Background
Immersed within a digital society since birth, children of primary school age are
increasingly participating online (Turner, 2015). Since their conception in 2004, social
networking sites (SNS) have shaped online communication. As online platforms which
allow the user to create a profile, share information, and interact with others (Lu &
Yang, 2014), SNS span many online communicative services such as Facebook,
SnapChat, and Instagram. Although possessing less focus upon the sharing of content,
gaming platforms such as Fortnite, also provide opportunities for socializing online (Du,
Grace, Jagannath, & Salen-Tekinbas, 2021). Despite age restrictions of SNS averaging
13 years, 4% of 5–7 year-olds and 21% of 8–11 year-olds currently own an SNS profile
(Ofcom, 2019). Engaging with SNS can be beneficial but equally there are many risks.
Adults manifest their risk concerns within their mediational involvement (Lee &
Chae, 2012; Livingstone et al., 2017).
‘Mediation’ is defined as the strategic management of children’s media use via
restricting use, technical monitoring, and communication (Livingstone & Helsper, 2008).
Children report being informed of internet safety by parents and teachers equally,
highlighting the mediating role that both play within children’s online awareness
(Ofcom, 2019; Shin & Lwin, 2017).
Research which prioritizes children’s perceptions of SNS use remains limited. Due to
the age restrictions of SNS, it is often believed that children aged 7–12 years are not
accessing it. Exploring both parents’ and teachers’ perceptions of SNS is important in
understanding what influences their mediation behaviours, as well as how these shape
children’s access to, and perceptions of, the risks and benefits of SNS use.
Benefits and risks of SNS use
Mesch and Baker (2010) propose that online interpersonal communication is only possible with
some degree of online disclosure. Thus, to engage with SNS, the user must disclose information
(English & John, 2013). The appropriateness of online disclosure shapes audience response (Lin
& Utz, 2017). Appropriateness is judged by the content of the disclosure and the nature of the
audience (disclosure personalism framework; Bazarova, 2012). For example, public disclosure of
intimate information would be inappropriate, whereas private disclosure (e.g., via a direct
message) to a friend would be appropriate (Bazarova, 2012). The inappropriate disclosure (over-
disclosure) could lead to reputation impairment, negatively impacting self-esteem (Baruh &
Cemalcılar, 2015; Bryce & Fraser, 2014). The appropriate disclosure, however, could benefit
social capital, enhancing self-esteem (Lin, Levordashka, & Utz, 2016; Schouten, Valkenburg, &
Peter, 2007). It could therefore be argued that online disclosure behaviours are a key catalyst to
the risks and benefits of SNS use.
Adults typically disclose more successfully due to greater life experience (Hoofnagle, King, Li,
& Turow, 2010; Madden et al., 2013). Children may be less successful due to less awareness of
over-disclosure risks (Lange, 2016; Livingstone, Haddon, Görzig, & Ólafsson, 2011; Runions,
Shapka, Dooley, & Modecki, 2013). For example, children are more likely to share passwords
and experience cyberbullying (the use of digital means to direct aggressive and hostile behaviour
towards an individual with the intention to upset or harm, Meter & Bauman, 2015;
Tokunaga, 2010). On the other hand, children who have grown up within a technical world may
be skilled at managing their online disclosure (Ofcom, 2019).
Online disclosure can impact social capital: the maintenance of social networks (Putnam, 2004).
Bridging (forming) and bonding (strengthening) friendships can positively impact self-esteem,
social skills, and well-being (Ellison, Steinfield, & Lampe, 2007; Sherman & Cohen, 2006;
Valkenburg & Peter, 2009). Using SNS for social capital goals, however, can increase over-
disclosure (Acquisti & Gross, 2006; Ellison et al., 2007), which may result in friendship
difficulties due to misinterpreted communication (Meter & Bauman, 2015; Mishna, Saini, &
Solomon, 2009). Social capital is particularly important during development (Leonard, 2005) and
thus the SNS risks and benefits associated with social capital may intensify during childhood.
Children develop self-concept from an early age (Burns, 1979; Goffman, 1978). Self-concept
considers our perceptions of our past, current, and future selves contextualized by our beliefs and
identity (Altheide, 2000; Goffman, 1978; Rettie, 2009). Importantly, children can explore self-
concept more strategically through online self-presentation: conveying information about the self
to manage impressions of others (Rosenberg & Egbert, 2011). The disinhibition of SNS use
allows children to systematically disclose about the real self, ideal self, or facets of the false self
(impress/compare; deceive; explore; Donath & Boyd, 2004; Hall & Pennington, 2013) more so
than offline (Schouten et al., 2007).
Online presence can enhance visibility to cyberbullies, resulting in victimization (Dredge,
Gleeson, & de la Piedad Garcia, 2014; Park, Na, & Kim, 2014). Friendship difficulties, due to
misinterpreted communication online, can result in cyberbullying if left unresolved (Beran &
Li, 2008). Also, trialling out the ideal self or a noticeably false self can expose children to
ridicule from peers who may identify the inauthenticity (Dredge et al., 2014). The long-term
adverse mental health impacts of cyberbullying are widely reported within literature
(Cowie, 2013; Smith, 2012; Smith, Mahdavi, Carvalho, & Tippett, 2006).
Parents and teachers
Parenting styles are driven by the goals of the parent embedded within their perceptions of that
scenario (Baumrind, 2005; Darling & Steinberg, 1993). Parenting styles are adapting to the
digital age: internet parenting styles (Livingstone et al., 2017).
Internet parenting styles which depict restrictive mediation behaviours (ultimate goal of limiting
access to risks; Livingstone et al., 2017) are the most prominent within the digital age (De
Morentin, Cortés, Medrano, & Apodaca, 2014; Kirwil, 2009; Livingstone et al., 2017). Enabling
mediation behaviours (ultimate goal of enhancing access to opportunities and benefits;
Livingstone et al., 2017) are less prominent. Internet parenting styles inform family digital
literacy practices: the interaction between children and parents to shape technological
involvement in the home (Plowman, Stevenson, Stephen, & McPake, 2012; Sefton-Green,
Marsh, Erstad, & Flewitt, 2016). For example, the use of enabling mediation behaviours may
foster a family digital literacy environment incorporating SNS use (Zaman, Nouwen,
Vanattenhoven, De Ferrerre, & Looy, 2016).
