耶鲁“虎妈”蔡美儿身陷“晚宴门”

Gripped by ‘Dinner Party-

gate,’ Yale Law Confronts a
Venomous Divide
SARAH LYALL, STEPHANIE SAUL
2021 年 6 月 8 日
康涅狄格州纽黑文市中心的耶鲁法学院。 CHRISTOPHER CAPOZZIELLO FOR THE NEW
YORK TIMES
NEW HAVEN, Conn. — On March 26, a group of students at Yale
Law School approached the dean’s office with an unusual
accusation: Amy Chua, one of the school’s most popular but
polarizing professors, had been hosting drunken dinner parties
with students, and possibly federal judges, during the pandemic.
康涅狄格州纽黑文——3 月 26 日，耶鲁大学法学院(Yale Law School)的一群学生来到院长办公室，提出了
一项不同寻常的指控：该校最受欢迎但也最有争议的教授之一蔡美儿(Amy Chua)疫情期间一直在举行有学生——可能
还有联邦法官——参加的纵酒晚宴。
Ms. Chua, who rose to fame when she wrote “Battle Hymn of the
Tiger Mother,” is known for mentoring students from marginalized
communities and helping would-be lawyers get coveted judicial
clerkships. But she also has a reputation for unfiltered, boundary-
pushing behavior, and in 2019 agreed not to drink or socialize with
students outside of class. Her husband, Jed Rubenfeld, also a law
professor, is virtually persona non grata on campus, having
been suspended from teaching for two years after an investigation
into accusations that he had committed sexual misconduct.
《》(Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother)一书而声名鹊起的蔡美儿，以指导来自边缘社区的学生、帮助
未来的律师获得令人觊觎的法官助理工作机会而闻名。但她的无所顾忌、突破界限也很出名。2019 年，她同意不在课外与学生
喝酒或社交。她的丈夫杰德·鲁本菲尔德(Jed Rubenfeld)也是一名法学教授，在学校里基本上是不受欢迎的人，被指
有不当性行为后被停职两年。
The dinner parties, the students said, appeared to violate Ms.
Chua’s no-socializing agreement, and were evidence that she was
unfit to teach a “small group” — a class of 15 or so first-year
students that is a hallmark of the Yale legal education, and to
which she had recently been assigned — in the fall. “We believe
that it is unsafe to give Professor Chua (and her husband) such
access to and control over first-year students,” an officer of Yale
Law Women, a student group, wrote to the dean, Heather K.
Gerken.
学生们说，这些晚宴会似乎违反了蔡美儿的禁止社交活动协议，并且证明她不适合在秋季教授“小组”——一个由 15 名左右
一年级学生组成的班级，是耶鲁大学法律教育的特点，也是近年分配给她的工作。“我们认为，让蔡美儿教授（以及她的丈夫）这
样接触和控制一年级学生是不安全的，”学生组织耶鲁法学院女性(Yale Law Women)的一名工作人员在给院长希
瑟·K·格肯(Heather K. Gerken)的信中写道。
The students provided what they said was proof of the dinners, in
the form of a dossier featuring secretly screen-shotted text
messages between a second-year student and two friends who had
attended. That touched off a cascading series of events leading to
Ms. Chua’s removal from the small-group roster.
学生们提供了一份档案，其中包括一名二年级学生与两个参加过那次晚宴的朋友私下短信往来的截图。这引发了一连串的事件，最
终蔡美儿从小组授课名单上被除名。
Ms. Chua says she did nothing wrong, and it is unclear exactly
what rule she actually broke. But after more than two dozen
interviews with students, professors and administrators —
including three students who say they went to her house to seek
advice during a punishing semester — possibly the only sure thing
in the murky saga is this: There is no hard proof that Ms. Chua is
guilty of what she was originally accused of doing. According to
three students involved, there were no dinner parties and no
judges; instead, she had students over on a handful of afternoons,
in groups of two or three, mostly so they could seek her advice.
蔡美儿说，她没有做错什么，也不清楚她到底违反了什么规定。但通过对学生、教授和管理人员的二十多次采访——其中三名学
生说，在一个十分吃力的学期里，他们去她家寻求建议——在这个阴暗的故事中，唯一确定的事情可能是这样：没有确凿证据表
明蔡美儿做了她最初被指控的事情。据三名涉事学生称，没有晚宴，也没有法官；相反，她有几个下午让学生来家里，以两三人为
一组，主要是为了让他们向她征求建议。
“I met with Professor Chua to discuss a deeply distressing
experience I had, an experience that hinged on my race and
identity,” said one of the students, who is Asian.
“我与蔡教授会面，讨论我的一段令人深感痛苦的经历，与我的种族和身份有关，”其中一名亚裔学生说。
It may appear to be a simple matter, one professor losing one
course, but nothing is simple when it comes to Ms. Chua, who
seems perpetually swathed in a cloud of controversy and confusion.
“Dinner party-gate,” as Ms. Chua wryly calls it, has turned into a
major headache for the school.
一名教授丢了一门课，这似乎是件简单的事，但对于蔡美儿来说，没有什么事情是简单的，她似乎永远被笼罩在争议和混乱的阴云
中。蔡美儿挖苦地称这件事为“晚宴门”，它已经成了学校的一大头疼问题。

蔡美儿教授在康涅狄格州纽黑文的家中。 CHRISTOPHER CAPOZZIELLO FOR THE NEW

YORK TIMES
The story has been adjudicated all over social media and picked up
in outlets ranging from The Chronicle of Higher Education to Fox
News. Ms. Chua’s retweet of a tart Megyn Kelly comment (“Tell the
damn whiners to sit down,” Ms. Kelly tweeted) raised suggestions
that Ms. Chua was positioning herself as a victim of “cancel
culture.”
《高等教育纪事报》(The Chronicle of Higher Education)到福克斯新闻(Fox News)等媒
体都在报道该事件。蔡美儿转发了梅根·凯利(Megyn Kelly)的刻薄评论（“让那些唧唧歪歪的人闭嘴吧，”凯利在推特
上写道），这表明蔡美儿把自己定位为“取消文化”的受害者。
At the law school, the episode has exposed bitter divisions in a top-
ranked institution struggling to adapt at a moment of roiling social
change. Students regularly attack their professors, and one
another, for their scholarship, professional choices and perceived
political views. In a place awash in rumor and anonymous
accusations, almost no one would speak on the record.
在法学院，该事件暴露了这座努力适应动荡社会变革的顶尖学府内的痛苦分歧。学生们经常因为学术研究、专业选择和政治观点而
攻击自己的教授，也经常互相攻击。在一个充斥着谣言和匿名指控的地方，几乎没有人愿意公开发表言论。
A feature of this difficult year has been increased demands from
student groups. Against this backdrop, Ms. Gerken’s critics in the
faculty worry that she acted too hastily in the Chua matter,
prioritizing students’ concerns over a professor’s rights.
在这艰难的一年里，一个特点是来自学生团体的需求增加了。在这种背景下，格肯在教职人员中的批评者担心她在蔡美儿的问题上
过于仓促，将学生的关切置于教授的权利之上。
Particularly problematic, several professors said in interviews, was
her reliance on the text-message dossier, prepared by a student
who learned that two of his friends had gone to Ms. Chua’s house
— and believed that the visits made them complicit in her, and Mr.
Rubenfeld’s, behavior.
几位教授在采访中说，格肯对那份短信档案的信赖是特别有问题的。这份档案由一名学生准备，该学生得知他的两个朋友去过蔡美
儿的家，认为这些拜访令他们成了蔡美儿和鲁本菲尔德的同谋。
It is a curious document. Among other things, the aggrieved
student’s text messages show him repeatedly asking one of the
friends to admit to meeting judges there, and the friend repeatedly
denying it. (“if you promise to keep it between us, i’ll tell you — it
was Chief Justice John Marshall,” the friend finally texts, in an
exasperated reference to the long-deceased jurist.)
这是一份奇怪的文件。此外，这名忿忿不平的学生的消息显示，他多次要求其中一名朋友承认曾在那里见过一些法官，而这名朋友
则多次否认。(“如果你保证不告诉别人，我就告诉你——那是首席大法官约翰·马歇尔[John Marshall]，”这位朋
友最后发去消息，恼怒地提到这位早已去世的法官。)
Ms. Gerken referred to the dossier at an April 21 faculty meeting as
evidence of Ms. Chua’s misconduct. Several professors who saw
the material said in interviews that they were shocked at how
unpersuasive it was.
格肯在 4 月 21 日的教师会议上称这份档案是蔡美儿不当行为的证据。几位看过这些材料的教授在采访中表示，他们对该材料的
说服力之低感到震惊。
“Evidence of what?” one asked. Another called it “tattletale
espionage.”
“什么证据？”一个问。另一个人称之为“打小报告式的间谍活动”。
“Where are we — in Moscow in 1953, when children were urged to
report on their parents and siblings?” the professor said.
“我们是在哪里——1953 年的莫斯科，孩子们被要求揭发自己的父母和兄弟姐妹？”那位教授说。
A couple beset by controversy
受困于争议的夫妇
Provocative and gregarious, Ms. Chua and her husband have long
attracted attention at Yale Law School.
喜欢挑衅和交际的蔡美儿和丈夫，在耶鲁法学院长期以来一直吸引着人们的关注。
But the two are divisive figures, and not just because of “Tiger
Mother,” Ms. Chua’s tough-love parenting memoir, or the rumors
dating back years of Mr. Rubenfeld’s inappropriate behavior
toward female students. At a time of left-leaning orthodoxy, Mr.
Rubenfeld seems intent on pushing the envelope. After he wrote
a New York Times opinion essay in 2014 questioning the fairness of
campus sexual-assault findings, dozens of students signed a letter
of protest.
但两人都是会引发分歧的人物，不仅仅是因为蔡美儿的《虎妈》2014 《》评论文章，质疑校园性侵调查结果的公正性，之后有
数十名学生签署了一封抗议信。
For Ms. Chua, similar trouble arrived in 2018, when Brett M.
Kavanaugh, a Yale Law graduate, was nominated for the Supreme
Court and she praised him as a fine mentor of women. (Her older
daughter had been hired to clerk for him, and took the job after his
elevation.) On a campus wracked by bitter anti-Kavanaugh
protests, her views were regarded as a betrayal, especially when it
emerged that she was said to have told students that Judge
Kavanaugh’s female clerks “looked like models.” Suddenly, her
reputation as someone who could help students get judicial
clerkships was regarded as a negative.
蔡美儿在 2018 年遇到了类似的麻烦，耶鲁大学法学院毕业生布雷特·M·卡瓦诺(Brett M. Kavanaugh)被
提名为最高法院大法官，她称赞他是一位优秀的女性导师。（她的大女儿被聘为卡瓦诺的助理，并且在他升职后继续从事这份工
作。）在这座充满激烈的反卡瓦诺抗议活动的校园里，她的观点被认为是一种背叛，尤其是她据称曾经告诉学生，卡瓦诺法官的女
性助理们“长得像模特”。突然之间，她能帮助学生获得法官助理职务的名声变成了恶名。
‘The matter is closed’
“此事已了结”
Promises of change did little to allay the concerns of the students
who, in March, saw Ms. Chua’s name on the small-group list and
told the dean they had proof that Ms. Chua had broken her
agreement.
做出改变的承诺并不能平抚学生们的忧虑，他们在三月看到蔡美儿的名字出现在一个小组名单里，并告知院长，他们掌握了蔡违反
协议的证据。
The mention of evidence seemed to energize the administration.
“Dean Gerken is taking this news VERY seriously and wants to
move forward asap,” Ellen Cosgrove, the dean of students, wrote
on March 26 to the students. “Would you be able to share the texts
with me?” She asked them to keep her request private.
这里提到的证据似乎让院方打起了精神。“格肯院长非常严肃地对待这一消息，希望尽快推进，”学务长艾伦·科斯格罗夫
(Ellen Cosgrove)在 3 月 26 日致学生的信中说。“能否请大家把短信分享给我？”她要求学生们不要和外人提起
这一请求。
Two days later, Ms. Chua got an email from The Yale Daily News,
the student newspaper, which said it had heard that she was about
to be stripped of her small group.
两天后，蔡美儿收到学生报纸《耶鲁每日新闻》(The Yale Daily News)的来信，信中提到他们听说蔡即将失去
在小组的职位。

蔡美儿和她的丈夫、同在耶鲁法学院任教的杰德·鲁本菲尔德。 PETER KRAMER/NBCUNIVERSAL,

VIA GETTY IMAGES
That was news to Ms. Chua. Later that day, she met over Zoom
with Ms. Gerken. It was not a pleasant meeting. The dean
mentioned alcohol and judges, Ms. Chua said, before announcing
that she had decided on a “different lineup for small group
professors.”
这是蔡第一次得知此事。当天晚些时候，她通过 Zoom 与格肯通话。那是一场不愉快的交谈。蔡说院长提到了酒精和法官，然
后宣称她在考虑“别的小组教授人选”。
Ms. Chua stepped down rather than be pushed, she said.
蔡美儿说她是主动辞职，并非被逼迫。
The dean’s office responded that Ms. Chua had ample opportunity
to defend herself.
院长办公室回应称，蔡得到了足够多自辩的机会。
“Throughout my deanship, I have made no decision about
disciplinary action involving a faculty member until the person
accused of misconduct receives notice of the allegations and has an
opportunity to respond. Period,” Ms. Gerken said in her statement.
“在我任职院长期间，凡涉及教员惩戒的问题，我都会在向当事人告知有关指控的信息，并让当事人有机会做出反应之后，才做出
决定，”格肯在一份声明中说。
She added, “If a faculty member offers to withdraw from a course
and I accept that offer, the matter is closed.”
她还表示，“如果有教员主动提出离开某课程，并且我也同意了，那么此事就已经了结。”
Students and faculty split
师生之间的分歧
The matter might indeed have been closed if The Daily News had
not published its article the following week, referring to
“documented allegations” that Ms. Chua had hosted “private
dinner parties with current Law School students and prominent
members of the legal community.”
《》 发表了相关文章，此事可能真的已经了结。文中提到“有材料证明的指控”，称蔡美儿举办“私
人晚宴，有法学院在校生和法律界要人参加”。
Ms. Chua fired off her angry letter to her colleagues and posted it
on Twitter. “As the only Asian American woman on the academic
faculty, I can’t imagine any other faculty member would be treated
with this kind of disrespect,” she wrote.
蔡美儿向同事发出了愤怒的信函，并公布在推特上。“作为唯一亚裔美国女性教员，我无法想象还有哪一位教员会受到如此无礼的
对待，”她写道。

耶鲁大学法学院院长希瑟·K·格肯。 MARK OSTOW

Then all hell broke loose.
于是这件事就炸开了锅。
In the anti-Chua camp, one alumna released an anguished five-page
letter describing how her adoration of Ms. Chua had soured in
2018, when Ms. Chua decided to “throw students under the bus” by
denying their claims that she had made the comments about Judge
Kavanaugh’s law clerks.
反蔡阵营中的一位女校友发表了五页痛苦万分的信件，描述了她对蔡的敬意是如何在 2018 年变味的，当时蔡美儿否认了她就
卡瓦诺法官的助理做出的评论，从而“将学生们置于不利境地”。
“From the bottom of my heart, Amy, you gutted me,” the alumna
wrote.
“说心里话，艾米，你让我非常难过，”这位校友写道。（“艾米”是蔡美儿的英文名 Amy。——译注）
Equally impassioned were dozens of letters supporting Ms. Chua,
who posted them on her personal website. The letters spoke of her
highly personal support for students of color, for first-generation
professionals, for students from state colleges, for foreign students.
发表在蔡美儿个人网站上的数十封挺蔡的信件也同样饱含感情。信中提到她给有色人种学生、第一代从业者、州院校学生、外国学
生带去了极为个人化的支持。
To suggest that she had harmed students by inviting them to her
home, a pro-Chua student said, “is ludicrous in the first place, even
if they were actual children. But these are adults.”
一位挺蔡学生说，指责她通过邀请学生去家中来伤害他们“本身就十分可笑，即便他们真的还是孩子。但他们都是成年人”。
As the spring semester wound down, the whisper network was in
full force. Some professors were weary of Ms. Chua’s continuing
dramas; others had lost faith in Ms. Gerken; others were calling for
more transparency in faculty disciplinary matters.
随着春季学期步入尾声，私下的讨论十分热烈。一些教授对有关蔡的这些没完没了的耸动事件已经心生厌烦；有的对格肯已经失去
信心；还有的则呼吁在教员纪律问题上增加透明度。
“This is my fourth firestorm,” Ms. Chua said, “and I just kind of
want to survive and write my books.”
“这是我的第四场大灾，”蔡美儿说，“我只是想生存下来，继续写我的书。”
中国开始应对气候变化是否为时已晚？

As China Boomed, It Didn’t Take Climate

Change Into Account. Now It Must.

STEVEN LEE MYERS, KEITH BRADSHER, 储百亮

2021 年 7 月 26 日
周六，中国新乡，孩子们在洪水中蹚水前行。
周六，中国新乡，孩子们在洪水中蹚水前行。 ALY SONG/REUTERS
China’s breakneck growth over the last four decades erected soaring cities
where there had been hamlets and farmland. The cities lured factories, and
the factories lured workers. The boom lifted hundreds of millions of people out
of the poverty and rural hardship they once faced.
在过去 40 年里，中国高速增长，在原本是村庄和农田的地方建起了一座座城市。城市吸引了工厂，工厂又吸引了工人。经济繁荣使数亿人摆脱了曾
经的贫困和农村的困境。
Now those cities face the daunting new challenge of adapting to extreme
weather caused by climate change, a possibility that few gave much thought
to when the country began its extraordinary economic transformation. China’s
pell-mell, brisk urbanization has in some ways made the challenge harder to
face.
现在，为适应气候变化导致的极端天气，这些城市面临着新的严峻挑战，在中国开始非凡的经济转型时，很少有人想到会发生这样的事。在某种程度
上，中国如火如荼的城市化进程使这一挑战变得更加难以面对。
No one weather event can be directly linked to climate change, but the storm
that flooded Zhengzhou and other cities in central China last week, killing at
least 69 as of Monday, reflects a global trend that has seen deadly flooding
recently in Germany and Belgium, and extreme heat and wildfires in Siberia.
The flooding in China also highlights the environmental vulnerabilities that
accompanied the country’s economic boom and could yet undermine it.
没有一个天气模式事件可以直接同气候变化联系起来，但在上周，暴风雨淹没了中国中部的郑州和其他城市，截至周日，造成至少 63 人死亡，这反
映了一种全球趋势——最近在德国和比利时发生了致命的洪水，在西伯利亚发生了极端高温和野火。中国的洪灾也凸显了伴随着该国经济繁荣的环
境脆弱性，有可能会破坏这一繁荣。
China has always had floods, but as Kong Feng, then a public policy professor
at Tsinghua University in Beijing, wrote in 2019, the flooding of cities across
China in recent years is “a general manifestation of urban problems” in the
country.
中国历来都有洪水，但正如清华大学公共政策教授孔锋在 2019 年所写的那样，近年来中国各地城市的洪水是中国“城市问题的普遍表现”。
The vast expansion of roads, subways and railways in cities that swelled
almost overnight meant there were fewer places where rain could safely be
absorbed — disrupting what scientists call the natural hydrological cycle.
城市几乎在一夜之间膨胀，道路、地铁和铁路的大规模扩张意味着可以安全吸收雨水的地方越来越少——这打乱了科学家所说的自然水循环。
周六，郑州，士兵们帮助清理街道。
周六，郑州，士兵们帮助清理街道。 AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
Faith Chan, a professor of geology with the University of Nottingham in Ningbo
in eastern China, said the country’s cities — and there are 93 with populations
of more than a million — modernized at a time when Chinese leaders made
climate resiliency less of a priority than economic growth.
中国东部宁波诺丁汉大学地质学教授陈加信说，中国的城市（其中人口超过 100 万的城市大约 93 个）在中国领导人将气候恢复能力作为低于经
济增长的优先事项时实现了现代化。
“If they had a chance to build a city again, or to plan one, I think they would
agree to make it more balanced,” said Mr. Chan, who is also a visiting fellow
at the Water@Leeds Research Institute of the University of Leeds.
“如果他们有机会重新建设一座城市，或者规划一座城市，我想他们会同意让这一点变得更加平衡，”陈加信说。他也是利兹大学(University
of Leeds)Water@Leeds 研究所的访问学者。
China has already taken some steps to begin to address climate change. Xi
Jinping is the country’s first leader to make the issue a national priority.
中国已经采取了一些措施开始应对气候变化。习近平是首位将这一问题作为国家优先事项的领导人。
As early as 2013, Mr. Xi promised to build an “ecological civilization” in China.
“We must maintain harmony between man and nature and pursue sustainable
development,” he said in a speech in Geneva in 2013.
早在 2013 年，习近平承诺要在中国建立“生态文明”。2013 年，他在日内瓦的一次演讲中说：“我们要……以人与自然的和谐相处为目
标，实现世界的可持续发展。”
The country has nearly quintupled the acreage of green space in its cities over
the past two decades. It introduced a pilot program to create “sponge cities,”
including Zhengzhou, that better absorb rainfall. Last year, Mr. Xi pledged to
speed up reductions in emissions and reach carbon neutrality by 2060. It was
a tectonic shift in policy and may prove to be one in practice, as well.
在过去 20 年里，中国城市的绿地面积增加了近五倍。它推出了一个创建“海绵城市”的试点项目，以便更好地吸收降雨，其中也包括郑州。去年，
习近平承诺加快削减排放，到 2060 年实现碳中和。这是政策上的结构性转变，可能在实践中也是如此。
1 月，中国武汉。道路、地铁和铁路的大规模扩张意味着可以安全吸收雨水的地方越来越少。
1 月，中国武汉。道路、地铁和铁路的大规模扩张意味着可以安全吸收雨水的地方越来越少。 GILLES SABRIÉ FOR THE
NEW YORK TIMES
The question is whether it is too late. Even if countries like China and the
United States rapidly cut greenhouse gases, the warming from those already
emitted is likely to have long-lasting consequences.
问题是，现在是否为时已晚。即使像中国和美国这样的国家迅速减少温室气体排放，那些已经排放的温室气体造成的变暖还是可能会产生长期的后果。
Rising sea levels now threaten China’s coastal metropolises, while
increasingly severe storms will batter inland cities that, like Zhengzhou, are
sinking under the weight of development that was hastily planned, with
buildings and infrastructure that were sometimes shoddily constructed.
不断上升的海平面现在威胁着中国的沿海大城市，而越来越严重的风暴将打击像郑州这样的内陆城市，这些城市在匆忙规划的开发压力下不堪重负，
建筑和基础设施有时建设得很粗糙。
Even Beijing, which was hit by a deadly flash flood in 2012 that left 79 dead,
still does not have the drainage system needed to siphon away rainfall from a
major storm, despite the capital’s glittering architectural landmarks signifying
China’s rising status.
甚至是在 2012 年遭遇过导致 79 人丧生的特大暴雨的北京，也仍然缺乏在强烈风暴中吸收降水所需的排水系统，哪怕林立于这座首都的显赫地
标建筑象征着中国的崛起。
In Zhengzhou, officials described the torrential rains that fell last week as a
once-in-a-millennium storm that no amount of planning could have prevented.
在郑州，官员们将上周的暴雨描述为千年一遇，不管做什么准备也挡不住。
Even so, people have asked why the city’s new subway system flooded,
trapping passengers as water steadily rose, and why a “smart tunnel” under
the city’s third ring road flooded so rapidly that people in cars had little time
to escape.
即便如此，人们还是在问，为什么该市新修的地铁系统会被淹，随着水位不断上升，乘客都被困住，以及为什么三环路下方的“智慧隧道”被淹没得如
此迅速，以至于车里的人几乎没有时间逃生。
周五，一名公园工作人员正在蝶湖公园清理水草，这是郑州一处用以缓解洪水的绿色空间。
周五，一名公园工作人员正在蝶湖公园清理水草，这是郑州一处用以缓解洪水的绿色空间。 KEITH BRADSHER/THE NEW
YORK TIMES
The worsening impact of climate change could pose a challenge to the ruling
Communist Party, given that political power in China has long been associated
with the ability to master natural disasters. A public groundswell several years
ago about toxic air pollution in Beijing and other cities ultimately forced the
government to act.
鉴于中国的政治权力长期以来都与应对自然灾害的能力联系在一起，气候变化日益严重的影响可能对共产党执政构成挑战。几年前，公众对北京和其
他城市有毒空气污染的强烈不满最终迫使政府采取了行动。
“As we have more and more events like what has happened over the last few
days, I do think there will be more national realization of the impact of climate
change and more reflection on what we should do about it,” said Li Shuo, a
climate analyst with Greenpeace in China.
“随着过去几天这样的事情越来越多，我确实认为会有更多国人意识到气候变化的影响，并更多地思考我们应该为此做些什么，”绿色和平组织
(Greenpeace)中国机构的气候分析师李硕表示。
China’s urbanization has in some ways made the adjustment easier. It has
relocated millions of people from countryside villages that had far fewer
defenses against recurring floods. That is why the toll of recent floods has
been in the hundreds and thousands, not in the millions, as some of the worst
disasters in the country’s history were.
中国的城镇化进程在某种程度上使得这种心态调整更加容易。它已经让无数人口离开了农村，这些地区对经常发生的洪水的抵御能力要小得多。而这
也是为什么近年洪水造成的死亡人数是数以百计、数以千计，而不是像中国历史上最严重的一些灾难那样，达到数以百万计。
The experience of Zhengzhou, though, underscores the extent of the
challenges that lie ahead — and the limits of easy solutions.
然而，郑州的遭遇凸显了未来挑战的严峻程度——以及简单解决方案的局限性。
Once a mere crossroads south of a bend in the Yellow River, the city has
expanded exponentially since China’s economic reforms began more than 40
years ago.
这座城市曾经只是黄河一处拐弯以南的一个十字路口，但自 40 多年前中国的经济改革以来，它的规模呈指数级扩张。
长江上一座煤电厂。
长江上一座煤电厂。 CHINATOPIX, VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS
Today, skyscrapers and apartment towers stretch into the distance. The city’s
population has doubled since 2001, reaching 12.6 million.
而今，这里的摩天大楼和公寓延绵不断。该市人口自 2001 年以来翻了一番，达到 1260 万。
Zhengzhou floods so frequently that residents mordantly joke about it. “No
need to envy those cities where you can view the sea,” read one online
comment that spread during a flood in 2011, according to a report in a local
newspaper. “Today we welcome you to view the sea in Zhengzhou.”
郑州洪水频发，连居民们都拿它开起了苦涩玩笑。“不必羡慕那些可以看海的城市，”据当地报纸报道，在 2011 年的一场洪水期间，网上流传的
一条评论这样说。“今天，欢迎你到郑州来看海。”
In 2016, the city was one of 16 chosen for a pilot program to expand green
space to mitigate flooding — the “sponge city” concept.
2016 年，郑州被选为 16 个试点城市之一，扩大绿地面积以缓解洪水——这就是“海绵城市”理念。
The idea, not unlike what planners in the United States call “low-impact
development,” is to channel water away from dense urban spaces into parks
and lakes, where it can be absorbed or even recycled.
这一理念与美国城市规划者所说的“低影响开发”有点相似，就是将水从密集的城市空间引入公园和湖泊，让水在那里被吸收甚至循环利用。
Yu Kongjian, the dean of the School of Landscape Architecture at Peking
University, is credited with popularizing the idea in China. He said in a
telephone interview that in its rapid development since the 1980s, China had
turned to designs from the West that were ill-suited for the extremes that the
country’s climate was already experiencing. Cities were covered in cement,
“colonized,” as he put it, by “gray infrastructure.”
在中国这一理念的推广者是北京大学建筑与景观设计学院院长俞孔坚。他在接受电话采访时表示，在上世纪 80 年代以来的快速发展过程中，中国转
向西方的设计，但那并不适合中国已经在经历的极端气候。城市都被水泥覆盖，用他的话来说就是被“灰色的基础设施占领了”。
周五，郑州，人们坐着一座装载机在洪水中前进。
周五，郑州，人们坐着一座装载机在洪水中前进。 ALY SONG/REUTERS
China, in his view, needs to “revive ancient wisdom and upgrade it,” setting
aside natural spaces for water and greenery the way ancient farmers once
did.
在他看来，中国需要“复兴并升级古老智慧”，就像古代农民曾做过的那样，为水和绿化留出自然空间。
Under the program, Zhengzhou has built more than 3,000 miles of new
drainage, eliminated 125 flood-prone areas and created hundreds of acres of
new green spaces, according to an article in Zhengzhou Daily, a state-owned
newspaper.
官方报纸《郑州日报》的一篇文章称，在“海绵城市”项目下，郑州已建成排水管网 5162 公里，消除易涝点 125 处，并新建了大量绿地。
One such space is Diehu Park, or Butterfly Lake Park, where weeping willows
and camphor trees surround an artificial lake. It opened only last October. It,
too, was inundated last week.
其中一处就是蝶湖公园，那里的人工湖环绕着垂柳和樟树。这里去年 10 月才开放。上周，它也被淹了。
“Sponges absorb water slowly, not fast,” Dai Chuanying, a maintenance
worker at the park, said on Friday. “If there’s too much water, the sponge
cannot absorb all of it.”
“海绵吸水很慢，并不快，”该公园的维护工人戴传英在周五说。“如果水太多，海绵肯定不能吸光所有。”
Even before this past week’s flooding, some had questioned the concept. After
the city saw flooding in 2019, the China Youth Daily, a party-run newspaper,
lamented that the heavy spending on the projects had not resulted in
significant improvements.
甚至在上周的洪水之前，就有人对这个概念提出过质疑。2019 年郑州遭遇洪水之后，党办报纸《中国青年报》感慨在这些项目上的巨额支出并没
能带来显著改善。
周五，郑州一处被洪水淹没的区域。
周五，郑州一处被洪水淹没的区域。 ALY SONG/REUTERS
Others noted that sponge cities were not a panacea. They were never
intended for torrential rain like that in Zhengzhou on July 20, when eight
inches of rain fell in one hour.
也有人指出，海绵城市不是万能的。这种项目从不是为了应对 7 月 20 日郑州那样的暴雨，当时一小时降雨量达到了 200 多毫米。
“Although the sponge city initiative is an excellent sustainable development
approach for stormwater management, it is still debatable whether it can be
regarded as the complete solution to flood risk management in a changing
climate,” said Konstantinos Papadikis, dean of the School of Design at Xi’an
Jiaotong-Liverpool University in Xi’an.
“我们现在主要存在的问题是，人类的活动空间跟自然自身的活动空间不匹配，”北京工业大学城市规划系主任李强说。
The factories that have driven China’s growth also pumped out more and
more of the gases that contribute to climate change, while also badly
polluting the air. Like countries everywhere, China now faces the tasks of
reducing emissions and preparing for the effects of global warming that
increasingly seem unavoidable.
推动中国经济增长的工厂也排放出越来越多导致气候变化的气体，同时也严重污染了空气。与世界各国一样，中国现在面临的任务是减少排放，以及
为似乎越来越难以避免的全球变暖后果做好准备。
Mr. Chan, the professor, said that in China the issue of climate change has not
been as politically polarizing as in, for example, the United States. That could
make it easier to build public support for the changes local and national
governments have to make, many of which will be costly.
陈加信教授表示，在中国，气候变化问题在政治上并不像美国那样两极分化。这将使地方和全国政府必须做出的改革更容易得到公众的支持，而其中
许多改革将是非常昂贵的。
“I know for cities, the questions of land use are expensive, but we’re talking
about climate change,” he said. “We’re talking about future development for
the next generation or the next, next generation.”
“我知道对城市来说，土地使用的问题很昂贵，但我们现在谈论的是气候变化，”他说。“我们谈论的是下一代或是下下一代的未来发展。”
总理家人隐秘的财富

Billions in Hidden Riches for Family of

Chinese Leader

DAVID BARBOZA
2012 年 10 月 26 日
温家宝的多名亲属在他任职期间暴富。
温家宝的多名亲属在他任职期间暴富。 PETAR KUJUNDZIC/REUTERS
BEIJING — The mother of China’s prime minister was a schoolteacher in
northern China. His father was ordered to tend pigs in one of Mao’s political
campaigns. And during childhood, “my family was extremely poor,” the prime
minister, Wen Jiabao, said in a speech last year.
北京——中国总理温家宝的母亲曾是华北的一名教师，他的父亲在毛泽东时代的政治运动中曾被送去养猪。在去年的一次演讲中，温家宝总理说，
他的童年被打上了“穷苦、动荡和饥荒”的印记。
中国总理温家宝。照片摄于 2008 年。
中国总理温家宝。照片摄于 2008 年。 BO BOR/REUTERS
But now 90, the prime minister’s mother, Yang Zhiyun, not only left poverty
behind — she became outright rich, at least on paper, according to corporate
and regulatory records. Just one investment in her name, in a large Chinese
financial services company, had a value of $120 million five years ago, the
records show.
然而，公司与监管记录显示，现年 90 岁的总理母亲杨志云不仅不再贫穷，而且绝对富裕——至少在纸面上。记录显示，仅她名下一项对中国一
家大型金融企业的投资就曾在 5 年前价值 1.2 亿美元（约合 7.6 亿元人民币）。
2008 年，温家宝慰问地震灾民。
2008 年，温家宝慰问地震灾民。 XINHUA, VIA AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
The details of how Ms. Yang, a widow, accumulated such wealth are not
known, or even if she was aware of the holdings in her name. But it happened
after her son was elevated to China’s ruling elite, first in 1998 as vice prime
minister and then five years later as prime minister.
没人知晓丈夫已经去世的杨志云是如何积累这笔财富的。但这一过程发生在她儿子被提拔进中国的统治精英阶层之后。温家宝先在 1998 年升任国
务院副总理，并在五年后出任总理。
2011 年，温家宝前往动车事故现场。
2011 年，温家宝前往动车事故现场。 CHINATOPIX, VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS
Many relatives of Wen Jiabao, including his son, daughter, younger brother
and brother-in-law, have become extraordinarily wealthy during his
leadership, an investigation by The New York Times shows. A review of
corporate and regulatory records indicates that the prime minister’s relatives,
some of whom have a knack for aggressive deal-making, including his wife,
have controlled assets worth at least $2.7 billion.
《》 27 亿美元（约合 170 亿元人民币）的资产。
In many cases, the names of the relatives have been hidden behind layers of
partnerships and investment vehicles involving friends, work colleagues and
business partners. Untangling their financial holdings provides an unusually
detailed look at how politically connected people have profited from being at
the intersection of government and business as state influence and private
wealth converge in China’s fast-growing economy.
很多情况下，这些亲属的名字都掩藏在多层涉及朋友、同事、商业伙伴与远亲的合伙企业和投资载体背后。此番财务解析细致而不同寻常地揭示出，
在经济高速发展、政府影响和私人财富重叠交错的中国，拥有政治人脉的人物是如何利用自己沟通政商的能力谋取利益。
Unlike most new businesses in China, the family’s ventures sometimes
received financial backing from state-owned companies, including China
Mobile, one of the country’s biggest phone operators, the documents show. At
other times, the ventures won support from some of Asia’s richest tycoons.
The Times found that Mr. Wen’s relatives accumulated shares in banks,
jewelers, tourist resorts, telecommunications companies and infrastructure
projects, sometimes by using offshore entities.
《》
The holdings include a villa development project in Beijing; a tire factory in
northern China; a company that helped build some of Beijing’s Olympic
stadiums, including the iconic “Bird’s Nest”; and Ping An Insurance, one of the
world’s biggest financial services companies.
他们持股的对象包括位于北京的一处别墅开发项目、中国北方的一家轮胎工厂、一家曾参与修建包括标志建筑“鸟巢” (Bird’s Nest)在内的
一些北京奥运场馆的公司，以及平安保险，世界上最大的金融服务公司之一。
As prime minister in an economy that remains heavily state-driven, Mr. Wen,
who is best known for his simple ways and common touch, more importantly
has broad authority over the major industries where his relatives have made
their fortunes. Chinese companies cannot list their shares on a stock
exchange without approval from agencies overseen by Mr. Wen, for example.
He also has the power to influence investments in strategic sectors like
energy and telecommunications.
今年 70 岁的温家宝，作为一个仍然严重依靠政府带动的经济体的总理， 在为其亲属带来巨大财富的主要行业中拥有广泛的权力。比如，中国公司
如果不经过他手下的机构审批，就不能在证券交易所上市。他在决定是否批准能源与电信等战略行业中的大型投资项目方面，也起着关键作用。
Because the Chinese government rarely makes its deliberations public, it is
not known what role — if any — Mr. Wen, who is 70, has played in most policy
or regulatory decisions. But in some cases, his relatives have sought to profit
from opportunities made possible by those decisions.
由于中国政府甚少公开自己的决策过程，所以还不清楚温家宝在大多数政策或法规决策中是否施加了影响，或施加了什么影响。但在一些情况下，他
的亲属却试图从这些决策带来的机会中获利。
The prime minister’s younger brother, for example, has a company that was
awarded more than $30 million in government contracts and subsidies to
handle wastewater treatment and medical waste disposal for some of China’s
biggest cities, according to estimates based on government records. The
contracts were announced after Mr. Wen ordered tougher regulations on
medical waste disposal in 2003 after the SARS outbreak.
例如，根据基于政府记录进行的估算，他弟弟的公司曾从政府那里得到了价值超过 3 千万美元（约合 1.89 亿元人民币）的合同与补贴，负责处
理一些中国大城市的污水和医疗垃圾。这些合同都是在 2003 年非典型肺炎(SARS)疫情之后温家宝下令对医疗垃圾处理加强监管之后宣布的。
In 2004, after the State Council, a government body Mr. Wen presides over,
exempted Ping An Insurance and other companies from rules that limited their
scope, Ping An went on to raise $1.8 billion in an initial public offering of
stock. Partnerships controlled by Mr. Wen’s relatives — along with their friends
and colleagues — made a fortune by investing in the company before the
public offering.
2004 年，温家宝领导下的国务院免除了平安保险等公司所受经营范围上的限制之后，该公司在其首次公开发行股票中募资 18 亿美元（约合
113 亿元人民币），其当下的市值超过了 600 亿美元。而由温家宝的亲属和他们的朋友、同事控制的合伙人公司在公开发行之前对平安保险公
司进行了投资，并从中获取巨额利润。
In 2007, the last year the stock holdings were disclosed in public documents,
those partnerships held as much as $2.2 billion worth of Ping An stock,
according to an accounting of the investments by The Times that was verified
by outside auditors. Ping An’s overall market value is now nearly $60 billion.
2007 《》 22 亿美元（约合 139 亿元人民币）。
Ping An said in a statement that the company did “not know the background
of the entities behind our shareholders.” The statement said, “Ping An has no
means to know the intentions behind shareholders when they buy and sell our
shares.”
中国平安保险在一份声明中表示，该公司不知晓股东背后投资实体的背景。声明还说，中国平安保险无法获悉股东买卖股份背后的动机。
While Communist Party regulations call for top officials to disclose their wealth
and that of their immediate family members, no law or regulation prohibits
relatives of even the most senior officials from becoming deal-makers or
major investors — a loophole that effectively allows them to trade on their
family name. Some Chinese argue that permitting the families of Communist
Party leaders to profit from the country’s long economic boom has been
important to ensuring elite support for market-oriented reforms.
尽管中国共产党的条例要求高级官员公开自己和直系亲属的财产，但却没有法律法规对哪怕是最高层官员的亲属做出禁令，禁止他们成为交易撮合者
或者主要投资人，而这一漏洞实际上让一些人可以打着家族的名号做生意。一些中国人认为，允许共产党领导人的家人从中国长期的经济繁荣中获利
对确保精英阶层支持市场化改革十分重要。
Even so, the business dealings of Mr. Wen’s relatives have sometimes been
hidden in ways that suggest the relatives are eager to avoid public scrutiny,
the records filed with Chinese regulatory authorities show. Their ownership
stakes are often veiled by an intricate web of holdings as many as five steps
removed from the operating companies, according to the review.
但是，提交给中国监管机构的资料显示，温家宝亲属的商业交易有时被掩盖了起来。其运作方式暗示，他们急切地想回避公众的关注。调查发现，他
们拥有的股权通常掩盖在错综复杂的股权网络当中，其所有权可能距实际运营的公司有五层控股公司之遥。
In the case of Mr. Wen’s mother, The Times calculated her stake in Ping An —
valued at $120 million in 2007 — by examining public records and
government-issued identity cards, and by following the ownership trail to
three Chinese investment entities. The name recorded on his mother’s shares
was Taihong, a holding company registered in Tianjin, the prime minister’s
hometown.
在温家宝母亲的案例中，《纽约时报》通过调查公开记录和政府颁发的身份证，并对三家中国投资公司的所有权进行追踪之后，估算出她在平安保险
持有的股份在 2007 年价值 1.2 亿美元（约合 7.6 亿元人民币）。他母亲在平安持有的股票被登记在一家名为泰鸿(Taihong)的控股
公司名下，该公司注册地是总理的故乡天津。
The apparent efforts to conceal the wealth reflect the highly charged politics
surrounding the country’s ruling elite, many of whom are also enormously
wealthy but reluctant to draw attention to their riches. When Bloomberg News
reported in June that the extended family of Vice President Xi Jinping, set to
become China’s next president, had amassed hundreds of millions of dollars
in assets, the Chinese government blocked access inside the country to the
Bloomberg Web site.
这些看上去是在掩饰自身财富的努力显示，围绕着中国精英统治阶层的政治氛围相当紧张，很多人坐拥巨富，却不愿引人注目。6 月份，彭博资讯社
(Bloomberg News)报道，中国下届国家主席的既定人选、副主席习近平的亲属积累了数亿美元的财产，中国政府随即在国内屏蔽了彭
博社的网站。
“In the senior leadership, there’s no family that doesn’t have these problems,”
said a former government colleague of Wen Jiabao who has known him for
more than 20 years and who spoke on the condition of anonymity. “His
enemies are intentionally trying to smear him by letting this leak out.”
“高层领导中，没有哪家没有这样的问题，”与温家宝相识 20 多年的一位前同事在不具名的条件下表示，“他的政敌正在有意泄露这些消息给他抹
黑。”
The Times presented its findings to the Chinese government for comment.
The Foreign Ministry declined to respond to questions about the investments,
the prime minister or his relatives. Members of Mr. Wen’s family also declined
to comment or did not respond to requests for comment.
《》
Duan Weihong, a wealthy businesswoman whose company, Taihong, was the
investment vehicle for the Ping An shares held by the prime minister’s mother
and other relatives, said the investments were actually her own. Ms. Duan,
who comes from the prime minister’s hometown and is a close friend of his
wife, said ownership of the shares was listed in the names of Mr. Wen’s
relatives in an effort to conceal the size of Ms. Duan’s own holdings.
女富商段伟红的泰鸿公司就是总理母亲与其他亲属持有的平安股份的投资平台。段伟红说，这些投资实际上都是她自己的。段伟红是总理的同乡，也
是总理夫人的好朋友。她表示，这些股份之所以放在总理亲属的名下，是为了隐藏她自己持股的规模。
“When I invested in Ping An I didn’t want to be written about,” Ms. Duan said,
“so I had my relatives find some other people to hold these shares for me.”
她表示，“我在投资平安的时候，不希望被媒体关注，”段女士表示，“所以我让亲戚找了一些人代我持有这些股份。”
But it was an “accident,” she said, that her company chose the relatives of
the prime minister as the listed shareholders — a process that required
registering their official ID numbers and obtaining their signatures. Until
presented with the names of the investors by The Times, she said, she had no
idea that they had selected the relatives of Wen Jiabao.
她说，自己的公司选了这些亲属作为名义股东，只是一个“巧合”。股权登记过程需要股东提供自己的身份证号码与签名。直到《纽约时报》向她展示
了这些投资者的姓名，她一直表示，她不知道这些人和温家宝有亲戚关系。
The review of the corporate and regulatory records, which covers 1992 to
2012, found no holdings in Mr. Wen’s name. And it was not possible to
determine from the documents whether he recused himself from any
decisions that might have affected his relatives’ holdings, or whether they
received preferential treatment on investments.
此次调查的公司与监管记录的时间跨度为 1992 年到 2012 年，调查中没有发现温家宝名下有任何财产。从这些材料中无法看出，温家宝是否
曾对任何可能会给亲属的财产带来影响的决定进行回避，也不能断定这些亲属是否在投资上得到过优待。
For much of his tenure, Wen Jiabao has been at the center of rumors and
conjecture about efforts by his relatives to profit from his position. Yet until the
review by The Times, there has been no detailed accounting of the family’s
riches.
在任期内的很长时间里，温家宝一直被关于其亲属试图利用其职位谋利的谣言和猜测缠身。但截止到《纽约时报》此次调查为止，并没有出现任何关
于这个家族财富的详细报道。
His wife, Zhang Beili, is one of the country’s leading authorities on jewelry and
gemstones and is an accomplished businesswoman in her own right. By
managing state diamond companies that were later privatized, The Times
found, she helped her relatives parlay their minority stakes into a billion-dollar
portfolio of insurance, technology and real estate ventures.
《》
The couple’s only son sold a technology company he started to the family of
Hong Kong’s richest man, Li Ka-shing, for $10 million, and used another
investment vehicle to establish New Horizon Capital, now one of China’s
biggest private equity firms, with partners like the government of Singapore,
according to records and interviews with bankers.
温家宝夫妇唯一的儿子曾将自己开创的一家科技公司以 1 千万美元（约合 6 千 3 百万元人民币）的价格卖给香港首富李嘉诚(Li Ka-
shing)家族，并利用另一个投资平台成立了新天域资本公司(New Horizon Capital)。相关记录与对银行业人士的采访显示，目
前，该公司是中国最大的私募股权公司之一， 其投资合伙人包括了新加坡政府。
The prime minister’s younger brother, Wen Jiahong, controls $200 million in
assets, including wastewater treatment plants and recycling businesses, the
records show.
记录显示，总理的弟弟温家宏(Wen Jiahong)掌控着 2 亿美元（约合 12.6 亿元人民币）的资产，其中包括污水处理厂与回收企业。
As prime minister, Mr. Wen has staked out a position as a populist and a
reformer, someone whom the state-run media has nicknamed “the People’s
Premier” and “Grandpa Wen” because of his frequent outings to meet
ordinary people, especially in moments of crisis like natural disasters.
作为总理，温家宝阐明了自己是一个平民主义者和改革派的立场。他平易近人，经常接触普通百姓，尤其是在发生自然灾害的危急时刻。官方媒体将
他爱称为“人民的总理”和“温爷爷”。
While it is unclear how much the prime minister knows about his family’s
wealth, State Department documents released by the WikiLeaks organization
in 2010 included a cable that suggested Mr. Wen was aware of his relatives’
business dealings and unhappy about them.
尽 管 还 不 清 楚 温 家 宝 对 自 己 家 族 的 财 富 知 道 多 少 ， 但 在 维 基 解 密 (WikiLeaks)2010 年 公 布 的 美 国 国 务 院 (State
Department)外交电文中，有一份电文显示，温家宝对其亲属的商业交易有所了解，且相当不满。
“Wen is disgusted with his family’s activities, but is either unable or unwilling
to curtail them,” a Chinese-born executive working at an American company
in Shanghai told American diplomats, according to the 2007 cable.
根据这份 2007 年发送的电报，一名在中国出生并供职于上海一家美国公司的高管告诉美国外交官，“温家宝对家人的活动很反感，但他无力或不
愿限制他们。”
China’s ‘Diamond Queen’
中国的钻石女王
It is no secret in China’s elite circles that the prime minister’s wife, Zhang
Beili, is rich, and that she has helped control the nation’s jewelry and gem
trade. But her lucrative diamond businesses became an off-the-charts success
only as her husband moved into the country’s top leadership ranks, the
review of corporate and regulatory records by The Times found.
《》
A geologist with an expertise in gemstones, Ms. Zhang is largely unknown
among ordinary Chinese. She rarely travels with the prime minister or appears
with him, and there are few official photographs of the couple together. And
while people who have worked with her say she has a taste for jade and fine
diamonds, they say she usually dresses modestly, does not exude glamour
and prefers to wield influence behind the scenes, much like the relatives of
other senior leaders.
张蓓莉是一名专门研究宝石的地质学家，普通中国人基本上不知道她。她很少和总理一起出行或公开露面。目前几乎没有几张这对夫妇在一起的正式
照片。尽管曾和她共事的人说，她喜欢翡翠和精美的钻石，但他们也表示，和其他高级领导人的亲属很像，她的着装通常都很低调，并没有表现得魅
力四射，而是宁愿在幕后施展影响。
The State Department documents released by WikiLeaks included a
suggestion that Mr. Wen had once considered divorcing Ms. Zhang because
she had exploited their relationship in her diamond trades. Taiwanese
television reported in 2007 that Ms. Zhang had bought a pair of jade earrings
worth about $275,000 at a Beijing trade show, though the source — a
Taiwanese trader — later backed off the claim and Chinese government
censors moved swiftly to block coverage of the subject in China, according to
news reports at the time.
维基解密公布的美国国务院文件还表明，温家宝曾因张蓓莉在钻石贸易中利用了两人之间的关系而考虑过离婚。台湾的电视台 2007 年报道称，张
蓓莉在北京的一个贸易展上购得了一对价值约为 27.5 万美元（当时约合 200 万元人民币）的翡翠耳环。但根据当时的新闻报道，透露此消息
的那名台湾展商后来否认了该说法，中国官方新闻审查部门迅速封锁了国内对该事件的报道。
“Her business activities are known to everyone in the leadership,” said one
banker who worked with relatives of Wen Jiabao. The banker said it was not
unusual for her office to call upon businesspeople. “And if you get that call,
how can you say no?”
一位曾和温家宝的亲属合作过银行业人士称，“在领导层的圈子里，她的商业活动是众所周知的。”这位银行业人士还表示，张蓓莉的办公室致电商业
人士也不是什么不寻常的事，“如果你接到了电话，怎么能说不呢？”
Zhang Beili first gained influence in the 1990s, while working as a regulator at
the Ministry of Geology. At the time, China’s jewelry market was still in its
infancy.
张蓓莉最初得势是在上世纪 90 年代，当时她还是地质部的一名监管人员。那时，中国的珠宝市场尚处于起步阶段。
While her husband was serving in China’s main leadership compound, known
as Zhongnanhai, Ms. Zhang was setting industry standards in the jewelry and
gem trade. She helped create the National Gemstone Testing Center in
Beijing, and the Shanghai Diamond Exchange, two of the industry’s most
powerful institutions.
当她丈夫在中国的最高领导机构所在地中南海任职时，张蓓莉正在制定珠宝与宝石贸易的行业标准。她协助在北京成立了国家珠宝玉石质量监督检验
中心，在上海成立了上海钻石交易所。这是该行业内权力最大的两家机构。
In a country where the state has long dominated the marketplace, jewelry
regulators often decided which companies could set up diamond-processing
factories, and which would gain entry to the retail jewelry market. State
regulators even formulated rules that required diamond sellers to buy
certificates of authenticity for any diamond sold in China, from the
government-run testing center in Beijing, which Ms. Zhang managed.
在中国，政府长期以来控制着市场，珠宝行业监管部门常常决定着哪家公司可以开设钻石加工厂，谁可以获准进入珠宝零售市场。国家监管部门甚至
还制定了规则，要求钻石出售方要为在中国售出的钻石购买鉴定证书，而那些认证书就来自北京那家由张蓓莉管理的国营检验中心。
As a result, when executives from Cartier or De Beers visited China with hopes
of selling diamonds and jewelry here, they often went to visit Ms. Zhang, who
became known as China’s “diamond queen.”
因此，当卡地亚(Cartier)和戴比尔斯(DeBeers)的主管来到中国，并希望能在这里销售钻石和珠宝时，他们经常拜访人称中国“钻石皇
后”的张蓓莉。
“She’s the most important person there,” said Gaetano Cavalieri, president of
the World Jewelry Confederation in Switzerland. “She was bridging relations
between partners — Chinese and foreign partners.”
总 部 设 在 瑞 士 的 世 界 珠 宝 联 合 会 (World Jewelry Confederation) 的 主 席 加 埃 塔 诺 · 卡 瓦 列 里 (Gaetano
Cavalieri)已经认识张蓓莉很多年了，他表示：“在中国，她是最重要的人。她就是中外合伙人之间的桥梁 。”
As early as 1992, people who worked with Ms. Zhang said, she had begun to
blur the line between government official and businesswoman. As head of the
state-owned China Mineral and Gem Corporation, she began investing the
state company’s money in start-ups. And by the time her husband was named
vice premier, in 1998, she was busy setting up business ventures with friends
and relatives.
曾和张蓓莉共过事的人说，她早在 1992 年就开始游走在官员和女商人这两个角色之间了。作为国有的中国地矿宝石总公司负责人，她开始用国有
资金投资新兴企业。在 1998 年她丈夫被任命为副总理时，她正忙着和亲戚朋友一起开办企业。
The state company she ran invested in a group of affiliated diamond
companies, according to public records. Many of them were run by Ms.
Zhang’s relatives — or colleagues who had worked with her at the National
Gemstone Testing Center.
根据公开披露的信息，她经营的那家国有企业投资了数家下属钻石企业。在这些公司当中，有好几家是由张蓓莉的亲戚或她在国家珠宝玉石检验中心
的前同事经营的私有企业。
In 1993, for instance, the state company Ms. Zhang ran helped found Beijing
Diamond, a big jewelry retailer. A year later, one of her younger brothers,
Zhang Jianming, and two of her government colleagues personally acquired
80 percent of the company, according to shareholder registers. Beijing
Diamond invested in Shenzhen Diamond, which was controlled by her brother-
in-law, Wen Jiahong, the prime minister’s younger brother.
比如，1993 年，张蓓莉负责的那家国企帮助成立了北京戴梦得宝石公司，这是一家大型的珠宝生产商。股东名册显示，一年后，她的一个弟弟张
剑鸣和她的两名在政府的同事以个人的名义购得了该公司 80%的股份。北京戴梦得投资的深圳戴梦得宝石公司则是由她丈夫的弟弟温家宏所控制。
Among the successful undertakings was Sino-Diamond, a venture financed by
the state-owned China Mineral and Gem Corporation, which she headed. The
company had business ties with a state-owned company managed by another
brother, Zhang Jiankun, who worked as an official in Jiaxing, Ms. Zhang’s
hometown, in Zhejiang Province.
中宝戴梦得是她最大的成功之一。这家企业的出资方包括由她担任一把手的国有企业中国地矿宝石总公司。中宝戴梦得和另外一家由她弟弟张剑鹍管
理的国企有生意往来。张剑鹍曾是浙江嘉兴的一名官员，那里也是张蓓莉的家乡。
In the summer of 1999, after securing agreements to import diamonds from
Russia and South Africa, Sino-Diamond went public, raising $50 million on the
Shanghai Stock Exchange. The offering netted Ms. Zhang’s family about $8
million, according to corporate filings.
1999 年夏，在达成了从俄罗斯和南非进口钻石的协议后，中宝戴梦得在上海证券交易所(Shanghai Stock Exchange)上市，
募集到了 3.25 亿元人民币。根据公司文件，这次募股为张蓓莉的家人带来了大约 800 万美元（当时约合 6600 万元人民币）。
Although she was never listed as a shareholder, former colleagues and
business partners say Ms. Zhang’s early diamond partnerships were the
nucleus of a larger portfolio of companies she would later help her family and
colleagues gain a stake in.
尽管她从未被列为股东，但她以前的同事和生意伙伴表示， 张蓓莉早年成立的钻石合伙企业最终成为了一系列企业的核心，她帮助自己的家族和同事
获得了那些企业的股份。
The Times found no indication that Wen Jiabao used his political clout to
influence the diamond companies his relatives invested in. But former
business partners said that the family’s success in diamonds, and beyond,
was often bolstered with financial backing from wealthy businessmen who
sought to curry favor with the prime minister’s family.
《》
“After Wen became prime minister, his wife sold off some of her diamond
investments and moved into new things,” said a Chinese executive who did
business with the family. He asked not to be named because of fear of
government retaliation. Corporate records show that beginning in the late
1990s, a series of rich businessmen took turns buying up large stakes in the
diamond companies, often from relatives of Mr. Wen, and then helped them
reinvest in other lucrative ventures, like real estate and finance.
“温家宝成为总理后，他妻子出售了部分钻石相关的投资，转而进入新的领域，” 一名同该家族有过生意往来的中国高管说。 因为怕遭政府报复，这
位高管请求匿名。公司记录显示，从上世纪 90 年代末开始，一群富商轮番买进这些钻石公司的大量股份。出售方通常是温家宝的亲戚，然后，在这
些商人的帮助下，他们将所得再投资到房地产和金融等有利可图的项目中。
According to corporate records and interviews, the businessmen often
supplied accountants and office space to investment partnerships partly
controlled by the relatives.
根据公司记录，富商通常会向由这些亲戚部分控制的投资合伙公司提供会计人员和办公地点。
“When they formed companies,” said one businessman who set up a company
with members of the Wen family, “Ms. Zhang stayed in the background. That’s
how it worked.”
“当他们合伙成立公司时，”一位和温家成员一起成立过公司的商人说，“张蓓莉留在幕后。这就是他们的模式。”
The Only Son
唯一的儿子
Late one evening early this year, the prime minister’s only son, Wen Yunsong,
was in the cigar lounge at Xiu, an upscale bar and lounge at the Park Hyatt in
Beijing. He was having cocktails as Beijing’s nouveau riche gathered around,
clutching designer bags and wearing expensive business suits, according to
two guests who were present.
今年早些时候的一个晚上，总理的独子温云松坐在一个名为“秀”的雪茄吧里，这是一间位于北京柏悦酒店的顶级酒吧。在场的两位客人透露，他当时
正喝着鸡尾酒，身边围绕着北京的新贵们。这些人提着名牌包，身着昂贵的西装。
In China, the children of senior leaders are widely believed to be in a class of
their own. Known as “princelings,” they often hold Ivy League degrees, get
V.I.P. treatment, and are even offered preferred pricing on shares in hot stock
offerings.
在中国，人们普遍认为高层领导人的下一代构成了一个特殊的阶层，人称“太子党”。这些人往往持有常青藤 (Ivy League)名校的文凭，享
受贵宾待遇，甚至能在热门股票发行时以优惠价格获得股票。
They are also known as people who can get things done in China’s heavily
regulated marketplace, where the state controls access. And in recent years,
few princelings have been as bold as the younger Mr. Wen, who goes by the
English name Winston and is about 40 years old.
在市场准入受到政府严格控制的中国，人们都认为太子党好办事。而近几年，还没有几个太子党像年届不惑的温云松这样有魄力。他的英文名是温斯
顿(Winston)。
A Times review of Winston Wen’s investments, and interviews with people
who have known him for years, show that his deal-making has been extensive
and lucrative, even by the standards of his princeling peers.
《》
State-run giants like China Mobile have formed start-ups with him. In recent
years, Winston Wen has been in talks with Hollywood studios about a
financing deal.
诸如中国移动这样的国有大机构都和他合作成立了新公司。在近些年，温云松还和好莱坞(Hollywood)制片商就融资活动展开洽谈。
Concerned that China does not have an elite boarding school for Chinese
students, he recently hired the headmasters of Choate and Hotchkiss in
Connecticut to oversee the creation of a $150 million private school now
being built in the Beijing suburbs.
苦恼于中国尚无精英级别的寄宿学校，温云松最近雇佣了康涅狄格州的乔特罗斯玛丽中学 (Choate)和霍奇科斯学校(Hotchkiss)的校长
来负责成立一所位于京郊、投资 1.5 亿美元的私立学校，这所学校目前正在建设中。
Winston Wen and his wife, moreover, have stakes in the technology industry
and an electric company, as well as an indirect stake in Union Mobile Pay, the
government-backed online payment platform — all while living in the prime
minister’s residence, in central Beijing, according to corporate records and
people familiar with the family’s investments.
另外，根据公司记录及熟悉其家庭投资情况的人士的陈述，温云松与其妻还拥有珠宝公司、网络公司和动画公司的股份，他们甚至通过非直接的方式
拥有政府鼎力支持的在线支付企业联动优势科技有限公司(Union Mobile Pay)的股份。一直以来，他们住在位于北京市中心的总理官邸
内。
“He’s not shy about using his influence to get things done,” said one venture
capitalist who regularly meets with Winston Wen.
一位与温云松经常见面的风险投资家说：“他不会对用自己的影响来办事感到不好意思。”
The younger Mr. Wen declined to comment. But in a telephone interview, his
wife, Yang Xiaomeng, said her husband had been unfairly criticized for his
business dealings.
温云松拒绝接受采访，但他的妻子杨小萌在一次电话采访中表示，针对自己丈夫的商业活动的批评并不公平。
“Everything that has been written about him has been wrong,” she said. “He’s
really not doing that much business anymore.”
“所有关于他的报道都是错误的，”她表示，“他真的已经不怎么做生意了。”
Winston Wen was educated in Beijing and then earned an engineering degree
from the Beijing Institute of Technology. He went abroad and earned a
master’s degree in engineering materials from the University of Windsor, in
Canada, and an M.B.A. from the Kellogg School of Business at Northwestern
University in Evanston, Ill., just outside Chicago.
温云松毕业于北京的精英学校，并在北京理工大学(Beijing Institute of Technology)取得工科学位。他后来出国，在加拿大
温 莎 大 学 (University of Windsor) 取 得 了 材 料 科 学 的 硕 士 学 位 ， 并 在 美 国 伊 利 诺 伊 州 埃 文 斯 顿 的 西 北 大 学
(Northwestern University)凯洛格商学院(Kellogg School of Business)取得了工商管理硕士学位。
When he returned to China in 2000, he helped set up three successful
technology companies in five years, according to people familiar with those
deals. Two of them were sold to Hong Kong businessmen, one to the family of
Li Ka-shing, one of the wealthiest men in Asia.
熟悉温云松生意的人透露，他 2000 年回国后，在五年时间里和别人一起成功打造了三家科技公司。随后他将其中两家公司出售给了香港的企业家，
其中包括亚洲首富李嘉诚(Li Ka-shing)的家族。
Winston Wen’s earliest venture, an Internet data services provider called
Unihub Global, was founded in 2000 with $2 million in start-up capital,
according to Hong Kong and Beijing corporate filings. Financing came from a
tight-knit group of relatives and his mother’s former colleagues from
government and the diamond trade, as well as an associate of Cheng Yu-tung,
patriarch of Hong Kong’s second-wealthiest family. The firm’s earliest
customers were state-owned brokerage houses and Ping An, in which the Wen
family has held a large financial stake.
经查阅香港与北京的公司注册信息发现，温云松在 2000 年成立了他的第一家公司优创科技(Unihub Global)，提供互联网数据服务，
启动资金为 500 万美元。资金来源于一些关系密切的亲戚与他母亲以前在政府和钻石行业的同事，以及香港第二富有家族的家长郑裕彤
(Cheng Yu-Tung)身边的一个人。这家公司的最早客户是一些国有证券公司和平安保险。总理的亲属持有大量平安保险股份。
He made an even bolder move in 2005, by pushing into private equity when
he formed New Horizon Capital with a group of Chinese-born classmates from
Northwestern. The firm quickly raised $100 million from investors, including
SBI Holdings, a division of the Japanese group SoftBank, and Temasek, the
Singapore government investment fund.
2005 年，他进行了更大胆的尝试，开始进军私募股权行业，和一群西北大学的中国同学成立了新天域资本公司。公司很快从各方投资者募集了
1 亿美元的资金。投资人中有日本软银集团 (Softbank)旗下的思佰益控股(SBI Holdings)和新加坡政府的投资基金淡马锡
(Temasek)。
Under Mr. Wen, New Horizon established itself as a leading private equity firm,
investing in biotech, solar, wind and construction equipment makers. Since it
began operations, the firm has returned about $430 million to investors, a
fourfold profit, according to SBI Holdings.
在温云松的领导下，新天域迅速蹿升为私人股本行业的佼佼者，公司在生物科技、太阳能、风能和建筑设备制造领域投资。据思佰益控股，迄今为止
该公司已经向投资者返还了 4.3 亿美元，相当于逾四倍的获利。
“Their first fund was dynamite,” said Kathleen Ng, editor of Asia Private Equity
Review, an industry publication in Hong Kong. “And that allowed them to raise
a lot more money.”
香港行业出版物《亚洲私募股权评论》(Asia Private Equity Review)的主编凯瑟琳·吴(Kathleen Ng)说：“他们的
第一个基金就一炮打响。这使得他们可以募得更多资金。”
Today, New Horizon has more than $2.5 billion under management.
目前，新天域管理着逾 25 亿美元的资金 。
Some of Winston Wen’s deal-making, though, has attracted unwanted
attention for the prime minister.
然而，温云松的一些交易却给总理带来了一些不必要的关注。
In 2010, when New Horizon acquired a 9 percent stake in a company called
Sihuan Pharmaceuticals just two months before its public offering, the Hong
Kong Stock Exchange said the late-stage investment violated its rules and
forced the firm to return the stake. Still, New Horizon made a $46.5 million
profit on the sale.
2010 年，就在一家名为四环医药的企业公开发行股票仅两个月前，新天域收购了该公司 9%的股权。香港证交所做出裁定，这笔后期投资违反
了相关规定，并强迫新天域退回股权。即便这样，该公司还是在这笔交易中获利 4650 万美元。
Soon after, New Horizon announced that Winston Wen had handed over day-
to-day operations and taken up a position at the China Satellite
Communications Corporation, a state-owned company that has ties to the
Chinese space program. He has since been named chairman.
不久以后，新天域宣布，温云松已经不再负责公司的日常运作。他转而加入了国有的中国卫星通信集团公司。这家公司和中国的空间项目有联系，目
前，他已经成为了该公司的董事长。
The Tycoons
富豪们
In the late 1990s, Duan Weihong was managing an office building and several
other properties in Tianjin, the prime minister’s hometown in northern China,
through her property company, Taihong. She was in her 20s and had studied
at the Nanjing University of Science and Technology.
在上世纪 90 年代末期，段伟红通过自己的泰鸿地产公司在总理的家乡天津管理着一幢办公楼与几处房产。她当时还不到 30 岁，拥有南京理工大
学的学位。
Around 2002, Ms. Duan went into business with several relatives of Wen
Jiabao, transforming her property company into an investment vehicle of the
same name. The company helped make Ms. Duan very wealthy.
在 2002 年，段伟红与几位温家宝的亲戚展开了商业合作，将自己的房地产公司转换成为了同名的投资公司。这家公司最终使段伟红变得非常富有。
It is not known whether Ms. Duan, now 43, is related to the prime minister. In
a series of interviews, she first said she did not know any members of the Wen
family, but later described herself as a friend of the family and particularly
close to Zhang Beili, the prime minister’s wife. As happened to a handful of
other Chinese entrepreneurs, Ms. Duan’s fortunes soared as she teamed up
with the relatives and their network of friends and colleagues, though she
described her relationship with them involving the shares in Ping An as
existing on paper only and having no financial component.
现年 43 岁的段伟红与总理的关系尚不明朗。在数次采访中，她先是表示，自己并不认识温家任何人，但随后又承认自己是总理夫人张蓓莉的朋友。
与其他几位中国企业家一样，在和这些亲属以及他们的关系网中的朋友与同事展开合作后，她的财富规模急速上升。然而她表示，自己和这些人在平
安股权上的关系只存在于纸面上，并没有真正的金钱往来。
Ms. Duan and other wealthy businesspeople — among them, six billionaires
from across China — have been instrumental in getting multimillion-dollar
ventures off the ground and, at crucial times, helping members of the Wen
family set up investment vehicles to profit from them, according to
investment bankers who have worked with all parties.
段伟红与另外几个商人一直以来都在帮助温家宝家族，他们的作用至关重要，在关键时刻启动大型项目，以帮助温家宝家族成员设立投资平台，并从
中获利。这些生意伙伴里包括 6 位来自中国各地的亿万富豪。
Established in Tianjin, Taihong had spectacular returns. In 2002, the company
paid about $65 million to acquire a 3 percent stake in Ping An before its initial
public offering, according to corporate records and Ms. Duan’s graduate
school thesis. Five years later, those shares were worth $3.7 billion
成立于天津的泰鸿获得了惊人的回报。公司披露信息与段伟红的研究生论文显示， 2002 年，在平安保险首次公开发行股票之前，泰鸿以
6500 万美元购得了平安 3%的股份。5 年后，这些股票的市值为 37 亿美元。
The company’s Hong Kong affiliate, Great Ocean, also run by Ms. Duan, later
formed a joint venture with the Beijing government and acquired a huge tract
of land adjacent to Capital International Airport. Today, the site is home to a
sprawling cargo and logistics center. Last year, Great Ocean sold its 53
percent stake in the project to a Singapore company for nearly $400 million.
随后，通过自己在香港的一家公司，段伟红和两家国有企业成立了一个合资公司，并在北京首都国际机场附近购得了一大块土地。如今，在这片土地
上，坐落着一个不断壮大的货运物流中心。去年，泰鸿将这一项目中该公司拥有的 53%股权出售给了一家新加坡企业，售价为近 4 亿美元。
That deal and several other investments, in luxury hotels, Beijing villa
developments and the Hong Kong-listed BBMG, one of China’s largest building
materials companies, have been instrumental to Ms. Duan’s accumulation of
riches, according to The Times’s review of corporate records.
《》
The review also showed that over the past decade there have been nearly
three dozen individual shareholders of Taihong, many of whom are either
relatives of Wen Jiabao or former colleagues of his wife.
通过查阅报表还发现，在过去 10 年中，泰鸿有着三十多位个人股东，其中很多人要么是温家宝的亲属，要么是张蓓莉的前同事。
The other wealthy entrepreneurs who have worked with the prime minister’s
relatives declined to comment for this article. Ms. Duan strongly denied
having financial ties to the prime minister or his relatives and said she was
only trying to avoid publicity by listing others as owning Ping An shares. “The
money I invested in Ping An was completely my own,” said Ms. Duan, who has
served as a member of the Ping An board of supervisors. “Everything I did was
legal.”
其他与总理的亲属合作过的富商拒绝就本报道置评。段伟红强烈否认自己与总理或其亲属存在任何金钱往来，并表示，将平安股票放在他人名下，只
为避免媒体关注。“投资平安的钱全是我自己的” ，曾经是平安监事会成员的段伟红表示。“我做的一切都是合法的。”
Another wealthy partner of the Wen relatives has been Cheng Yu-tung, who
controls the Hong Kong conglomerate New World Development and is one of
the richest men in Asia, worth about $15 billion, according to Forbes.
与温家宝的亲属进行合作的另一位富商是掌握着香港集团企业新世界发展公司的郑裕彤(Cheng Yutung)《》(Forbes)数据显示，他
的身价为 150 亿美元，是亚洲最大的富豪之一。
In the 1990s, New World was seeking a foothold in mainland China for a sister
company that specializes in high-end retail jewelry. The retail chain, Chow Tai
Fook, opened its first store in China in 1998.
在 20 世纪 90 年代，新世界正在中国内地为一家专门经营高档珠宝的姊妹公司寻找落脚点。1998 年，这家名为周大福(Chow Tai
Fook)的连锁珠宝零售企业在中国内地开设了第一家门店。
Mr. Cheng and his associates invested in a diamond venture backed by the
relatives of Mr. Wen and co-invested with them in an array of corporate
entities, including Sino-Life, National Trust and Ping An, according to records
and interviews with some of those involved. Those investments by Mr. Cheng
are now worth at least $5 billion, according to the corporate filings. Chow Tai
Fook, the jewelry chain, has also flourished. Today, China accounts for 60
percent of the chain’s $4.2 billion in annual revenue.
相关记录与对当事人的采访显示，郑裕彤的手下向背后有温家宝的亲属支持的钻石企业进行了投资。还与这些企业一起，共同投资了一系列企业实体
其中包括生命人寿 (Sino-Life)、国民信托(National Trust)和平安保险。企业披露的报表显示，郑裕彤作出的这些投资现在至少价
值 50 亿美元。连锁珠宝企业周大福也得到了蓬勃发展。今天，该公司 42 亿美元的年收入中，60%来自中国市场。
Mr. Cheng, 87, could not be reached for comment. Calls to New World
Development were not returned.
本报未能联系到 87 岁的郑裕彤。新世界发展公司也没有回复打过去的电话。
Fallout for Premier
对温家宝的影响
In the winter of 2007, just before he began his second term as prime minister,
Wen Jiabao called for new measures to fight corruption, particularly among
high-ranking officials.
2007 年冬，就在温家宝开始第二个总理任期之前，他呼吁采取新措施打击腐败，尤其是高级官员的腐败。
“Leaders at all levels of government should take the lead in the antigraft
drive,” he told a gathering of high-level party members in Beijing. “They
should strictly ensure that their family members, friends and close
subordinates do not abuse government influence.”
“各级主要负责同志要……带头执行中央关于党政干部廉洁自律的各项规定。”在北京举行的一次党内高层官员参加的会议上，温家宝说：“领导
干部特别是高级干部要严格管束子女、亲属和身边工作人员，防止他们利用自己的影响谋取不正当利益。”
The speech was consistent with the prime minister’s earlier drive to toughen
disclosure rules for public servants, and to require senior officials to reveal
their family assets.
上述讲话，与温家宝较早前推动对公务员实行更严格的财产申报规定，要求高级官员公布家庭资产的行动是一致的。
Whether Mr. Wen has made such disclosures for his own family is unclear,
since the Communist Party does not release such information. Even so, many
of the holdings found by The Times would not need to be disclosed under the
rules since they are not held in the name of the prime minister’s immediate
family — his wife, son and daughter.
由于中国共产党并不公布此类信息，并不清楚温家宝是否进行过关于自己家庭财产的申报。尽管如此，《纽约时报》发现的温家宝亲属持有的资产中
很多可能并不需要进行披露，因为那些资产并不是以温家宝，及他的妻子和子女的名义持有的。
About 80 percent of the $2.7 billion in assets identified in The Times’s
investigation and verified by the outside auditors were held by, among others,
the prime minister’s mother, his younger brother, two brothers-in-law, a sister-
in-law, daughter-in-law and the parents of his son’s wife, none of whom is
subject to party disclosure rules. The total value of the relatives’ stake in Ping
An is based on calculations by The Times that were confirmed by the auditors.
The total includes shares held by the relatives that were sold between 2004
and 2006, and the value of the remaining shares in late 2007, the last time
the holdings were publicly disclosed.
《》 27 亿美元资产中，约有 80%是 《纽
制
限
定
规
财
开
公
党
产
共
国
中
受
不
都
们
他
。
有
持
所
人
等
及
儿
兄
名
两
子
妻
媳
弟
、
亲
母
的
宝
家
温
由》对
报
时
约在2004 年至 2006 之间售出的股票，以及 2007 年末剩下的股票。在此之后，他们平安保险的
但
有
经
曾
括
包
额
。
认
确
师
审
到
得
果
结
其
，
算
计
了
行
进
模
规
总
股
持
险
保
安
平
国
中
的
属
亲
关
相
持股状况就没有再进行过公开披露。
Legal experts said that determining the precise value of holdings in China
could be difficult because there might be undisclosed side agreements about
the true beneficiaries.
法律专家表示，估测准确的价值并不容易，因为可能存在一些并不对外披露、指定真正受益者的附加协议。
“Complex corporate structures are not necessarily insidious,” said Curtis J.
Milhaupt, a Columbia University Law School professor who has studied China’s
corporate group structures. “But in a system like China’s, where corporate
ownership and political power are closely intertwined, shell companies
magnify questions about who owns what and where the money came from.”
哥伦比亚大学法学院(Columbia University Law School)教授克提斯·米尔哈特(Curtis Milhaupt)曾研究过中
国公司架构，他表示：“复杂的企业架构并不一定有阴谋诡计。但在企业所有权和政治权力紧密交织的中国体制之下，壳公司就会放大资产所有人不明、
资金来源不明的问题。”
Among the investors in the Wen family ventures are longtime business
associates, former colleagues and college classmates, including Yu Jianming,
who attended Northwestern with Winston Wen, and Zhang Yuhong, a longtime
colleague of Wen Jiahong, the prime minister’s younger brother. The
associates did not return telephone calls seeking comment.
在温家宝的家族所控制的企业中进行投资的人里，有很多长期的商业伙伴、前同事，以及大学同学，其中包括温云松在西北大学的同学于剑鸣，以及
温家宝的弟弟温家宏长期以来的同事张玉宏。这些人都没有回复就本报道置评的请求。
Revelations about the Wen family’s wealth could weaken him politically.
披露温家宝家族持有的财富，可能会给温家宝带来政治上的打击。
Next month, at the 18th Party Congress in Beijing, the Communist Party is
expected to announce a new generation of leaders. But the selection process
has already been marred by one of the worst political scandals in decades, the
downfall of Bo Xilai, the Chongqing party boss, who was vying for a top
position.
下个月，中共十八大将在北京召开，共产党将宣布下一届领导人人选。但是这个筛选过程却已经陷入几十年来最严重的政治丑闻中——试图进入最
高层的重庆市委书记薄熙来倒台。
In Beijing, Wen Jiabao is expected to step down as prime minister because he
has reached retirement age. Political analysts say that even after leaving
office he could remain a strong backstage political force. But documents
showing that his relatives amassed a fortune during his tenure could diminish
his standing, the analysts said.
在北京，因已到退休年龄，温家宝即将卸任总理一职。数位政治分析人士表示，即使在离任之后，作为党内老领导，他还将在幕后保有强大的政治力
量，但这些显示其亲属曾在他任期内积累巨额财富的材料，几乎肯定会削弱他在党内的地位。
“This will affect whatever residual power Wen has,” said Minxin Pei, an expert
on Chinese leadership and a professor of government at Claremont McKenna
College in California.
“这将影响他手中剩下的政治力量，” 研究中国领导层的专家、加州克莱蒙麦肯纳学院 (Claremont McKenna College)的政
府学教授裴敏欣(Minxin Pei)表示。
The prime minister’s supporters say he has not personally benefited from his
extended family’s business dealings, and may not even be knowledgeable
about the extent of them.
温家宝的支持者表示，他本人并没有从家族的商业往来中获利，甚至可能也不太了解这些商业往来的规模。
Last March, the prime minister hinted that he was at least aware of the
persistent rumors about his relatives. During a nationally televised news
conference in Beijing, he insisted that he had “never pursued personal gain”
in public office.
今年 3 月，温家宝暗示，他至少是知晓自己的亲属引发了不少传言。在北京举行的一场向全国电视直播的新闻发布会上，温家宝坚称，自己担任公职
期间“没有谋过私利”。
“I have the courage to face the people and to face history,” he said in an
emotional session. “There are people who will appreciate what I have done,
but there are also people who will criticize me. Ultimately, history will have
the final say.”
“我敢于面对人民、面对历史。”温家宝动情地说：“知我罪我，其惟春秋。”

温氏家族与平安崛起
Lobbying, a Windfall and a Leader’s Family
DAVID BARBOZA
2012 年 11 月 27 日
中国最大的金融服务公司之一平安正在深圳修建一座 115 层的写字楼。该公司目前以 500 亿美元资产领先于美国国际集团(AIG)、大都会人
寿(MetLife)和保诚集团(Prudential)。
中国最大的金融服务公司之一平安正在深圳修建一座 115 层的写字楼。该公司目前以 500 亿美元资产领先于美国国际集团(AIG)、大都会人
寿(MetLife)和保诚集团(Prudential)。 THE NEW YORK TIMES
SHENZHEN, China — The head of a financially troubled insurer was pushing
Chinese officials to relax rules that required breaking up the company in the
aftermath of the Asian financial crisis.
中国深圳——亚洲金融危机过后，一家保险公司陷入财务困境，其负责人劝说中国领导人放松要求拆分该公司的规定。
温家宝总理的亲属悄悄地通过一系列投资工具在平安保险投资。并不清楚这些亲属是否仍然持有平安股份。
温 家 宝 总 理 的 亲 属 悄 悄 地 通 过 一 系 列 投 资 工 具 在 平 安 保 险 投 资 。 并 不 清 楚 这 些 亲 属 是 否 仍 然 持 有 平 安 股 份 。 SUKREE
SUKPLANG/REUTERS
The survival of Ping An Insurance was at stake, officials were told in the fall of
1999. Direct appeals were made to the vice premier at the time, Wen Jiabao,
as well as the then-head of China’s central bank — two powerful officials with
oversight of the industry.
1999 年秋，官员们被告知，平安保险(Ping An Insurance)的生存危在旦夕。时任副总理的温家宝和中国央行行长都直接收到了相
关请求。这两名位高权重的官员都对平安所在行业有监管权。
“I humbly request that the vice premier lead and coordinate the matter from a
higher level,” Ma Mingzhe, chairman of Ping An, implored in a letter to Mr.
Wen that was reviewed by The New York Times.
《》“恳请温副总理从更高的层次予以领导和协调。”
Ping An was not broken up.
后来平安没被拆分。
The successful outcome of the lobbying effort would prove monumental.
事实证明，努力游说取得的成果是非常巨大的。
Ping An went on to become one of China’s largest financial services
companies, a $50 billion powerhouse now worth more than A.I.G., MetLife or
Prudential. And behind the scenes, shares in Ping An that would be worth
billions of dollars once the company rebounded were acquired by relatives of
Mr. Wen.
平安后来成了中国最大的金融服务公司之一，以 500 亿美元（约合 3113 亿元人民币）的身价领先于美国国际集团(AIG)、大都会人寿
(MetLife)和保诚集团(Prudential)。而在幕后，温家宝的亲属得到了平安的股份。一旦平安实力回弹，这些股份将会价值几十亿美元。
The Times reported last month that the relatives of Mr. Wen, who became
prime minister in 2003, had grown extraordinarily wealthy during his
leadership, acquiring stakes in tourist resorts, banks, jewelers,
telecommunications companies and other business ventures.
本报上月报道，在温家宝自 2003 年出任总理后的任期内，他的亲属变得非常富有，获得了旅游度假村、银行、珠宝公司、电信企业以及其他企业
的股份。
The greatest source of wealth, by far, The Times investigation has found,
came from the shares in Ping An bought about eight months after the insurer
was granted a waiver to the requirement that big financial companies be
broken up.
《》
Long before most investors could buy Ping An stock, Taihong, a company that
would soon be controlled by Mr. Wen’s relatives, acquired a large stake in Ping
An from state-owned entities that held shares in the insurer, regulatory and
corporate records show. And by all appearances, Taihong got a sweet deal.
The shares were bought in December 2002 for one-quarter of the price that
another big investor — the British bank HSBC Holdings — paid for its shares
just two months earlier, according to interviews and public filings.
监管记录和公司记录显示，远在大多数投资者能购买平安的股票之前，一家名为泰鸿(Taihong)的公司便通过早前在平安持有股份的国有企业获
得了平安的大宗股权。不久后，泰鸿便被温家宝的亲属控制了。不管怎么看，该公司在这笔交易中获利颇丰。据采访和公开文件显示，泰鸿 2002
年 12 月购买平安股份时的价格是另一家大型投资者英国银行汇丰控股(HSBC Holdings)两个月前的购买价格的四分之一。
By June 2004, the shares held by the Wen relatives had already quadrupled in
value, even before the company was listed on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange.
And by 2007, the initial $65 million investment made by Taihong would be
worth $3.7 billion.
截至 2004 年 6 月，即便在平安于香港证券交易所(Hong Kong Stock Exchange)上市之前，温家宝亲属所持股份的价值
已是四倍于从前。截至 2007 年，泰鸿最初那 6500 万美元的投资已价值 37 亿美元。
Corporate records show that the relatives’ stake of that investment most likely
peaked at $2.2 billion in late 2007, the last year in which Taihong’s
shareholder records were publicly available. Because the company is no
longer listed in Ping An’s public filings, it is unclear if the relatives continue to
hold shares.
公司记录显示，温家宝的亲属通过那笔投资获得的利益极有可能在 2007 年年底达到 22 亿美元的峰值。2007 年是泰鸿作为股东的记录公
开可查的最后一年。因为泰鸿不再出现在平安的公开文件中，目前尚不清楚温家宝的亲属是否继续持有平安的股份。
It is also not known whether Mr. Wen or the central bank chief at the time, Dai
Xianglong, personally intervened on behalf of Ping An’s request for a waiver,
or if Mr. Wen was even aware of the stakes held by his relatives.
同样无法获知的是，温家宝和时任央行行长戴相龙是否亲自介入，批复了平安不要拆分该公司的申请，以及温家宝对自己亲属持有的股份是否知晓。
But internal Ping An documents, government filings and interviews with
bankers and former senior executives at Ping An indicate that both the vice
premier’s office and the central bank were among the regulators involved in
the Ping An waiver meetings and who had the authority to sign off on the
waiver.
但平安的内部文件、政府文件以及同银行家和平安前高管的采访表明，在参加了相关会议的监管部门中，副总理办公室和央行都名列其中，且都有权
批准不拆分平安。
Only two large state-run financial institutions were granted similar waivers,
filings show, while three of China’s big state-run insurance companies were
forced to break up. Many of the country’s big banks complied with the
breakup requirement — enforced after the financial crisis because of concerns
about the stability of the financial system — by selling their assets in other
institutions.
文件显示，只有两家大型国有金融机构得到了类似的批准，免于被拆分，而三家大型国有保险公司都被迫进行了拆分。中国的许多大型银行都按照拆
分要求，出售了在其他机构的资产。对大型金融机构进行拆分的规定是金融危机后出于对金融体系稳定性的担忧而实行的。
Ping An issued a statement to The Times saying the company strictly complies
with rules and regulations, but does not know the backgrounds of all entities
behind shareholders. The company also said “it is the legitimate right of
shareholders to buy and sell shares between themselves.”
平安向《纽约时报》发了一份声明，称公司严格遵守法律法规，不过并不知晓股东背后的所有机构的背景。平安还表示：“股东之间的任何股权转让是
股东的正当权利。”
In Beijing, China’s foreign ministry did not return calls seeking comment for
this article. Earlier, a Foreign Ministry spokesman sharply criticized the
investigation by The Times into the finances of Mr. Wen’s relatives, saying it
“smears China and has ulterior motives.”
中国外交部没有回复请其为本文置评的电话。早些时候，外交部的一名发言人严厉批评了本报对温家宝家属的财务状况所做的调查，称“有关媒体的报
道抹黑中国，别有用心”。
After The Times reported last month on the family’s wealth, lawyers
representing the family said the article contained unspecified errors and that
the family reserved the right to take legal action.
本报上月报道了总理家族的财富后，代表温家宝家族的律师称本报文章中有未指明的错误且温氏家族保留采取法律措施的权利。
In addition, the Chinese government blocked access to the English-language
and Chinese-language Web sites of The Times in China — and continues to do
so — saying the action was “in accordance with laws and rules.”
此外，中国政府屏蔽了中国大陆对《纽约时报》中英文网站的访问，称采取该行动“符合法律和法规”。目前，对本报中英文网站的屏蔽仍在继续。
Neither Mr. Wen, who is expected to retire in March, nor Mr. Dai, who is now
the head of the National Social Security Fund, could be reached for comment.
本报无法和温家宝或戴相龙取得联系以求置评。预计温家宝将于明年 3 月退休。而戴相龙现在是全国社会保障基金理事会理事长。
Western and Chinese bankers and lawyers involved in Ping An’s 2004 Hong
Kong stock listing and a subsequent 2007 listing in Shanghai said they did not
know that relatives of Mr. Wen had acquired large stakes in the company.
参与了平安 2004 年香港上市，及其后来 2007 年上海上市的中外银行家和律师称，他们当时并不知道温家宝的亲属获得了该公司的大量股份。
Executives at Morgan Stanley and Goldman Sachs, which once held sizable
stakes in Ping An and served as lead underwriters for the Hong Kong public
offering, also said they were never told of the holdings. At Ping An’s urging,
the two investment banks had also appealed in 2000 to Mr. Wen and other
regulators for the waiver from the breakup rule. The private equity divisions of
the two investment banks sold their combined stakes to HSBC in 2005 for
about $1 billion — a 14-fold increase on their initial investment.
摩根士丹利(Morgan Stanley)和高盛(Goldman Sachs)曾持有大量的平安股份，并在平安于香港首次公开募股时，作为主
承销商。两家公司的高管也表示，从未被告知温家人的持股情况。在平安的敦促下，这两家投资银行也在 2000 年向温家宝及其他监管者提出请求，
不要按照规定拆分平安。2005 年，两家投行的私募股权融资部门把他们持有的平安股份以一起卖给汇丰银行。出售价约为 10 亿美元，比他们
最初投资上涨了 14 倍。
Thousands of pages of publicly available corporate documents reviewed by
The Times suggest that the Ping An stakes held by the prime minister’s
relatives were concealed behind layers of obscure partnerships rather than
being held directly in their names.
《》
In an interview last month, Duan Weihong, a wealthy Wen family friend, said
that the shares in Ping An actually belonged to her and that it was an accident
that Mr. Wen’s relatives appeared in shareholding records. The process
involved borrowing their government identity cards and obtaining their
signatures.
在上个月的一次访谈中，温家的一位富商朋友段伟红称，其实是她持有那部分平安股份，而温家宝亲属出现在持股记录上，只是一个意外。这个过程
包括借用他们的身份证件，并取得他们的签名。
China and Hong Kong have detailed regulations on the disclosure of corporate
information deemed material to a publicly listed company’s operation, like the
identities of large shareholders and details about whether companies
controlling large stakes are related parties. But legal experts say enforcement
is often lax, particularly inside China. There is also, they say, a culture of
nominee shareholders — when one person holds shares on behalf of someone
else — that is difficult for even the most seasoned lawyers and accountants to
penetrate.
对于披露与上市公司运营直接相关的基本公司信息，中国大陆和香港地区都有详细的法规。这些信息包括大股东的身份，以及持有大量股份的公司是
否为关联方等等。但是法律专家称，这些法规的执行力度一般都很弱，这点在大陆地区尤甚。他们说，也有一种名义股东的习惯做法，亦即由某人代
表另外一个人持股。在这种情况下，甚至最有经验的律师和会计师都无法一窥究竟。
The Times found no indication such regulations or any law was broken, nor
any evidence that Mr. Wen held shares in Ping An under his own name.
《》
After reviewing questions from The Times, the Securities and Futures
Commission of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Stock Exchange declined to
comment. The China Securities Regulatory Commission in Beijing did not
respond to inquiries.
在研究过《纽约时报》提出的问题后，香港证券及期货事务监察委员会(Securities and Futures Commission of
Hong Kong)及香港证券交易所拒绝发表评论。北京的中国证券监督管理委员会则并未回应质询。
HSBC, today Ping An’s largest shareholder with about 15.5 percent of its
stock, declined to comment. The company announced last week that it is
considering selling its stake in Ping An as part of a broad effort to raise capital.
平安现在最大的股东、持有 15.5%平安股份的汇丰银行，也拒绝发表评论。汇丰银行上周宣布，作为其广泛筹资活动的一部分，正在考虑出售自
己持有的平安股份。
Ping An today is a hugely successful conglomerate with revenue of $40 billion
last year and about 500,000 insurance agents across China. It is China’s only
fully integrated financial institution, with the second largest insurer, a trust
company and brokerage house.
如今，平安是一个成功的大集团，去年的营收为 400 亿美元，在中国有约 50 万名保险销售员。它是中国唯一的完全一体化的金融机构，拥有中
国第二大的保险公司、一家信托公司和一家证券公司。
In late 2010, Ping An added more firepower, announcing a $4 billion deal that
has since given it control of the Shenzhen Development Bank, one of China’s
midsize commercial banks. Ping An is now building a new headquarters here
in Shenzhen, a spectacular 115-story office tower that was designed by the
New York architectural firm Kohn Pedersen Fox.
2010 年末，平安进一步增强力量，宣布了一个 40 亿美元的交易，并从此控制了中国中型商业银行之一，深圳发展银行。现在，平安正在深圳
修建一个新的公司总部，一栋 115 层的壮观办公楼。该大楼由纽约建筑公司 KPF 建筑设计所(Kohn Pedersen Fox)所设计。
Ping An’s Close Call
差点被拆分
Ma Mingzhe, the Ping An chairman and chief executive, was a high school
graduate who got his start as an aide to Yuan Geng, a pioneering figure in
some of China’s earliest economic reforms and an early leader of Ping An.
高中毕业生出身的平安董事长、首席执行官马明哲，最初是袁庚的助手。袁庚是中国最早的一些经济改革中的先驱者，也是平安保险的早期领导者。
Impressed with Mr. Ma’s intellect, Mr. Yuan put him in charge of human
resources at a state-managed industrial park, and eventually at a new
insurance firm, Ping An, which took root in Shenzhen, a coastal boomtown.
袁庚欣赏马明哲的聪明才干，因而让他负责一个由国家管理的工业园的人事工作，并最终让他负责新成立的平安保险公司。平安保险在新兴海滨城市
深圳生根发芽。
Mr. Ma’s timing was opportune. China was just beginning to restructure its
state-led economy. The government began dismantling the iron rice bowl
system, which had guaranteed pensions, social insurance and living quarters
to Communist Party cadres.
马明哲的时机很好。那时中国刚刚开始重构其国家主导的经济体系。政府开始打破共产党干部在养老金、社保和住房保障上的铁饭碗。
Although Ping An was founded as a state entity, it was one of the first Chinese
insurance companies to experiment with Western management systems,
including the use of actuaries and back-office operations, as well as foreign
shareholders.
尽管平安创立之初是国企，却是首批实验西方管理模式的中国保险公司之一，包括聘用保险业务精算师，开展后台运营工作，及引入外国股东。
Mr. Ma helped manage the tiny company when it was founded in 1988.
Several years later, he was looking for big-name shareholders from the United
States.
1988 年，平安成立。马明哲负责协助管理这家小公司。几年后，他为公司寻觅美国的知名股东。
In 1994, the private equity divisions of Morgan Stanley and Goldman Sachs
each paid about $35 million to acquire 7.5 percent interests in Ping An. At the
time, they were the largest foreign investments ever made in a Chinese
financial institution.
1994 年，摩根士丹利和高盛的私募股权融资部门各自出资约 3500 万美金，购买了 7.5%的平安股份。在当时，这是一家中国金融机构
收到的最大一笔外商投资。
Much of the company’s early success was attributed to Mr. Ma, a hard-
charging executive who was admired for his management and political skills
— and for taking risks.
平安最初的成功大多归功于马明哲。马明哲是个充满冲劲的高管，因其管理技巧、政治技巧及冒险精神而受到推崇。
“He had all the qualities of a great entrepreneur,” says Yan Feng, who helped
run Ping An’s Shanghai office in the 1990s. “He was a quick learner, knew how
to adapt to new situations and was really determined. He’d do whatever it
takes to get what he wants.”
“他具备一个伟大企业家的所有特质，”曾在 20 世纪 90 年代参与管理平安上海分公司的严峰称，“他学习能力很强，知道怎么适应新形势，而
且做事很有决心。为了实现目标不惜一切代价。”
But the company’s growth drive ran into trouble in the late 1990s, when
China’s economy weakened after the 1997 Asian financial crisis.
但 1997 年爆发的亚洲金融危机波及到中国后，中国经济在 20 世纪 90 年代末走软，该公司的增长动力遇到了问题。
The bloated state sector began to collapse, and by 1998, some of the nation’s
biggest banks were nearly insolvent.
臃肿的国有企业开始崩溃，到了 1998 年，中国一些最大的国有银行几近破产。
Ping An’s hard-won fortunes were also evaporating. Like most big Chinese
insurers, Ping An had won new clients with investment products that
guaranteed big returns over long periods based on the high interest rates
banks offered for deposits during a time of inflation. When interest rates
plummeted in the mid-1990s, losses piled up.
平安辛苦得来的财富也开始不断蒸发。和中国大多数大型保险公司一样，平安是利用可以保证大笔收益的长期投资产品来赢取新客户，这些收益是利
用银行在通胀时期为存款提供的高额利率来获得的。20 世纪 90 年代中期，银行利率暴跌，该公司也损失惨重。
In 1999, senior executives at Ping An began to acknowledge that the company
could soon be insolvent. As a joint-stockholding company, Ping An had big
institutional investors, mostly state companies. But many of them refused to
come to the company’s aid by purchasing additional shares, which would have
provided needed capital.
1999 年，平安的高管开始承认，该公司处于破产边缘。作为一家联合控股的股份公司，平安拥有很多大型机构投资者，其中大部分都是国有企业 。
但很多这些公司都拒绝通过购买更多股份，为平安提供需要的资本金来进行救助。
“They weren’t sure Ping An would survive,” said one former Ping An executive
who spoke on the condition of anonymity.
平安一名前高管在要求匿名的前提下透露，“当时大家都不确定平安能不能继续下去，以后会怎么样。”
There was also mounting pressure from the government. Worried about
systemic risks to the financial system, regulators in Beijing stepped up their
enforcement of laws that required financial institutions to limit the scope of
their business activities.
此外，来自政府的压力也在不断增大。因为担心金融体系存在的系统性风险，北京的监管机关加大执法力度，要求金融机构限制经营活动的范围。
Banks were told to sell their stakes in brokerage houses or trust companies;
and insurance companies had to choose to operate in life or property
insurance, but not both.
银行被告知要出售证券公司或信托公司的股份；保险公司则必须在人寿保险和财产保险之间做选择，而不再同时经营两者。
After China’s new insurance regulatory agency was established in 1998, it
began pressing Ping An to shed its trust and securities business, and to split
its life and property insurance divisions into separate companies.
1998 年中国新的保险监管机构成立，之后它开始施压，让平安拆分其信托和证券业务，并将人寿和财产保险部门分成独立的公司。
At a news conference in November 1999, Ma Yongwei, then the chairman of
the China Insurance Regulatory Commission, said the agency had already
drawn up plans to split up Ping An and other insurers.
1999 年 11 月，时任中国保险监督管理委员会主席的马永伟在一次新闻发布会上称，该机构已经做好计划，要对平安及其他保险公司进行拆分。
“The separation plans have been submitted to the State Council for approval,”
Ma Yongwei told the media, adding that they would “deepen reform of the
insurance system.”
“分业经营方案已经提交国务院审批，”马永伟对媒体称，他还表示将“深化保险系统的改革”。
Pushing Back the Regulators
监管机构让步
With his company about to be broken up, Ma Mingzhe, also known as Peter
Ma, fired off letters to leaders in Beijing, dictated memos reminding himself to
“buy golf clubs” for high-ranking officials, and kept detailed charts outlining
the lobbying responsibilities of each top executive at Ping An, according to a
copy of those records verified by former Ping An executives.
在公司即将拆分之际，马明哲（英文名 Peter Ma）开始给北京的领导人写信，向助手口述备忘录提醒自己要为高层官员“购买高尔夫球杆”，
还列出详细的图表，规定平安每一位高管应该担起的游说责任，上述记录的副本显示。这些副本已经经过了前平安高管的核实。
Mr. Ma focused much of his personal energy on China’s highest government
administrative body, the State Council, a 38-member group whose senior
leaders were Prime Minister Zhu Rongji and Wen Jiabao, then vice premier.
The company also sought the support of Dai Xianglong, the nation’s central
bank chief, who also had oversight over the insurance industry.
马明哲将自己的精力锁定在中国政府最高的行政机构国务院上，国务院由 38 名成员组成，高级领导人包括总理朱镕基和副总理温家宝。此外，平安
还同时向有监管保险业责任的中国央行行长戴相龙寻求帮助。
Mr. Wen was in a unique position. He was head of China’s powerful Central
Financial Work Commission, which had been established in 1998 to oversee
the country’s banking, securities and insurance regulators, as well as China’s
biggest financial institutions.
温家宝地位独特。他曾在权力巨大的中央金融工委任书记，中央金融工委成立于 1998 年，负责监督中国的银行业、证券和保险监管机构，以及中
国的大型金融机构。
When Mr. Ma met regulators, he told them his company was facing insolvency
and asked them to help shore up the company’s balance sheet by approving a
Hong Kong stock offering, according to transcripts of Ping An meetings and
interviews with participants.
平安的会议记录以及对出席者的采访显示，马明哲和这些监管者见了面，称自己的公司临近破产，希望他们能够批准该公司在香港发行股票，从而改
善该公司的资产负债表。
“Now, Ping An’s life insurance is in a loss, and property insurance and the
trust company have thin margins,” Mr. Ma wrote in the Sept. 29, 1999, letter
to Mr. Wen. The contents were confirmed by two former top Ping An
executives.
“目前，平安的寿险亏损，产险和信托微有盈利，”马明哲在 1999 年 9 月 29 日写给温家宝的信中说道。平安两名前任高管证实了这封信的
内容。
Rather than an out-and-out breakup, Mr. Ma offered a middle road. After
seeking advice of other investors, Mr. Ma proposed the formation of a holding
company that would effectively separate life insurance from property but keep
them under one corporate umbrella, along with the securities and trust
division.
在不进行彻底拆分的情况下，马明哲提出了一条折衷之道。他在征求了其他投资者的意见之后，提议成立一家控股公司，实际上分开人寿保险和财产
保险业务，但同时又将这两个部门，以及证券和信托部门，置于同一家公司旗下。
The company, he said, would re-establish itself as the Ping An Group,
according to Ping An documents reviewed by The Times. He then began
looking for allies to promote his proposal.
《纽
团
集
安
平
为
组
重
将
司
公
个
这
，
说
他 》查
报
时
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In January 2000, with Mr. Ma’s backing, executives from Morgan Stanley and
Goldman Sachs wrote a joint letter to Mr. Wen arguing that a breakup would
“violate China’s policy to encourage and protect foreign investment,”
according to a copy of the letter reviewed by The Times. The letter’s
authenticity was verified by former executives at the two investment banks.
2000 年 1 月，在马明哲的支持下，摩根士丹利和高盛的高管们联名给温家宝写信称，拆分将“违反中国鼓励并保护外国投资的政策”，《纽约
》
The American investment banks warned that “as a listed company in the U.S.,
we could be required to disclose our losses relating to the investment in Ping
An, which would not be helpful for the image of China’s policy of reform and
opening to the outside.”
上述美国投资银行警告说，“作为美国上市公司，我们可能需要披露与投资平安相关的损失。这对于向外界展示中国改革开放政策的形象，并没有帮
助。”
The letter came after months of aggressive lobbying on the part of Ping An
executives and the two American banks to persuade other high-ranking
officials in Beijing, including the central bank and the insurance regulator, to
hold Ping An together, according to corporate documents reviewed by The
Times.
《》
As early as 1999, executives at Ping An also began making contact with the
relatives of Mr. Wen.
早在 1999 年，平安高管也已经开始与温家宝的家人进行接触。
Hu Kun, a former Ping An employee who served as Mr. Ma’s staff assistant
from 1997 to 2000, recalled a 1999 meeting between Mr. Ma and Zhang Beili,
the wife of Mr. Wen.
前平安员工胡坤曾在 1997 年至 2000 年之间担任马明哲的助理。胡坤回顾了马明哲与温家宝的妻子张蓓莉 1999 年的一次会面。
Mr. Hu said he was not told what transpired at the meeting, but he recalled his
boss’s reaction. “Because of that meeting, Chairman Ma got very excited,”
said Mr. Hu, who is now living in the United States and who has quarreled with
Ping An over 52,000 shares he claimed he was owed.
胡坤表示，他没有被告知会面时发生了什么，但他记得马明哲的反应。胡坤说，“因为那次会面，马董事长很激动。”胡坤现在居住在美国，他声称，
平安欠自己 5.2 万股股票，并曾因此与平安产生了纠纷。
Corporate records reviewed by The Times indicate that Mr. Ma held an
afternoon meeting and then dinner with the prime minister’s wife and Li
Chunyan, who ran Ping An’s office in Beijing, on June 17, 1999.
《》1999 年 6 月 17 日下午，马明哲与温家宝的妻子，以及时任平安驻北京代表处主任的李春彦会面，随后还共进晚餐。
It is not known what they discussed, but the relationship seemed to flourish.
Around the same time, a diamond company partly controlled by the relatives
of Ms. Zhang began occupying office space at the Ping An office tower in
Beijing, according to records the diamond company filed with regulators.
Later, a start-up co-founded by Wen Yunsong, the son of Ms. Zhang and the
prime minister, won a lucrative technology contract from Ping An, according
to interviews with former Ping An executives.
席间谈话的内容不为外界所知，但双方的关系似乎开始蓬勃发展。大约在同一时期，由张蓓莉的亲戚部分控制的钻石公司，开始在平安位于北京的办
公大楼占据办公空间，该钻石公司向监管部门提交的文件显示。几位平安前高管在接受采访时透露，之后，温家宝之子温云松与人共同建立的创业企
业，从平安赢得了利润丰厚的科技合同。
Mr. Ma, who is 56 and still runs Ping An, declined to comment for this article.
Interviews with four senior executives who worked with Mr. Ma and Mr. Hu at
the corporate headquarters in Shenzhen during the same period corroborate
Mr. Hu’s recollections and the content of the documents reviewed by The
Times concerning Ping An’s lobbying efforts and meetings with the relatives of
Mr. Wen.
现年 56 岁的马明哲仍然控制着平安集团，他拒绝对本文发表评论。胡坤的回忆，及《纽约时报》查阅的相关文件中关于平安的游说努力，以及与温
家宝亲属会面的情节，通过对四名曾在同一段时间，在该公司深圳总部与马明哲和胡坤共事的高管进行采访得到了印证。
In addition, Li Chunyan, who ran the Beijing office, confirmed in a telephone
interview that during that period he had brought Ms. Zhang to meet the Ping
An chairman, Mr. Ma.
此外，当时负责北京代表处的李春彦在接受电话采访时也确认，在那段时间，他曾带张蓓莉与平安董事长马明哲会面。
The documents and interviews shed no light on whether those meetings
played a role in the decision by government regulators to abandon plans to
split up Ping An. But in April 2002, the nation’s top regulators delivered their
verdict. With approval of the State Council and insurance regulators, Ping An
began the process of transforming itself into a financial conglomerate.
但文件和采访并没有揭示，几次会面，是否对政府监管部门放弃拆分平安的决定产生了影响。不过在 2002 年 4 月，中国的最高监管部门作出了
决定。经过国务院及保险监管部门的批准，平安开始了将自己转变为一家金融集团的过程。
The company was not only allowed to retain property and life insurance
licenses, but also licenses that permitted it to operate a brokerage and a trust
company. It was also allowed to obtain a bank license.
该公司不仅获准保留财产保险和人寿保险的牌照，还获准保留经营证券公司和信托公司的牌照。平安还获准取得了一张银行牌照。
Together, analysts say, the licenses were worth a fortune in China’s tightly
regulated marketplace.
分析人士称，在中国受到严格管制的市场上，这些牌照价值连城。
“They were one of the few who got to enjoy these gold-digging benefits,” said
Bob Leung, a longtime insurance analyst at UBS in Hong Kong.
瑞银(UBS)长期关注保险行业的驻香港分析师梁智勤(Bob Leung)说，“享受到了挖掘金矿一般的高回报的人少之又少，他们就是其中之
一。”
By late 2002, Ping An had not simply survived the downturn, its prospects had
begun to look bright. The company’s restructuring bolstered revenue and
profits. In October of that year, one of the world’s biggest banks, HSBC,
agreed to pay $600 million to acquire a 10 percent stake in the company from
Ping An. Just over a year later, regulators approved the company’s application
to list and sell shares on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange.
2002 年底，平安不仅安然渡过了下滑趋势，还呈现了光明的前景。公司的重组促进了收入和利润的增长。当年 10 月，全世界最大的银行之一
汇丰银行同意支付 6 亿美元，从平安购买 10%的股份。仅仅一年多以后，监管部门就批准该公司在香港交易所上市销售股票。
While Ping An was preparing for its listing in Hong Kong, a group of investors
with close ties to senior officials in Beijing, including Wen Jiabao, were quietly
accumulating large blocks of Ping An stock.
在平安筹备赴香港上市时，一群与包括温家宝在内的北京高层官员有紧密联系的投资者，正在静悄悄地大量囤积平安股份。
Buying Into Ping An
买进平安
On Dec. 26, 2002, Ping An filings show, a company run by Duan Weihong, a
Wen family friend from the prime minister’s hometown, acquired Ping An
stock through a company called Taihong. Soon after, the relatives of Mr. Wen
and colleagues of his wife took control of that investment vehicle, the records
show.
平安披露的信息显示，2002 年 12 月 26 日，来自总理故乡的温家好友段伟红经营的一家公司，通过一家名为泰鸿的企业购入平安股份。记
录显示，之后不久，温家宝的亲戚，及其妻子的同事控制了这个投资工具。
According to documents Ping An filed ahead of its Hong Kong listing, Taihong
acquired 77.7 million shares of Ping An from the China Ocean Shipping
Company, a global shipping giant known as Cosco, and 2.2 million more
shares from Cosco’s Dalian subsidiary. A two-for-one stock split doubled the
number of shares Taihong owned. So in June 2004, just before Ping An’s Hong
Kong offering, Taihong held 159.8 million shares, or about 3.2 percent of Ping
An’s stock, according to public filings.
根据平安在香港上市前提供的文件，泰鸿先是从全球运输巨头中国远洋运输（集团）总公司（简称为“中远”）手中购买了 7770 万股平安股份，
后来又从中远的大连分支机构购入 220 万股。股份一拆二之后，泰鸿拥有的股份数量翻番。因此，根据公开披露的文件， 2004 年 6 月，即
平安在香港上市前夕，泰鸿持有 1.598 亿股平安股份，约占总股份的 3.2%。
In an interview, Ms. Duan said she had paid about 40 cents a share at current
exchange rates, or a total of $65 million, to acquire the shares.
在一次采访中，段伟红称，为了购买这些股份，她每股花费了约 40 美分（按照当前的汇率），共计 6500 万美元。
The price seems to have been a huge and unusual discount, analysts say,
since HSBC had two months earlier acquired its 10 percent stake for about
$1.60 a share, according to public filings.
分析人士称，这一价格似乎享受了非同寻常的大折扣，因为根据公开披露的文件，在这之前的两个月，汇丰购买了平安 10%的股份，每股约
1.6 美元。
Cosco did not return calls seeking comment.
中远没有回复置评请求。
For Taihong, it was a blockbuster purchase. By 2007, when the price of Ping
An’s stock peaked, the 159 million shares were valued at $3.7 billion —
though by 2007 Taihong had already significantly reduced its stake, according
to public filings.
对泰鸿而言，这笔买卖大获成功。2007 年，平安股价达到峰值，这 1.59 亿股的估值为 37 亿美元。不过，根据公开披露的文件，泰鸿已于
2007 年前大幅降低了持股额。
While Taihong was the shareholder of record, the beneficiaries of the Ping An
deal were cloaked behind more than a dozen investment vehicles controlled
by the relatives of Mr. Wen, including two brothers-in-law, a sister-in-law, as
well as several longtime colleagues and business partners of his wife, Zhang
Beili, according to corporate and regulatory documents. All of them were
listed, along with Ms. Duan, as the owners of Taihong.
根据公司和监管文件，尽管泰鸿是名义上的股东，但是平安这比交易的受益人隐藏在温家宝的亲属控制的十几个投资工具之后，包括他的一个弟媳、
他妻子张蓓莉的两名兄弟，以及她的数个长期同事和生意伙伴。所有这些人都与段伟红一起，列为泰鸿的持有人。
And by 2007, the prime minister’s mother, who is now 91, was listed on public
documents as holding $120 million worth of Ping An stock through a pair of
investment companies linked to Taihong.
根据公开文件，到 2007 年，温家宝总理现年 91 岁的母亲，通过与泰鸿相关的两家投资公司，持有价值 1.2 亿美元的平安股票。
Ms. Duan, who says she got to know the prime minister’s family in 2000, said
that she bought the Ping An shares for her own personal account. The Wen
relatives only appear in the Taihong shareholding records, she said, because
her company borrowed the government-issued identity cards of other people
— mistakenly, she said, from relatives of the prime minister — to help mask
her own Ping An stake from the public.
段伟红称，她从 2000 年开始认识温家宝的家人，但这些平安股份都是为她个人的账户购买的。她说，温家宝的亲属之所以出现在泰鸿的持股记录
里，仅仅是因为她的公司借用了他人由政府颁发的身份证，以便向公众掩盖她自己持有的平安股份。她称，总理亲属的身份证是错误借用的。
“In the end,” Ms. Duan said, “I received 100 percent of the returns.”
段伟红说，“最后的收益，100%都归我所有。”
The Fallout
余波
In 2001, China issued new regulations that put restrictions on trading in listed
shares by Communist Party members and their families.
2001 年，中国颁布了新的法规，限制共产党员及其家庭成员进行股票交易。
For instance, the rules barred party officials in charge of a state-owned
company from using their parents, children — or even their children’s
spouse’s relatives — to trade stocks of a listed state-owned company.
比方说，法规禁止负责国有企业的共产党官员利用亲属来买卖上市国有企业的股票。这些亲属包括父母、子女，甚至还包括子女配偶的亲属。
The Times found no indication that Mr. Wen shared inside information with
family members.
《》
But there are many unanswered questions about the relatives’ holdings,
analysts consulted by The Times said, like who might have known about the
relatives’ purchases and whether anyone had a legal obligation to disclose
that information.
《》
Executives at Morgan Stanley and Goldman Sachs say they were unaware of
the share purchases and were not involved in the transactions.
摩根士丹利和高盛的高管称，他们既不知道这些股份买卖活动，也没有参与到交易中。
The companies also said that a typical I.P.O. process is unlikely to uncover the
ultimate identity of shareholders who are hiding behind layers of investment
vehicles using unrecognizable names.
这两家公司还称，典型的首次公开发行(IPO)程序中，不太可能发现隐藏在多重投资工具背后、采用陌生姓名的股东的真正身份。
According to regulations in Hong Kong and China, publicly listed companies
and their professional partners who help sell shares to the public are legally
obligated to disclose the identities of only those shareholders controlling a
stake larger than 5 percent. The Times found that at its peak, Taihong, the
investment vehicle tied to the Wen family, never held more than a 3.2 percent
stake.
根据香港和中国内地的监管法规，公开上市的公司及帮助其承销股票的专业服务伙伴，有法律义务披露持股比例超过 5%的 《纽
。
份
身
的
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超
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从
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现
Another question that remains unanswered is how Taihong was able to buy
shares of Ping An at a price that appears to have been highly discounted. By
late 2002, Ping An had already become a hot I.P.O. prospect following a big
investment by HSBC.
另一个有待解答的问题是，泰鸿如何能够以似乎极其优惠的价格购买平安的股份。到 2002 年底，随着汇丰的一大笔投资，平安的 IPO 前景已
经极度看好。
The answers to some of the questions, legal experts say, may turn on who
was involved in brokering the deal that led to the relatives’ acquiring shares in
Ping An in the period before the company’s public offering in 2004, and
whether the deal-makers were seeking to gain favors from the regulators.
法律专家称，一些问题的答案可能在于，在平安 2004 年上市之前，谁作为中间人促成了这些亲属购买该公司的股份，以及这些撮合交易的人是否
试图从监管机构得到好处。
“The key questions are: why were these people chosen, and on what terms
did they get the shares?” said Jerome A. Cohen, a professor at New York
University Law School and an expert on China’s legal system. “Obviously,
everyone would like to get in before a hot I.P.O.”
纽约大学法学院(New York University Law School)教授、中国司法系统专家孔杰荣(Jerome A. Cohen)说，
“关键问题是，为什么选中了这些人，以及他们获得这些股份的条件是什么？很显然，每个人都想在一桩热门 IPO 进行之前参与其中。”
中美高官会谈激烈交锋，美国对华战略或难奏效

Biden’s China Strategy Meets Resistance at

the Negotiating Table

储百亮, STEVEN LEE MYERS

2021 年 7 月 27 日
中国城市天津一家饭店的入口，中美官员在这家饭店举行了会晤。
中国城市天津一家饭店的入口，中美官员在这家饭店举行了会晤。 TINGSHU WANG/REUTERS
As it seeks to manage an increasingly testy relationship, the Biden
administration has mapped out a strategy of confronting China on points of
dispute, while leaving the door open for cooperation against global threats.
为处理两国日益紧张的双边关系，拜登政府制定了一项战略，在争议问题上与中国对抗，同时为合作应对全球威胁敞开大门。
On Monday, China seemed to slam the door on the idea that the two countries
could collaborate one day and clash the next.
周一，中国似乎拒绝接受两国可能在某些日子合作、在其他日子冲突的想法。
Talks with Deputy Secretary of State Wendy R. Sherman — the highest-ranking
administration official to visit China so far — began with a barrage of public
criticism from the Chinese side and ended with little sign that the two
combative powers were closer to narrowing their disagreements.
与迄今代表本届政府访问中国的最高级别官员、副国务卿温迪·R·谢尔曼(Wendy R. Sherman)的会谈，以中方接二连三的公开批评
开始，最后几乎没有迹象表明这两个争论不休的国家更接近于缩小分歧。
“The relationship between the United States and the P.R.C. is a complex one,
and our policy is very complex as a result,” Ms. Sherman said in a telephone
interview after the meetings, referring to the People’s Republic of China. “We
believe our relationship can tolerate that nuance.”
“美国与 PRC 的关系是一种复杂的关系，因此我们的政策也非常复杂，”谢尔曼在会谈后接受电话采访时说，她指的是中华人民共和国。“我们认
为，我们的关系能允许这种复杂性。”
The meetings, held in the northeastern Chinese city of Tianjin, covered the
range of disputes between the two countries, she said. Many of them are
acrimonious, defying easy resolution.
会谈在中国东北部城市天津举行，讨论的问题包括两国之间存在的一系列争端，谢尔曼说。其中许多是无法轻易解决的激烈争端。
They included human rights, quickly narrowing political freedoms in Hong
Kong and what Ms. Sherman called “the horrifying actions taking place in
Xinjiang,” the largely Muslim region in western China where hundreds of
thousands have passed through detention camps and re-education centers.
这些争端包括人权、香港迅速缩小的政治自由，以及谢尔曼所称的“新疆发生的可怕行动”。新疆是中国西部以穆斯林为主的地区，那里有数以十万计
的人被送进拘禁营和再教育中心。
谢尔曼上周六访问了蒙古国首都乌兰巴托。她在奥巴马政府中表现突出，曾作为首席谈判代表与伊朗达成了核协议。
谢尔曼上周六访问了蒙古国首都乌兰巴托。她在奥巴马政府中表现突出，曾作为首席谈判代表与伊朗达成了核协议。 BYAMBA-OCHIR
BYAMBASUREN/EPA, VIA SHUTTERSTOCK
Ms. Sherman also raised China’s demands over Taiwan, its military operations
in the South China Sea, and the accusations last week by the United States
and other nations that China’s Ministry of State Security was behind the
hacking of Microsoft email systems and possibly other cyberattacks.
谢尔曼还提到中国对台湾的要求、在南海的军事行动，以及美国和其他国家上周指责中国国家安全部是微软电子邮件系统遭黑客攻击的幕后主使，还
可能是其他网络攻击的幕后主使。
“This is very serious — that the Ministry of State Security would assist
criminals to hack Microsoft and potentially others,” she said.
“国家安全部会协助犯罪分子攻击微软和其他可能的公司，这是一个非常严重的问题，”她说。
China, at least publicly, gave no ground, saying that the United States had no
right to lecture the Chinese government or anyone else. Even before Ms.
Sherman had finished her meetings, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a
series of six acrid statements from the first official she met, Xie Feng, the vice
foreign minister who oversees relations with the United States.
中国至少在公开场合没有做出任何让步，称美国无权对中国政府或其他任何人说三道四。甚至在与谢尔曼的会谈还未结束的时候，中国外交部就发表
了第一位与她见面的官员、负责中美关系的外交部副部长谢锋的一系列六项尖锐声明。
The Biden administration’s policies are nothing but a “thinly veiled attempt to
contain and suppress China,” Mr. Xie told Ms. Sherman, according to a
summary of his comments that the Chinese foreign ministry sent to reporters
on Monday before the Americans could emerge to provide their own account.
在美国人站出来提供美方描述之前，中国外交部就已将谢锋周一在会谈时的发言摘要发给了记者。据这些摘要，谢锋对谢尔曼说，拜登政府的政策“就
是遏制打压中国的‘障眼法’”。
“It seems that a whole-of-government and whole-of-society campaign is being
waged to bring China down,” Mr. Xie told Ms. Sherman, according to the
summaries of his comments, which were also issued on the Chinese foreign
ministry website.
根据这些同样发在中国外交部网站上的摘要，“美全政府全社会动员，全方位遏制中国，似乎只要遏制住中国的发展，”谢锋对谢尔曼说。
Ms. Sherman’s meetings offered the latest gauge of how the Biden
administration’s strategy is working. So far, at least, it has done little to
temper China’s behavior. Mr. Xie’s remarks underscored the anger that has
been building in China toward the United States, undermining the chances
that the approach will gain ground.
谢尔曼与中方的会谈为拜登政府的对华战略是否奏效提供了最新的衡量标准。至少到目前为止，这个战略在缓和中国的行为方面收效甚微。谢锋的说
法突显了中国国内已对美国形成的愤怒情绪，让美国对华战略取得成效的可能性减弱。
杨洁篪（左二）今年 3 月在阿拉斯加州安克雷奇与美国国务卿安东尼·布林肯见面时指责美国傲慢、虚伪。
杨洁篪（左二）今年 3 月在阿拉斯加州安克雷奇与美国国务卿安东尼·布林肯见面时指责美国傲慢、虚伪。 POOL PHOTO BY
FREDERIC J. BROWN
After a second meeting — with China’s foreign minister, Wang Yi — Ms.
Sherman indicated that the two sides had discussed global and regional
problems where the two governments might be able work in concert,
including North Korea and nuclear proliferation. She sounded a note of caution
about any concrete progress, though, adding that she had not come to the
talks expecting instant results.
谢尔曼与中方的第二次会谈是与中国外交部长王毅举行的。她在这次会谈之后表示，双方就两国政府可能合作的全球和区域问题、包括朝鲜和核扩散
问题进行了讨论。但她对任何具体进展都持谨慎态度，并补充说，她来参加会谈并不期望立即取得成果。
“We were quite direct with each other on the areas of great difference,” she
said.
“在存在巨大分歧的领域，我们彼此都非常直接，”她说。
“On areas where we have common interests and there are great global
interests, we had very substantive discussions, shared some ideas,” Ms.
Sherman said. “We will have to see where that goes.”
“在我们有共同利益、有重大全球利益的领域，我们进行了非常实质性的讨论，分享了一些想法，”谢尔曼说。“对于这些方面如何进展，我们仍有待
观察。”
Drew Thompson, a former director for China in the U.S. Defense Department,
said that the underlying intent behind Ms. Sherman’s visit appeared to be
ensuring that sharpening differences did not spiral into dangerous standoffs.
曾任美国国防部中国事务主管的唐安竹(Drew Thompson)说，谢尔曼访问中国的根本意图似乎是确保日益尖锐的分歧不会上升为危险的
僵持局面。
“Beijing is taking a maximalist approach to the U.S.-China relationship, issuing
lists of demands, insisting Washington reverse policies and actions,” said Mr.
Thompson, who is now a researcher at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public
Policy at the National University of Singapore.
“北京对美中关系采取了一种绝不妥协的态度，提出了一系列的要求，坚持要求华盛顿彻底改变政策和做法，”唐安竹说，他现在是新加坡国立大学李
光耀公共政策学院的研究员。
“The primary objective for Washington has turned to deepening
understanding of China’s positions, reducing the potential for misperception,
and avoiding miscalculation that could lead to outright conflict,” he said.
“华盛顿的首要目标已转向更深入地了解中国的立场，减少误解的可能性，避免可能导致直接冲突的误判，”他说。
The tone on Monday echoed the opening of high-level talks between senior
Chinese and Biden administration officials in March, when Beijing’s top foreign
policy official, Yang Jiechi, delivered a 16-minute lecture, accusing the
Americans of arrogance and hypocrisy. The contentious start with the Biden
administration has surprised officials in China, who thought that relations had
hit bottom during the last year of the Trump presidency and thus could only
improve with the new president.
周一会谈的语气与中国高级官员同拜登政府官员今年 3 月举行高层会谈时如出一辙。当时，中国最高外交政策官员杨洁篪做了 16 分钟的演讲，指
责美国人傲慢、虚伪。与拜登政府充满争吵的开局令一些中国官员感到惊讶，他们曾认为，两国关系已在特朗普担任总统的最后一年触底，因此在新
总统上任后只会得到改善。
Mr. Xie told the Chinese news media after his meeting that he had passed
along to Ms. Sherman two sets of demands, including lifting visa restrictions
on Communist Party members, rescinding sanctions on Chinese officials and
no longer designating major Chinese news outlets in the United States as
foreign agents. All of those were put in place during Donald J. Trump’s
presidency, but President Biden has not moved to repeal any of them.
谢锋在会谈后对中国新闻媒体说，他已向谢尔曼提交了两份清单，包括要求美国取消对中共党员的签证限制，取消对中国官员的制裁，以及不再将中
国主要新闻媒体的驻美机构指定为外国代理人。虽然所有这些做法都是唐纳德 ·J·特朗普担任总统期间采取的，但拜登总统尚未采取行动废除其中任何
一项。
Mr. Wang, the foreign minister, told Ms. Sherman that to “prevent Chinese-
U.S. relations from further deteriorating or even losing control,” Washington
should respect China’s “bottom-line” positions, including on Xinjiang, Tibet
and Hong Kong, said a summary of his comments on the Chinese foreign
ministry.
中国外交部发布的一份部长王毅发言内容的摘要写道，王毅告诉谢尔曼，要“防止中美关系失控”，华盛顿应当尊重中国的“底线”，包括在新疆、西
藏和香港问题上的立场。
“Chinese-U.S. relations face serious difficulties and challenges, and it is up to
the United States to seriously consider whether they next head toward
clashes and confrontation or improvement and advancement,” Mr. Wang said,
according to the summary.
这份摘要显示，王毅说，“当前中美关系面临严重困难和挑战，下步是走向冲突对抗还是得到改善发展，需要美方认真思考，作出正确选择。”
While Mr. Biden has largely avoided the heated ideological sparring with the
Chinese Communist Party that the Trump administration pursued in its final
year, relations remain strained.
尽管拜登在很大程度上已避免像特朗普政府在执政的最后一年所做的那样，与中共发生意识形态上的激烈冲突，但两国关系依然紧张。
Washington has tried to draw in allies to press Beijing on many of these
issues. Ms. Sherman’s travel also took her to Japan, South Korea and Mongolia
as part of efforts to rebuild regional ties that were strained under Mr. Trump.
华盛顿一直试图拉盟友，在许多这类问题上向北京施压。谢尔曼此行还包括访问日本、韩国和蒙古国，这是美国重建在特朗普执政期间紧张的区域关
系努力的一部分。
And the Chinese government has bristled at calls from the United States, the
World Health Organization and others for a new examination of whether the
coronavirus may have slipped out of a lab in China, igniting the pandemic.
美国、世界卫生组织和其他人已呼吁进行一次新调查，以查明引发大流行的新型冠状病毒是不是从中国的一个实验室泄露出来的，中国政府对此感到
愤怒。
Last week, Chinese officials said they were “extremely shocked” by a W.H.O.
proposal to take a fresh look at the lab leak theory. A report in March from an
initial W.H.O. inquiry said that it was “extremely unlikely” that the coronavirus
had jumped into the wider population after escaping from a laboratory.
中国官员上周说，他们对世卫组织重新调查实验室泄漏说的提议“十分吃惊”。世卫组织最初的调查报告是今年 3 月发表的，报告称，新冠病毒从实
验室泄露后感染更广泛人群的“可能性极小”。
Ms. Sherman said she had pressed China to cooperate with the international
investigation into the spread of Covid. “I’ll let them speak for themselves,”
she said, “but from my perspective, I certainly didn’t get the answer I wanted
or hoped for.”
谢尔曼说，她已经敦促中国配合国际社会对新冠病毒进行溯源调查。“我会让他们为自己说话，”她说，“但从我的角度来看，我肯定没有得到我想要
或希望得到的答案。”
China’s more combative tone appears to flow from the top. The country’s
leader, Xi Jinping, has signaled growing impatience with criticism and
demands from Washington, especially over what Beijing deems internal issues
like Hong Kong and Xinjiang.
中国的更好斗口吻似乎是自上而下的。中国领导人习近平已暗示，他越来越不能忍耐华盛顿的批评和要求，尤其是在香港和新疆等北京视为内部问题
的方面。
Beijing has retaliated against sanctions over Hong Kong and Xinjiang with its
own against Western politicians, rights groups and academics.
北京已对西方就香港和新疆问题实施的制裁进行了反制，对西方的政治人士、人权组织和学者采取了制裁措施。
“We’ll never accept insufferably arrogant lecturing from those ‘master
teachers!’” Mr. Xi said in a speech on July 1 commemorating 100 years since
the founding of the Chinese Communist Party.
“我们绝不接受‘教师爷’般颐指气使的说教！”习近平在 7 月 1 日纪念中共建党百年的讲话中说。

中国疑再建导弹发射井：核武扩张还是谈判策略？
A 2nd New Nuclear Missile Base for China, and Many Questions About
Strategy
WILLIAM J. BROAD, DAVID E. SANGER
2021 年 7 月 27 日
中国工程师在一个地下导弹发射井的施工现场竖起了一个充气穹顶（左）以隐藏下面的工程。右边可以看到施工设备的配套设施和临时仓库。
中国工程师在一个地下导弹发射井的施工现场竖起了一个充气穹顶（左）以隐藏下面的工程。右边可以看到施工设备的配套设施和临时仓库。
PLANET LABS INC.
In the barren desert 1,200 miles west of Beijing, the Chinese government is
digging a new field of what appears to be 110 silos for launching nuclear
missiles. It is the second such field discovered by analysts studying
commercial satellite images in recent weeks.
在北京以西约 1930 公里的荒芜沙漠中，中国政府正在挖掘一片新区域，那里似乎是 110 个核导弹发射井。这是分析人员最近几周在研究商业
卫星图像时发现的第二处类似区域。
It may signify a vast expansion of China’s nuclear arsenal — the cravings of
an economic and technological superpower to show that, after decades of
restraint, it is ready to wield an arsenal the size of Washington’s, or Moscow’s.
这可能意味着中国核武库的大规模扩张——这个经济和科技超级大国渴望表明，经过数十年的克制，它已准备好拥有与华盛顿或莫斯科规模同等的
武器库了。
Or, it may simply be a creative, if costly, negotiating ploy.
又或者，这可能只是一种有创意但成本高昂的谈判策略。
The new silos are clearly being built to be discovered. The most recent silo
field, on which construction began in March, is in the eastern part of Xinjiang
province, not far from one of China’s notorious “re-education” camps in the
city of Hami. It was identified late last week by nuclear experts at the
Federation of American Scientists, using images from a fleet of Planet Labs
satellites, and shared with The New York Times.
新的发射井显然是为了被发现而建造的。最新一处发射井在今年 3 月开建，位于新疆东部，距哈密市一处声名狼藉的再教育营不远。上周末，美国科
学家联合会(Federation of American Scientists) 的核专家根据行星实验室(Planet Labs)众多卫星传回的图像
确认了这一发现，并分享给了《纽约时报》。
For decades, since its first successful nuclear test in the 1960s, China has
maintained a “minimum deterrent,” which most outside experts judge at
around 300 nuclear weapons. (The Chinese will not say, and the U.S.
government assessments are classified.) If accurate, that is less than a fifth of
the number deployed by the United States and Russia, and in the nuclear
world, China has always cast itself as occupying something of a moral high
ground, avoiding expensive and dangerous arms races.
自上世纪 60 年代首次成功进行核试验以来，中国数十年来一直保持着“最低核威慑”，大多数外部专家认为，中国大约拥有 300 枚核武器。
（中国政府不愿公开，而美国政府的评估也是保密的。）如果评估准确，那这一数字还不到美国和俄罗斯部署数量的五分之一。在核领域，中国总标
榜自己占据了某种道德高地，避免了昂贵而危险的军备竞赛。
But that appears to be changing under President Xi Jinping. At the same time
that China is cracking down on dissent at home, asserting new control over
Hong Kong, threatening Taiwan and making far more aggressive use of
cyberweapons, it is also headed into new territory with nuclear weapons.
但在习近平上台后，这种情况似乎正在改变。就在中国打击国内异见、对香港实行新的控制、威胁台湾，并更积极地使用网络武器之时，它也在核武
器问题上走入了新的领域。
“The silo construction at Yumen and Hami constitutes the most significant
expansion of the Chinese nuclear arsenal ever,” Matt Korda and Hans M.
Kristensen wrote in a study of the new silo field. For decades, they noted,
China has operated about 20 silos for big, liquid-fuel missiles, called the DF-5.
But the newly discovered field, combined with one hundreds of miles away in
Yumen, in northeast China, that was discovered by the James Martin Center
for Nonproliferation Studies in Monterey, Calif., will give the country roughly
230 new silos. The existence of that first field, of about 120 silos, was
reported earlier by The Washington Post.
“玉门和哈密的发射井建设，是中国核武库有史以来最重大的扩张，”马特 ·科尔达(Matt Korda)和汉斯·M·克里斯滕森(Hans M.
Kristensen)在对新发射井场的研究报告中写道。他们指出，几十年来，中国运作着大约 20 个大型液体燃料导弹（即东风-5 型）发射井。
但把新发现的发射场跟数百公里外的城市玉门发现的发射场（由加州蒙特雷市的詹姆斯 ·马丁防扩散研究中心[James Martin Center
for Nonproliferation Studies]）加起来，中国就有了大约 230 《》(The Washington Post)早些时候报道
了第一处发射场的存在，那里大约有 120 个发射井。
The mystery is why China’s strategy has changed.
中国的战略为何改变仍是个谜。
There are several theories. The simplest is that China now views itself as a
full-spectrum economic, technological and military superpower — and wants
an arsenal to match that status. Another possibility is that China is concerned
about American missile defenses, which are increasingly effective, and India’s
nuclear buildup, which has been rapid. Then there is the announcement of
new hypersonic and autonomous weapons by Russia, and the possibility that
Beijing wants a more effective deterrent.
对此存在几种看法。最简单的解释是，中国如今认为自己是一个全方位的经济、科技和军事超级大国——因此希望拥有一个与之相称的武器库。另
一种可能性是，中国很担心效力越来越大的美国导弹防御系统，以及印度发展迅速的核力量。还有俄罗斯公布了新型超高音速和自主武器，以及北京
想拥有更有效威慑力量的可能性。
A third is that China is worried that its few ground-based missiles are
vulnerable to attack — and by building more than 200 silos, spread out in two
locations, they can play a shell game, moving 20 or more missiles around and
making the United States guess where they are. That technique is as old as
the nuclear arms race.
第三种看法是，中国担心其为数不多的陆基导弹容易受到攻击——通过建造 200 多个发射井，并将其分布于两处，他们可以玩起藏豆骗局，到
处移动 20 枚或者更多的导弹，让美国猜到底在哪里。这一策略就跟核军备竞赛本身一样古老。
新发射井之间的间隔距离不到两英里。
新发射井之间的间隔距离不到两英里。 PLANET LABS INC.
“Just because you build the silos doesn’t mean you have to fill them all with
missiles,” said Vipin Narang, a Massachusetts Institute of Technology
professor who specializes in nuclear strategy. “They can move them around.”
“建好发射井并不意味着必须把所有发射井都装满导弹，”麻省理工学院(Massachusetts Institute of Technology)专
攻核战略的教授维平·纳朗(Vipin Narang)说，“他们可以移动它们。”
And, of course, they can trade them away. China may believe that sooner or
later it will be drawn into arms control negotiations with the United States and
Russia — something President Donald J. Trump tried to force during his last
year in office, when he said he would not renew the New START treaty with
Russia unless China, which has never participated in nuclear arms control,
was included. The Chinese government dismissed the idea, saying that if the
Americans were so concerned, they should cut their arsenal by four-fifths to
Chinese levels.
当然，他们也可以拿它们做交易。中国可能相信，它迟早会被卷入与美国和俄罗斯的军控谈判——这是唐纳德 ·J·特朗普(Donald J.
Trump)总统在执政的最后一年试图推行的做法，当时他表示，除非把从未参与过核军备控制的中国包括在内，否则他不会续签与俄罗斯的《新削
》(New START treaty)。中国政府拒绝了这一想法，称如果美国人如此担心，他们应该削减五分之四的武器库，达到中国的水平。
约
条
器
武
略
战
减
The result was a stalemate. At the very end of the Trump administration,
Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and his arms control envoy, Marshall
Billingslea, wrote that “we’ve asked Beijing for transparency, and to join the
United States and Russia in crafting a new arms control agreement covering
all categories of nuclear weapons.”
结果是一场僵局。在特朗普政府执政末期，国务卿迈克 ·庞皮欧(Mike Pompeo)和他的军控特使马歇尔·比林格斯利亚(Marshall
Billingslea)写道，“我们已要求北京提高透明度，并与美国和俄罗斯一道起草一份涵盖所有类别核武器的新军控协议。”
“It is time that China stopped posturing and began to comport itself
responsibly,” they wrote.
“中国是时候停止故作姿态，开始负责任地表现自己了，”他们写道。
But the Biden administration had concluded that it would be unwise to let New
START expire with Russia simply because China refused to join. Once in office,
President Biden moved quickly to renew the treaty with Russia, but his
administration has said that at some point it wants China to enter into some
kind of agreement.
但拜登政府已经得出结论，仅仅因为中国拒绝加入，就让与俄罗斯的《新削减战略武器条约》到期是不明智的。上任后，拜登总统迅速采取行动，续
签了与俄罗斯的条约，但他的政府表示，在某个时候，它希望中国能签署某种协议。
Those conversations have yet to begin. The deputy secretary of state, Wendy
Sherman, is in China this week for the first visit of a senior American diplomat
since Mr. Biden took office, though it is not clear that nuclear weapons are on
the agenda. She is headed next to nuclear discussions with Russia.
这些对话尚未开始。副国务卿温迪·谢尔曼(Wendy Sherman)本周访问了中国，这是拜登上任以来美国高级外交官首次访华，不过目前
尚不清楚核武器问题是否在议程上。接下来，她将与俄罗斯进行核谈判。
At the White House, the National Security Council declined to comment on
evidence of the expanding Chinese arsenal.
在白宫，国家安全委员会拒绝就中国军火库扩张的证据置评。
It is likely that American spy satellites picked up the new construction months
ago. But it all became public after Mr. Korda, a research analyst at the
Federation of American Scientists, a private group in Washington, was using
civilian satellite images to examine the arid hinterlands of Xinjiang province, a
rugged area of mountains and deserts in northwestern China. He was hunting
for visual clues of silo construction that matched what researchers had
already uncovered.
美国间谍卫星很可能在几个月前就发现了这些新建筑。但在华盛顿的一个私人团体——美国科学家联合会的研究分析师科尔达利用民用卫星图像检
查新疆干旱的内陆地区之后，这一切才得以公布于众。新疆位于中国西北部，是一个由山脉和沙漠组成的崎岖地区。他正在寻找与研究人员已经发现
的发射井建设相匹配的视觉线索。
In February, the Federation of American Scientists reported the expansion of
missile silos at a military training site near Jilantai, a city of Inner Mongolia.
The group found 14 new silos under construction. Then came the discovery in
Yumen.
今年 2 月，美国科学家联合会报告称，内蒙古吉兰泰镇附近一个军事训练基地的导弹发射井有所扩大。该组织发现了 14 个正在建设的新发射井。
后来是在玉门的发现。
In scanning the wilds of Xinjiang province, Mr. Korda was specifically looking
for inflatable domes — not unlike those that house some tennis courts.
Chinese engineers erect them over the construction sites of underground
missile silos to hide the work below. Suddenly, about 250 miles northwest of
the recently discovered base, he found a run of inflatable domes that were
nearly identical to those at Yumen, at what turned out to be another sprawling
military site.
在查看新疆的野外部分时，科尔达专门寻找可充气的圆顶——和那些可以容纳网球场的圆顶没什么不同。中国工程师把它们架立在地下导弹发射井
的建筑工地上，以隐藏下面的工程。突然间，在最近发现的基地西北方向约 400 公里处，他发现了一系列与玉门几乎相同的充气穹顶，后来发现那
里是另一个庞大的军事基地。
这个庞大的建设基地位于新疆东部，占地约 300 平方英里。
这个庞大的建设基地位于新疆东部，占地约 300 平方英里。 PLANET LABS INC.
The new construction site is in a remote area that Chinese authorities have
cut off from most visitors. It sits roughly 60 miles southwest of the city of
Hami, known as the site of a re-education camp where the Chinese
government detains Uyghurs and members of other minority groups. And it is
roughly 260 miles east of a tidy complex of buildings with large roofs that can
open to the sky. Recently, analysts identified the site as one of five military
bases where the Chinese forces have built lasers that can fire beams of
concentrated light at reconnaissance satellites, mostly sent aloft by the
United States. The lasers blind or disable fragile optical sensors.
新的建设基地位于一个偏远地区，中国当局令一般人难以到达这里。它位于哈密市西南约 96 公里处，哈密有一个中国政府关押维吾尔族和其他少数
民族成员的再教育营。而在它以东约 420 公里处，有一个整齐的建筑群，建筑群的屋顶很大，可以向天空敞开。最近，分析人士确认，该地点是中
国军队建造的五个激光基地之一，这些激光可以向侦察卫星发射集中光束，这些卫星大多由美国发射升空。激光会使脆弱的光学传感器失明或失效。
Working with his colleague, Mr. Kristensen, an arms expert who directs the
group’s nuclear information project, Mr. Korda used satellites photos to
explore the site.
科尔达与他的同事克里斯滕森合作，利用卫星照片对该地点进行了勘查。克里斯滕森是武器专家，负责该组织的核信息项目。
The new silos are a bit less than two miles from one another, their report said.
Overall, it added, the sprawling construction site covers roughly 300 square
miles — similar in size to the Yumen base, also in the desert.
他们的报告称，新发射井之间的距离不到三公里。报告补充说，总体而言，这个庞大的建设基地占地约 480 平方公里，与同样位于沙漠中的玉门基
地面积相仿。
Mr. Narang said the two new silo fields gave the Chinese government “many
options.”
纳朗说，这两个新的发射井基地给了中国政府“许多选择”。
“It’s not insane,” he said. “They make the United States target a lot of silos
that may be empty. They can fill these silos slowly if they need to build up
their force. And they get leverage in arms control.”
“这并不疯狂，”他说。“他们让美国瞄准了很多可能是空的发射井。如果需要，他们可以慢慢地填满这些发射井。他们会在军备控制方面获得筹
码。”
“I’m surprised they didn’t do this a decade ago,” he said.
“我很惊讶他们十年前没有这么做，”他说

我们正在经历的“末日劫难”
Apocalypse Right Now
MAUREEN DOWD
2021 年 7 月 26 日
本月，加州多伊尔发生的大火。
本月，加州多伊尔发生的大火。 NOAH BERGER/ASSOCIATED PRESS
WASHINGTON — Holy smokes.
华盛顿——老天爷啊。
It feels like we are living through the first vertiginous 15 minutes of a disaster
movie, maybe one called “The Day After Tomorrow Was Yesterday.”
这感觉就像我们正在经历一部灾难电影第一个令人眩晕的 15 分钟，电影的名字或许叫《后天就是昨天》 (The Day After
Tomorrow Was Yesterday)。
Heat waves are getting hotter. Forests are ablaze. Floods are obliterating. An
iceberg nearly half the size of Puerto Rico broke off from Antarctica.
热浪越来越热。森林在燃烧。洪水铺天盖地。一座几乎有波多黎各一半大小的冰川从南极洲断裂。
Florida’s fleurs du mal, algal blooms known as red tide, have become more
toxic because of pollution and climate change. They are responsible for killing
600 tons of marine life, leaving beaches strewn with reeking dead fish.
由于污染和气候变化，佛罗里达的“恶之花”——被称为赤潮的水华变得更有毒性。它们杀死了 600 吨海洋生物，让海滩上遍布散发着恶臭的死
鱼。
广告
It’s Mad Max apocalyptic. Crazy storms that used to hit every century now
seem quotidian, overwhelming systems that cannot withstand such a
battering.
《》(Mad Max)的末日版。过去一个世纪才会有一次的疯狂风暴袭击，现在似乎已经司空见惯，压垮了无法承受这样打击的系统。
The heat wave that stunned the Pacific Northwest, killing nearly 200 people,
was followed by a bolt of lightning igniting the dry earth in Oregon. The
Bootleg Fire has now devoured 400,000 acres, with flames so intense, they
are creating their own weather pattern capable of sparking new fires. The
smoke has traveled from the West to the East Coast, tainting the air.
热浪袭击了太平洋西北部地区，造成近 200 人死亡，随后，一道闪电点燃了俄勒冈州干旱的土地。布特莱格大火已经吞噬了 40 万英亩的土地，
火势如此之大，以致于它们创造了属于自己的天气模式，能够引发新的火灾。烟雾从西海岸飘到了东海岸，污染了空气。
As Angela Merkel and President Biden touted a climate and energy
partnership on her recent visit here, nature mocked them. While the two
leaders had dinner, rains submerged huge swaths of Germany, including
medieval towns.
当安吉拉·默克尔(Angela Merkel)和拜登总统在她最近的访问中吹捧气候和能源伙伴关系时，大自然嘲笑了他们。当两位领导人共进晚餐
时，雨水淹没了德国大片地区，包括中世纪的城镇。
德国遭遇了人们记忆中最严重的洪灾，至少 165 人确认死亡。
德 国 遭 遇 了 人 们 记 忆 中 最 严 重 的 洪 灾 ， 至 少 165 人 确 认 死 亡 。 CHRISTOF STACHE/AGENCE FRANCE-
PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES
严重的洪水和山体滑坡袭击了中国中部的河南省。
严 重 的 洪 水 和 山 体 滑 坡 袭 击 了 中 国 中 部 的 河 南 省 。 JADE GAO/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY
IMAGES
The deluge in Henan Province in central China was so fierce that it crippled a
large hospital, left subway riders up to their necks in water, affected three
million people, displaced 250,000 from their homes and killed at least 33.
Flash flooding had Brits wading in waist-high water in the London
Underground. More scenes of devastation are unfolding in India, where at
least 112 are dead after a monsoon triggered landslides.
中国中部河南省的洪水如此猛烈，造成一家大型医院瘫痪，地铁乘客被水淹到脖子，300 万人受到影响，25 万人被疏散，至少 33 人死亡（截
至 7 月 25 日下午，洪灾已造成该省 63 人死亡——译注）。洪水导致英国人在伦敦地铁里蹚过齐腰深的水。在印度，更多灾难场景正在上演 ，
至少 112 人在雨季引发的山体滑坡中丧生。
As a New York Times story pointed out, whether systems were refurbished,
like New York’s subways after Hurricane Sandy, or operating on fumes from
the Victorian era, like London’s drainage system, it didn’t matter. The storms
overwhelmed both the new and the old.
《》(Hurricane Sandy)过后的纽约地铁，还是伦敦建于维多利亚时代的排水系统，都不重要。不论新旧，都被暴风雨所淹没。
There are wildfires raging in Siberia, and California is becoming Crematoria.
西伯利亚野火肆虐，加州正变身火葬场。
广告
After Jeff Bezos shot 65 miles above Texas in his priapic rocket, the richest
earthling marveled about our atmosphere: “When you get up above it, what
you see is, it’s actually incredibly thin. It’s this tiny, little fragile thing, and as
we move about the planet, we’re damaging it. That’s a very profound — it’s
one thing to recognize that intellectually. It’s another thing to actually see
with your eyes how fragile it really is.”
当杰夫·贝佐斯(Jeff Bezos)搭乘阳具般的火箭飞到得克萨斯州上空 65 英里处时，这位地球上最富有的人惊叹于我们的大气层：“当你到它
上面之后，你看到的是，它实际上非常薄。它是一种微小而脆弱的东西，当我们在地球上移动时，我们正在破坏它。这是非常深刻的——从理智上
认识这一点是一回事，用你的眼睛看到它有多脆弱则是另一回事。”
Remember when the weather was just a matter of small talk, or a cool lyric for
a Cole Porter song, “Too Darn Hot,” or a great double entendre title for a Billy
Wilder comedy, “Some Like It Hot”? Now, the scariest thing on TV is the
Weather Channel.
曾几何时，天气只是闲聊的话题，或是科尔 ·波特(Cole Porter)《》 (Too Darn Hot)里很酷的歌词，或是比利·怀尔德(Billy
Wilder)《 》 (Some Like It Hot)绝妙的双关语标题。现在，电视上最恐怖的东西是天气频道。
We’ve been living in a culture of dread for a long time now. Republicans have
been weaponizing fear, trying to scare us about gays and transgender rights
and ambitious women and people with darker skin.
长期以来，我们一直生活在恐惧的文化中。共和党人一直把恐惧作为武器，试图让我们害怕同性恋和跨性别者的权利、野心勃勃的女性和肤色较深的
人。
When fear doesn’t have a basis in reality, it is deeply irresponsible and causes
great social damage.
当恐惧没有现实基础时，它就是非常不负责任的，而且会造成巨大的社会损害。
Republicans invent things to provoke paranoia. But when it comes to climate,
the fear has a basis in reality. We should be scared out of our minds watching
the weather run amok.
共和党人发明了一些东西来煽动偏执。但在气候问题上，这种恐惧是有现实根据的。看着天气失控，我们理应吓得魂飞魄散。
“Everything we worried about is happening, and it’s all happening at the high
end of projections, even faster than the previous most pessimistic estimates,”
John Holdren, a professor of environmental policy at Harvard’s Kennedy School
of Government, contended in an interview with The Los Angeles Times.
“我们所担心的一切都在发生，而且都发生在预测的高端，甚至比之前最悲观的估计还要快。”哈佛大学肯尼迪政府学院 (Harvard 's
Kennedy School of Government)环境政策教授约翰·霍尔德伦(John Holdren)《》 (Los Angeles
Times)采访时说。
一艘船停在加利福尼亚州马德拉汉斯利湖干涸的湖床上。
一艘船停在加利福尼亚州马德拉汉斯利湖干涸的湖床上。 DAVID SWANSON/REUTERS
It may be too late for negotiating incremental change. We just went through
four years of proudly unscientific Donald Trump, who once told me, “I’m not a
believer in man-made climate change.” (Who can forget when he attacked
Greta Thunberg and told her to “chill!”) As the planet sizzles, many Americans
have gone from not caring to glazing over, from indifference to fatigue.
谈判进行渐进式改革，现在可能已经为时已晚。我们刚刚经历了四年的唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)——他以不相信科学而自豪。他
曾对我说，“我不相信人为的气候变化。”（谁能忘记他攻击格蕾塔·桑伯格[Greta Thunberg]并让她“冷静！”）随着地球的炙热，许
多美国人从满不在乎变成了目光呆滞，从漠不关心变成了疲惫不堪。
There have been spots of progress. Antediluvian Republicans can no longer
destroy opponents who worry about climate change by mocking them as
sandal-wearing tree-huggers. In January, G.M. rocked the auto industry when
it revealed plans to phase out petroleum-powered cars and trucks and move
to zero-emission vehicles by 2035. The Times story about it was a pre-
obituary for gas guzzlers, saying, “The days of the internal combustion engine
are numbered.”
进展还是有一些的。守旧的共和党人再也不能借由嘲笑那些担心气候变化的反对者是穿着凉鞋的环境保护狂来打败他们了。今年 1 月，通用汽车公布
了到 2035 《》“内燃机的日子屈指可数了”。
广告
But there are still plenty of Republicans shilling for Big Oil and pushing back
against climate change provisions in the big legislation before Congress. As
we go through the debilitating politics of Covid, we have to go through the
debilitating politics of the environment. Scary plagues are ravaging the planet
while drivelers drivel.
但仍有很多共和党人支持石油巨头，反对提交给国会的重大立法中有关气候变化的条款。当我们经历令人衰弱的新冠疫情政治影响时，我们也必须经
历令人衰弱的环境政治的影响。可怕的瘟疫正在这个星球上肆虐，而说傻话的人在胡言乱语。
Some hope technology can save us.
有些人希望科技能拯救我们。
In Dubai, scientists are plotting to combat heat waves in several ways:
sending aircraft to fire chemicals such as silver iodide into clouds to spur
precipitation, and sending drones to zap an electrical charge into the clouds to
trigger rain.
在迪拜，科学家们正计划用几种方法来应对热浪：用飞机向云层发射碘化银等化学物质以刺激水汽沉淀，再用无人机向云层发射电荷以触发降雨。
Making waterfalls in the desert sounds cool until you think about it. Torquing
Mother Nature to clean up our messes can’t end well.
在沙漠中建造瀑布听起来很酷，但仔细想想就知道了。强迫大自然母亲为我们收拾残局是不会有好结果的。

中国驻美大使秦刚抵美履新，曾积极反对西方批评

China’s New Ambassador to U.S. Is ‘Willing to

Ruffle Feathers’

储百亮
2021 年 7 月 29 日
2015 年一次前往美国的国事访问中，秦刚（左）与中国领导人习近平（中）在华盛顿埃弗里特参观一个波音工厂。
2015 年一次前往美国的国事访问中，秦刚（左）与中国领导人习近平（中）在华盛顿埃弗里特参观一个波音工厂。 POOL PHOTO
BY JASON REDMOND
China’s new ambassador to the United States arrived in Washington on
Wednesday — Qin Gang, a diplomat whose record of vigorously contesting
Western criticism suggests that Beijing is steeling for extended tensions with
Washington.
中国新驻美大使秦刚周三抵达华盛顿，这名外交官积极反对西方批评的记录表明，北京正在为与华盛顿的持续紧张关系做准备。
In his new role, Mr. Qin will be at the front of efforts by China’s top leader, Xi
Jinping, to reshape China’s relationship with Washington, which has spiraled to
its lowest point in decades. Beijing sees the Biden administration as
continuing to challenge China’s rise, and it has pushed back against
Washington’s efforts to rally democratic countries to its side.
担任新职务的秦刚，将处于中国最高领导人习近平努力重塑中美关系的前线。目前中美关系已降至数十年来的最低点。在北京方面眼中，拜登政府将
继续挑战中国崛起，并回击了华盛顿团结民主国家站在自己一边的努力。
Mr. Qin will most likely convey to Washington that Mr. Xi expects his country to
be treated as a great power, reflecting a confidence that stems in part from
China’s success in controlling the coronavirus epidemic. Chinese diplomats
showed that emboldened posture this week in talks with the Deputy Secretary
of State Wendy R. Sherman, and in March, when they publicly sparred with
Biden administration officials in an unusually rancorous opening encounter in
Anchorage.
秦刚可能会向华盛顿传达习近平希望他的国家被当作一个大国对待，这种自信部分来源于中国对新冠疫情的成功控制。在本周与副国务卿温迪 ·R·谢
尔曼(Wendy R. Sherman)的会谈中，以及 3 月在安克雷奇的一次充满敌意的会谈开场白中，中国高层外交官不同寻常地与拜登政府
官员发生公开争执时，中国外交官都表现出了这种大胆的姿态。
In a message on the Chinese Embassy’s website, Mr. Qin said that both
countries should “treat each other with mutual respect and equality, and
pursue peaceful coexistence and win-win cooperation.”
在中国大使馆网站发布的一则信息中，秦刚说两国都应当“相互尊重、平等相待、和平共处、合作共赢”。
Unlike nearly all of China’s ambassadors to Washington since the 1980s, Mr.
Qin has never specialized in dealing with the United States, nor has he been
posted there previously. But as the head of the information office of the
Chinese Foreign Ministry, and later the chief of protocol, Mr. Qin appears to
have won the trust of Mr. Xi and has regularly accompanied him during trips
abroad and in meetings with foreign leaders.
秦刚与自 1980 年代以来的历届中国驻华盛顿大使不同，他从未专门与美国打交道，也没有派驻过美国。但是作为外交部新闻司司长，后来又担任
礼宾司司长，秦刚似乎赢得了中国领导人习近平的信任，经常陪同他出访，会晤外国领导人。
“It’s a telling moment,” said Drew Thompson, a former Pentagon official
responsible for China.
“这个时机很能说明问题，”曾任美国国防部中国事务主管的唐安竹(Drew Thompson)说。
“For the last 20 years you’ve had a string of America experts posted to
Washington,” Mr. Thompson, who now teaches at the National University of
Singapore, said in an interview. “Somebody whose career has been staked
more on upholding the dignity and equal treatment of Chinese senior leaders
will come to the job potentially with a different mind-set.”
“过去 20 年来，有一批美国专家被派驻华盛顿，”如今在新加坡国立大学(National University of Singapore)任教的唐
安竹接受采访时说。“有些人的职业生涯更多建立在捍卫中国高级领导人的尊严和平等待遇基础上，他们可能会带着不同的心态来做这份工作。”
During Mr. Xi’s visit to the United States in 2015, Mr. Qin was “willing to ruffle
feathers without hesitation when he felt it was necessary,” said Ryan Hass, a
senior fellow at the Brookings Institution who was director for China at the
National Security Council during Mr. Xi’s visit.
布鲁金斯学会高级研究员何瑞恩(Ryan Hass)表示，在习近平 2015 年访美期间，秦刚“在他觉得有必要的时刻会毫不犹豫地激怒他人” 。
何瑞恩时任国家安全委员会(National Security Council)的中国事务负责人。
“Qin Gang was very attentive to how his leader would be portrayed and the
image that his leader’s public appearances would send,” Mr. Hass said. “This
was particularly the case around President Xi’s state visit to the White House.”
“秦刚非常关注领导人如何被描述以及领导人公开露面所传达的形象，”何瑞恩说。“他在习近平对白宫进行国事访问时尤其如此。”
As ambassador, Mr. Qin will be navigating an increasingly thorny and
politically charged relationship. Chinese diplomats have furiously denounced
Washington’s sanctions over Mr. Xi’s hard-line policies in the far western
region of Xinjiang and the city of Hong Kong. But they are also trying to find
common ground on international threats like limiting global warming.
作为大使，秦刚将面对越来越棘手且政治上紧张的关系。中国外交官强烈谴责华盛顿对习近平在边远的西部地区新疆和香港的强硬政策的批评和制裁
但是他们也试图在限制全球变暖等问题上寻找共识。
Mr. Xi, China’s most influential leader in decades, has sought to position
Beijing as an increasingly powerful counterweight to an international order
dominated by the United States. In internal comments to Communist Party
officials last year, he struck an assertive yet measured note about the
relationship, saying that “the East is rising and the West is declining,” but that
American resilience should not be underestimated.
作为中国数十年来最有影响力的领导人，习近平一直试图将北京定位为美国领导的国际秩序的主要挑战者。去年，习近平在对共产党官员发表的内部
讲话中，对两国关系发表了坚定自信而慎重的表态，称虽然“东升西降”，但美国的实力不应被低估。
As the Biden administration has signaled it would continue to build alliances
around the world to contest China, Mr. Xi has warned that Beijing should not
be marginalized in global affairs, and is prepared to push back against
Western pressure.
拜登政府暗示，将继续在世界范围内建立同盟与中国抗衡，习近平最近警告，北京不应在全球事务中被边缘化，并且准备好要对来自西方的压力作出
反击。
“The Chinese people will never allow foreign forces to bully, oppress or
enslave us,” he said in speech marking 100 years since the founding of the
Chinese Communist Party on July 1. “Whoever nurses delusions of doing that
will crack their heads and spill blood on the Great Wall of steel built from the
flesh and blood of 1.4 billion Chinese people.”
“中国人民也绝不允许任何外来势力欺负、压迫、奴役我们”，他在纪念中国共产党“七一”建党 100 年的讲话中表示。“谁妄想这样干，必将在
14 亿多中国人民用血肉筑成的钢铁长城面前碰得头破血流。”
Mr. Qin, 55, appears well suited to promoting Mr. Xi’s more muscular
international stance.
现年 55 岁的秦刚似乎很适合宣扬习近平更加强硬的国际立场。
His predecessor as ambassador to Washington, Cui Tiankai, vigorously
defended China’s policies after taking that post in 2013, but distanced himself
from the rancorous rhetoric and Covid conspiracy theories of some rising
Chinese diplomats.
上一任驻华盛顿大使崔天凯为中国的政策进行了有力的辩护，但他与中国某些外交后起之秀充满敌意的言论和关于新冠病毒的阴谋论保持距离。
“Chinese-U. S. relations are now at a crucial crossroads,” Mr. Cui said in a
farewell message last month on the Chinese Embassy’s website.
“当前中美关系正处在关键十字路口”，上个月，崔天凯在发布于中国大使馆网站的辞别信中表示。
Mr. Qin has a milder manner than the “wolf warriors,” as China’s more
combative diplomats who have recently come to the fore have been called.
But as a spokesman for the Foreign Ministry, he set an early example for
China’s increasingly pugnacious response to Western pressure.
秦刚的态度要比这些“战狼”——人们对一些最近崭露头角的好斗的外交官的称呼——要温和一些，但是作为外交部的发言人， 他为中国对西
方压力越来越强硬的反击树立了一个早期的榜样。
After graduating from the University of International Relations in Beijing, Mr.
Qin worked as a news assistant at United Press International’s bureau in
Beijing before joining the Foreign Ministry’s diplomatic corps in 1992. He
gained prominence after he was appointed as a spokesman for the ministry in
2005, as China faced growing international tensions over human rights, as
well as Beijing’s tough policies in Tibet and Xinjiang.
秦刚毕业于北京国际关系学院，之后在合众国际社北京分社担任新闻助理，然后于 1992 年加入外交部外交使团。他在 2005 年被任命为外交
部发言人后日益受到关注，当时中国在人权问题上以及北京对西藏和新疆的强硬政策方面，面临着日益加剧的国际紧张局势。
Mr. Qin was adept at sparring with journalists during news briefings,
sometimes responding to questions with sardonic mockery. He likened the
Communist Party’s takeover of Tibet to Abraham Lincoln’s emancipation of
enslaved Black people. He chided journalists “not to report based on your
delusions.” Asked in 2008 about “Chinese Democracy,” a hard-rock album
released by Guns N’ Roses, Mr. Qin was dismissive.
秦刚善于在例行新闻发布会上与记者辩论，有时会用讥讽的方式来回答问题。他把共产党收复西藏比作亚伯拉罕 ·林肯(Abraham
Lincoln)解放黑人奴隶。他斥责记者“不要根据你们的幻觉来进行报道”。2008 年，在被问到“枪与玫瑰”(Guns N’Roses)乐
队发行硬摇滚专辑《中国民主》(Chinese Democracy)时，秦刚不屑一顾。
“It’s my understanding that many people don’t like this kind of music because
it’s too raucous and noisy,” he said to the journalist who asked about the
album. “I’m guessing that you’re a mature adult, aren’t you?”
“据我了解，很多人不喜欢这类音乐，因为它太嘈杂，噪音太大。”他对提问的记者说。“我想你应该是一个成熟的成年人了吧？
As a spokesman, Mr. Qin “never skirted around a question, and his attitude
was clear-cut and forthright,” said a profile of him published in 2018 by his
alma mater in Beijing, when he was promoted to deputy foreign minister. “He
is not evasive and does not beat around the bush.”
秦刚在 2018 年升任外交部副部长时，他的母校发布的简历中写道，他作为发言人“从来不会绕着问题走，而是态度鲜明直截了当；不会躲躲闪闪，
更不会语焉不详”。
Mr. Qin rose through the Foreign Ministry division that deals with Western
Europe and later served as a senior diplomat in London. In the next stage of
his rise — leading the information operations of the Foreign Ministry and then
overseeing the protocol for leaders’ trips abroad and meetings with visiting
foreign leaders — he focused on protecting the image of China and of Mr. Xi.
秦刚的擢升经历包括在外交部西欧司任职，后来担任伦敦的高级外交官。在仕途的下一阶段是领导外交部新闻司，然后是礼宾司负责人——他专注
于保护中国和习近平的形象。
Mr. Qin’s appointment may refect that “the Chinese system seems to be in a
phase of favoring unswerving loyalty to the party above diplomatic
achievement,” said Daniel Russel, a former American diplomat who is now a
vice president at the Asia Society Policy Institute.
前美国外交官、现任亚洲社会政策研究所(Asia Society Policy Institute)副所长的丹尼尔·拉塞尔(Daniel Russel)
说，秦刚的任命可能反映出“中国的系统似乎正处在一个偏向对党坚定忠诚，而非外交方面成就的阶段”。
As vice foreign minister, Mr. Qin has been a vocal defender of Chinese
policies, summoning foreign diplomats in Beijing to express official displeasure
with their governments’ statements on Xinjiang and other contentious issues.
作为外交部副部长，他一直是中国政策的坚定捍卫者，在北京召集外国外交官，对他们的政府在新疆和其他有争议问题上的言论正式表达不满。
“Internationally, there are some anti-China forces concocting all kinds of lies
to contain China’s development,” he said last year at a reception organized by
the German Embassy in Beijing, according to the Chinese Foreign Ministry.
“The 1.4 billion Chinese people will never agree to this.”
“国际上一些反华势力为遏制中国发展，编造种种谎言，”根据中国外交部，他去年在德国驻华使馆组织的招待会上说。“对此， 14 亿中国人民绝
不答应。”

不惜一切代价：奥运金牌背后的中国体育举国体制

The Chinese Sports Machine’s Single Goal:

The Most Golds, at Any Cost

HANNAH BEECH

2021 年 7 月 30 日
中国选手侯志慧在东京奥运会上赢得了女子 49 公斤级举重比赛金牌，并打破了三项奥运会纪录。
中国选手侯志慧在东京奥运会上赢得了女子 49 公斤级举重比赛金牌，并打破了三项奥运会纪录。 DOUG MILLS/THE NEW
YORK TIMES
TOKYO — Six days a week since she was 12 years old, with only a few days of
time away each year, Hou Zhihui has been driven by one mission: heaving
more than double her body weight into the air.
东京——侯志慧从 12 岁起就每周训练六天，每年只有几天不在体育馆，她一直在为一个目标发奋努力，那就是举起两倍于自己体重的重量。
On Saturday, at the Tokyo Olympics, Hou’s dedication — sequestered from her
family, dogged by near constant pain — paid off. She won gold in the 49-
kilogram division and shattered three Olympic records, part of a fearsome
Chinese women’s weight lifting squad that aimed to sweep every weight class
it was contesting.
上周六，在东京奥运会上，侯志慧的付出——多年见不到家人、承受着几乎不间断的疼痛——得到了回报。她赢得了女子举重 49 公斤级奥运
金牌，并打破了三项奥运纪录。她是以横扫奥运会所有重量级奖牌为目的的中国女子举重队令人生畏的一员。
“The Chinese weight lifting team is very cohesive, and the support from the
entire team is very good,” Hou, 24, said after winning gold. “The only thing we
athletes think about is focusing on training.”
“中国举重这个团队，凝聚力特别强，然后整个服务的团队都非常好，”现年 24 岁的侯志慧在赢得金牌后说。“然后让我们运动员会想到，我们只
要专心训练。”
China’s sports assembly line is designed for one purpose: churning out gold
medals for the glory of the nation. Silver and bronze barely count. By fielding
413 athletes in Tokyo, the largest number since Beijing 2008, China aims to
land at the top of the gold medal count — even if the Chinese public is
increasingly wary of the sacrifices made by individual athletes.
中国为培养运动员设定的目标只有一个：为国家的荣耀赢得金牌。银牌和铜牌几乎都不算数。中国派出 413 名运动员（这是 2008 年以来规模
最大的中国奥运代表团）参加东京奥运会，目标是金牌榜的前列位置，尽管中国公众正越来越留意运动员个人做出的牺牲。
“We must resolutely ensure we are first in gold medals,” Gou Zhongwen, the
head of the Chinese Olympic Committee, said on the eve of the Tokyo
Olympics.
“我们将努力确保金牌榜上的第一序列，”中国奥委会主席苟仲文在东京奥运会开幕前夕说。
中国选手侯志慧在东京奥运会上赢得了女子 49 公斤级举重比赛金牌，并打破了三项奥运会纪录。
中国选手侯志慧在东京奥运会上赢得了女子 49 公斤级举重比赛金牌，并打破了三项奥运会纪录。 DOUG MILLS/THE NEW
YORK TIMES
Rooted in the Soviet model, the Chinese system relies on the state to scout
tens of thousands of children for full-time training at more than 2,000
government-run sports schools. To maximize its golden harvest, Beijing has
focused on less prominent sports that are underfunded in the West or sports
that offer multiple Olympic gold medals.
中国的体育体制生根于苏联模式，靠国家将数万名儿童物色出来，送进 2000 多所政府经办的体育学校进行全日制训练。为了最大限度地拿金牌，
政府把重点放在那些在西方资金不足的不太知名的项目，或那些有多枚奥运金牌可赢的项目上。
It’s no coincidence that nearly 75 percent of the Olympic golds China has won
since 1984 are in just six sports: table tennis, shooting, diving, badminton,
gymnastics and weight lifting. More than two-thirds of China’s golds have
come courtesy of female champions, and nearly 70 percent of its Tokyo
delegation are women.
中国自 1984 年以来赢得的奥运金牌总数的近 75%集中在六个项目上：乒乓球、射击、跳水、羽毛球、体操和举重，这并非巧合。中国三分
之二以上的金牌由女子冠军获得，参加东京奥运会的代表团中近 70%是女性。
Women’s weight lifting, which became a medal sport at the 2000 Sydney
Games, was an ideal target for Beijing’s gold medal strategy. The sport is a
niche pursuit for most athletic powerhouses, meaning that female lifters in the
West must scramble for funding. And with multiple weight classes, weight
lifting offers up four potential golds.
女子举重在 2000 年悉尼奥运会上成为比赛项目后，一直是北京奥运金牌战略的理想目标。对大多数体育大国的运动员来说，这项运动是小众事业，
这意味着西方的女子举重运动员在争取资金上有困难。而且举重比赛有多个体重级别，有拿下四枚金牌的可能性。
For Beijing’s sports czars, it didn’t matter that weight lifting has no mass
appeal in China or that the preteen girls funneled into the system had no idea
that such a sport even existed. At the weight lifting national team’s training
center in Beijing, a giant Chinese flag covers an entire wall, reminding lifters
that their duty is to nation, not to self.
从中国体育官员的角度来看，举重对中国大众没有吸引力，或者被输送进这个系统的青春期前的女孩根本不知道这项运动的存在，都无关紧要。一面
巨大的中国国旗覆盖着国家举重队在北京的训练中心的一整面墙，提醒着举重运动员们，他们有责任为国争光，而不是为自己。
中国选手陈晓敏参加了 2000 年的奥运举重比赛。女子举重在那年的澳大利亚悉尼奥运会上成为比赛项目后一直是北京奥运金牌战略的理想目标。
中国选手陈晓敏参加了 2000 年的奥运举重比赛。女子举重在那年的澳大利亚悉尼奥运会上成为比赛项目后一直是北京奥运金牌战略的理想目标。
POPPERFOTO, VIA GETTY IMAGES
“The system is highly efficient,” said Li Hao, the head of the weight lifting
squad at the 2016 Games in Rio de Janeiro and the current director of the
antidoping department at the Center for Weight Lifting, Wrestling and Judo at
the General Administration of Sport of China. “It’s probably why our weight
lifting is more advanced than other countries and regions.”
“这个体系是非常高效的，”李浩说，他是参加 2016 年里约热内卢奥运会的中国举重队领队，现在是国家体育总局举重摔跤柔道管理中心反兴奋
剂部部长。“和其他的一些国家和地区相比，这是我们举重项目比较先进的地方。”
Most countries are eager for Olympic glory. The United States and the Soviet
Union used the Games as a proxy Cold War battleground. But Beijing’s
obsession with gold is tied up in the very founding in 1949 of the People’s
Republic of China, which was seen as a revolutionary force that would reverse
centuries of decay and defeat by foreign powers.
大多数国家都渴望赢得奥运荣誉。美国和苏联曾把奥运会当作冷战的代理战场。但北京对奥运金牌的痴迷与 1949 年中华人民共和国的成立紧密相
关，新中国被视为一股革命力量，将扭转中国一个多世纪来的衰落和受外国列强蹂躏的局面。
The first essay that Chairman Mao Zedong, the leader of the Communist
revolution, wrote was about the need for a country dismissed as “the sick man
of Asia” to develop its muscle.
中共革命的领导人毛泽东发表的第一篇文章写的就是这个被西方贬为“东亚病夫”的国家发展体育的必要性。
For decades, though, politics got in the way of Olympic achievement. Because
its rival Taiwan competed in the Games as the Republic of China, Beijing
boycotted the Summer Games until 1984, when Taiwan was renamed Chinese
Taipei for Olympic competition.
但在几十年的时间里，政治阻碍了中国在奥运会上取得成就。由于被打败后逃到台湾的中共对手以中华民国的名义参加奥运会，北京一直抵制奥运会
直到台湾的奥委会在 1984 年更名为中华台北奥委会后。
In 1988, China won five Olympic golds. Two decades later, when Beijing
hosted the Games, it surpassed the United States to top the gold count.
中国在 1988 年奥运会上获得了五枚金牌。20 年后，在北京主办的奥运会上，中国超过了美国，成为金牌总数最多的国家。
London 2012, though, was a letdown and Rio 2016 a bigger disappointment,
as China came in third behind the United States and Britain.
然而，中国在 2012 年伦敦奥运会上的表现不尽人意，在 2016 年里约的表现更令人失望，中国在里约赢得的奖牌总数排在美国和英国之后，
位列第三。
中国代表团在上周的东京奥运会开幕式上。中国派出了 413 名运动员参加本届奥运会，是中国有史以来规模最大的代表团，运动员中近 70%是
女性。
中国代表团在上周的东京奥运会开幕式上。中国派出了 413 名运动员参加本届奥运会，是中国有史以来规模最大的代表团，运动员中近 70%是
女性。 DOUG MILLS/THE NEW YORK TIMES
Back at home, sports officials redoubled their efforts, even if a growing
number of middle-class parents were unwilling to hand their children to the
state for grooming as athletes. China was no longer a desperately poor
country where the promise of filled rice bowls made government sports
schools alluring. Beijing acknowledged that sports shouldn’t be reserved for
elite athletes, that every child deserved to run, play and kick a ball.
回国后，体育官员们加倍努力，尽管越来越多的中产阶级父母不愿把自己的孩子交给国家作为运动员来培养。中国不再是一个极度贫穷的国家，能吃
饱饭已不再是政府办的体校有吸引力的地方。北京承认体育运动不应该只是精英运动员的事业，每个孩子都应该得到跑步、打球、踢球的机会。
And there was growing recognition that for every Olympic champion, tens of
thousands of other children would not make it. For these castoff athletes, life
is often difficult: little education, damaged bodies, few career prospects
outside the sports system.
而且人们越来越多地认识到，每名奥运冠军的成功，意味着成千上万其他孩子的不成功。对那些被淘汰下来的运动员来说，生活往往很艰难：他们的
受教育程度低，身体受了伤害，在体育系统之外几乎没有就业前景。
Still, Beijing continued with its plans, manufacturing programs in taekwondo,
canoeing, sailing and more. Children who could stack bullets on the palms of
their hands were dispatched to archery. Country girls with impressive
wingspans were directed to weight lifting.
尽管如此，中国政府仍在继续自己的计划，为跆拳道、皮划艇、帆船等项目制造运动员。能把子弹堆在手掌上的孩子被派去练射箭。双臂展开长度令
人赞叹的农村女孩被指挥去练举重。
“Children from rural areas or from families that are not so good economically,
they adapt well to the hardships,” Li, the Beijing sports official, said of the
ideal candidate for weight lifting.
“农村来的孩子或者家庭条件稍微不是那么好的那种情况下的那种孩子，他们吃苦耐劳的能力更强，”北京体育官员李浩在谈到理想的举重苗子时说。
Beijing’s focus has been on sports that can be perfected with rote routines,
rather than those that involve an unpredictable interplay of multiple athletes.
Aside from women’s volleyball, China has never won Olympic gold in a large
team sport.
中国政府的重点一直是那些可以通过机械动作来完善的项目，而不是那些需要多个运动员不可预测的互动项目。除女子排球外，中国从未获得过大型
集体项目的奥运金牌。
上周六，中国选手杨倩在女子 10 米气步枪比赛中夺冠，赢得了东京奥运会的首枚金牌。
上周六，中国选手杨倩在女子 10 米气步枪比赛中夺冠，赢得了东京奥运会的首枚金牌。 CHANG W. LEE/THE NEW YORK
TIMES
In Tokyo, Beijing’s strategy had delivered, through midday Thursday, 14 gold
medals, edging out the United States and Japan for the lead. China captured
the first gold of the Games, in the women’s 10-meter air rifle, and scored its
first fencing victory. (The sports in which China is dominant are clustered in
the first week of the Games, while the United States’ strengths are spread
out.)
北京的策略在东京奥运会上已经奏效，截至本周四中午，中国已赢得了 14 枚金牌，超过了美国和日本，名列第一。中国在女子 10 米气步枪比赛
中获得了本届奥运会的首枚金牌，并拿下了本届的首枚击剑金牌。（中国占主导地位的项目集中在奥运赛事的第一周，美国的优势则分散在奥运会多
个项目上。）
But in some of China’s traditional strongholds, like table tennis, diving and
weight lifting, hopes of golden sweeps did not materialize. There were other
disappointments before the Games began. A top swimmer was banned
because of doping. The men’s soccer, volleyball and basketball teams failed
to qualify.
但中国在传统强项（如乒乓球、跳水和举重）上以压倒性优势获得大部分金牌的愿望并未实现。在东京奥运会开幕之前，还发生了其他令人失望的事
情。中国一名最好的游泳运动员因为禁药丑闻被禁赛。中国的男子足球队、男子排球队和男子篮球队都未获得参赛资格。
The sacrifices made by China’s Olympians are intense. Academic instruction
in sports schools remains paltry, and some world champions share dorm
rooms with others. They are lucky to see their family a few times a year.
中国奥运选手做出的牺牲是巨大的。他们在体校学到的文化和知识仍很有限，一些世界冠军与他人共用宿舍。他们一年里能与家人见几天面就算幸运
了。
After the Chinese lifter Liao Qiuyun competed in the 55-kilogram weight
division on Monday, it was a journalist from her home province who passed
her a message from her parents.
周一，中国举重选手廖秋云参加了 55 公斤级比赛后，是来自她家乡省份的一名记者向她转达了父母的口信。
For female weight lifters, the costs of China’s sports system are that much
greater. While divers and gymnasts must share proceeds from endorsement
deals with the state, at least they can leverage their success after retirement.
But advertisers don’t tend to be drawn to female weight lifters.
对女子举重运动员来说，中国的体育制度要她们付出的代价尤其高。虽然跳水和体操运动员必须与国家分享代言协议的收益，但他们至少可以在退役
后充分利用自己的名声。而广告商们往往对女子举重运动员不感兴趣。
中国跳水选手谢思埸、王宗源本周三获得了男子双人 3 米板冠军。跳水是中国的传统强项之一。
中国跳水选手谢思埸、王宗源本周三获得了男子双人 3 米板冠军。跳水是中国的传统强项之一。 DOUG MILLS/THE NEW
YORK TIMES
In one case, a former national champion was so impoverished after retirement
that she ended up toiling in a public bathhouse. She grew a beard, which she
said was the result of a doping regimen forced upon her as a young athlete.
一个例子是，一位曾经的国家举重冠军退役后穷困潦倒，靠一份公共澡堂的工作谋生。她还长了胡子，她说那是她年轻时被迫服激素的结果。
In 2017, after old samples were re-examined, three of China’s four women’s
weight lifting golds at the 2008 Beijing Olympics were revoked because the
tests found banned substances.
2017 年，在对旧样品进行重新检测后，中国在 2008 年北京奥运会上获得的四枚女子举重金牌中的三枚被取消，因为检测发现了违禁物质。
Doping is rampant in weight lifting, and China is hardly the only country to
have been caught. But an individual making the decision to take drugs is not
the same as children being directed to do so by the state.
举重运动中兴奋剂泛滥，中国并不是唯一被发现违规的国家。但是，个人决定使用兴奋剂与国家指导儿童使用兴奋剂不是一码事。
For the Chinese sports machine, all those punishing years of effort can still be
foiled in the heat of Olympic competition. On Monday in Tokyo, Liao, the lifter
in the 55-kilogram division, began the event as the reigning world champion.
Two days before, in a lighter weight class, Hou had taken the gold.
对中国的体育机器制造出来的运动员来说，多年的艰苦努力仍可能在奥运会的激烈竞争时刻付诸东流。周一在东京参加 55 公斤级举重比赛的选手廖
秋云是以世界冠军的身份参赛的。侯志慧曾在两天前拿下了一枚轻量级金牌。
在周五的羽毛球混双金牌争夺战中，中国运动员王懿律（左）/黄东萍将对阵队友郑思维/黄雅琼。
在周五的羽毛球混双金牌争夺战中，中国运动员王懿律（左）/黄东萍将对阵队友郑思维/黄雅琼。 CHANG W. LEE/THE NEW
YORK TIMES
Liao marched onto the stage on Monday with an expression that hovered
between resolve and resignation. In the last moments of competition, a
Philippine rival surpassed her to claim gold.
廖秋云周一走上赛台时，脸上的表情在决心与无奈之间。一名菲律宾选手在比赛的最后时刻超过了廖秋云，拿下了金牌。
Afterward, Liao, 26, stood crying, her breath jagged. Her coach wrapped her
arm around Liao and sobbed, too. Eventually, Liao, red-eyed, took questions
from Chinese reporters. A silver was a great achievement, one journalist said.
Liao looked at the floor.
比赛结束后，26 岁的廖秋云站在那里哭了起来，有点喘不过气来。廖秋云的教练用胳膊搂住她，也哭了起来。最后，眼睛红红的廖秋云回答了中国
记者的提问。一名记者说，获得银牌也是一个伟大成就。廖秋云低头看着地板。
“Today, I did my best,” she said. The tears flowed again.
“今天水平都发挥出来了，”她说，眼泪又流了下来。
The trauma of all those years fighting the unforgiving force of mass and
gravity weighed on Liao’s body.
多年来抗拒不饶人的重量和引力造成的创伤，沉重地压在廖秋云的身上。
“They’ve been there for years,” she said of her injuries. “Over and over
again.”
“很多年了，一直都有，”她提到自己的伤时说。“反反复复一直都有。”
But unlike Simone Biles or Naomi Osaka, high-profile Olympians who have
spoken of the emotional strain of so much pressure, Liao did not address the
mental toll of what she has done, day after day, since she was a little girl.
举世闻名的奥运选手西蒙·拜尔斯(Simone Biles)或大坂直美(Naomi Osaka)已将这么大的压力造成的精神焦虑公开说了出来，
与她们不同，廖秋云没有提她还是小姑娘时就开始日复一日的训练对她产生的精神恶果。
Liao sighed. She wiped her eyes with the sleeve of her uniform. The National
Games were coming up, she said, and she would be representing her home
province of Hunan. Sports funding for China’s provinces depends in part on
how each does in the National Games.
廖秋云叹了口气，用队服的袖子擦了擦眼睛。她说，全运会即将召开，她将代表自己的家乡湖南省参赛。中国各省的体育经费部分取决于在全运会上
的表现。
The Olympics were over for her. She had a new job to do.
对她来说，奥运会已经结束。她有新的工作要做