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Feminism in India: The Tale and its Telling
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Feminism in India: The Tale and its Telling
fact that the spread and impact of colonialism was uneven and differential. And
subsequently, almost 65 years of development under a reasonably pro-active
Indian state, 10 despite the fact that class, caste, region and gender implications
of its policies has not been uniform. It is not surprising therefore that Indian
feminist writings have been intersectional from its very inception. My effort
here is limited to marking key moments in the emergence and growth of the
women's movement in India. An attempt to squeeze in so much history in so
little space is hazardous. Readers will forgive me for this, and my references
to the many scholarly works on feminism and women studies (see John, 2008;
Omvedt, 1993; Sangari, Vaid, 1990...) is my way of indicating to the readers
sources for further information.
1. The women's question was articulated sharply in the 19th century social
reform movements paving the way for the growth of women's writing and
voices in the same period;
2. Emergence of women's groups in the early part of the twentieth century and
political participation of women;
3. Independence and the state domestication of the women's question;
4. Feminism in the 1970s and 1980s: resurgence and new contestations;
5. Feminism since the 1990s: a paradigm shift.
The 19th Century Social Reform Movement
India entered modernity and capitalism through colonialism. Nationalism,
nation states and feminism have to be understood as part of the modern
democratic project. But liberal democracy's relationship with feminism was
never simple, as the suffragette movement demonstrated. Equal rights did mean
rights for all, but only potentially. In practice it meant that refashioning of
households and families led to women being recast as creatures of domesticity,
and the housewife11 came to represent both a full time and natural vocation.
Some major aspects in the culture of Victorianism influenced the emergent
model of the Indian reformed woman. Some of these can be identified as
domesticity and family, respectability, improvement and conventional Christian
morality (Chaudhuri, 2011a, p. 17). Indian reformers in turn popularized the
new model of domesticated but educated Indian women.
10. The Indian state from its inception in 1947 followed a path of state directed development to address the dual needs of 'growth'
with 'equity'. This is often referred to as the Nehruvian approach after the first prime minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru.
11. An audience of educated men were thus asked whether they did not feel in their daily lives that their mothers and wives were
'great impediments' in the way of their own intellectual and moral improvement (Chaudhuri, 2011 a). Reformers thus wanted to
devise a system of education for females that would "enable the wife to serve as a solace to her husband in his bright and dark
moments... to superintend the early instruction of her child, and the lady of the house to provide those sweet social comforts,
idealized in the English word "Home".
N ° 209 • janvier-mars 2012 • Revue Tiers Monde 25
Maitrayee Chaudhuri
Females are not required to be educated by the standard which is adopted
for men. Women have but one resource, Home. The end and aim ofher life is to
cultivate the domestic affections, to minister to comfort, and exercise her little
supervision over domestic economies (ibid., p. 31).
It was also part of the nineteenth century package of ideas that claimed
that the status ofa nation ought to be gauged by the status ofwomen. Indians
were thus berated for their inability to attain heights as a nation because ofthe
pitiable condition oftheir womankind. Indian social reformers responded to
this challenge and recast ideas of middle class domesticity, much in the line
of Victorian England, which defined the normative Indian woman as gentle,
refined and skilled in running a 'home'. Along with this, we had a simultaneous
assertion ofthe virtues ofan ancient Hindu past and culture or pristine Islamic
past, as the case may be. Significantly these were the early years for the beginnings
of Hindu and Muslim fundamentalism. Readers will notice that the story here
does not begin with 9/11, though in the curious way ofglobalized history they
may get reconnected a century later.
Generations have studied the nineteenth century reform movement as
measures to do away with social evils like sati and child marriage. The last
thirty years have seen a body of work that has explored the social character
ofthe movement critically - the far reaching implications ofthe fact that the
reformers belonged mostly to the upper castes, that they were predominantly
male and that the specific problems addressed and the mode ofaddressing them
were very often restricted by region and caste location (Sangari, Vaid, 1989). A
more dramatic instance ofhow this research has made us rethink issues is the
case ofthe Widow Remarriage Act, which legally allowed upper caste widows to
remarry, but simultaneously through codification oflaws obliterated the rights
that lower caste widows had traditionally availed ofunder their customary laws
(Chaudhuri, 201 la, pp. 38-41). This is but one example ofhow gender practices
in India were intimately tied to caste, community and region. This is also but
one example ofhow gender practices and norms ofthe dominant communities
became the normative model ofthe whole 'nation' - a trend that diverse feminist
voices have increasingly challenged.
Alongside social reform, a reinterpretation of'Indian culture' and the special
role within it for 'Indian women' took place. In this cultural regeneration are
embedded complex ideas ofwhat constitutes culture. Cultural practices often
chosen as emblematic ofcommunity identity pertain to women's mobility, and
control ofsexuality, for example child marriage, purdah, sati. Ifwomen are icons
oflndian culture, the contentious question in a plural society like India is which
ofits women and which ofits cultures ought to become the 'national' icon. One
of the most vexing issues of modern India has been fought over the rights of
community identity versus rights of women and rights of the state.
26 N ° 209 • janvier-mars 2012 • Revue Tiers Monde
Feminism in India: The Tale and its Telling
Questions of culture, community identity and scriptural sanctions have been
very much part of the manner in which the women's question emerged in India.
One of the first issues where this comes up is the debate on sati. While the Brahmo
Samaj 12 marshalled enormous shastric ( textual) evidence to show that sati is not
mandatory, the Dharma Sabha 13 pleaded with the British to disallow those who
knew nothing of their customs and religion from speaking, petitioning that "in a
question so delicate as the interpretation of our sacred books, and the authority
of our religious usages none but Pundits 14 and Brahmins and teachers of holy
lives, and known learning ought to be consulted - not men who have neither
faith nor care for the memory of their ancestors or their religion" ( Chaudhuri,
20lla, p. 22). The Age of Consent Bill that raged through India in the end of the
19th century15 also asserted the natural and nationalist right of a community to
decide when and how to reform, rejecting the right of an alien and unresponsive
colonial state 16 to legislate on the private matters of Indians.
Emergence of women's groups and political participation
in the early 20th century
The early 20th century saw the rise of many women's organizations. While
the concerns of the 19th century reform movement left its mark on the women's
question, it is important to emphasize that with the intensification of the
national movement and the spread of internationalist ideas of socialism and
democracy, the women's question could not be contained within the restrictive
parameters of one or other reformers. Women's organisations like the All
India Women's Conference (AIWC) and women within the national movement
insisted on greater political and economic participation. The legacy of women
revolutionaries, trade union activists, and nationalists is as much part of
the historical legacy that the independent Indian state inherited. This needs
reiteration, for the widespread circulation of Partha Chatterjee's nationalist
resolution of the women's question in global academia appears to have truly
wiped out the story ofpolitical action and resistance oflndian woman ( Chatterjee,
1990). This is perhaps a good instance of the limits of textual analysis, where the
lure of the conceptual binary of the 'inner' and 'outer', the 'spiritual' and 'material',
clearly took precedence over the actual struggles of feminist movements.
12. Raja Ramohun Roy, often seen as the first modern Indian, set up the social reform organization Brahma Samaj in Bengal in
1828.
13. An orthodox Hindu group who were against any change in customs.
14. Traditional men of learning, who belonged to the 'upper' caste of Brahmins within the Hindu hierarchy of the caste system.
15. The prevailing sentiment can be discerned in the following newspaper writing: "Yes, we are a nation of savages and the
government is making laws to educate us. Yes, we are strangers to domestic virtues; ... " Bangabasi in Chaudhuri, 2011a,
pp. 72-78.
16. The humanitarian concern of the British government was suspect, for the British state had failed to respond to Indians' pleas
about drainage of grain in time of famine and the horrific state of indentured labour in distant lands.
N ° 209 • janvier-mars 2012 • Revue Tiers Monde 27
Maitrayee Chaudhuri
The early years of the 20th century marked two important landmarks in the
history of the Indian women's movement: the birth of nationwide women's
organizations and the beginning of women's participation in the national
movement. Certain core ideas surface repeatedly in the proceedings of women's
organizations such as the All-India Muslim Ladies' Conference (Anjuman) 1914,
the Women's India Association (WIA) 1917, the National Council of Women
in India (NCWI) 1925, and the All India Women's Conference (AIWC) 1926.
A key idea was a belief that advancement of a society hinges on the progress of
women. Therefore, it was important how women's organizations helped fashion
the right kind of women. The model sought after was a curious mix of the
virtues of the good Victorian lady and the pristine Hindu/Islamic woman. A
focus on domesticity and family, respectability, improvement and conventional
Christian morality permeated deliberations of theAnjuman, the WIA and NCWI.
The deliberations also reflected the cultural angst, common in the collective
conscience of the colonized. To resist the cultural onslaughts of the West and
articulate one's own cultural identity it became all the more important to
project an image of womanhood, which would symbolize both the strength and
distinctiveness oflndian tradition. This search for unsullied symbols of tradition
somewhere rested with purdah 17 , as debates within the Anjuman would indicate,
and elsewhere with "deification" of Hindu/Indian womanhood as discussed by
the WIA 18 , Hindu militants19 and Gandhi20 (Chaudhuri, 2011a, pp. 108-135).
Such models can be dismissed offhand as constructs of a new patriarchy.
That, I argue, would be a gross injustice to history and feminism. While
continuous efforts were made to legitimize the changing role of women by
invoking "traditions" from the past, the present had an unerring tendency to,
if not break out, then retouch the models fashioned by women and political
organizations. For instance even when reformers sought to introduce women's
education to make good, modern, bourgeois mothers, the structural opening up
of university education for women brought in its turn the entirely unanticipated
entry of women into the public sphere.
Likewise, while there is a ready agreement that nationalist leaders desired
women's political participation21 and that women participated in the national
17. The Anjuman... voiced approval for a type of purdah prescribed in the Shariat. Purdah as observed in India, they argued, was
based on custom and was too strict... A new style burqua, patterned on Turkish ones, was coming into fashion... (Chaudhuri,
2011a, pp. 116-117).
18. They argued that Hindu philosophical and religious literature incorporated the idea of equality between men and women (ibid.,
p, 121).
19. When Bina Das attempted to shoot the governor of Calcutta she wrote: "My object was to die, to die nobly fighting against this
despotic system of government which has kept my country in perpetual subjugation..." (Chaudhuri, ibid., p. 29)
20. "If non-violence is the law of our being, the future is with women... Women are the natural messengers of the gospel of
non-violence if only they will realise their high state" (ibid., p. 130).
21. ...unless women of India work side by side with men, there is no salvation for India... I mean political salvation in the greater
sense, and I mean the economic salvation and spiritual salvation also (Gandhi, 1925 cited in Chaudhuri, 2011a).
28 N ° 209 • janvier-mars 2012 • Revue Tiers Monde
Feminism in India: The Tale and its Telling
movement,22 less accepted is any consensus as to exactly what political parti
cipation meant for women and for the nationalist leaders. One view would
argue that"even the most cursory examination of women's organized activism
from the beginning of the 20th century explodes the myth still being pursued
by many, that women's role in the national movement(s) against imperialism
was male-dictated and male-manipulated" (Kasturi, Mazumdar, 1994, p. 16).
Another, as Mies points out is that"to draw women into the political struggle
is a tactical necessity of any anti-colonial or national liberation struggle. But
it depends on the strategic goals of such a movement whether the patriarchal
family is protected as the basic social unit or not." (Mies, 1980, p. 121). Others
argue that the concept of the extended family in Indian culture could extend
virtually indefinitely and be used to justify women's concerns beyond the kin
group. The metaphor of the extended family certainly assisted middle class
women's performance of some public roles through their associations (Minault,
1982, pp. 220-221). Yet others felt that women's political participation "gave
the illusion of change while women were kept within the structural confines of
family and society" (Jayawardena, 1986, p. 107).
I differ about it being an illusion and contend that active political participation
often challenges the boundaries of intended models. And I would not see the
question of political participation of women only from the confines of a set of
reform ideas. Indian women also had a long history of militant participation
in political struggles - in working-class strikes, in peasant rebellions, and in
anti-imperialist and democratic movements. It was not simply ideas (important
as they were) that led to the Indian National Congress (INC)23 adopting the
Fundamental Rights Resolution in 1931. This is a methodological point I repeat at
different points of this paper, for much feminist research in the current intellectual
context often gets imprisoned in a frame of analysis that appears fixed and frozen
to a text where 'ruptures' within the text appear as radical discoveries. Rarely
does analysis extend either beyond formulaic textual analysis or ethnographies
reduced to invoking of"voices" - whether that of "subject victim': which Ratna
Kapur critiques (Kapur, 2002), or of"essential" agential selves (Sarkar, 1997).
Agency and autonomy are always enacted within specific structures of constraints.
The relevant point is that structures thereby do get redefined. Sometimes structures
resist, as the history of feminism in India tends to show. An instructive example is
the effort of nationalist leaders and women activists like Amrit Kaur and Hansa
Mehta who objected to the guarantee of religious propaganda and practice in their
22. It was a stirring spectacle, that of tens of thousands of women, who for centuries were chained to the narrow domestic life
and whom an authoritarian social system had assigned the position of helots at home, stepping out into the streets and marching
with their fellow-patriots in illegal political demonstrations (Desai, 1975, p. 346).
23. INC was the political party that led the anticolonial movement and has been the ruling party at the helm of the Indian state for
long periods of time.
N ° 209 • janvier-mars 2012 • Revue Tiers Monde 29
Maitrayee Chaudhuri
debates within the Constituent Assembly. They felt that the term 'propagation' and
'practice' might invalidate future legislation prohibiting child marriage, polygamy,
unequal inheritance laws and untouchability24 as these customs could be construed
as part of religious worship. Kaur suggested that freedom of religion be limited to
religious worship (Chaudhuri, 2011a, pp. 192-194). They had anticipated much of
what has taken place since in India, and in the unexpected site of the 21st century
West. Today we thus have a Constitution with Article 15 which deals with the Right
to Equality. But the constitution also contains articles dealing with other categories
of rights, like the Right to freedom of religion, as embodied in Articles 25-28. The
question remains: "Can a State which proclaims opposition to discrimination based
on sex... permit religious personal laws, which affect the life of women in a basic
manner?"
Independence and state domestication of the women's question
India became independent in 1947. India was also partitioned into two
sovereign states at the same time- Pakistan and India, which led to unprecedented
violence between people who had lived together for generations. Not surprisingly
the women's question, so central to colonial India, appeared to retreat from public
discourse with independence. The Hindu Code Bill25 was returned repeatedly; a
Committee for Abducted Women was formed to 'return' abducted women to the
'nation' - (Pakistan or India) to which they belonged. Feminist scholars have
etched out the tragic narratives of 'rehabilitation' wherein women's voices were
violently brushed aside before the decisions of the state and nation (Butalia,
2000; Menon, Bhasin, 1998).
Thus despite an early acceptance of gender equality in principle in 1931,
feminism indeed appeared to have recoiled in the first two decades after
independence. The Country Report for the Beijing Women's Conference
observed that unfortunately women's political rights were not seriously addressed
in independent India's state discourse, where women were primarily understood
as recipients of welfare as wives, mothers and daughters. The state documents
themselves accept that "while women have often been in the forefront in mass
movements, their presence has not been felt strongly in structured decision
making and institutions" (Country Report, 1995, p. 67). This "silence" demands
a closer look. It has been variously explained as a natural return to patriarchal
everyday norms, a lull after independence, a focus on development of the new
24. In the traditional hierarchical caste (stratification) system, the caste perceived to be at the bottom was treated as "untouchable" -
whose touch was considered as defiling.
25. In 1941 and 1944 the Government of India established a Hindu Law Committee to look into the codification of the various
personal laws bearing upon Hindu women. While women's organizations supported the Draft, many opposed it, arguing that it
would lead to fragmentation of property and divorce, which would have an adverse impact on society. See Chaudhuri (2011a,
pp. 189-190).
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Feminism in India: The Tale and its Telling
nation, or shock in the aftermath of Partition violence. Neither space nor the
scope of this paper would allow a more detailed exploration. Yet some of the
foundations for feminist possibilities in independent India remained - a fact
not irrelevant to understanding the strength and sweep of the second wave of
the women's movement in the mid 1970s to which we now move.
FEMINISM IN THE 1970S AND 1980S
The failure of the Indian state to deliver the basic needs of the Indian people
led to widespread resistance by workers, peasants, middle class employees. The
Indian state responded in 1975 by declaring a state of emergency that took away
all civil and political rights of its citizens. Significantly the women's movement
in the 1970s emerged along with other left and democratic forces. Readers
will notice that it coincided with the second wave of the Western women's
movements which did influence the Indian movement. Importantly however,
we need to take note of its own national/local contexts. The issues raised were
wide ranging: land rights; nature ofdevelopment; political representation; divorce
laws; custody; guardianship; sexual harassment at work; alcoholism; dowry; rape
(Sen, 1990). For Indian feminism their relationship to the state was both crucial
and double edged. While on the one hand women, particularly poor women,
faced the violent edge of the state, it is the state that the women's movement
sought ameliorative intervention from. From the mid seventies the women's
question became central in public discourse. The media increasingly reported
on violence against women. The women's movement interrogated the existing
laws for dowry and rape. Many of the greatest achievements have been in legal
reforms. The Indian women's movement and Indian feminist writings made
their presence felt globally - a development not entirely unconnected to the
institutional logic of the UN Declared International Year and Decade, and the
beginnings of institutionalized women's studies in academia. A quote from Vina
Mazumdar, a pioneer women's studies scholar and activist, captures the range of
issues that Indian feminism engaged with from the 1970s: "issues of violence...,
sexual exploitation... identification of complex structures of domination and their
reassertion in new forms in the ideology of revivalist, fundamentalist, communal
and ethnic movements ... ". Similarly, investigations of peasant women in the
rural economy and of their undiscovered history have prompted new questions
and drawn women's studies closer to issues also being raised by ecological and
environmental movements. Investigations into women's marginalization and
exploitation in the economy, both formal and informal, in the educational process,
in communication and media, and also in the political process, have turned
women's studies into one of the major critics of the pattern of"development" and
the choice of strategies (Mazumdar, 1994, pp. 44 emphasis mine).
N ° 209 • janvier-mars 2012 • Revue Tiers Monde 31
Maitrayee Chaudhuri
Significantly this focus on women in the rural economy and in the unorgani
zed or informal sector26 brought forth a new conceptualization of 'work' and of
the public and private domain. The focus on peasant women and rural society,
the language in which the issues are raised is different from the second phase
of women's movements in the West. Such an articulation draws strongly from
an understanding that 'freedom' of women was linked to broader freedoms for
all sections of the people in a society where many were poor and dispossessed.
Class mattered, and the peasant and working class woman was seen as the
face of the Indian nation and state. This is a vision of India that had strong
roots within the nationalist imaginary, drawing often from disparate ideological
sources such as Marx and Gandhi. Even before India's independence the Indian
National Congress had constituted a National Planning Committee (NPC) in
1938 with one sub committee titled "Women's Role in a Planned Economy"
(WRPE) where, even as women, working women were privileged as citizens,
and cultural emblems found visible mention (Chaudhuri, 1996). The second
phase of Western feminism led to theorizing on capitalism and patriarchy and,
increasingly, on norms of heterosexuality. Here too these questions were raised.
What spilled out onto the Indian streets and thereby into theory was the fact that
feminist questioning of patriarchy necessarily challenges the state, caste, class, com
munity, region, household, family and marriage. For patriarchy operates through
and in these sites. The exposition on the centrality of the conflict between gender
and community rights below seeks to show this intersection.
Sixty years after independence, the fears of India's early feminists that an
unqualified right to 'religion' could conflict with gender rights came true. Since
the assertion of Hindu Right wing forces from the 1990s, and a hardening of
positions among Muslim fundamentalists, there is almost an all round agreement
that the Uniform Code Bill is best kept away. So far as women are concerned, the
questions that persists are: Who decides who speaks legitimately foe a 'community'?
Who decides what constitutes the 'culture' of a community? The Shah Bano case
dramatically brought these questions to the fore. On 23 April 1985, the Supreme
Court of India passed a judgment granting maintenance to a divorced Muslim
woman Shah Bano, sparking a nation wide controversy. The principal argument
put forward by conservative Muslim opinion was that the Muslim Personal Law
was based on the Shariat, which is divine and immutable. Though sections from
the Muslim community defended the judgment, the state was more willing to listen
to the voice of conservative spokespersons of the community. Shahbano herself was
pressurized to denounce the Supreme Court judgment in an open letter: "...this
judgment which is contrary to the Quran and the hadith and is an open interference
in Muslim personal law, I, Shahbano, being a Muslim, reject it and dissociate myself
26. In India a major chunk of labour is in the informal/unorganized sector, which has no labour regulations and social security in
place. Some estimates suggest 93% of the total labour force.
32 N ° 209 • janvier-mars 2012 • Revue Tiers Monde
Feminism in India: The Tale and its Telling
from every judgment which is contrary to the Islamic shariat. I am aware ofthe
agony and distress which this judgment has subjected the Muslims oflndia today''
(Radiance (Inquilab), 1985).
The state passed the Muslim Women's Bill, and the Hindu communal forces
saw this move as an appeasement ofthe state to the minorities. That it was the
Muslim women who were at the losing end appeared to strike nobody. The
question that arose is, who exactly was the Bill seeking to protect - community
leaders, divorced husbands or women? (Pathak, Rajan, 1989) Soon after the
Indian state passed the retrogressive Muslim Women's Bill, an eighteen year old
Hindu widow Roop Kanwar was burnt alive on her husband's pyre in the full
gaze ofabout 3000 spectators on 4th September 1987. These years marked the
rise ofthe right wing Hindu nationalist party, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). It
took a long while and a concerted effort ofthe women's movement to ensure
that the state acted against the crime. It is one ofthe curious turns in history
that just as religious fundamentalism strengthened in the late 1980s, India was
on the brink ofa new phase in history - introducing new economic reforms to
integrate into the global economy and the world oflate capitalism that led to
serious reconfigurations offeminist discourse.
THE 199OS AND OUR ENTRY INTO THE 21sr CENTURY
Prior to the 1990s, the Indian state visualized a state-led development
in alliance with national capital (Chaudhuri, 1996). The 1990s altered this
paradigm. Transnational capital and the market acquired ascendancy. This shift
reconfigured both class and gender in the developmental priority, and therefore
necessarily in the national imaginary. Readers will recall how the Indian working
class and peasant women were seen as the face ofthe nation.
This ideological frame changed. The national iconic representation ofthe
working class and peasant women gave way to the new icons ofBrand India -
the super rich, the beautiful people ofthe now growing Beauty Business. The
buzzword was 'growth' and the way towards it an 'unbridled market'. Structurally,
deregulation was the way forwards. One of the corollaries of this pattern of
development was an unprecedented expansion ofthe informal sector wherein
a large section ofwomen worked on wretchedly low wages with no security of
tenure. Feminists like Mary John and U Kalpagam (1994) have observed how
this model has been legitimized by international institutions like the World Bank
who have drawn upon feminist scholarship about "the incredible range oftasks
poor women perform, their often greater contribution to household income
despite lower wage earnings, their ability to make scarce resources stretch further
under deteriorating conditions", but through a crucial shift in signification
displayed the findings as no longer arguments about "exploitation so much as
N ° 209 • janvier-mars 2012 • Revue Tiers Monde 33
Maitrayee Chaudhuri
proofs of efficiency" (John, 2004, pp. 247-248). Not surprisingly, a great deal of
development gender discourse is now exclusively addressed within the micro
credit framework, premised upon the idea that women are efficient managers
and can be trusted to repay.
Significantly, while most feminists were critical of the state relegating its
commitment to the poor and vulnerable, there were contrary views. Gail Omvedt
for instance contends that "being anti-globalisation" has become the correct
standard of political correctness and argues that "the only meaningful question
is, for a Marxist (or dalit, or feminist) activist, what advances the revolution,
that is, the movement towards a non-caste, non-patriarchal, equalitarian and
sustainable socialist society?" (Omvedt, 2005, p. 4881) Sections within the Dalit
movement itself have aggressively projected the need for dalit capitalism and
globalization as the way forward (Chaudhuri, 2010).
I have already alluded to the rise of the Beauty Business which was closely
tied to an unprecedented expansion of the advertising and consumer goods
sector, which together recast the Indian woman from the frugal to the profligate
spender- in keeping with the changing image oflndia (Chaudhuri, 2000, 2001).
It is impossible to capture the finer contours of the feminist debates in this
context. A quick reference to the diverse takes on a major Beauty Contest that
was organized in Bangalore in 1997 may capture the key points. The contest
was marked by protests by the women's movement against beauty contests on
the grounds that "these contests both glorify the objectification of women and
serve to obscure the links between consumerism and liberalization in a post
globalization economy': Processions were held in Bangalore with mock 'queens'
crowned as 'Miss Disease', 'Miss Starvation', 'Miss Poverty', 'Miss Malnourished',
'Miss Dowry Victim', etc. in order to highlight the issues ofpoverty, and lack of
nutrition and health care in the country (Phadke, 2003, p. 4573). Shilpa Phadke,
a younger generation feminist, argues in this context that "the focus on women
as 'victims' could well serve to erase images of women as subjects with agency,
sometimes suggesting that feminism is a movement devoid ofjoy". She further
argues that the market rather than the state is better as "a potential turf for
negotiation". For "unlike the state, where the citizen is largely a client, for the
market the individual is first and foremost an actor-consumer. Can the women's
movement use the strategies of the market to re-sell itself to a larger audience
and reclaim its right to speak on behalf of a larger constituency of women?" (ibid.,
p. 4575) It is important to reiterate here that many continue to perceive the state
and political parties rather than the market or NGOs as responsible for their
"basic needs': and they approached either the government agency concerned
or political parties when they needed resolution of any problem (Chandhoke,
2005). The great Indian middle class may not need the government, but the
vast majority of the poor do. The idea of citizenship as both hegemonic and
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Feminism in India: The Tale and its Telling
potentially liberating has been very central to Indian feminism (Roy, 2005). Into
the second decade of the 21 st century, Indian feminism is engaged with a whole
host of issues - some global, some not.
IN CONCLUSION
The central contention that has informed this paper is that while boundaries
(including academic) are increasingly breaking down, there still exist considerable
distinctions between the global and local, the West and non West. And here, I am
not alluding to any idea of an essential culture, or to notions of pure indigenous
concepts, but only to the specificities of history. Western concepts of the state and
market, citizen and consumer hold here as much as anywhere else. This paper bears
witness to this. What differ are the details that make the stuff of human action
and human conceptualization. The context, within which concepts emerge and the
contexts where they travel to, needs enunciation. Its significance in an increasingly
globalized academia cannot be overstated. Hence the focus here is on both the tale
and the telling of Indian feminism. No ready conceptual frame of the postcolonial,
even less no seductive binary oppositions, no amount of sophisticated readings of
textual representations will suffice. Endless invocation of'voices' and'agency' will
not set free the elusive feminist subject. Careful historical analysis may offer a better
understanding of the many achievements and failings oflndian feminism.
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N ° 209 • janvier-mars 2012 • Revue Tiers Monde 35
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