UNIT 9 POLITICAL STRUCTURES AND

PROCESSES IN BANGLADESH
structure
9.0 Objectives
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Constitution of 1972
. 9.3 Primacy of Constitution and Civilian Rule
9.4 Praetorian Intervention
9.5 "CiviIianisation"of Military Rule
9.6 Recurrence of Praetorianism and Democratic Challenges
9.7 Democracy Reinstalled
9.8 Bureaucracy
9.9 Army
9.10 Let Us Sum Up
9.1 1 Some Usefill Books
9.12 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

9.0 OBJECTIVES
This unit examines the political developments in Bangladesh with focus on the formal
and informal political structuresor institutions. After going through this unit you should
be able to:
e Identify the main features of Bangladesh polity;
e Trace the political history.ofthe country;
Identify the changes in the polity that occurred during the military rule;
e Locate the role of army and bureaucracy in the political system of Bangladesh;
and
Explain how democracy was restored. in Bangladesh.

9.1 INTRODUCTION
Bangladesh, the youngest nation in South Asia, emerged as an independent nation
through the process of national liberation movement. The national movement began in
1948 to protest against West Pakistan's efforts to impose-Urdu as the sole ~fficial
language. Gradually, this movement took the shape of a nation wide struggle against
the economic exploitation of rulers of Pakistan. The Awami League which spearheaded
the national movement adopted a Six-point programme in 1966demanding autonomy
for Bangladesh. When the verdict of the 1970electionswas not honoured by Pakistan,
the Awami League was left with no alternative but to push forward the liberation
struggle for the attainment of complete independence which it achieved in 1971.
The Constitution of the Peoples Republic of Bangladesh envisaged a parliamentary
form of government and the principles of democracy, socialism, secularism andContent Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
Country Profiles: nationalism were to bq the foundations of the state. These principles reflected
Bangladesh longstanding popular dkmands and therefore had strong political legitimacy. As we
examine the political developments in Bangladesh, we shall see that these principles
have been disregarded by successive undemocratic regimes and yet how this tendency
has been curbed by popular movements. You will realize that politics in Bangladesh
has, most of the time, revolved around power struggle between democratic and
undemocratic forces. Politics, here, has essentially been the politics of democratization
and not the normal competitive politics of stable democracies.

CONSTITUTION OF 1972
The Constitution adopted by ~ a n ~ l a d eon
s h4th November 1972,contained 153Articles
divided into 1 I parts and four Schedules, came into force on 16th December 1972. It
embodied the democratic yearnings of the long struggle for independence and
guaranteed human rights and political freedoms within a system of checks and balances
similar to those existing in India.

The President elected by the Jatiyo Sangsad (Parliament) for a five year term and
removable through impeachment, is a nominal head. It was the Prime Minister who
exercised the executive power of the Republic. The President was required to act in
accordance with the advice of the Prime Minister.

A major theme of the Constitution was the supremacy of the Parliament-the single
chamber Jatiyo Sangsad-comprising 330 members, of whom 300 were elected by
universal adult franchise and the rest 30 exclusively from among women by those 300
elected members.

The judicial power was vested in the Supreme Court whose independence was ensured
by providing the judges a fixed tenure and prescribing a rigorous .procedure for
impeachment.

Since the adoption of this constitution, Bangladesh, as we shall see, has witnessed
abrupt political changes, as the first populist regime soon became an authoritarian
regime which was soon replaced by military-authoritarian regimes and multiparty
democracy. These changes have caused the suspension of the constitution and led to
amendments in almost every section of the constitution. Significantly,the authoritarian
and military regimes that came into being in the first two decades of the new nation,
have couched major administrative changes in terms of the Constitution and have
attempted to legitimize Changes by legally amending this basic document.

9.3 PRIMACY OF CONSTITUTION AND

CMLIAN RULE -- - -

The Awami League (AL) ever since it came to power in 1971 took the lead in the
framing of a democratic constitution but failed to strengthen democratic institutions.
In the first National Assembly election in 1973, the party won 307 out of 31 5 seats.
The new government, led by Mujib ur Rahman, the leader of the natibnal liberation
movement was soon overwhelmed by the enormity of the problem of reconstruction
and rehabilitation following the immensely destructiveconflict for independence.Very
few in the new government had any experience in governing. Mujib had briefly served
a8 a minister, but he was not able to adapt to the new situation. He did not tap the
services of many senior members of the civil service on the ground that they had not
quittheir posts to join the liberation struggle. Many persons qualified only by political
persuasion were appointed to key positions. This led to inefficiency and corruption.
The economy failed to r&rn to the pre-independence levels. Factional struggle which
erupted within the AL began to paralyze not only the party but it filtered down to the
administration and the armed forces. The role ofopposition parties, which were weak
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 and fragmented, was fulfilled by the press and the public in the streets. There were Political Structures and
frequent strikes, hartals and other demonstrations which deteriorated into law and Processes in Bangladesh
ii order problems.
I
In response to this situation, Mujib declared a state of emergency in December 1974
and suspended all the rights and freedoms of the people. Serious restrictions were
placed on the political activities.Amonth later, Mujib introduced the Fourth Amendment
to the Constitution and became the President of the Republic. This Amendment changed
the form of government from the multiparty parliamentary system to one party
presidential system. It conferred all the executive powers and the legislative powers
on the President. This amendment also gave the President the right to introduce one
party system in the country. Soon after this, Mujib declared the formation of single
National Party called the BAKSAL (Bangladesh Krishak Sramik AL). It was to be a
, cadre based party but its membership was open to bureaucrats, technocrats, military,
para-military and police personnel ofthe state. The constitution of BAKSAL provided
for the affiliation of the mass organization to the party i.e., the workers, peasants,
youth, students, women's national leagues which were to follow the programmes of
the party.
During the short period of its existence, the BAKSAL could not become a party capable
of functioning. The leadership and its other constituents and its membership were
amorphous and disparate. Instead of giving stability and efficiency to the governance
it only promoted ~naladministrationand corruption. Various classes of the people including
the landlords, bureaucrats, the middle classes saw in the new system as a threat to
their interests. This provided the ground for the successful launching of the coup of
1975.
Check Your Progress 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answer with the model answer given at the end of the unit.
*
I) IdentifLthe basic principles of state policy laid down in the constitution adopted in
1972? Did it have legitimacy?

2) IdentifL the salient features of the fourth amendment.

9.4 PRAETORIAN INTERVENTION

One ofthe legacies ofthe Pakistani history and the liberation warwas the politicisation
of the armed forces. The armed forces seized the opportunity provided by the
weakening charisma of Mujib, factionalism in the ruling political party and weakness
of the opposition parties to stage a coup. In August 1975, Mujib was assassinated in a
plot led by a group of offices in the Bangladesh army. These officers handed over t h e
presidency to Khondkar Mushtaq Ahmed, the next senior person in the cabinet, Mushtaq,
a known conservative, gave prominence to conservative and rightwing elements who
had opposed the ideology of the Mujib of secularism, democracy and socialism.
The politicisation and factionalism within the armed forces surfaced in November
1975. In a series of coups and attempted coups, by soldiers loyal to different partiesContent Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
 -
1 Country Profiles: and individuals, Mushtq was dislodged. Chief Justice Sayem became the Preside*
and the chief martial law administrator. The key person in the martial administration
was Major General Ziaur Rahman. /

General Ziaur Rahman, popularly known as 'Zia' was a hero of the liberation war. He
quickly emerged as the leading member of the ruling group. In November 1976, he
replaced Justice Sayem as the martial law administrator and later took over the
Presidency as well. Zia k l d a referendum to acquire legitimacy. During this referendum,
Zia proposed a nineteen point programme to revitalise Bangladesh both economically
and socially. This programme, among other things, laid greater emphasis on Bangladeshi
nationalism rather than Bengali nationalism. It also included an affirmation of Islam as
the basis of national life.
The military regime attarnpred to undo some the policies ofthe Mujib regime. Political
forces which had oppoeed Bangladesh liberation and had supported Pakistan army
action were released. Retired military personnel and controversial civil bureaucrats
trained in the Pakistani Civil Services who had been marginalized in the wake of
liberation were given important positions in the administiation.All elements who could ,

pose a threat to Zia were eased out of the armed forces. The military regime also
changed the economid policies, for example, payment of compensation for the
government acquisition of property was made mandatory. Subsequently, steps were
taken for denationalization, liberalised investment including foreign private capital, etc.
In the latter part of 1977, there were several attempts at military coups. Gen. Zia,
therefore, felt the need for popular legitimacy in a highly political society like that of
Bangladesh. In preparation for his campaign for the elected presidency, Zia formed a
party of his own, the Jagodal, which adopted the nineteen point programme as-its
own. In the Presidential elections of June 1978, Zia was supported by the Jatiyatawadi
Front (JF), an alliance of a faction of the Muslim League, leftist faction of Abdul
Hameed Khan Bhashani's National Awami Party, the United Peoples Party, and the
Federation of Scheduled Castes. He was opposed by Gen. M. A. G. Osmani whose
name was proposed by another hastily formed electoral alliance, the Ganatantrik Oikyo
Jote (GOJ) comprising the AL, the National Party (Muzaffar), and National Party of
the People of Bangladesh and some other left and democratic parties. In the election
campaign, the JF supported the presidential form of government as run by Zia and
concentrated its campaign against the misrule ofthe AL-BAKSAL. The GOJ, on the
other hand, focused on the issue of revival of parliamentary democracy. Zia ur Rahman
won the election with 76 percent of votes. It must be kept in mind that the General had
not withdrawn the martial law which was still in force.

9.5 "CMLIr?LNISATION"OF MILITARY RULE

- --

Most military rulers know that it would not be possible to continue the military rule for
ever, and therefore they attempt to give military authoritarian rule a civilian faqade of
democracy. General Ayub in Pakistan had promulgated a constitution, and then held
an indirect election to a so-called National Assembly; Gen Zia ul Haq also went through
the same exercise. In September 1978, Gen. Zia launched his own political party, the
Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). It comprised of those elements which were
part of the Jagodal and some of the splinter groups of other parties. In the meantime,
the Awami League whibh'had been in the throes of political crisis, suffered several
splits. In November 1978, Zia announced the holding of the parliamentary election in
January 1979 and the repeal of martial law after the election. The opposition parties,
however, demanded the immediate lifting of the martial law. Zia was forced to ease
up the hahishipsofthe niartial law. ~ o w i ito
g the opposition demands, he also announced
some amendments to tYbe constitution which included the expansion of the powers of
the Sangsad, that is, the Parliament.
There was no widesprdad public interest in the elections. The main campaign issues
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appeared to be the cohtinuation or otherwise of the Zia regime. In this, the BNP
empliasised more on the negative aspects of the AL and warned the people of the Political Structures and
consequences if the AL-BAKSAL combine were to return to power. The AL and Processes in Bangladesh

other opposition parties highlighted the military character of Zia's regime and
campaigned for return of parliamentary democracy. The BNP emphasized its right of
the centre image as against the left of the centre image of the AL and parties close to
it. Obviously, the target of BNP's campaign was the surplus farmer, emergent
bourgeoisie and the urban white collar segment ofthe population who had been worried
about the future in the AL-BAKSAL set up.
The election, second since independence, was won by the BNP with an impressive
majority of 207 seats out of 300 seats. The AL won only 39 seats, though it won about
25.4 percent of the popular votes. BNP's success marked the strengthening of a
political regime headed by a military ruler. Zia indemnified the laws and actions ofthe
rulers, elected or unelected, since the military coup ofAugust 1975 through the Fifth
Amendment ofthe Constitution. Following this, he lifted the martial law and completed
the 'civilinisation'of the Bangladesh polity.
Zia's BNP had won the election and through it had acquired the legitimacy, but the
party was not ideologically united. It comprised of people of diverse ideologies and
political orientation. Zia completely dominated the party. He tried to contain both the
civilian political opponents and those inside the military establishment by tactful moves.
His career was, however, terminated suddenly in May 1981, when he was assassinated
in a military coup.
Ziaur Rahman had taken some positive measures to resolve the problems in the field
of agriculture. Considerable economic progress was made during his regime, partly
because of good weather conditions and partly because of the inflow of extensive
foreign assistance. He restored democratic processes to some extent, yet the fragility
and weakness of the democratic fagade that he had set up were evident soon after he
was removed from the scene.
Check Your Progress 2
Note: i) use the space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answer with the model answer given at the end of the unit.

I) What factors contributed to the military intervention in the politics of Bangladesh?

............................................................................................................................
2) How did Ziaur Rahman consolidate his position till the referendum was held?

9.6 RECURRENCE OF PRAETORIANISM AND

DEMOCRATIC CHALLENGES
Following Zia's death; Vice President Abdul Sattar became the acting president. As
required by the constitution, elections for the office of the president were conducted
within 180 days. Abdul Sattar won the election with the support ofthe Muslim League,
the Jama'at-i-Islami and some other groups. The government formed by Sattar, for
the first time, comprised of people none ofwhom had participated in the independence
movement. Initially, Sattar received the support of the army, the state machinery and
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Country Profiles: the press. But soon, the elderly man came to be seen as an ineffective leader, surrounded
Bangladesh by corrupt and incompetent ministers. Moreover, the armed forces began to demand
a constitutional role for the military in the governance of the country. Gen. H.M.
Ershad, the chief sf staffof the Bangladesh army, demanded the setting up ofNational
Security Council, which would give a place to the army in the national decision making.
President Sattar refused to comply. Sensing the vulnerability of the government due to
the infighting within the BNP and irreconcilable differences between various political
parties, in March 1982, Gen. Ershad staged a coup and dismissed President Sattar
and his government.

With Gen H M Ershad taking over power, Bangladesh returned to the political point it
had left with the gradual liberalisation by Gen. Zia. The constitution was suspended,
martial law was declared, Parliament was dissolved and parties were banned. Gen.
Ershad took over all the executive and legislative powers. The new government called
the Consultative Council comprised of the serving and retired officers of the armed
forces, non-party senior bureaucrats.

In the beginning, Gen. Ershad showed some moderation in dealing with the problems
facing the country but later he started a vigorous campaign against corruption. Many
former ministers were arrested and sentenced to long terms of imprisonment.However,
most of them were relased after serving only part of the sentences. It was alleged at
the time that those were only populist measures designed to gain publicity. It was well
known that many military officers were deeply involved in corruption.

At this time, anti-military regime mood of large sections of students, professionals and
intellectuals began to take deeper roots and effective articulation. Political parties,
which were hitherto divided, gradually began to unite and form groups to mobilise
people against the military government. With this, a pattern of confrontation politics
emerged which dominated the public life ofthe country until early 1990.Paradoxically,
the governmentsIslamic polices- plans to introduce English and Arabic as compulsory
subjects in schools- provided a common cause for the first large scale anti-Ershad
demonstrations, particularly by the university students. The student movement stirred
the opposition into more unified coalition

The main opposition against the government was led by a alliance of 15 parties
(Communist Party of Bangladesh, the National Awami Party, the Jatiya Samajtantrik
Dal, the Workers' Party, the Samayawadi Dal, etc) led by Hasina Wajed, the daughter
of late Sheikh Mujib ur Rahman. Another alliance of parties was led by Khaleda Zia,
the widow of the late President Zia ur Rahman, of the BNP and some right wing and
conservative parties. These two major alliances distrusted each other intensely, but
they formed the core of the 32 party front, comprising socialists, communists and
Islamic groups, called the Movement for Restoration of Democracy. This movement
adopted a five point programme demanding an end to martial law, restoration of
fundamental rights, parliamentary elections, release of political prisoners and the trial
of persons responsible for police brutality against students in February 1983.

Political events in the next few years revolved around attempts by the Ershad
government to move from a military dictatorship to a civilian government with the
cooperation ofthe political opposition. In December 1983, Ershad assumed the office
of the president. Next, he went on to hold election for the local bodies to strengthen
the hold of the regime at the grass root level. The government also attempted to
suppress the opposition movement by arresting its leaders and activists. New
parliamentary elections were announced for 6th April 1985. The military regime made
some concession in vibw of the coming poll like release of the political prisoners,
dissolution of military courts, etc, but the main political demand of the withdrawal of
the martial law was n d accepted. Eventually, both the opposition fronts decided to
boycott the poll. ~rshadkespondedby imposingthe martial law with its full rigor on 1st
March
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU 1985. Hasina Wajed and Khaleda Zia were both arrested.
In 1985, Ershad went ahead with a 'civilinisation' programme without the participation Political Structures and
Processes in Bangladesh
of the opposition parties. A referendum was organized to elicit support for the
government. With the opposition not participation in the referendum, Ershad secured
94 percent of the votes polled. In May, Ershad conducted elections to the local bodies,
Upzila, in which 40 percent votes were cast. The election was marked by unprecedented
violence in which Ershad's Jatiyo Party won 151 seats.
In March 1986, when Ershad eased some martial law restrictions, the AL and seven
other minor parties agreed to participate in the parliamentary elections. The BNP
boycotted the May 1986 elections. The elections which were marred by extensive
fraud, gave the Ershad sponsored Jatiyo Party an absolute majority of 153 seats in
parliament. With all the thirty seats reserved for women going to the supporters of the
Jatiyo party, Ershad's supporters secured a comfortable majority. With parliament under
his control, Ershad proceed with plans for a presidential election. He resigned as the
army chief of staff in August 1986, though he continued to remain the commander in
chief of the armed forces. In September, he officially joined the Jatiyo party and became
its chairman. Opposition tried its best to expose the Ershad's regime and eventually
boycotted the presidential elections in November 1986.In this election, Ershad defeated
eleven other presidential candidates, securing 84 percent of the votes.
Firmly in control of a civilian government as well as the military establishment, Ershad
secured the passage of the Seventh Amendment which ratified all the past actions of
the martial law administration. Legitimising his rule ofthe previous four years, Ershad
lifted the martial law and revived the Constitution.The opposition parties were unable
to unite to oust Ershad because they were pursuing competing objectives. Khaleda Zia
wanted to revive the Constitution with amendmeilts carried out upto 1982, while Hasina
wanted to revive the complete Constitution of 1972.
In 1987, a new phase of cooperation between the two opposition alliances began.
Ershad's plans to introduce the District Council Amendment bill allowing families of
military personnel to take part in the council as non-voting members and the failure of
the government to mitigate the misery of those affected by heavy floods brought the
opposition parties together. The resulting political crisis compelled Ershad to dissolve
the Parliament and suspended the fundamental rights. New elections to the local bodies
were held in February 1988. In the parliamentary elections held the following month,
Ershad's party secured a handsome majority. In June 1988, Ershad through the Eighth
Amendment to the Constitution declared Islam as the state religion even while Providing
for religions freedom.
In the meantime, the movement for the restoration of democracy against Ershad's
authoritarian rule continued unabated spearheaded by the students. The student during
the agitat'ion often turned violent. President Ershad invited the opposition for a dialogue
for a new parliamentary election. The All-Party Students Unity (APSU) forced the
opposition leaders to reply in a joint statement that they would not participate in any
election under Ershad unless a vice-president acceptable to the opposition alliances
was appointed to head the interim caretaker government and hold a free and fair
election to a sovereign Parliament within three months under the supervision of a
reconstituted Election Commission.
Check Your Progress 3
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
iii Check your answer with the model answer given at the end of the unit.
1) What was the difference between President Sattar and General Ershad on the
role of the military?

Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU

I Country Profiles: 2) What were the five demands of the opposition in response to the invitation by
i '
Bangladesh Ershad for a dialogue with it?

3) What made the opposition leaders to issue ajoint statement in reply to the invitation
for talks by President Ershad?

9.7 DEMOCIQACYREINSTALLED
The opposition agitation against the Ershad regime intensified in response to the
government's harsh repression. 'The opposition parties announced a dusk to dawn
hartal on 28th November 1990 in Dhaka and in the entire country in protest against
the killing of three demonstrators the previous day. Even the government servants
joined the strike demanding Ershad's resignation. Ershad retaliated by declaring
emergency and press censorship. He also announced a 10 point proposal for talks but
the opposition rejected it outright. Eventually General Ershad was forced to resign
and announced the election to the National Assembly. He handed over power to the
Vice-President for which the Chief Justice had been sworn in earlier. According to
the 19th November 1990 agreement, the Vice President (acting President) was to
hand over power to a sovereign Parliament which would be revived but the BNP
leader and Prime Minster designate, Khaleda Zia, stated that only a sitting Parliament
could make systemic changes. Formally, this also required a change in the BNP
constitution as it provided for a Presidential system. In the general elections held in
1991, Begum Khaleda Zia emerged victorious.
Khaleda Zia's government was confronted by a concerted and frequently effective
campaign of opposition, with frequent demonstrations and strikes, orchestrated by the
AL, the Jatiyo Dal, the party of ex-military dictator Gen. Ershad, and the increasingly
influential Muslim fundamentalistsofthe Jama'at-e-Islarni. Faced with growing political
instability during the latter part of 1995, Khaleda Zia announced the holding of general
elections in February 1996. The government's failure to stand down in favour of a
neutral administration to supervise the electoral process was fiercely denounced by
all opposition parties, including the AL leader, Sheikha Hasinii. Awami League and
the others organised a mccessful boycott of the poll which undermined its legitimacy,
as only 10% (at the very most) of the electorate voted. Khaleda Zia remained in
office, however, which did not augur well for the country's immediate future. Abroad,
relations with Pakistan, normalised in 1976, have since been stable. However, border
disputes with both India and Myanmar have flared up and in both cases, especially the
latter, relations remain tense.
The combined opposition had boycotted the Assembly (national parliament) during
the last two years of its life i.e., (1994-96), protesting against corruption and rigging of
by-elections by the BNP. Khaleda Zia tried to ignore the opposition parties and ruled
the country without their participation. This led to political unrest in the administration
which was soon brought to a stand-still. Under pressure, Khaleda Zia agreed to the
appointment of anon-partisan interim governmentto hold new elections. The constitution
was duly amended to provide for such an arrangement. The election was held in June
1996. This time the AL won 147 seats and, with the cooperation of the Jatiyo party
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(3 1seats) and the Jama'at-e-Islami (3 seats), Shaikh Hasina formed the government.
However, Khaleda Zia's BNP had also won a respectable 1 16 seats in the Assembly, Political Structures and
Processes in Bangladesh
despite the serious charges of corruption levelled against the BNP prior the election.
'
Though the June 1996 election were free and fair, the BNP protested vote rigging by
the AL. Hasina Wajed's tenure was marked by similar frequent boycott of Parliament
by the main opposition party, the BNP and demonstrationsand strikes by the opposition
led by the BNP. Among other grievances, the opposition alleged that the police and
AL activists were engaging in large-scale harassment and jailing of opposition activists.
The four party opposition alliance formed in early 1999 boycotted the parliamentary
by-elections and local government elections. In July 200 1, the AL government stepped
down to allow a caretaker government to preside over parliamentary elections. In the
run up to the October 2001 elections, the caretaker government was effective in
dealing with political violence that had become a common feature in the 1990s.
In the 2001 elections, the AL, too sure of itself, decided to go virtually alone. It had
already severed links with some of its allies such as Kader Siddiqui and made no
attempt to bring the leftist parties on its platform. Fundamentalists like the Jama'at-i-
lsla~niand others ran a vigorous campaign against the AL government. Khaleda Zia,
who led a four-party alliance to seek the mandate of the people, scored a landslide
victory in the elections, capturing an absolute majority of 182 seats by itself and 201
seats along with its allies. With only 62 seats, it was worst p&formance of the AL
ever.
Refusing to accept the result of the 2001 election, the AL called for a programme of
national resistance against the government and immediately announced a boycott of
the eighth parliament. The Chairman of the BNP, Khaleda Zia, took the oath of ofice
as the 11th Prime Minister of Bangladesh on October 10,2001. After boycotting the
first two sessions ofthe eighth parliament, the Awami League announced it was forming
a shadow cabinet and ended its boycott of parlianient on June 24,2002, entering the
parliamentary debate on the national budget.
Check Your Progress 4
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answer with the model answer given at the end of the unit.
I) What made Ershad to abdicate power? In whose favour did he do so.?

2) What were the reasons for the defeat of the Awami League in the Parliamentary
elections of 2001? '9

9.8 BUREAUCRACY
When Bangladesh became independent, the members of the civil service who
joined the new nation brought with them the heritage of the Indian civil service,
administrative competence. Because of it's over-developed nature vis a vis other
institutions in the society, bureaucracy became firmly entrenched within the socio-
political fabric. The members of Bangladesh civil service soon emerged as the nation's
most influential group ofcivilians. Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU
 Country Profiles: In the early years, however, bureaucracy was viewed with deep suspicion by the
Bangladesh political establishment. Civil servants, across the board, were censured for all the ills
that befell the country before independence, including its dubiou~role in thwarting
democracy and in being an accessory to military rule. The Awami League openly
castigated specific groups of bureaucracy or even individuals with a view to demeaning
and humiliating them in front of people. The result was that the services of the
professional officers remained underutilised during the critical phase of national
development.
It was left to the military regimes to take the initiative in streamlining. public
administration. In 1977, recruitment system based on patronage was replaced by
one that laid emphasis on merit and equality. The open competitive system of
recruitment brought bright young talent into bureaucracy. Zia also introduced new
training concepts to imbue civil servants with the principles and practices of development
administration.
Ershad's regime brought some changes in the bureaucratic set up of the state, particularly
in emphasisingdecentralisationand development. The recruitment system was modified
to eliminate the entrenched power of the old elites and to decrease the bias that
favoured candidates from wealthy, urban families. These changes were, however,
seen as attempts to militarise the bureaucracy and strengthen the army's position at
the village level.
In general, the reforms initiatives undertaken by different political regimes turned out
to be limited and parochial in nature. The fundamental contours oftheadministrative
system remained unaffected.

9.9 ARMY
While the armed forces of India and Pakistan were bequeathed by the British, the
Bangladesh armed forces, including the Bangladesh Rifles came into existence only
after 1971.They emerged as political creatures due to the circumstancesthat prevailed
at the time of creation of the nation. Initially, it was composed of the repatriated
Bengali personnel of the Pakistan Army (East Bengal Regiments) and the freedom
fighters of the Mukti Bahini.
The top hierarchy of the army for some time was composed of officers who had
served in the Pakistan army during Field Marshal Ayub Khan's regime. Most of them
had urban backgrounds. The bulk of the rank and file of the armed forces came from
the poor and economically backward rural areas. Given this socioeconomic composition
ofthe armed forces it is not surprising that its leaders, conditioned by the imperatives
and system of military rule in Pakistan were comfortable with military rule, while the
rank and file was susceptibleto Islamic fundamentalist influences prevaling in backward
rural areas. The army, during its political power tenures, therefore, drew heavily on
the support of Islamic fundamentalist parties to win over the masses.
Like the Pakistani army, the Bangladesh armed forces perceives itself as the only
unifying force ofthe country; has a poor opinion of the competenceof political parties
to govern and see a constitutional role for themselves.

LET US SUM UP
In this unit, we havie examined political developments in Bangladesh bringing out the
factors and forces that have shaped the political structures. As we saw, the populist
regime led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman brought out the deep fissures and contradictions
within the democratic structure of the Bangladesh polity resulting in the curtailment of
fundamental right$ and a shift towards presidential government based on one-party
system. These abrupt and fundamental changes culminated in the first military coup in
Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU 1975. Coups, counter coups and assassinations continued till the nineties. The two
military rulers Gen. Ziaur Rahman and H.M.Ershad made some nominal changes in Political Structures and
Processes in Bangladesh
the Constitution on the pretext democratisation of the system but the changes were
only cosmetic and did not help in the democratisation of the system. Popular resistance
finally resulted in the restoration of democracy and parliamentary institutions in the
early 1990s. Since then, the Bangladesh National Party and the Awami League have
dominated the political scene in Bangladesh.
A distinguishing feature of political culture in Bangladesh has been the high levels of
political activism. While this has helped in the restoration of democracy, it has also led
to factionalism resulting in the absence of strong opposition. Bangladesh is a young
country whose transition to democracy has been limited by strong tensions between
the main political parties, resulting in constant parliamentary boycotts, street
demonstrations,and hartals.

9.11 SOME IJSEFUL BOOKS

Ahmed Maodud, (1983) Bangladesh: Era of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (Dhaka)
Ahmed, Emajuddin, (1980) Bureaucratic Elites in Segmented Economic Growth:
Pakistan and Bangladesh. Dhaka.
Islam. Nurul, (1979) Developing Planning in Bangladesh: A Study in Political
Economy. Dhaka.
Jahan, Raunaq, (1980) Bangladesh Politics- Problems and Issues. Dhaka.
Talukdar, Maniruzzaman (1988) The Bangladesh Revolution and Its Aftermath.
Dhaka.
Ray, J. K. (1 992) An Uncertain Beginrting: Perspectives on Parliamentary
Democracy in Bangladesh. Dhaka.

9.12 ANSWER TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1

1) The basic principles were nationalism, socialism, secularism and democracy. These
principles reflected longstandingpopular demands and therefore had strongpolitical
legitimacy.

2) The Fourth Amendment replaced the parliamentary system with a presidential

one. It provided for a cadre based single party system.
Check Your Progress 2

1) The weakening of democratic forces due to factionalism 'in the political

parties on the one hand and the politicization of the armed forces, a legacy of
the liberation struggle, contributed to the first military intervention in the politics
of Bangladesh.

2) Ziaur Rahman consolidated his position by taking over presidency from Justice
Sayem in April 1977. The army was cleared of adverse elements, constitutional
amendments were undertaken to do away with secularism and socialism, pro-
Pakistan bureaucrats were given responsible positions etc.
Check Your Progress 3

1) While President Seattarrefused to allow the army any role in the governance of
the country, Gen. Ershad wanted a constitutionally guaranteed status for the
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army.
Country Profile: Lifting of martial 'law, restoration of fundamental rights, parliamentary polls to
2)
Bangladesb
precede all other blections, release of all political prisoners, and trial of those
responsible for thedeath of studentsof Dhaka'Universityduring the I 983 elections.

3) This was done with the initiative ofthe studentswho formed the All Party Students
Unity.
Check Your Progress 4
1) Opposition unity and mass uprising forced Ershad to abdicated power in favour
ofvice President to which office, the Chief Justice of Bangladesh was sworn in.

2) While the opposition BNP forged a four party alliance, the Awami League went
to polls on its own. It failed to rope in the active support of left parties. The
attack from rightist parties like the Jama'at-i-Islami also weakened it.

Content Digitized by eGyanKosh, IGNOU