisation in the wake of the balance
of payments crisis adversely affected this transition itself. Economic policymaking since the 1990s became
less methodological and more opportunistic. The policies were framed to facilitate the growing number of
opportunities in the service sector, particularly IT and finance. As a result, the economy jumped from
agriculture to services without strengthening commodity-producing sectors, including agriculture and
manufacturing.

The menace of coaching centres

Economic policymaking chose to fall in line with the neoclassical framework based on utilitarian thought,
which helped strengthen a dream of high-paying jobs and luxurious life in this sector. While it is true that
the service sector contributes a large part the GDP, it is also detrimental to the growth of agriculture and
manufacturing. These macro-changes have adversely affected the role of and opportunities for IIT students.

Because of a long-term stagnation in agriculture and manufacturing, these students are unable to find any
decent jobs there. The high-paid jobs in the service sector have been causing the migration of IIT
graduates away from core engineering fields. Many graduates prefer these jobs over their desire to pursue
careers in their core field mainly because of social pressure. Media outlets further the craze by reporting on
the highest packages offered to graduating students on the front-page, putting the pressure back on
students to pursue education according to what jobs they think they should hold.

Meanwhile, the initiatives of students and teachers who come up with innovative solutions are consigned to
the inner pages and are played down.

Policymaking of the planning era made elite institutes out of the IITs and neglected primary and secondary
education. This resulted in the IITs emerging as the ultimate destination for employment-seekers than for
those who had a passion for science or engineering. Coaching centres then moved in to capitalise on this
craze, going on a spree to sell the dream of IITs among youth almost to the tune of $40 billion.

And after encouraging their growth through faulty education policies, the government at one point woke up
and exerted pressure on the IITs to curb this menace. To reduce the influence of coaching centres in the
final selection of candidates, the UPA government put forth a proposal to consider the performance of
students in their board exams. Evidently, this only forced students to attend coaching classes for board
exams as well! Realising the faux pas, and to mitigate the burden on students, the government later advised
the IITs to consider the score of board exams as a qualifying marker.

A question begs to be asked: how could educational institutes in the first place curb or control the coaching
industry? As long as the government blindly and generously allows the private players in the field of
education, all these half-hearted measures will be more of an eye-wash aimed at quelling some stray
dissenting voices against the commercialisation of education. A change in entrance patterns will not address
the failure of successive governments in strengthening primary and secondary education. And the IITs are
definitely not equipped to address these problems.

Worse, a recent decision by the Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD) to hike the annual
tuition fees for undergraduate courses at the IITs is a death knell to any hopes of reviving these institutes.
The decision to hike the fee from Rs 90,000/year to Rs 2 lakh/year smacks of a design to further divide the
society on the lines of caste, class and gender.

Using exclusivist policies

In 2011, when the Anil Kakodkar Committee submitted its report that recommending the hike, the UPA
government shot it down on the grounds that it would stifle the prospects of many IIT aspirants. Behind the
decision was an understanding that a fee hike would deter students from the weaker sections of society.
However, the nod by the incumbent BJP government for the steep fee hike further bolsters the
commercialisation of education. A report submitted by NITI Aayog to the prime minister’s office and the
MHRD suggests that it was done to facilitate the entry of foreign universities into India.

Though students under the reserved category are exempt from paying the fee, the exemption could elicit an
anti-reservation sentiment among students of the general category students. Additionally, it will also
increase the growing demand for reservations by dominant castes, as has been happening in Gujarat and
Maharashtra.

The IITs also have a dismal record in admitting female students. Compared to the best institutes of the west,
the IITs are reeling under a highly skewed sex ratio in their campuses. A study conducted in 2013 revealed
that the male-to-female ratio ranges from 14:1 to 10:1 at the IITs. Sharmila Ganesan, a reporter at the Times
of India, had rued that the gender divide had created an intimidating classroom experience, especially for
girls hailing from smaller towns.

In this context, the fee hike could exacerbate the consequences of the skewed sex ratio because our
patriarchal society – largely inimical to the education of girls – could use it as a convenient excuse and
choose not to have women educated at the IITs. And in effect, we would be denting the overall growth of a
nation if we failed to increase the diversity of student intake at the IITs.

Finally, the promise of an unhindered education loan without any collateral security for deserving students
continues to remain a distant dream even to the lower rungs of the middle class, leave alone students from
the lower economic classes. Such denial directly contravenes clear guidelines by the finance ministry, and
the fee hike would further aggravate the inequality in having access to higher education. While the
government talks about inclusive growth, it is really unfortunate that its policies will promote exclusivist
ideals. Under such market-driven education policies and adverse circumstances, naively expecting IIT
students to work for the betterment of society would not just be insensitive but also cruel.

Gourishankar S. Hiremath and H.S. Komalesha teach economics and english, respectively, at the Indian
Institute of Technology, Kharagpur. The views expressed are personal.

How the IITs were born and their philosophies determined

The speedy creation of the technology institutes was a crucial step in envisioning India’s industrialised
future.
Surya Pratap Mehrotra and Prajapati Prasad Sah

Jan 10, 2016 · 03:30 pm

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The Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs), it is now well known, have had their origins in the
recommendations of the Sarkar Committee Report of 1948. The committee, chaired by NR Sarkar, had been
appointed by “the Hon’ble Member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council, Department of Education, Health
and Agriculture” in 1945 and its mandate was “to consider the development of Higher Technical Institutions
in India with a view to ensuring an adequate supply of technical personnel which will be required for post–
War industrial development in this country”.

The terms of reference of the committee suggested certain possible models (eg, whether there should be a
central institution on the lines of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology with a number of subordinate
institutions on a regional basis, or several higher institutions on a regional basis, or some other type of
organisation), and charged the committee with the task of specifying the scope, size, control, management,
cost, etc., of the institutions that it suggested putting up. The committee was left free to decide how it
would go about its work, what procedure it would follow and how it would arrive at its recommendations.

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It was a large committee (consisting of twenty-two members besides a chairman and a secretary) and it
would have been surprising had everything happened by unanimous consent. At the very first meeting, one
member, Dr Nazir Ahmed, suggested that before the committee proceeded to formulate its
recommendations, it should undertake a survey of the existing facilities and decide to what extent future
needs could be met by developing these facilities rather than by setting up new ones. Unfortunately, no
other member concurred with Dr Ahmed’s view. The general view was that though, under normal
circumstances, a survey of the existing facilities might have been the preferred approach, “the needs of the
present situation are so apparent and urgent that a solution cannot be deferred pending such a survey,
which would necessarily take considerable time”.

Dr Ahmed was thus forced to attach a Note of Dissent, in which he outlined in great detail the advantages of
his recommended approach, which he said had been followed in Europe and America too. He went on to
predict that, were his approach not followed, “existing institutions are likely to stagnate while the newer
institutions will work in an atmosphere of isolation.”

Was it the word of caution sounded by Dr Ahmed and others like him that inspired the educationists and
planners in post–Independence India to make sure that “existing facilities” did not stagnate, and that
“greenfield” institutions took care to minimise their isolation even as they reached out to higher goals and
newer technologies? Was the Sarkar Committee right in ignoring the methodology recommended by Dr
Ahmed at the time and did its decision to do so have salutary effects later?

~~~

The Government of India did not realise the importance of a proper industrial base and of training of
technical personnel in large numbers within the country till the start of World War II.

This was a turning point in the history of technical education in India.

In 1944, the government created a Department of Planning and Development under the guidance of Sir
Ardeshir Dalal, a member of the viceroy’s Council of Ministers. Sir Ardeshir believed that rapid strides in
science and technology would make it possible to develop industry and agriculture speedily and would cure
all economic ills. But, to achieve this, large-scale expansion of technical education would be absolutely
necessary.

To achieve his goals, Sir Ardeshir took two important steps: (1) the establishment of a Department of
Scientific and Industrial Research (which eventually became the Council of Scientific and Industrial
Research) and (2) the appointment of the Sarkar Committee in 1945 to suggest steps for the development
of higher technical education in the country.

The Sarkar Committee submitted its interim report (“in view of the extreme urgency of the situation”) in
March 1946. Thereafter, Mr Sarkar, its chairman, went on to become Chairman of the All-India Council of
Technical Education (AICTE), a body newly constituted to advise the Government of India on all aspects of
development of technical education at diploma and higher levels. Also, Dr SR Sengupta, the secretary of the
committee, went on to become the AICTE’s Secretary. The Sarkar Committee never submitted a final report.

The Sarkar Committee recommended the establishment of four higher technical education institutes in four
different regions of India, on the pattern of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. First the AICTE and
then the Government of India accepted this recommendation with great alacrity. Was the Sarkar Committee
justified in ignoring Dr Ahmed’s advice and plumping for new institutions instead of first trying to build up
the existing ones? The following summary of the situation in 1946 will make the answer self-evident.

~~~

For a population of 350 million in 1947, India had about thirty-eight institutions offering first degree
courses in engineering and technology. The aggregate fresh admission in these institutions was of the
order of about 3000 students.

These colleges predominantly catered to the needs of government departments such as public works,
irrigation, railways, electricity and telecommunications. A very small number of engineers found
opportunities in private sector companies engaged in engineering operations.

The intake capacity for postgraduate (PG) education in engineering was a mere thirty students in 1947.
Most students had to go abroad to obtain PG degrees.

After about 200 years of foreign domination, India had obtained freedom in 1947 and it was keen to take its
rightful place in the comity of nations. For this, the building of a sound industrial and economic base was
essential. This could not be achieved without a greatly increased supply of manpower trained in the latest
and best technologies available. Compared to the gigantic task ahead, the institutions for manpower
training available were insignificant, both in quantity and quality.

Even after the four recommended institutions had been set up, there would be need for many, many more.
The kind of qualitative and quantitative jump that was required in the field of manpower training simply
could not be met by upgrading the few technical institutes available. Nor could a country impatient for
progress wait for a time-consuming survey of existing resources.

The main recommendations of the Sarkar Committee were as follows:

- Not less than four higher technical institutions, one in the north, one in the east, one in the south and one
in the west will be necessary to satisfy the post–War requirements.

- The one in the east should be set up in or near Calcutta at an early date.

- Establishment of the western institution, which should be in or near Bombay, should be taken in hand
concurrently with the eastern institution

About IITs

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru pioneered establishing of the Indian Institutes of Technology to provide trained
technical personnel of international class to the nation who would act as leaders in technology for the
newly born independent India. The institutions were to be designed with the necessary dynamism,
flexibility of organization and capacity to adapt in the light of expanding knowledge and changes in the
socio-economic requirements of modern society.
In May 1950, the first in the series was established in Kharagpur at the site of the Hijli Detention Camp,
where the British had incarcerated political prisoners, the institution was named the 'Indian Institute of
Technology' before its formal inauguration on August 18, 1951.

Within a decade of the launch of the first IIT, four more were set up: IIT Bombay (1958), IIT Madras (1959),
IIT Kanpur (1959), and IIT Delhi (1961). Decades later, the sixth IIT was established in Guwahati (1994).
India's first technical institute, set up in 1847 and known as the Thomson College of Engineering and
subsequently the University of Roorkee, was ordained as the seventh IIT in September 2001. In the year
2008, six new IITs were started: IIT Bhubaneswar, IIT Gandhinagar, IIT Hyderabad, IIT Patna, IIT Rajasthan,
and IIT Ropar. This was followed by two more IITs in 2009: IIT Indore and IIT Mandi. In 2012, Institute of
Technology, BHU was designated the sixteenth IIT. IIT Palakkad and IIT Tirupati came into existence in 2015,
and in 2016 five more IITs; IIT (ISM) Dhanbad, IIT Bhilai, IIT Goa, IIT Jammu and IIT Dharwad were started.

During the early years, the IITs benefited in varying degrees from material assistance and academic
cooperation from developed countries --- IIT Bombay from the Soviet Union, IIT Madras from Germany, IIT
Kanpur from the United States, and IIT Delhi from the United Kingdom. Over the years IITs have created
world class educational platforms dynamically sustained through internationally recognized research based
on excellent infrastructural facilities. The faculty and alumni of IITs have made huge impact in all sectors of
society, both in India and abroad. The institutes are globally recognized as centres of academic excellence,
and are reputed for the outstanding caliber of the students graduating from them.
Illusions of empire: Amartya Sen on what British rule really did for India

This article is more than 3 years old

It is true that before British rule, India was starting to fall behind other parts of the world – but many of the
arguments defending the Raj are based on serious misconceptions about India’s past, imperialism and
history itself

By Amartya Sen

Tue 29 Jun 2021 06.00 BST

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The British empire in India was in effect established at the Battle of Plassey on 23 June 1757. The battle was
swift, beginning at dawn and ending close to sunset. It was a normal monsoon day, with occasional rain in
the mango groves at the town of Plassey, which is between Calcutta, where the British were based, and
Murshidabad, the capital of the kingdom of Bengal. It was in those mango groves that the British forces
faced the Nawab Siraj-ud-Doula’s army and convincingly defeated it.

British rule ended nearly 200 years later with Jawaharlal Nehru’s famous speech on India’s “tryst with
destiny” at midnight on 14 August 1947. Two hundred years is a long time. What did the British achieve in
India, and what did they fail to accomplish?

During my days as a student at a progressive school in West Bengal in the 1940s, these questions came into
our discussion constantly. They remain important even today, not least because the British empire is often
invoked in discussions about successful global governance. It has also been invoked to try to persuade the
US to acknowledge its role as the pre-eminent imperial power in the world today: “Should the United States
seek to shed – or to shoulder – the imperial load it has inherited?” the historian Niall Ferguson has asked. It
is certainly an interesting question, and Ferguson is right to argue that it cannot be answered without an
understanding of how the British empire rose and fell – and what it managed to do.
Illusions of empire: Amartya Sen on what British rule really did for India – podcast

Read more

Arguing about all this at Santiniketan school, which had been established by Rabindranath Tagore some
decades earlier, we were bothered by a difficult methodological question. How could we think about what
India would have been like in the 1940s had British rule not occurred at all?

The frequent temptation to compare India in 1757 (when British rule was beginning) with India in 1947
(when the British were leaving) would tell us very little, because in the absence of British rule, India would
of course not have remained the same as it was at the time of Plassey. The country would not have stood
still had the British conquest not occurred. But how do we answer the question about what difference was
made by British rule?

To illustrate the relevance of such an “alternative history”, we may consider another case – one with a
potential imperial conquest that did not in fact occur. Let’s think about Commodore Matthew Perry of the
US navy, who steamed into the bay of Edo in Japan in 1853 with four warships. Now consider the possibility
that Perry was not merely making a show of American strength (as was in fact the case), but was instead the
advance guard of an American conquest of Japan, establishing a new American empire in the land of the
rising sun, rather as Robert Clive did in India. If we were to assess the achievements of the supposed
American rule of Japan through the simple device of comparing Japan before that imperial conquest in 1853
with Japan after the American domination ended, whenever that might be, and attribute all the differences
to the effects of the American empire, we would miss all the contributions of the Meiji restoration from
1868 onwards, and of other globalising changes that were going on. Japan did not stand still; nor would
India have done so.

While we can see what actually happened in Japan under Meiji rule, it is extremely hard to guess with any
confidence what course the history of the Indian subcontinent would have taken had the British conquest
not occurred. Would India have moved, like Japan, towards modernisation in an increasingly globalising
world, or would it have remained resistant to change, like Afghanistan, or would it have hastened slowly,
like Thailand?

These are impossibly difficult questions to answer. And yet, even without real alternative historical
scenarios, there are some limited questions that can be answered, which may contribute to an intelligent
understanding of the role that British rule played in India. We can ask: what were the challenges that India
faced at the time of the British conquest, and what happened in those critical areas during the British rule?

There was surely a need for major changes in a rather chaotic and institutionally backward India. To
recognise the need for change in India in the mid-18th century does not require us to ignore – as many
Indian super-nationalists fear – the great achievements in India’s past, with its extraordinary history of
accomplishments in philosophy, mathematics, literature, arts, architecture, music, medicine, linguistics and
astronomy. India had also achieved considerable success in building a thriving economy with flourishing
trade and commerce well before the colonial period – the economic wealth of India was amply
acknowledged by British observers such as Adam Smith.

The fact is, nevertheless, that even with those achievements, in the mid-18th century India had in many
ways fallen well behind what was being achieved in Europe. The exact nature and significance of this
backwardness were frequent subjects of lively debates in the evenings at my school.

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An insightful essay on India by Karl Marx particularly engaged the attention of some of us. Writing in 1853,
Marx pointed to the constructive role of British rule in India, on the grounds that India needed some radical
re-examination and self-scrutiny. And Britain did indeed serve as India’s primary western contact,
particularly in the course of the 19th century. The importance of this influence would be hard to neglect.
The indigenous globalised culture that was slowly emerging in India was deeply indebted not only to British
writing, but also to books and articles in other – that is non-English – European languages that became
known in India through the British.

Figures such as the Calcutta philosopher Ram Mohan Roy, born in 1772, were influenced not only by
traditional knowledge of Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian texts, but also by the growing familiarity with English
writings. After Roy, in Bengal itself there were also Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Madhusudan Dutta and
several generations of Tagores and their followers who were re-examining the India they had inherited in
the light of what they saw happening in Europe in the 18th and 19th centuries. Their main – often their only
– source of information were the books (usually in English) circulating in India, thanks to British rule. That
intellectual influence, covering a wide range of European cultures, survives strongly today, even as the
military, political and economic power of the British has declined dramatically.
 View image in fullscreen

The Gateway of India in Bombay, a monument commemorating the landing of King George V and Queen
Mary in 1911. Photograph: robertharding/Alamy

I was persuaded that Marx was basically right in his diagnosis of the need for some radical change in India,
as its old order was crumbling as a result of not having been a part of the intellectual and economic
globalisation that the Renaissance and the Industrial Revolution had initiated across the world (along with,
alas, colonialism).

There was arguably, however, a serious flaw in Marx’s thesis, in particular in his implicit presumption that
the British conquest was the only window on the modern world that could have opened for India. What
India needed at the time was more constructive globalisation, but that is not the same thing as imperialism.
The distinction is important. Throughout India’s long history, it persistently enjoyed exchanges of ideas as
well as of commodities with the outside world. Traders, settlers and scholars moved between India and
further east – China, Indonesia, Malaysia, Cambodia, Vietnam, Thailand and elsewhere – for a great many
centuries, beginning more than 2,000 years ago. The far-reaching influence of this movement – especially
on language, literature and architecture – can be seen plentifully even today. There were also huge global
influences by means of India’s open-frontier attitude in welcoming fugitives from its early days.

Jewish immigration into India began right after the fall of Jerusalem in the first century and continued for
many hundreds of years. Baghdadi Jews, such as the highly successful Sassoons, came in large numbers
even as late as the 18th century. Christians started coming at least from the fourth century, and possibly
much earlier. There are colourful legends about this, including one that tells us that the first person St
Thomas the Apostle met after coming to India in the first century was a Jewish girl playing the flute on the
Malabar coast. We loved that evocative – and undoubtedly apocryphal – anecdote in our classroom
discussions, because it illustrated the multicultural roots of Indian traditions.

The Parsis started arriving from the early eighth century – as soon as persecution began in their Iranian
homeland. Later in that century, the Armenians began to leave their footprints from Kerala to Bengal.
Muslim Arab traders had a substantial presence on the west coast of India from around that time – well
before the arrival of Muslim conquerors many centuries later, through the arid terrain in the north-west of
the subcontinent. Persecuted Bahá’ís from Iran came only in the 19th century.

At the time of the Battle of Plassey, there were already businessmen, traders and other professionals from a
number of different European nations well settled near the mouth of the Ganges. Being subjected to
imperial rule is thus not the only way of making connections with, or learning things from, foreign
countries. When the Meiji Restoration established a new reformist government in Japan in 1868 (which was
not unrelated to the internal political impact of Commodore Perry’s show of force a decade earlier), the
Japanese went straight to learning from the west without being subjected to imperialism. They sent people
for training in the US and Europe, and made institutional changes that were clearly inspired by western
experience. They did not wait to be coercively globalised via imperialism.

One of the achievements to which British imperial theorists tended to give a good deal of emphasis was the
role of the British in producing a united India. In this analysis, India was a collection of fragmented kingdoms
until British rule made a country out of these diverse regimes. It was argued that India was previously not
one country at all, but a thoroughly divided land mass. It was the British empire, so the claim goes, that
welded India into a nation. Winston Churchill even remarked that before the British came, there was no
Indian nation. “India is a geographical term. It is no more a united nation than the equator,” he once said.

If this is true, the empire clearly made an indirect contribution to the modernisation of India through its
unifying role. However, is the grand claim about the big role of the Raj in bringing about a united India
correct? Certainly, when Clive’s East India Company defeated the nawab of Bengal in 1757, there was no
single power ruling over all of India. Yet it is a great leap from the proximate story of Britain imposing a
single united regime on India (as did actually occur) to the huge claim that only the British could have
created a united India out of a set of disparate states.

That way of looking at Indian history would go firmly against the reality of the large domestic empires that
had characterised India throughout the millennia. The ambitious and energetic emperors from the third
century BC did not accept that their regimes were complete until the bulk of what they took to be one
country was united under their rule. There were major roles here for Ashoka Maurya, the Gupta emperors,
Alauddin Khalji, the Mughals and others. Indian history shows a sequential alternation of large domestic
empires with clusters of fragmented kingdoms. We should therefore not make the mistake of assuming that
the fragmented governance of mid-18th century India was the state in which the country typically found
itself throughout history, until the British helpfully came along to unite it.

View image in fullscreen

An illustration of British soldiers capturing Bahadur Shah II, the last Mughal emperor, in 1857. Photograph:
Pictorial Press Ltd/Alamy

Even though in history textbooks the British were often assumed to be the successors of the Mughals in
India, it is important to note that the British did not in fact take on the Mughals when they were a force to
be reckoned with. British rule began when the Mughals’ power had declined, though formally even the
nawab of Bengal, whom the British defeated, was their subject. The nawab still swore allegiance to the
Mughal emperor, without paying very much attention to his dictates. The imperial status of the Mughal
authority over India continued to be widely acknowledged even though the powerful empire itself was
missing.

When the so-called sepoy mutiny threatened the foundations of British India in 1857, the diverse anti-
British forces participating in the joint rebellion could be aligned through their shared acceptance of the
formal legitimacy of the Mughal emperor as the ruler of India. The emperor was, in fact, reluctant to lead
the rebels, but this did not stop the rebels from declaring him the emperor of all India. The 82-year-old
Mughal monarch, Bahadur Shah II, known as Zafar, was far more interested in reading and writing poetry
than in fighting wars or ruling India. He could do little to help the 1,400 unarmed civilians of Delhi whom the
British killed as the mutiny was brutally crushed and the city largely destroyed. The poet-emperor was
banished to Burma, where he died.

As a child growing up in Burma in the 1930s, I was taken by my parents to see Zafar’s grave in Rangoon,
which was close to the famous Shwedagon Pagoda. The grave was not allowed to be anything more than an
undistinguished stone slab covered with corrugated iron. I remember discussing with my father how the
British rulers of India and Burma must evidently have been afraid of the evocative power of the remains of
the last Mughal emperor. The inscription on the grave noted only that “Bahadur Shah was ex-King of Delhi”
– no mention of “empire” in the commemoration! It was only much later, in the 1990s, that Zafar would be
honoured with something closer to what could decently serve as the grave of the last Mughal emperor.

In the absence of the British Raj, the most likely successors to the Mughals would probably have been the
newly emerging Hindu Maratha powers near Bombay, who periodically sacked the Mughal capital of Delhi
and exercised their power to intervene across India. Already by 1742, the East India Company had built a
huge “Maratha ditch” at the edge of Calcutta to slow down the lightning raids of the Maratha cavalry, which
rode rapidly across 1,000 miles or more. But the Marathas were still quite far from putting together
anything like the plan of an all-India empire.

The British, by contrast, were not satisfied until they were the dominant power across the bulk of the
subcontinent, and in this they were not so much bringing a new vision of a united India from abroad as
acting as the successor of previous domestic empires. British rule spread to the rest of the country from its
imperial foundations in Calcutta, beginning almost immediately after Plassey. As the company’s power
expanded across India, Calcutta became the capital of the newly emerging empire, a position it occupied
from the mid-18th century until 1911 (when the capital was moved to Delhi). It was from Calcutta that the
conquest of other parts of India was planned and directed. The profits made by the East India Company
from its economic operations in Bengal financed, to a great extent, the wars that the British waged across
India in the period of their colonial expansion.

What has been called “the financial bleeding of Bengal” began very soon after Plassey. With the nawabs
under their control, the company made big money not only from territorial revenues, but also from the
unique privilege of duty-free trade in the rich Bengal economy – even without counting the so-called gifts
that the Company regularly extracted from local merchants. Those who wish to be inspired by the glory of
the British empire would do well to avoid reading Adam Smith’s The Wealth of Nations, including his
discussion of the abuse of state power by a “mercantile company which oppresses and domineers in the
East Indies”. As the historian William Dalrymple has observed: “The economic figures speak for themselves.
In 1600, when the East India Company was founded, Britain was generating 1.8% of the world’s GDP, while
India was producing 22.5%. By the peak of the Raj, those figures had more or less been reversed: India was
reduced from the world’s leading manufacturing nation to a symbol of famine and deprivation.”

While most of the loot from the financial bleeding accrued to British company officials in Bengal, there was
widespread participation by the political and business leadership in Britain: nearly a quarter of the
members of parliament in London owned stocks in the East India Company after Plassey. The commercial
benefits from Britain’s Indian empire thus reached far into the British establishment.

View image in fullscreen

Calcutta in 1912, illuminated for the occasion of a British royal visit. Photograph: RCAHMS/PA

The robber-ruler synthesis did eventually give way to what would eventually become classical colonialism,
with the recognition of the need for law and order and a modicum of reasonable governance. But the early
misuse of state power by the East India Company put the economy of Bengal under huge stress. What the
cartographer John Thornton, in his famous chart of the region in 1703, had described as “the Rich Kingdom
of Bengal” experienced a gigantic famine during 1769–70. Contemporary estimates suggested that about a
third of the Bengal population died. This is almost certainly an overestimate. There was no doubt, however,
that it was a huge catastrophe, with massive starvation and mortality – in a region that had seen no famine
for a very long time.

This disaster had at least two significant effects. First, the inequity of early British rule in India became the
subject of considerable political criticism in Britain itself. By the time Adam Smith roundly declared in The
Wealth of Nations that the East India Company was “altogether unfit to govern its territorial possessions”,
there were many British figures, such as Edmund Burke, making similar critiques. Second, the economic
decline of Bengal did eventually ruin the company’s business as well, hurting British investors themselves,
and giving the powers in London reason to change their business in India into more of a regular state-run
operation.

By the late 18th century, the period of so-called “post-Plassey plunder”, with which British rule in India
began, was giving way to the sort of colonial subjugation that would soon become the imperial standard,
and with which the subcontinent would become more and more familiar in the following century and a half.

How successful was this long phase of classical imperialism in British India, which lasted from the late 18th
century until independence in 1947? The British claimed a huge set of achievements, including democracy,
the rule of law, railways, the joint stock company and cricket, but the gap between theory and practice –
with the exception of cricket – remained wide throughout the history of imperial relations between the two
countries. Putting the tally together in the years of pre-independence assessment, it was easy to see how
far short the achievements were compared with the rhetoric of accomplishment.

Indeed, Rudyard Kipling caught the self-congratulatory note of the British imperial administrator admirably
well in his famous poem on imperialism:

Take up the White Man’s burden –

The savage wars of peace –

Fill full the mouth of famine

And bid the sickness cease

Alas, neither the stopping of famines nor the remedying of ill health was part of the high-performance
achievements of British rule in India. Nothing could lead us away from the fact that life expectancy at birth
in India as the empire ended was abysmally low: 32 years, at most.

The abstemiousness of colonial rule in neglecting basic education reflects the view taken by the dominant
administrators of the needs of the subject nation. There was a huge asymmetry between the ruler and the
ruled. The British government became increasingly determined in the 19th century to achieve universal
literacy for the native British population. In contrast, the literacy rates in India under the Raj were very low.
When the empire ended, the adult literacy rate in India was barely 15%. The only regions in India with
comparatively high literacy were the “native kingdoms” of Travancore and Cochin (formally outside the
British empire), which, since independence, have constituted the bulk of the state of Kerala. These
kingdoms, though dependent on the British administration for foreign policy and defence, had remained
technically outside the empire and had considerable freedom in domestic policy, which they exercised in
favour of more school education and public health care.

The 200 years of colonial rule were also a period of massive economic stagnation, with hardly any advance
at all in real GNP per capita. These grim facts were much aired after independence in the newly liberated
media, whose rich culture was in part – it must be acknowledged – an inheritance from British civil society.
Even though the Indian media was very often muzzled during the Raj – mostly to prohibit criticism of
imperial rule, for example at the time of the Bengal famine of 1943 – the tradition of a free press, carefully
cultivated in Britain, provided a good model for India to follow as the country achieved independence.

View image in fullscreen

Corpse removal trucks in Calcutta during the famine of 1943. Photograph: Bettmann Archive

Indeed, India received many constructive things from Britain that did not – could not – come into their own
until after independence. Literature in the Indian languages took some inspiration and borrowed genres
from English literature, including the flourishing tradition of writing in English. Under the Raj, there were
restrictions on what could be published and propagated (even some of Tagore’s books were banned). These
days the government of India has no such need, but alas – for altogether different reasons of domestic
politics – the restrictions are sometimes no less intrusive than during the colonial rule.

Nothing is perhaps as important in this respect as the functioning of a multiparty democracy and a free
press. But often enough these were not gifts that could be exercised under the British administration during
imperial days. They became realisable only when the British left – they were the fruits of learning from
Britain’s own experience, which India could use freely only after the period of empire had ended. Imperial
rule tends to require some degree of tyranny: asymmetrical power is not usually associated with a free
press or with a vote-counting democracy, since neither of them is compatible with the need to keep colonial
subjects in check.

Asimilar scepticism is appropriate about the British claim that they had eliminated famine in dependent
territories such as India. British governance of India began with the famine of 1769-70, and there were
regular famines in India throughout the duration of British rule. The Raj also ended with the terrible famine
of 1943. In contrast, there has been no famine in India since independence in 1947.

The irony again is that the institutions that ended famines in independent India – democracy and an
independent media – came directly from Britain. The connection between these institutions and famine
prevention is simple to understand. Famines are easy to prevent, since the distribution of a comparatively
small amount of free food, or the offering of some public employment at comparatively modest wages
(which gives the beneficiaries the ability to buy food), allows those threatened by famine the ability to
escape extreme hunger. So any government should be able stop a threatening famine – large or small – and
it is very much in the interest of a government in a functioning democracy, facing a free press, to do so. A
free press makes the facts of a developing famine known to all, and a democratic vote makes it hard to win
elections during – or after – a famine, hence giving a government the additional incentive to tackle the issue
without delay.
The East India Company: The original corporate raiders

Read more

India did not have this freedom from famine for as long as its people were without their democratic rights,
even though it was being ruled by the foremost democracy in the world, with a famously free press in the
metropolis – but not in the colonies. These freedom-oriented institutions were for the rulers but not for the
imperial subjects.

In the powerful indictment of British rule in India that Tagore presented in 1941, he argued that India had
gained a great deal from its association with Britain, for example, from “discussions centred upon
Shakespeare’s drama and Byron’s poetry and above all … the large-hearted liberalism of 19th-century
English politics”. The tragedy, he said, came from the fact that what “was truly best in their own civilisation,
the upholding of dignity of human relationships, has no place in the British administration of this country”.
Indeed, the British could not have allowed Indian subjects to avail themselves of these freedoms without
threatening the empire itself.

The distinction between the role of Britain and that of British imperialism could not have been clearer. As
the union jack was being lowered across India, it was a distinction of which we were profoundly aware.

Adapted from Home in the World: A Memoir by Amartya Sen, published by Allen Lane on 8 July and
available at guardianbookshop.com

This article was amended on 29 June 2021. Owing to an editing error, an earlier version incorrectly referred
to Karl Marx writing on India in 1953. The essay was written in 1853.

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ou are here: Home / Indian History Notes / Administrative Organization During British Rule

Administrative Organization During British Rule

Last updated on October 15, 2023 by ClearIAS Team

The expansion of British influence into new territories and new issues, demands, experiences, and ideas
led to changes in the administrative structure. What was the administrative organization during British
rule? What were the major classifications? What were the main acts related to these administrative
structures? Read the article to know more about the administrative organization during the British rule.

The East India Company was founded in 1600, and after becoming a controlling body in 1765, it had little
immediate influence on Indian politics and government.

However, there were major constitutional and governmental changes during the Company administration
from 1773 to 1858 and British Crown rule from 1858 to 1947.

These modifications were unwittingly made to India’s political and administrative structure to advance
British imperial ideology.

Table of Contents

• Major changes introduced

o Creation of a police system

▪ Code of Cornwallis

▪ The Police Commission of 1860

o Development of Judiciary

▪ Reforms to the Judiciary under Warren Hastings

▪ Changes made by Cornwallis

▪ Alterations made by William Bentinck

o Development of Civil Services

▪ Charter Act 1853

▪ Indian Civil Service Act 1861

▪ Statutory Civil Service

 ▪ Aitchison Commission,1886

▪ Montford Reform 1919

▪ Lee Commission,1924

▪ Government of India Act,1935

o A new system of land holding and Land Revenue

▪ Permanent Settlement

▪ Ryotwari Settlement

▪ Mahalwari Settlement

• Conclusion

Major changes introduced

The Company first limited its efforts to oversight, leaving the management of its assets in India in the hands
of Indians. However, it was soon seen that sticking to outdated administrative practices did not sufficiently
suit British objectives. As a result, the Company handled every part of administration on its own.

Bengal’s government was radically reorganised under Warren Hastings and Cornwallis, who established a
new system based on the English organisational structure. The expansion of British influence into new
territories and new issues, demands, experiences, and ideas led to changes in the administrative structure.
However, the larger goals of imperialism were never forgotten.

The British administration in India was based on three pillars

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• The Civil Service

• The Army

• The Police

The upkeep of peace and order and the continuation of British authority was the major goal of the British
Indian administration. British manufacturers and merchants could not possibly hope to sell their products in
every nook and cranny of India without law and order.

Being foreigners, the British had no chance of winning the hearts of the Indian populace; as a result, they
depended on superior military rather than popular support to maintain their dominance over India.

The major changes introduced by the British are:

Creation of a police system

Cornwallis was in charge of setting up India’s modern police force. He built a daroga-led system of Thanas
(or circles).

Code of Cornwallis
 • The set of policies that made up British India’s administrative structure, the Cornwallis, or Bengal,
system, was given legal shape by Lord Cornwallis, governor-general of India.

• The system spread throughout northern India after a set of regulations were published on May 1st,
1793, starting in Bengal.

• Prior to the Charter Act of 1833, these were the main pillars upon which British India’s governance
was based.

The Police Commission of 1860

• In accordance with the Police Commission’s recommendations, the Indian Police Act of 1861 was
passed (1860).

• The commission promoted a civil police force with a superintendent in charge of each district, a
deputy inspector-general in command of each range, and an inspector-general in control of each
province.

• Crimes like dacoity and thugee were gradually decreased by the police.

• In India, there was no national police force established by the British. The Police Act of 1861 laid the
groundwork for a provincial police force.

Development of Judiciary

Hastings initiated the system, but Cornwallis made it workable.

Reforms to the Judiciary under Warren Hastings

• To settle civil issues involving both Hindu and Muslim law, district-level Diwani Adalats were set up.

• The Sadar Diwani Adalat heard the appeal from the District Diwani Adalats.

• The Sadar Nizamat Adalat in Murshidabad, which oversaw the death penalty and the purchase of
land, was run by a deputy Nizam (an Indian Muslim) with assistance from the senior mufti and chief
qazi.

• A Supreme Court was established in Calcutta by the Regulating Act of 1773 with the power to hear
cases involving all British subjects, including Indians and Europeans, who were present in Calcutta
and its associated factories. It was a court with both original and appellate jurisdiction.

Changes made by Cornwallis

• Cornwallis dissolved the District Fauzadari Court, and Circuit Courts were set up at Calcutta, Decca,
Murshidabad, and Patna.

• European justices sit on its appeals court, which handles both civil and criminal issues.

• He transferred Sadar Nizamat Adalat to Calcutta, where it was overseen by the Governor-General
and Supreme Council members, with the help of Chief Qazi and Chief Mufti.

• A district judge presided over the District, City, or Zila Court, which had been renamed from the
District Diwani Adalat.

Alterations made by William Bentinck

• The four Circuit Courts were dissolved under William Bentinck, and the duties of the former courts
were given to collectors who were supervised by the commissioner of revenue and circuit.

• The Sadar Diwani Adalat and the Sadar Nizamat Adalat were founded in Allahabad.
 • He established English as the official language for Supreme Court sessions, Persian, and vernacular
language for lower court proceedings.

• Macaulay formed the Law Commission during his rule, which codified Indian laws.

• This commission served as the foundation for the creation of the Civil Procedure Code of 1859, the
Indian Penal Code of 1860, and the Criminal Procedure Code of 1861.

Also read: The Changes introduced by the British in India – ClearIAS

Development of Civil Services

The East India Company established a civil service system in India for the benefit of its commercial concerns,
and it eventually developed into a well-organized system to handle the administrative affairs of India’s
newly acquired territories.

Charter Act 1853

• The 1853 Charter Act, which required that future hiring be done through an open competition,
ended the Company’s patronage.

• On the other side, Indians were prohibited from prominent posts from the beginning.

• All positions worth 500 pounds annually were reserved for the Company’s covenanted servants
under the Charter Act of 1793.

Indian Civil Service Act 1861

• The Indian Civil Services Act was passed under the viceroyalty of Lord Canning.

• Certain jobs were reserved for covenanted civil servants under this Act, however, the examination
was conducted in English and was based on classical Greek and Latin knowledge.

• The legal age limit gradually dropped from 23 in 1859 to 22 in 1860, 21 in 1866, and 19 in 1909. (in
1878).

Statutory Civil Service

• In 1878–1879, Lytton formed the Statutory Civil Service, with Indians of high families filling one-
sixth of covenanted jobs through local government nominations, subject to ratification by the
secretary of state and the viceroy.

• The system was repealed because it was ineffective.

Aitchison Commission,1886

• In 1886, a commission headed by Sir Charles Aitchison was established to come up with a strategy
for including Indians in all areas of government service.

• It was intended to examine the question of Indian employment in both the uncovenanted service
that covered lower-level administrative jobs as well as the appointments typically reserved by law
for members of the covenanted civil service.

• The Statutory Civil Service was proposed to be abolished, and the civil services were divided into
three groups: Imperial, Provincial, and Subordinate.

Montford Reform 1919

• Three levels of service categorization were recommended by the Government of India Act on
Constitutional Reforms of 1919: All India, Provincial, and Subordinate.
 • The term “All India Services” was used to describe all Imperial services present at the period in the
provinces, whether in reserved or transferred departments.

• In terms of dismissal, pay, pensions and other rights, All India Services employees received special
protections.

• The Act advocated the creation of a Public Service Commission charged with hiring for the service
as a defence against political interference.

Lee Commission,1924

• The British government created the Lee Commission in 1923 to look into the racial makeup of the
superior Indian public services provided by the Indian government.

• The committee, which included both British and Indian members in equal numbers, was led by Lord
Lee of Fareham.

• The Lee Commission suggested in 1924 that 20% of new recruits come from the provincial service
and that 40% of future entrants be British, and 40% be directly recruited Indians.

Government of India Act,1935

• Within their respective spheres, the 1935 Act proposed the establishment of a Federal Public
Service Commission and a Provincial Public Service Commission.

• However, positions of control and authority remained in British hands, and the process of
Indianisation of civil service did not provide Indians with effective political power because Indian
bureaucrats acted as agents of colonial rule.

Also read Civil Service Reforms during British; The British Expansion in India – East India Company,
Presidencies, Governor-generals, and Battles – ClearIAS;

A new system of land holding and Land Revenue

A few New systems of land holding and Land Revenue were introduced by the British. They were :

Permanent Settlement

The Permanent Land Revenue Settlement of Bengal was the administrative action taken by Lord Cornwallis
that garnered the most attention. The introduction of the Permanent Settlement for Bengal, Bihar, and
Orissa occurred in 1793. Its unique characteristics were:

The Bengali zamindars were acknowledged as landowners as long as they made regular payments of income
to the East India Company.

• The revenue the zamindars were required to pay the Company was set in stone and could not be
increased under any circumstances. In other words, the zamindars received the remaining 11%
while the East India Company’s government received 89%.

• Because they were regarded as the soil’s tillers, the ryots were made tenants.

• This agreement eliminated the zamindars’ judicial and administrative duties. Therefore, this elite
was bound to support British rule by its own fundamental interests.

Ryotwari Settlement

Primarily in Madras, Berar, Bombay, and Assam were introduced. This technique was implemented in the
Madras Presidency by Sir Thomas Munro.

• The peasant was acknowledged as the landowner under this arrangement.

 • The peasantry and the government did not have a middleman like a zamindar.

• The peasant has not kicked off the land as long as he paid the revenue on time.

• The land revenue was set for increments of 20 to 40 years.

Here, the British also recognised peasants who paid state taxes directly and members of local groups known
as mirasdars. These mirasdars rose to become modest landowners. The following three factors, however,
nullified the ryot’s claim of ownership. They had to pay revenue even when their produce was destroyed in
whole or in part because of the following: a. exorbitant land revenue; b. the government’s right to increase
land revenue at will.

Mahalwari Settlement

• The Mahalwari settlement was first established in 1833 in Punjab, Central Provinces, and portions
of the North Western Provinces. The village or the Mahal served as the fundamental unit of
revenue settlement under this system.

• The entire Mahal, or village community, was in charge of paying the revenue because the village
properties belonged to them all jointly. As a result, when the revenue was set, the village’s whole
land area was measured.

• Although the Mahalwari system did away with middlemen between the government and the local
community and improved irrigation facilities, the government was the primary beneficiary of its
benefits.

Conclusion

Due to nationalist pressure, there was a sluggish process of Indianization after 1918, but crucial and senior
jobs were still held by Europeans. The future of modern India was greatly influenced by changes in India’s
governmental structure and policies. Positions of power and authority continued to be held by the British,
nevertheless, the process of indigenizing the civil service did not give Indians real political sway because
Indian bureaucrats served as proxies for colonial administration.

Article Written By: Atheena Fathima Riyas

Tracing the Roots of ‘Right to Education’ in British India

The Right to Education Act, 2009 has roots in the British India when the East India Company turned into a
political entity by taking territorial control and as administrator it had to manage people and society. It was
a unique case of a business entity becoming so powerful that it militarily defeated the ruling kings and
became rulers. As political masters, they had to deal with people’s affairs that required suitably educated
local servants in their the colonial administration. They primarily wanted English speaking clerks who would
communicate British policies to local masses and help run the administration for the white rulers. Make no
mistakes: they were not doing it as well wishers; their aim was still the same, loot and exploitation. Most
experts trace the first policy statement towards education in the Charter Act of 1813 that directed the EIC to
allocate a sum of not less than one lakh rupees for educational purposes. It also marked British territories in
India for the first time.
Education in Ancient India

Indians are inherently knowledge seekers since ancient

times and the trait of learning is in their DNA. In the Vedic era, gurukuls imparted Vedic education to
children. Appearance of the Buddha 2500 years ago, saw mushrooming of viharas where monks lived to
study the Tipitaka and to practice the 8-fold noble path for full enlightenment (Nirvana). Emperor Ashoka
spread Buddha’s teaching among masses through State efforts; he even sent enlightened monks to all
neighboring countries. Then around 400 AD, the Nalanda University came into being and became a well
known global center of learning. Chinese travelers Hiuen Tsang (636-646 AD) and Itsing (675 AD) had lived
and studied in Nalanda. It was destroyed by an Islamic savage known as Bakhtiar Khilji in 1193. Besides
killing all monks, the barbarian torched its mammoth library with around 9 million books, which burnt for 3
month.

Advent of Islam in the early 7th century in the Arab desert became a curse for Indian civilization, Prior to
that the Sanatana Dharma had a vast spread, going beyond today’s Afghanistan, to Iran (then a Zoroastrian
nation). Although the glorious period of Sanatana had peaked, it was still extraordinarily advanced in
knowledge and prosperity, which attracted Mohammadan invaders. Fall of Raja Dahir’s kingdom in 712, was
a serious security breach; it paved way for future invasions by marauding forces. They repeatedly destroyed
temples, educational centers and social institutions that promoted well being and prosperity. In their Islamic
fanaticism, the Turk, Mongol and Arab invaders also indulged in frequent mass slaughter, slave taking, and
forced conversions.

Therefore, by the time White Europeans landed on Indian soil (around 1500 AD), Islamic savages had
already significantly damaged Indian Sanatani society. Yet, the self reliant socio-political system was still
producing wealth and prosperity, so the White looters too had enormous booty to make their country
wealthy. They plundered India through State Policies, designed to enrich Britain at the cost of Indian’s well
being. This is Abrahamic cult of Muhammad and Jesus, ideal for looters and robbers.

THE BRITISH ERA

When the British East India Company arrived in 1608, Mughal Empire under Jahangir had just taken over
the reign after Akbar’s death in 1605. Then, Hindus and Muslims had their own systems of education. Being
oppressed subjects for centuries, Hindus tried to teach their children either in temples, Pathshalas using
Sanskrit language. Muslim children learned similar skills in Maktabs but in Persian and Arabic. Higher
learning was given in Madarasas. Girls generally remained uneducated except through personal efforts at
home. Zamindars and elite court officials often arranged education of their daughters at home by hiring
suitable teachers. Reading, writing and basic arithmetic provided the basic education.

What the British noted was that Indian culture was highly sophisticated and had highly advanced spiritual
and cultural heritage. This was testified by Lord Macaulay in the British parliament. He devised his
education system in 1835 so as to destroy the very roots of Indigenous culture that made it an economically
advanced.
East India Company (EIC) Rule Started in 1765

From 1608 until the mid 18th century, the Company remained occupied in trading activities. But after the
Battle of Plassey (1757) and the Battle of Buxar (1764), they took control of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa
through the right to collect revenue. It effectively became ruler and administrator. As it territory expanded
in the coming decades, it needed more and more Indians to discharge various administrative duties. For
example, it needed Indians well versed in classical languages like Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian as well as local
languages. Its Judicial Department needed Indians to assist English judges dealing with Hindu and Muslim
laws. It also had to communicate with rulers of different Princely State in different languages; and the
clerical staff had to interact with uneducated masses in local languages.

All this means that the company had to pay attention to educating Indians according to its clerical needs.
Thus, the Calcutta Madarsa was set up in 1781, Asiatic Society for Oriental learning in 1784 and in 1791 a
Sanskrit College was opened at Benaras for law, literature and Hindu religion. In order to take care of
training of English civil servants, the Fort William College was set up in 1800-01.

Initially EIC did not Encourage Missionaries’ activities

Learning from its experience in other colonies, the Company did not encourage Christian missionaries
fearing that it might offend local population which would jeopardize its trading interests. The first time
Company paid attention to educational matters was when the Charter Act of 1698 mandated it to maintain
priests and schools in its garrisons. However, these provisions were intended for the children of the
Company’s European servants than for the Indians.

During the 1770s and 1780s several Englishmen had argued that the Company should support the
missionaries. They argued that conversion of India to Christianity would actually help consolidate their hold,
rather than hindering it as argued by Company officials thus far. But their efforts remained futile until
Charter Act of 1813.

The Charter Act of 1813

The Charter Act of 1813 was the first step towards making education an objective of the government. It
must be seen as an important landmark in the history of modern education in India. Section 43 of the
Charter stated that
“a sum of not less than one lakh of rupees in each year shall be set apart and applied to the revival and
improvement of literature and the encouragement of the learned natives of India, and for the introduction
and promotion of a knowledge of the sciences among the inhabitants of the British territories in India.”

Although the purpose was facilitation of colonial administration, the Charter Act made it obligatory on the
part of the East India Company to spread education in its territories in India. Thus, educating Indians also
became an added duty of the Company. Many scholars see the Clause 43 of the Charter Act as the first
legislative admission of the right of education in India from public funds. The Clause 43 of the Charter Act of
1813 assumed bigger importance when one considers that in those days education was not a State
responsibility in England. Except Scotland, no public money was spent on elementary education, which was
left mostly to charity schools and private efforts of individuals.

The Act also allowed Britons to go to India for missionary activity.

The Charter Act stirred ‘Oriental’ vs ‘Western’ Education Debate

The Section 43 of the Charter Act 1813 had only defined the objects of the educational policy, viz. ‘the
revival and improvement of literature’, ‘the encouragement of learned natives of India’ and ‘the
introduction and promotion of a knowledge of sciences among the inhabitants of the British territories in
India’; but gave no directions regarding the methods to be employed to achieve these objects.

It intensified the Oriental and Occidental educational debate in India. One group was of the Orientalists who
wanted the promotion of Indian education through the medium of Sanskrit, Arabic, and Persian whereas
the other group was of Anglicists of the Company who were in favor of developing western education in
India through the medium of English. Thus, the fund remained unspent until 1823 when a General
Committee on Public Instruction (GCPI) was set up for the Bengal Presidency to look after the development
of education in India. It was in favor of oriental education.

However, the oriental-vs-English education debate continued until 1834 when Lord T.B. Macaulay came to
India and presided over the committee. He was a pro-Anglicist and made a vigorous plea for spreading
western education through the medium of English. Clearly, the British wanted to create a class of Indians
who would act as bridge between them and their Indian subjects. Macaulay spelt out his intent in the
British parliament as shown in the video below:

https://youtu.be/gp0qq-pGXuM

Macaulay Minutes of 1835

Lord Macaulay gave an important turn to the

educational policy in India with far reaching consequences. The hotly contested issue of oriental vs English
education was permanently settled, by the famous Minute of Lord Macaulay in February 1835, in favor of
imparting education in Western sciences and literature in English medium in India. Macaulay was an ardent
Anglicist and harbored morbid contempt for Indian knowledge and languages.

It established the hegemonic influence of English as medium of colonial ‘instruction’ (not education) and
used the ploy of limited resources to “form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions
whom we govern – a class of persons Indian in blood and color, but English in tastes, in opinions, in morals
and in intellect.” He also wrote, “it would be more suitable to provide higher education to higher classes
than to give to elementary education to the mass.”
This decision left a far reaching impact on the evolution of educational system in India. According to
Macaulay’s education philosophy

▪ The nature of education in India would be determined by the British.

▪ English language would be used to impart knowledge of Western arts and sciences because oriental
knowledge was utterly ‘inferior’ and ‘unholy’.

▪ Only rich and upper class would be educated.

▪ In the course of time, ‘knowledge’ would trickle down to the masses – Filtration theory.

▪ This system would supply English educated Indian servants cheap but capable at the same time, for
British administration.

In 1835, the Elphinstone College in Bombay and Calcutta Medical College were established.

In 1844, Lord Harding proclaimed that in government services preference would be given to those who
were educated in English schools. It clearly meant that the colonial education only aimed to produce good
clerks for the British administration.

Filtration Theory

Macaulay wrote in 1937, “At present we don’t aim at educating directly the common people. We aim at
creating a class of persons who among their countrymen distribute some of the knowledge we
gave”. Declaring it as government policy, Sir Auckland said, “The government should educate the higher
class of the people so that the ‘filtered culture’ reaches to the public”. The Committee of Public Instruction
in Bengal had also approved this idea in 1839, “Our efforts should be concentrated first on the education of
higher and middle class of people”.

A company dispatch to Madras government stated that the best approach to education is the education of
the higher class people. Raising the standard of education for this class will produce more beneficial change
than what is obtained by acting directly on the common masses. Thus, the Company focused only on
educating people of the higher classes of the society. It also helped in creating a faithful class of people.

Three Private Suggestions for Compulsory Education

Here it would be useful to mention three private suggestions for compulsory education that were rejected
by the British Government.

1. William Adam’s Third Report in 1838

The earliest attempt during the British rule for enforcing compulsory primary education (in the masses) was
made by William Adam in 1838. Adam was a Christian missionary and of course his prime interest was to
convert Indian masses into Christianity. He, however, felt that time was not ripe for introducing compulsory
education then due to several reasons. He wrote in his report:

“The next form in which Government influence may be conceived to be employed for the promotion of
education is by making it compulsory and enacting that every village should have a school. I hope the time
will come when every village shall have a school, but the period has not yet arrived when this obligation can
be enforced.”

The General Committee of Public Instruction (GCPI) also found Adam’s scheme impractical and too
expensive and against the idea of filtrating education from the upper and middle classes to the masses.
Thus, the proposal was rejected.

2. Captain Wingate, the Revenue Survey Commissioner in Bombay, 1852

When invited by the Government of Bombay to give his view on a proposal to levy a local fund on land
revenue, recommended the levy of such cess and suggested that a part of it should be devoted to providing
compulsory education to the sons of agriculturalists. The proposal was rejected at least partly because it
would have been impossible to finance compulsory primary education only from locally levied cess.

3. T C Hope, Educational Inspector of Gujarat Division, 1858

Mr T C Hope proposed that a law should be passed empowering the inhabitants of any local area to tax
themselves for the establishing schools. Hope opposed the voluntary system of school expansion and
pressed for an enactment to authorize the levy of a compulsory educational rate. It was rejected as
premature.

Wood’s Educational Despatch, 1854

The British parliament appointed a special parliamentary committee to study the education policies of the
Company and suggest suitable educational reforms for India. The committee prepared a Despatch – a policy
document. It was favorably considered by the Company’s Board of Control, presided by Charles Wood. This
came to be known as “Wood’s Educational Despatch.”

The Despatch asked the government to assume responsibility of educating Indian masses – a suggestion
contrary to the Filtration theory. An important suggestion of was to establish universities in India. Thus, the
three University Acts of 1857 was passed, establishing universities at Calcutta, Madras and Bombay and
creation of an Education Department in each province of British India. However, little could be done
because the Company ceased to be a political power after the revolt of 1857 when the Crown took control
of the Government of India.

In 1859, an order was passed that the Government of India should own responsibility of primary education.
Accordingly, the Government of India instructed to levy local taxes for this task. Consequently in 1864 local
taxes were levied in various provinces of India for meeting the expenditure on primary education.

Often dubbed as the ‘Magna Carta of English education in India’, the salient features of the Woods Despatch
were

▪ Regularizing the education system in India from the primary to the university levels.

▪ Indians were to be educated in English as well as in their native languages.

▪ Education system was to be set up in every province.

▪ Every district should have at least one government school.

▪ Affiliated private schools could be granted aids.

▪ Stress would be put on education of women.

The Indian Education Commission (Hunter Commission), 1882

 The educational policies during the
period of 1854 and 1902 were formulated by two main documents only – the Despatch of 1854 and the
Report of the Indian Education Commission, 1882. The Commission was to review the progress since the
Despatch of 1854. It was the first education commission in British India. It must be seen in the backdrop of
two events: first, the British government was badly shaken by the 1857 rebellion and second, in 1870 the
Compulsory Education Act was passed by the British parliament; it triggered similar demand for a similar
law in India by many Indian leaders including Dadabhai Naoroji who demanded 4 years of compulsory
education for all children. This was the most explicit demand for right to education for masses.

The Commission suggested blending of private and public efforts, right from the primary to the university
stage. It stressed the need for organizing a proper system of grant-in-aid so that private enterprise might get
enough room to expand and to feed upon. Major recommendations of the Commission were

▪ The responsibility of primary education should be given to the local bodies such as municipalities
and local boards. And more importance to be given to vernacular languages in the primary
education.

▪ Secondary education should be divided into two categories: 1) Literary education, leading up to the
University level and 2) Vocational studies.

▪ There should be lesser Governmental control over Universities and they should be given more
freedom to develop curriculum.

▪ Religious education should be left to private efforts. Government funded schools should focus only
on secular education. It disappointed the missionaries who were looking for a dominant role in
Indian education arena.

▪ Library facilities and furniture were to be provided in the schools.

▪ More attention should be given to education of girls.

Most of the recommendations were accepted by the British government. It eliminated the British elements
from the elementary education. Setting up of the Punjab University in 1882 reduced the pressure on the
Calcutta University.

As a result of implementation of the Commission’s recommendations, between 1882 and 1901, the number
of students enrolled in primary and secondary schools increased significantly.

More Voices for Compulsory Primary Education – Birth of Indian National Congress in 1885

The report of the Indian Education Commission of 1882 also did an unexpected thing. It paved the way for
the organized agitation for the introduction of compulsory education. For quite some time, a number of
Indian leaders had been stressing the need of education for all. The establishment of the Indian National
Congress in 1885 gave impetus to the demand. In the Calcutta Congress of 1905, it was declared that it is
the birthright of the people of India to get proper education. It adopted a Resolution demanding that
“Government should take immediate steps for (i) making primary education free and gradually compulsory
all over the country”.

This movement was kept initiated up till 1947.

Lord Curzon’s Educational Policy (1904)

Lord Curzon was appointed the Governor General of India in 1899. He organized a conference of select
educationists and top education officials in Shimla in 1901 for exhaustive discussions on wide ranging topics
related to education. Then in 1902 a Commission headed by Sir Thomas Raleigh was set up to evaluate the
progress of education since the Indian Education Commission (1882) and suggest ways and means to
further raise the standard of University education. The British Government passed a Resolution on Indian
Educational Policy in 1904, popularly known as Lord Curzon’s Educational policy. It made the following
observations/recommentations:

Shortcomings in the current system: This resolution also pointed out the typical characteristics of the
System of Education in British India: 1) The aim of education was only getting government job; 2) English
was encouraged at the cost of vernacular languages; 3) Teaching was exam focused; 4) Technical education
was neglected; 5) Method of instruction encouraged memorization and not development of intellect.

Elementary Education: The resolution declared that the primary education had received insufficient
attention and that it was the duty of both the central and provincial governments to expand and improve
primary education. It was an important step forward from the Company Charter Act of 1813 that kept aside
part of state fund for the purpose of public education and from the Wood’s Despatch that provided the first
basis for a state educational program in India.

Languages and medium of instruction: As a general rule, a child should not be allowed to learn English
language until he has made some progress in the primary stage of education and has received a thorough
grounding in his mother tongue. It is equally important that when the teaching of English has begun, it
should not be prematurely employed as the medium of instruction in other subjects….The transition from
the use of vernacular to English as the medium of instruction should, broadly speaking, be at a minimum
age of 13.

Improving secondary education: It proposed to strengthen secondary education through proper inspection,
control, and systematic grant-in-aid. The need for the training of secondary school teachers was emphasized
in order to make school teaching more efficient and non-mechanical.

Affiliation of colleges with universities: Affiliation should be granted only when the colleges had a regular
governing body, qualified teachers, adequate building and equipment, staff quarters, sufficient financial
resources and a rational fee policy. Affiliation once granted might not be permanent and might be reviewed
through a proper inspection.

Technical and vocational education: It proposed ways to improve technical, vocational, and commercial
education in order to make it more practical and relevant to the local needs. Agricultural education was to
be expanded and more suitable courses were to be added for the industrial sector.

Maharaja of Baroda introduced Free and Compulsory Education

The Maharaja of Baroda actually implemented free and compulsory education in his State. First he
introduced it in 10 villages in Amreli Taluka, then in the whole taluka after few years in 1901, and finally in
1906 throughout the State for boys between age of 6 and 12 and for girls 6-10. This inspired others
including G K Gokhale who introduced a bill in the Imperial Legislative council. It was rejected but the issue
acquired national attention.

Government Resolution on Education Policy, 1913

The Resolution on Educational Policy, 1913, made a significant statement on the free and compulsory
education in the following words:

“For financial and administrative reasons of decisive weight the Government of India has refused to
recognize the principle of compulsory education; but they desire the widest possible extension of primary
education on a voluntary basis, regards free elementary education the time has not yet arrived . . . in
provinces elementary education is already free and in the majority of provinces liberal provision is already
made for giving free elementary instruction to those boys whose parents cannot afford to pay fees. Local
Governments have been requested to extend the application of the principle of free elementary education
among the poorer and more backward sections of the population. Further than this it is not possible at
present to go.”

Although the British Government refused to recognize the principle of compulsory education for paucity of
funds, it promised to extend grants for the widest extension of primary education on a voluntary basis.

The Resolution advocated three cardinal principles of educational policy:

1) The curricula of primary and secondary schools should be made more practical and useful; 2) Facilities of
higher education should be provided in India so that Indian students may not have to go abroad; 3) Instead
of increasing the number of existing institutions, their standard should be raised.

The Resolution provided for sufficient expansion of lower primary schools with a simultaneous opening of
upper primary schools. It proposed to streamline inspection and supervision, appoint trained teachers,
subsidize Maktabs and Pathshalas, improve school facilities, and encourage girl’s education. The Resolution
also provided for expansion of university education considering the existing 5 universities and 185 colleges
as insufficient. The universities were to be relieved of responsibility of granting recognition to high schools,
and subjects of industrial importance were to be included in the curriculum.

However, the First World War which broke out the next year, delaying implementation of many
recommendations set out in the Resolution.

Bombay Primary Education (District Municipalities) Act of 1918

After the demise of Gokhale in 1915, the campaign for compulsory primary education was taken up by
Vithalbhai Patel. In 1917 Patel introduced a Bill in the Bombay Legislative Council for permitting
municipalities to introduce compulsion in municipal areas of the Province of Bombay. It was approved by
the Governor-General and came to known as the Bombay Primary Education (District Municipalities) Act of
1918 came into effect. People also called it a Patel Act, after its mover. Thus, what Gokhale tried to achieve
for the entire country but failed, Vithalbhai Patel achieved it for the Bombay Province.

The Patel Act kindled nationwide interest in the need of compulsory primary education for the whole
country.

Calcutta University Commission (1917-19)

Calcutta University Commission was appointed by the Government of India in 1917 to inquire into the
condition and prospects of Calcutta University under the chairmanship of Dr. Michael Sadler, the Vice-
Chancellor of Leeds University. The terms and reference included all aspects of secondary, collegiate and
university education.

The major recommendations were:

▪ In those days, the Matriculation Examination, which marked the end of school stage and
constituted an entrance examination to the universities, was conducted by the universities. After
two years, another public examination was held (also by the universities) which was called
Intermediate Examination. This was followed by the First Degree examination. The commission
 concluded that the Intermediate stage was really a part of the school course and that the students
at this stage could be more effectively taught by school methods than by college methods. So the
Intermediate Classes of the university were to be transferred to Secondary Institutions;

▪ The duration of under-graduate courses for the first degree should be increased to three years with
a provision of Honours courses;

▪ A Board of Secondary and Intermediate Education should be established for the purpose of
reorganizing High School and Intermediate education on the lines recommended by it and for
holding the Matriculation and Intermediate examinations;

▪ The universities should, thus, be left to their proper sphere, namely, the provision of under-
graduate and postgraduate education and holding of examination for the first, second and research
degrees;

▪ The universities should have Departments of Education with provision of teaching “Education” as a
subject at B.A. level;

▪ An Inter-University Board (IUB) should be established to coordinate the work of different Indian
universities.

The recommendations of the Commission introduced a fresh outlook in university education in India and a
number of new universities sprang up on the suggested lines. It had a profound influence on the university
education for next 3 decades.

Comparing today’s scenario, we see that the 12 years of schooling and three years of degree course were
recommended by the Sadler Commission (1917-1919). In this sense the Sadler Commission may be said to
be forerunner of the present national educational structure. The introduction of the New Pattern of
Education 10+2+3 in 1975 has been hailed as landmark in the reforms of education in India.

The Government of India Act, 1919 – Diarchy (double rule) in Provinces

Through the Government of India Act of 1919, for the first time the British tried to introduce a kind of
democratic form of government. This Act is also known as Montague-Chelmsford Reform. Acknowledging
their contribution to the WW1, Indians were involved in running the administration. Its main feature was
the introduction of the principle of diarchy in the provinces. The Provincial Executive was divided into two
parts – the British Councilors who took charge of what was known as “reserved subjects” and the Indian
Ministers took responsibility for “Transferred subjects”. Here ‘subjects’ mean various administrative
functions of the government.

Thus, the British councilors got ‘reserved subjects’ like law and order, the police, the land revenue, and
irrigation and the Indian ministers were given ‘transferred subjects’ such as local self-government,
education, public health, public works, agriculture, forest and fisheries.

Education, a transferred subject, became the direct responsibility of the Indian ministers. But Indian the
ministers were unable to effect any major changes in education because finance, a reserved subject, was
under the control of the English Councilors who were reluctant to give the required amount of money to
Indian Ministers. This prompted the Indian National Congress launched the Civil Disobedience Movement.

An important result of the Montague – Chelmsford Reforms of 1919 was that colonial rulers were relieved
of any responsibility for education in India and the Department of Education got transferred to the control
of popular Indian ministries in the various provinces. Consequently, the Central special grants for education
liberally sanctioned since 1902 was discontinued perhaps due to impact of the WW1. Financial difficulties
prevented the provincial governments from taking up ambitious schemes of educational expansion or
improvement. During this period expansion of education was mostly made by philanthropic effort.
Under Diarchy System, there was rapid development of mass education with the passing of Compulsory
Education Acts in most of the provinces. From 1918 to 1930 every province in British India got Compulsory
Education Act on its Statute Book. In fact, the decade 1917 to 1927 is regarded as the ‘bloom period’ for
compulsory primary education in the British India.

On the flip side, the transfer of control of education to Provincial Governments not only isolated them from
the Central Government but also them from one another. It also deprived the Government of India of the
power of guiding and formulating an educational policy for the whole country, and it was no longer possible
for it to act as an advisory and coordinating agency on problems of all India importance.

In nutshell, the changes introduced by the 1919 Montague-Chelmsford reforms mark the end of direct
colonial responsibility for education. This diarchy system of governance ended in 1937 with the
introduction of Government of India Act (provincial autonomy Act) of 1935 which came into force in 1937.

Central Advisory Board of Education (CABE), 1921

Central and Provincial Governments felt the need for a coordinating agency in the matter of education.
Consequently, the Central Advisory Board of Education (CABE) was established at the Centre in 1921. This
idea was first put forward by the Calcutta University Commission (1917-19) which felt “that the Government
of India can perform an invaluable function by defining the general aims of educational policy, by giving
advice and assistance to local governments and to universities” and “by supplying organized information as
to the development of educational ideas in the various provinces, and also elsewhere than in India”.

But, in 1923, citing financial stress, the Board was abolished without consulting the provincial Governments.
It was an ill conceived step and the CABE was revived in 1935 after the suggestion of the Hartog Committee,
1929. The Bureau of Education was also revived in 1937 on the recommendations of the CABE. It was again
reconstituted and strengthened in 1945.

The Hartog Committee, 1929

As mentioned earlier that the Indian Ministers in provinces were unable to receive sufficient funds and
failed to do produce expected results on matter related to education. The continuous pressure for
educational improvement resulted in the appointment of Hartog Committee in May 1928. The Committee
submitted its report in September, 1929. Its report more or less shaped the educational policy of British
Government during the last decades of its existence in India. The main findings of the Hartog Committee
were as follows:

On primary education it said, “Primary education is ineffective, unless it at least produces literacy.” The
rapid increase in number of schools and colleges had resulted in the dilution of quality and education had
become largely ineffective and wasteful. It emphasized the importance of primary education but warned
against hasty expansion or attempt to introduce compulsion in education. It recommended consolidation
and improvement by reducing the extent of stagnation and wastage.

On the secondary and university education – both designed to produce competent officials – it pointed out
that the large extent of failure at the matriculation examination as mere wastage. It recommended the
introduction of varied curricula in middle vernacular schools and retaining a large number of pupils in such
schools and diverting more boys to industrial and commercial careers at the end of the middle school stage.

It criticized the policy of indiscriminate admission at university level for lowering of standards and
recommended that “all efforts should be concentrated on improving university work, on confining the
university to its proper function of giving good advanced education to students who are fit to receive it,
and, in fact, to making the university a more fruitful and less disappointing agency in the life of the
community.”

The Government of India Act, 1935

This was the last major legislation passed by the British government before the formal partition of India in
1947. It gave far greater measure of autonomy to the provinces and toyed with the idea of establishing a
‘Federation of India’ including all of British provinces and ‘princely States’ if at least 50% join it. It also split
Burma from India and separated Sindh from Bombay and Orissa from Bihar. It abolished the diarchy system
at the provinces but introduced it in the Central government. It created two Houses at Central government
and established the Reserve Bank of India. It also introduced direct elections in India for the first time,
giving voting rights to about 10% population.

With the introduction of ‘provincial autonomy, the Indian National Congress formed governments in 7 of
the 11 provinces. The education ministers under provincial autonomy commanded far larger resources that
under the diarchy system. But most plans remained unimplemented due to start of the WW2.

The Wardha Scheme of Basic Education, 1937-1938

Indian leaders were highly dissatisfied with the nature of the education system in the country. Gandhi
harbored the idea that education system should be self supporting and that it should be based on ‘learning
through activities’. An All India Educational Conference was held at Wardha to discuss his ideas of basic
education and a committee led by Dr Zakir Hussain was appointed to chalk out a tentative scheme and
syllabus for implementation. Its Report was published in 1938 under the title ‘Basic National Education’ or
Wardha Scheme, offering a plan of free and compulsory education to children 7-14 years of age. It was
implemented in the six provinces ruled by the Congress government.

The Central Advisory Board of Education (CABE) was quick to see the potential of the Wardha Scheme and
appointed the Wardha Education Committee of Central Advisory Board of Education in January 1938 under
the chairmanship of Shri B. G. Kher to examine its possibilities. The Kher Committee accepted the principle
of education through activity and recommended that the age range of compulsion should be 6 to 14 years.

But then things turned unfavorable. As the WW2 broke out in 1939, the colonial rulers came up with a plan
to drag India into its war. In protest, Congress ministered resigned. However, the Wardha Scheme reminded
the possibility for the enforcement of free compulsory education in the country.

The Sargent Plan of Educational Development (1944)

After the end of Second World War, the Central Advisory Board of Education (CABE) in India published a
comprehensive report on the “Post-War Educational Development in India” in the country. It is also known
as Sargent Plan after John Sargent, the then Educational Advisor to the Government of India. Surprisingly,
the report was not known after its chairman (Sir Jogindra Singh), but after one of the Committee members
– John Sargent. Sargent Plan was one of the most comprehensive schemes of education ever proposed by
the British Government after the Despatch of 1854.

This was the first systematic and national level attempt to review the problems of education as a whole. It
aimed to create in India, in a period of not less than forty years, the same standard of educational
attainments as had already been admitted in England. Critics saw it as the British attempt to counter the
efforts of Indian leaders to evolve a National System of Education (such as the Wardha Scheme).

It recommended:

▪ Pre-primary education for 3-6 years age group; free, universal and compulsory elementary
education for 6-11 years age group; high school education for 11-17 years age group for selected
children, and a university course of 3 years after higher secondary; high schools to be of two types
(i) academic and (ii) technical and vocational.

▪ Adequate technical, commercial and arts education with different curricula.

▪ Abolition of intermediate course.

 ▪ Development of adult education and Liquidation of adult illiteracy in 20 years.

▪ Stress on teachers’ training, physical education, education for the physically and mentally
handicapped.

Although a bold and comprehensive scheme, it proposed no methodology for implementation. It is

interesting to note that the Sargent Plan commented that

“a system of universal, compulsory and free education for all boys and girls between the ages of six and
fourteen should be introduced as speedily as possible though in view of the practical difficulty of recruiting
the requisite supply, of trained teachers it may not be possible to complete it in less than forty years.”

As the freedom movement was at its full swing those days, things stayed standstill.

The Kher Committee, 1948

Soon after the independence, the problem of evolving a national system of education came up for debate.
The policies recommended by the Sargent Report appeared sound and acceptable. Thus, a special
committee under the Chairmanship of B.G. Kher, the then Chief Minister of Bombay, was set up to further
explore the proposals of the Sargent Plan. In its report, the committee accepted the program of universal,
compulsory and free basic education as proposed in the Sargent report but reduced the time span from 40
(1944-84) to 16 years (1944-60).

It was this recommendation that formed the basis of Article 45 of the Directive Principles of the Indian
Constitution enjoining that the “State shall endeavor to provide within a period of ten years from the
commencement of this Constitution for free and compulsory education for all children until they complete
the age of 14 years.” Ever since, efforts were being made to fulfill the provision of free and compulsory
education for all Indian children through successive five-year plans and a host of Central and State
Governments’ sponsored program. It finally culminated in the passage of the Right to Education Act, 2009.

'Seeing our plight, our children no longer want to become farmers'

PTI / Updated: Dec 5, 2020, 21:01 IST

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As thousands of farmers dig their heels in at Delhi's borders bracing chilly winter winds and preparing for a
long fight to press for their demands, some rue that seeing their plight, their children no longer wish to get
into agriculture.
NEW DELHI: As thousands of farmers dig their heels in at Delhi's borders bracing chilly winter winds and
preparing for a long fight to press for their demands, some rue that seeing their plight, their children no
longer wish to get into agriculture.
Hasseb Ahmed, who has been on a sit-in against the Centre's new farm laws here at the Ghazipur border
since last Saturday, says he has two school going children, who are busy with their online classes back in his
village in Rampur district of Uttar Pradesh, want a better standard of living.

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His elder son is in Class 12, while the younger is in class 9. "Neither of them wished to get into farming. They
have their ambitions and want to land a good job. They say they don't want to be farmers," Ahmed said.
"With the price that we are offered for our crops, all we can afford to give them is food and basic education.
Nothing beyond that. They get disappointed to see that despite all the handwork that goes in it, we don't
receive appropriate returns," he added.

Another farmer, Sita Arya, who is from Amroha district in Uttar Pradesh, said her children too were slowly
trying to detach themselves from farming. "They are even ready to sit in a bidi, tabocco or a paan shop to
earn a living."
"We work day and night on the fields but don't get the required profit. Getting into farming is like falling
into a pit. Unless there is profit, our children don't wish to get into it. If only the government had focused on
turning farming into an employment opportunity and set a standard price for our crops, our children would
not have been so against this profession, which is in every sense the backbone of this country," she added.

Agitating farmers have stressed that unless their demands are met and the new farm laws repelled, they
will not move anywhere from the borders of the national capital and their protest will continue.
Daryal Singh, a 65-year-old farmer from UP, pointed out that the young people in his village were ready to
work even under a trader for Rs 2,000 but they do not wish to become farmers.
"For ages they have seen their families struggle to get farm loans. Whatever money they make out of
farming, a good portion of it goes into repaying the loan, and they are left with a meagre sum. How do we
change their perceptive? Has any government ever acted for the farmers till date," he asked.

Top Comment
Read (101) commentsPost comment

1484 days ago

Labour party is in mischievous labour courted by Khalistahani sympathisers.

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• rajendrakumar talukdar

1484 days ago

Labour party is in mischievous labour courted by Khalistahani sympathisers.

ReplyShow responses445flag

• Natarajan D

Natarajan D1484 days ago

Why only Sikh khalistani farmers only protesting. Why none from south India. These MPs should not be
allowed to travel to India and ban their entry

ReplyShow responses193flag

• Philipose Sunny Philipose

Philipose Sunny Philipose1484 days ago

Kalistanys agitation. Not farmer. Agitation

Reply185flag

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Unveiling Milan's hidden art and cultural treasures: When Indian influencer meets Italian insider with
Lufthansa
SPOTLIGHT / Updated: Sep 30, 2024, 16:16 IST

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Milan—famed for its fashion runways and gourmet cuisine—also hides a treasure trove of art and culture
that most tourists miss. But thanks to Lufthansa’s Milan Insider series, we’re taking you deep into the heart
of this historical city, where travel influencer Tanya Khanijow joins forces with Milanese art expert Elisabetta
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Milan, from its ancient roots to modern-day masterpieces.
From ancient marvels to modern masterpieces
Day 1 of the series kicks off with Tanya landing in Milan, greeted by the city’s vibrant culture and artistic
flair. But this isn’t your typical tourist route. Armed with insider knowledge from Elisabetta, Tanya embarks
on a journey that explores Milan’s transformation through time—starting from its Celtic and Roman roots,
through the grandeur of the Middle Ages, and into the bold strokes of its modern-day identity.

The Duomo di Milano: A living canvas of art history

The iconic Duomo di Milano is the perfect starting point for this journey. With over 3,400 statues adorning
its façade, the cathedral is more than just a landmark—it’s a towering testament to centuries of artistic
mastery. As Tanya gazes up at the intricate sculptures, Elisabetta reveals fascinating details that most visitors
overlook. “It’s not just a building—it’s a story, with each statue representing different moments in history,”
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centuries. Talk about history in 3D!
Sforza Castle: Where Milan's art and power converge
Next, they explore Sforza Castle, a fortress that once housed Milan’s rulers and is now home to some of the
world’s greatest artistic treasures. Elisabetta takes Tanya through the corridors, explaining how this grand
castle served as a political and artistic hub. And here’s a fun fact—Leonardo da Vinci himself worked on
projects within these very walls, further cementing Milan’s place in art history.

Navigli Canals: Designed by Da Vinci, flowing with culture

The journey wouldn’t be complete without a stop at the Navigli canals—a network designed in part by da
Vinci to boost the city's trade routes. But today, these canals are not just an engineering marvel—they’re
the heartbeat of Milan’s social and cultural life, lined with galleries, cafes, and studios. Elisabetta shares the
fascinating story of how these canals evolved over centuries, while Tanya captures the picturesque
waterways, bringing viewers a fresh perspective on this vibrant part of the city.
The insider’s edge: Travel like a local
Exploring Milan like an insider means skipping the tourist clichés and embracing local life. Elisabetta shares
essential tips on navigating the city—like a true Milanese. Whether it’s mastering the efficient public
transport system or understanding the unspoken cultural etiquette, Tanya learns what it really takes to
move through Milan with ease and confidence. No taxis needed here—just a metro card and some insider
know-how!
The soul of Milan: Where art, history, and life collide
Through Elisabetta’s expert narration, viewers are treated to an intimate look at how Milan’s past shapes its
present. From the ancient ruins hidden beneath the city streets to the Renaissance masterpieces in its
museums, each corner of Milan tells a story that connects art, culture, and everyday life. Tanya marvels at
how seamlessly the city blends the old with the new, making every street feel like an open-air gallery.
What’s next? Stay tuned for fashion, food, and more
Day 1 is just the beginning of this insider journey through Milan. Over the next few days, Tanya will dive
even deeper into the city, exploring its fashion-forward streets, indulging in its rich culinary delights, and
unearthing hidden gems that only locals know. If you think Milan’s art scene is impressive, just wait until
you see what comes next!
Visual storytelling: Bringing milan to life
Through visually stunning Instagram reels and YouTube videos, the energy of Milan’s art and culture leaps
off the screen. From Tanya and Elisabetta standing before the Duomo to their canal-side chats along Navigli,
viewers get to experience Milan as if they’re right there, soaking in the city’s rich artistic heritage. So, grab
your virtual passport, because this is one Milanese adventure you won’t want to miss.
Disclaimer: This article has been produced on behalf of Lufthansa by Times Internet's Spotlight team.

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This story is from December 5, 2020

Ready to address all concerns: Govt to farmer unions at crucial meeting

PTI / Updated: Dec 5, 2020, 17:09 IST

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Seeking to break the deadlock over protests against new farm laws, the government on Saturday told
representatives of agitating farmers that they are ready to address all their concerns with an open mind.
Union agriculture minister Narendra Singh Tomar said that the government is committed to cordial talks and
welcomed all positive feedback on the new farm laws

Read More
NEW DELHI: Seeking to break the deadlock over protests against new farm laws, the government on
Saturday told representatives of agitating farmers that they are ready to address all their concerns with an
open mind, sources said.
At the beginning of the fifth round of talks here at Vigyan Bhawan, Union agriculture minister Narendra
Singh Tomar told a group of 40 representatives of various farmer unions that the government is committed
to cordial talks and welcomed all positive feedback on the new farm laws, sources said.
Later, minister of state for commerce Som Parkash, an MP from Punjab, addressed the leaders in Punjabi
and said the government understands the sentiments of Punjab.
"We are ready to address all your concerns with an open mind," a source quoted Parkash as telling the
union leaders.

The talks between the government and the protesting unions began around 2.30 pm and was also attended
by Railway, Commerce and Food Minister Piyush Goyal.
In his opening remarks, Tomar, who is leading the talks for the Centre, said the government is committed to
"peaceful talks with farmers' leaders and does not intend to hurt farmers' sentiments".
The agriculture minister welcomed feedback on the three farm laws, while agriculture secretary Sanjay
Agarwal summarised the proceedings of the previous four rounds of talks with farmer unions during the
meeting, sources said.

The two sides are believed to have discussed contentious issues like provision of dispute resolution and
registration of traders in proposed private mandis under the new laws.
Ahead of the meeting, Tomar and Goyal, along with senior union ministers Rajnath Singh and Amit Shah,
had met Prime Minister Narendra Modi to deliberate over proposals likely to be made to the agitating
groups.
Modi's decision to hold deliberations with Union ministers, who have so far been the face of the Centre's
efforts to end the farmers' agitation, signifies the importance the prime minister has attached to defuse the
crisis, sources said.
On Thursday, talks between the Union ministers and a representative group of thousands of agitating
farmers had failed to yield any resolution, as the union leaders stuck to their demand for the repeal of new
farm laws despite the government offering to "discuss and consider with an open mind" some key points of
concern raised by farmers in the three new laws.
Farmers on Friday announced a 'Bharat Bandh' on December 8 and threatened to intensify their agitation
and block more roads leading to the national capital if the government does not accept their demands.
Enacted in September, the three farm laws have been presented by the government as major reforms in the
agriculture sector that will remove the middlemen and allow farmers to sell anywhere in the country.
However, the protesting farmers have expressed apprehension that the new laws would pave the way for
eliminating the safety cushion of Minimum Support Price and scrap the mandis, leaving them at the mercy
of big corporates. The Centre has maintained the MSP and mandi systems would continue and would be
rather further improved and strengthened.
Undeterred by the winter chill, thousands of farmers have stayed put at various border points of Delhi for
the past nine days as part of their protest against the Centre's farm laws.
Before the start of the meeting, an All India Kisan Sabha functionary said only repealing of the new farm
laws will end the stalemate.
"At this juncture, we have transport unions, retail businesses and other associated groups who have shown
solidarity with us. Our movement is not just about farmers," AIKS finance secretary Krishna Prasad said.
Outside the meeting venue, employees of the Indian Tourist Transporters Association (ITTA), which has
supplied vehicles for the transit movement of the protesting farmers, were seen holding a banner which
read 'We support farmers' and shouting slogans backing the peasants' agitation.
"I belong to a farmer's family. I can relate to their fears. We had farmland at Mahipalpur and now you see T-
3 terminal out there. We are supporting the protesting farmers in their cause," IITA president Satish
Sehrawat told PTI.
He said the association is providing transportation facility to the farmers since their first meeting.
Bharatiya Kisan Union (Rajewal) state general secretary Onkar Singh Agaul said: "Our demand remains the
same that the government should withdraw all three farm laws. We want MSP should be guaranteed
through law".
He also sought scrapping of electricity amendment law and an ordinance on stubble burning.
BJP leader from Punjab Surjit Kumar Jayani, while entering Vigyan Bhawan along with his party colleague
Harjeet Singh Grewal, hoped the issue will be resolved soon.
Shagun

Published on:

11 Sep 2021, 7:57 am

More than half of India’s agricultural households were in debt, with an average outstanding of Rs 74,121,
according to the latest ‘Situation Assessment of Agricultural Households and Land Holdings of Households
in Rural India, 2019’ released September 10, 2021.

The percentage of households in debt, however, reduced slightly from 51.9 per cent as seen in the previou
survey in 2013; but the average debt jumped 57 per cent from Rs 47,000 in 2013.

The National Statistical Office (NSO) reported the data based on its 77th round of survey of more than
45,000 such households conducted January 1-December 31, 2019.
The data represents the situation before the onset of the novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic in
early 2020. The countrywide lockdown has marred economic prospects since the first quarter of 2020-21
financial year. Though agriculture did not take much of a hit last year, households dependent on migrant
workers have faced prolonged periods of joblessness.

The 2019 survey found Andhra Pradesh to have the highest average outstanding loan, at Rs 2.45 lakh,
among 28 states. The state also had the highest proportion (93.2 per cent) of agricultural households under
debt, followed by Telangana (91.7 per cent) and Kerala (69.9 per cent).

Those four states, along with Haryana, Punjab, Karnataka, Rajasthan and Tamil Nadu reported loans above
Rs 1 lakh per household on an average. For at least 11 states, the amount exceeded the national average of
Rs 74,121.

Information was collated from sample rural households in the halves of the agricultural year July 2018-June
2019: The first visit during January-August 2019; the second during September-December 2019.

An agricultural household is defined as one receiving more than Rs 4,000 as value of produce from
agricultural activities (cultivation of field crops, horticultural crops, fodder crops, plantation, animal
husbandry, poultry, fishery, piggery, bee-keeping, vermiculture, sericulture, etc) and that has at least one
member self-employed in agriculture (either in principal or in subsidiary status) in the last 365 days.

Average income of agricultural households increased to Rs 10,218 in 2019 from Rs 6,426 in 2013, the survey
claimed. The highest share in the total average income was of income from wages at Rs 4,063.

It estimated the total number of agricultural households in India at 93.09 million (July 2018-June 2019).

27 Dec 2024
Teacher accountability: Non-teaching work over classroom engagement

• 22 October, 2020

• Notes from the Field

Indira Patil

Vidya Bhawan Society, Udaipur

indirapatil32@gmail.com

While the Right to Education Act, 2009 mandates 200 days of teaching for primary classes, the actual
number seems to be much lower in government schools. Based on qualitative fieldwork and a survey in
Udaipur district of Rajasthan, Indira Patil discusses why government-school teachers prioritise non-teaching
work over classroom engagement, and how this impacts school choices of parents.

The Right to Education Act, 2009 (RTE) mandates 200 days of teaching for primary classes. However, the
actual number of days of teaching for primary classes in government schools seems to be much lower than
that prescribed by the RTE. One of the major reasons for low classroom teaching is the high non-teaching
work burden that keeps teachers outside the classroom during teaching hours.
Based on qualitative fieldwork, and a quantitative survey of over 100 teachers and principals across 40
government and low-fee private (LFP) schools in Udaipur district of the state of Rajasthan – conducted as
part of a research study called Researching Accountability in the Indian System of Education (RAISE) – I
discuss why teachers prioritise non-teaching work, and how this affects classroom engagement (or
teaching) time and in turn, school choices of parents.

Reduced classroom engagement time

Classroom engagement time can be understood as the time spent by teachers on teaching and engaging
with students in the classroom. Two aspects determine the classroom engagement time – the number of
working days of the school, and number of hours spent by the teacher in the classroom on each working
day.

The annual academic calendar of 2019-20, published by the Department of Education of the state
government of Rajasthan, prescribes 206 working days for schools other than celebration days. During the
academic year from May 2019 to April 2020, two elections – the general elections at the national level and
panchayat elections at the village level – were held in Rajasthan. Government-school teachers were
appointed as booth-level officers and were given training for election duty. Also, schools served as voting
booths and were closed for a few days for security and setting up purposes. Thus, schools were not
functional for a total of about 10 days during each of these elections. Combined with the week of exams,
there were less than 200 working days for teaching and classroom engagement.

Further, the annual academic calendar mandates daily teaching of 4 hours during April-September (summer
schedule) and 5 hours during October-March (winter schedule). It prescribes the following timetable for
schools during the winter schedule:

Table 1. Winter timetable as prescribed by the annual academic calendar (Department of Education,
Rajasthan)

Assembly 10 AM – 10:25 AM

Classes 10:25 AM – 1:05 PM

(4 sessions of 40 minutes each)

Midday meal 1:05 PM – 1:30 PM

Classes 1:30 PM – 4 PM
(2 sessions of 40 minutes each, and 2 sessions of 35 minutes
each)

However, the actual time spent teaching seems to be much lower. Below are excerpts from classroom
observations of grade 5 in a government school in Chikpur1 village:

Day 1: Teachers arrive in school at 10:15 AM. Students keep arriving until 10:30 AM, even after the start of
the assembly. The assembly begins at 10:20 AM and goes on till 10:50 AM. After the assembly, students of
grades 1 to 5 are asked to sit together and watch ‘TV’ (the smart board, which is an interactive digital
board, is referred to as ‘TV’)2 The teacher says he has to document the textbook requirement for the next
academic year and today is the last day for sending it.

The students are cramped inside the classroom, with a few of them changing lessons on the smart board,
others playing and running around, and few others reading and writing. The classroom is chaotic. At 11:20
AM, a grade 6 boy asks students to come and drink milk. The students run out of the classroom immediately,
and return at 11:50 AM. A few students are playing outside. After some time, the teacher enters the class
and asks students to maintain silence. He informs them that no teaching will take place today as he would
be going to the block office to submit some documents. By this point, many students are playing outside,
with only a few watching the smart board, while others are reading, writing or playing indoors. The school
has a lunch break between 1 PM and 2 PM. Student attendance has now reduced and the students who are
present are mostly playing and running around. The students leave at 3:30 PM while the teachers leave at
3:50 PM.

Day 2: The scenario is slightly different from the previous day. The teacher is documenting the height and
weight of students in primary classes during the pre-lunch session. A few students of grades 1 to 5 are seen
playing in the corridor while others are watching the smart board. After lunch, the teacher engages with the
class for an hour from 2 PM to 3 PM and thereafter asks students to play sports.

When discussing a typical day at a government school in Chikpur, a teacher said “School starts at 10 AM. Till
11:30 AM, we have the assembly prayers, cleaning, and milk provisioning. We then have classes till 1 PM,
along with supervising the preparation of the midday meal. Meanwhile, if we receive any WhatsApp
messages from officials of the Education Department such as the Block Education Officer, District Education
Officer, etc., with tasks for us, then we complete the assigned work (such as providing data regarding school
management, or fund utilisation, midday meal expenditure) and send it across. Then, from 1 PM to 1:30 PM
we have the midday meal, which often ends by 2 PM, and class then goes on till 3 PM. After 3 PM, we
mostly leave students to play as they do not feel like sitting in the classroom.”

On both days, teachers were involved in documentation work during classroom hours and spent very little
time in the classroom. Similar observations were recorded in other government schools across Udaipur
during both qualitative and quantitative phases of the study.

Table 2. A typical day in government school in Chikpur

Assembly 10:15 AM – 10:45 AM

Cleaning classrooms 10:45 AM – 11 AM

Milk served 11 AM – 11:30 AM

Classes 11:30 AM – 1 PM

Midday meal 1 PM – 2 PM

Classes 2 PM – 3:15 PM

Sports 3:15 PM – 3:45 PM

Classroom teaching takes place for about 2.5-3 hours a day, that is, around 50-60% of the prescribed time.
Thus, total classroom engagement time is much lower than that mandated by the RTE. As observed, non-
teaching work burden is one of the main reasons for low classroom engagement. It is possible that teachers
have a tendency to cite non-teaching work as an excuse for not engaging with students in the classroom,
during the hours prescribed for this purpose. However, the extent of non-teaching work burden cannot be
ignored.

Why teachers prioritise non-teaching work

When talking to a government-school teacher from Dholpur village, he said “When officials visit the school,
they check whether milk has been served and whether the midday meal has been prepared and served at
the school. The emphasis is not on whether Math or Hindi class took place on the day. Every day we spend
2-3 hours ensuring that milk and food are served. One day there is no cylinder, another day there are no
groceries, another day there is no milk. One way or another, we have to ensure that milk and food are
served. This inevitably becomes our priority over taking classes”.

During this conversation, he received a forwarded message on WhatsApp from the Panchayat Elementary
Education Officer seeking data on the number of teachers appointed and teacher vacancies at the school.

When asked about the frequency of administrative orders and circulars that are received via WhatsApp
messages, a government-school principal in Sanpur village said, “We receive a circular every alternate day.
The data are available online, but officials find it convenient to send WhatsApp messages to principals (or
teachers) to get the data. For instance, last week, a question was asked during the Legislative Assembly
session on the number of teacher vacancies. This information is available online, yet we received a message
from the higher officials to send the list of the number of teacher appointments and vacancies in all
government schools of the panchayat”.

Thus, there seems to be duplication of work, as teachers often engage in compiling and sending data that
have already been documented and are available online or with the officials.

As a government-school teacher from Sanpur village notes, “the common perception is that government-
school teachers are complacent and do not work. We work, but we work more like clerks and less like
teachers – we keep filling documents and upload data and hence, do not get enough time to teach properly.
If you log on to the ‘Shala Darpan’3 website at night, you will find thousands of teachers online, filling in
data. We undertake paper documentation at school and online documentation at home. There is no
working computer at the school or high-speed internet available in the village''.

The ad-hoc distribution of administrative work and the vigilant wait for WhatsApp messages with
orders/circulars, is often arduous. According to a government-school principal from Chikpur village, “The
moment my phone rings, I think of the WhatsApp message and what it might be about – training, an event,
or a data requirement. It is like a sword hanging on our heads”. Thus, teachers are held accountable for the
completion of non-teaching work rather than classroom engagement time.

Government schools in Udaipur, particularly in rural areas, mainly cater to students from tribal
communities, who are mostly first-generation learners. The limited presence and engagement of teachers in
the classroom because of non-teaching work delays the completion of lessons and adversely affects the
learning of students. This further exacerbates the existing learning gap of students from disadvantaged
communities.

Non-teaching work of government vis-à-vis private school teachers

Figure 1 shows that around 75% of government teachers said they are involved in non-teaching activities
during class time. On the other hand, Figure 2 shows that only 13% of teachers in LFP schools said they
were involved in non-teaching work4 during class time. While 43.5% of private-school teachers said they
engage in non-teaching work during non-class hours or extra classes, 23.9% said they have no non-teaching
responsibilities.

Figure 1. When are non-teaching activities undertaken by government-school teachers?

Figure 2. When are non-teaching activities undertaken by low-fee private-school teachers?
Further, 83% of the surveyed government-school principals said that they do non-teaching work during class
time. On the other hand, only 6% of private school principals said that they engage in non-teaching work
during class time, while 94% of them said that they have distributed the work to teachers who do it during
non-class hours or free sessions.

Government-school teachers tend to be better qualified than most teachers in LFP schools. Of the 46 LFP-
school teachers surveyed in Udaipur, nearly a quarter of them did not have a teaching degree. In contrast,
all of the 60 government-school teachers surveyed had a teaching degree. While all government-school
teachers received annual in-service training, LFP school teachers did not receive any kind of in-service
training. However, non-teaching work burden results in lower time being spent in classrooms by teachers in
government schools than the teachers in private schools.

How classroom engagement drives school choice

It is seen that classroom engagement time is one of the major driving factors for parents to send their
children to private schools. Sarita, mother of a grade five student of a Chikpur government school, shared
that she was aware of the low classroom engagement at the school and said “no teaching happens in lower
classes. Teachers switch on the ‘TV’ and ask students to watch it. They are busy with paperwork (kagaz
likhte rehte hain).”

Further, Manisha from Chikpur village who sends her children to a LFP school in neighbouring Lalpur village,
said “in private schools, the teacher pays attention to students (dhyaan dete hain), is present in the class
(class mein rehte hain) and students are in the school (bachhe school mein rehte hain)”. Thus, greater
engagement and not ‘quality’ of engagement is driving the school choice of families towards LFP schools.

Way forward: Prioritising classroom engagement

The newly drafted National Education Policy acknowledges non-teaching duties as one of the biggest
challenges for teachers and says that “aside from the minimal Supreme Court directives related to election
duty and conducting surveys, teachers will not be requested nor allowed to participate in any non-teaching
activities during school hours that affect their capacities as teachers.”

The non-teaching work largely involves school management, data collection, and documentation, with
duplication and redundancy in many instances. The intermittent distribution of non-teaching work through
the day and the pressure to be ready to act on the calls of higher authorities often burden the teachers and
affect their ability to devote time to the primary role of teaching.

It is important that policymakers and bureaucrats at the higher echelons consider how duplication and
redundancy may be reduced in processes, while allotting or directing non-teaching work to teachers. Also,
there is a need to recruit a greater number of non-teaching staff in schools for undertaking administrative
work. In cases, where documentation is online, offline documentation must be eliminated. In rural schools,
where there is no/limited internet connectivity and IT resources, these must be provided, and offline
documentation may be allowed. Where data are already available, schools must not be asked to compile
and send it. Moreover, teachers must be primarily held accountable for their classroom engagement over
other non-teaching activities.

Notes:

1. All names of localities and individuals have been anonymised to protect identities.

2. The students (including parents) refer to the smart board as ‘TV’, indicative of its perception as a
means of entertainment through sound and visual effects to engage students. The lessons are in
English and Hindi – many words/phrases are incomprehensible by students, as these are not used
locally (where they speak Mewari, the local language). The teachers have not received any training
on using the smart board, and do not facilitate understanding of the context of the lessons among
 the students. Instead, the smart board is used as a substitute to teachers, when they are not
present in the classroom and are involved in non-teaching work.

3. ‘Shala Darpan’ bis an online portal managed by the state government of Rajasthan which serves as
a database of information regarding government schools and education offices.

4. The non-teaching activities in LFP schools, as per the teachers, largely involve cultural and
extracurricular activities. Some teachers also mentioned notebook-checking, exam paper
correction, and maintaining student attendance registers as non-teaching activities. On the other
hand, in government schools, non-teaching activities mostly include work related to school
management/administration, data documentation as directed by higher authorities, and various
government schemes like midday meal, milk provisioning, or distribution of iron tablets