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Zia-ul-Haq
(Redirected from Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq)

Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq[a] (12 August 1924 – 17

General
August 1988) was a Pakistani military dictator and
statesman who served as the sixth president of Pakistan Zia-ul-Haq
from 1978 until his death in an airplane crash in 1988. ‫محمد ضیاء الحق‬
He also served as the second chief of the army staff of
the Pakistan Army from 1976 until his death. The
country's longest-serving de facto head of state and
chief of the army staff, Zia's political ideology is known
as Ziaism.

Zia was born in Jalandhar and trained at the Indian

Military Academy in Dehradun. He served in the British
Indian Army in the Second World War, and following
the partition of India in 1947, joined the Pakistan Army
and stationed in the Frontier Force Regiment. During
Black September, he played a prominent role in
defending the Jordanian Armed Forces against the
Palestine Liberation Organization. In 1976, Zia was
elevated to the rank of General and was appointed as
chief of the army staff, succeeding Tikka Khan, by Prime
Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. In July 1977, Zia organized
Operation Fair Play, during which he overthrew Bhutto,
declared martial law and suspended the constitution. Zia-ul-Haq in 1982
The coup was the second in Pakistan's history of 6th President of Pakistan
military coups.
In office
Zia remained de facto leader for over a year, assuming 16 September 1978 – 17 August 1988
the presidency in September 1978. He directed Prime Minister Muhammad Junejo
Islamization in Pakistan, escalated the country's atomic Preceded by Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry
bomb project and instituted industrialization and Succeeded by Ghulam Ishaq Khan
deregulation, which significantly improved Pakistan's
2nd Chief of the Army Staff
economy. In 1979, following the Soviet invasion of
Afghanistan, Zia adopted an anti-Soviet stance and In office
aided the Afghan mujahidin. He bolstered ties with 1 March 1976 – 17 August 1988
China and the United States and emphasized Pakistan's President Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry
role in the Islamic world. Zia held non-partisan Himself
elections in 1985 and appointed Muhammad Junejo
prime minister, though he accumulated more

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presidential powers through the Eighth Amendment in Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
the Constitution of Pakistan. He dismissed Junejo's Muhammad Junejo
government on charges of economic stagflation and
Preceded by Tikka Khan
announced general elections in November 1988. In
August 1988, while travelling from Bahawalpur to Succeeded by Mirza Aslam Beg
Islamabad, Zia died in an aircraft crash near the Sutlej Chief Martial Law Administrator
River. He was buried at the Faisal Mosque in In office
Islamabad. 5 July 1977 – 24 March 1985
Preceded by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (as Prime
Zia dominated Pakistan's politics for over a decade and
his proxy war against the Soviet Union is credited with Minister)
stopping an expected Soviet invasion of Pakistan. He is Succeeded by Muhammad Junejo (as Prime
praised by right-wing conservatives for his Minister)
desecularization efforts and opposition to Western Personal details
culture. Zia's detractors criticize his authoritarianism, Born 12 August 1924
his press censorship, his purported religious intolerance Jalandhar, Punjab Province,
and his weakening of democracy in Pakistan. Zia is also British India
cited for promoting the political career of Nawaz Sharif,
Died 17 August 1988 (aged 64)
who was thrice elected prime minister and current
Bahawalpur, Punjab,
leader of PML-N.
Pakistan
Cause of death Aircraft crash
Early life and family Resting place Faisal Mosque, Islamabad
Spouse Shafiq Jahan ​(m. 1950)​
Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq was born on 12 August 1924 in
Children 5, including Ijaz
Jalandhar, Punjab Province, British India.[3] His father,
Muhammad Akbar Ali, worked in the Army General Alma mater St. Stephen's College
Headquarters in Delhi.[3] Ali was noted for his Indian Military Academy
religiosity which earned him the Muslim clerical title Nickname(s) The Ringmaster,[1] Master of
molvi.[4] His family belonged to the Arain community of Illusion[2]
Punjabis.[5] At an early age, Zia and his six siblings were
Military service
taught the Quran.[6]
Allegiance British India
After completing his initial education in Simla, Zia Pakistan
attended Delhi's prestigious St. Stephen's College, an Branch/service British Indian Army
Anglican missionary school, for his BA degree in Pakistan Army
History, from which he graduated with distinction in Years of 1943–1988
1943.[7] He was admitted to the Indian Military service
Academy at Dehradun, graduating in May 1945 among
Rank
the last group of officers to be commissioned before the General
independence of India.[8]
Unit Guides Cavalry
On 10 August 1950, he married his cousin Shafiq Jahan Armoured Corps
in Lahore.[9] Begum Shafiq Zia died on 6 January
Commands II Strike Corps
1996.[10] Zia is survived by his sons, Muhammad Ijaz-
ul-Haq, (born 1953),[11] who went into politics and Chief of Army Staff

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became a cabinet minister in the government of Nawaz Battles/wars Second World War
Sharif, and Anwar-ul-Haq (born 1960)[12][13] and his Pacific War
daughters, Zain[14][15][16] (born 1972),[17] a special Indonesian National
needs child, Rubina Saleem, who is married to a Revolution
Pakistani banker and has been living in the United Battle of Surabaya
States since 1980,[18] and Quratulain Zia who currently Indo-Pakistani war of 1965
lives in London, and is married to Pakistani doctor, Indo-Pakistani war of 1971
Adnan Majid.[19] Black September
Soviet–Afghan War
His cousin Mian Abdul Waheed has served as diplomat,
being Pakistan's ambassador to Germany and Italy, also
playing a major role in the country becoming a nuclear
power, while post-retirement he turned to active politics,
long been associated with the PML-N before ending up in
the PPP.[20][21]

Military service
Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq with his father in
1929
Early career and partition
Zia was commissioned into the British Indian Army on 12
May 1943 after graduating from the Mhow Officer Training School.[9] He was posted to the 13th
Lancers, a cavalry unit accoutered with tanks.[9] During the Second World War, in May 1945, Zia
participated in the Burma campaign and the Malayan campaign of the Pacific War against the
Imperial Japanese Army.[6]

Zia was also participated in Indonesian National Revolution, Including the Battle of Surabaya.[22]

Following the partition of India in 1947, Captain Zia was the escort officer for the last train of refugees
to leave Babina, an armored corps training center in Uttar Pradesh, a difficult journey that took seven
days, during which the passengers were under constant fire as communal violence[23] broke out in the
aftermath of Partition.[23]

In September 1950, Zia joined the Guides Cavalry.[24] He was trained in the United States from 1962–
1964 at the United States Army Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas.
After that, he returned to take over as Directing Staff (DS) at Command and Staff College, Quetta.[25]
During the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965, Zia is said to have been the Assistant Quartermaster of the
101st Infantry Brigade.[26][27]. In 1969 he raised the 9th Armoured Brigade in Kharian as the first
Brigade Commander of the brigade, the brigade is currently stationed in Gujranwala under 6th
Armoured Division (Pakistan).

As a young soldier, Zia preferred prayers when "drinking, gambling, dancing and music were the way
officers spent their free time."[4]

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Role in Black September

Brigadier Zia was stationed in Jordan from 1967 to 1970 as the head of a Pakistani training mission to
Jordan. Zia-ul-Haq became involved on the Jordanian side of the military conflict against Palestinian
insurgents known as Black September. Zia had been stationed in Amman for three years prior to
Black September. During the events, according to CIA official Jack O'Connell, Zia was dispatched
north by King Hussein to assess Syria's military capabilities. The Pakistani commander reported back
to Hussein, recommending the deployment of a RJAF squadron to the region. Zia-ul-Haq then went
on to plan the Jordanian offensive against the Palestinians and commanded an armoured division
against them. O'Connell also reported that Zia personally led Jordanian troops during battles.

According to the biography provided by Major-General A. O. Mitha, it was the Army Chief of General
Staff, Lieutenant General Gul Hasan's lobbying at the Army GHQ which also saved then Brigadier Zia-
ul-Haq from being terminated. Brigadier Zia had been recommended to be court-martialled by Major-
General Nawazish in his submission to President Yahya Khan for disobeying GHQ orders by
commanding a Jordanian armoured division against the Palestinians, as part of actions during Black
September in which thousands were killed. It was Gul Hasan who interceded for Zia after which Army
Chief General Yahya Khan let Zia off the hook.

Ascent to Chief of Army Staff

He was then promoted as Lieutenant General and was appointed commander of the II Strike Corps at
Multan in 1975. On 1 March 1976, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto approved then-three star rank
general Lieutenant-General Zia as Chief of Army Staff and to be elevated to four-star rank.[28][29]

At the time of his nominating the successor to the outgoing Chief of Army Staff General Tikka Khan,
the Lieutenant Generals in order of seniority were: Muhammad Shariff, Akbar Khan, Aftab Ahmed,
Azmat Baksh Awan, Ibrahim Akram, Abdul Majeed Malik, Ghulam Jilani Khan, and Muhammad Zia-
ul-Haq. But, Bhutto chose the most junior, superseding seven more senior lieutenant-generals.[30]
However, the senior most at that time, Lieutenant-General Mohammad Shariff, though promoted to
General, was made the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, a constitutional post akin to
President Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry.[31]

Pakistani academic Husain Haqqani argues that Bhutto chose Zia[32] ahead of many senior officers for
ethnic and caste reasons, thinking that an Arain would not make an alliance with the predominantly
Pashtun and Rajput military officers in order to overthrow him, and this is also the reason why he let
Zia push for more Islam in the armed forces. Thus Bhutto let him change the army's motto to Iman,
Taqwa, Jihad fi sabilillah and let him offer books of Mawdudi to his officers as prizes during various
competitions, despite the strong ideological antagonism between Bhutto and Zia.[33]

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Military coup

Pre-coup unrest
Prime Minister Bhutto began facing considerable criticism and increasing unpopularity as his term
progressed; the democratic socialist's alliance who had previously allied with Bhutto began to
diminish as time progressed.[34] Initially targeting leader of the opposition Vali Khan and his
opposition National Awami Party (NAP), also a socialist party. Despite the ideological similarity of the
two parties, the clash of egos both inside and outside the National Assembly became increasingly
fierce, starting with the Federal government's decision to oust the NAP provincial government in
Balochistan Province for alleged secessionist activities[35] and culminating in the banning of the party
and arrest of much of its leadership after the death of a close lieutenant of Bhutto's, Hayat Sherpao, in
a bomb blast in the frontier town of Peshawar.

Dissidence also increased within the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), and the murder of leading
dissident Ahmed Raza Kasuri's father led to public outrage and intra-party hostility as Bhutto was
accused of masterminding the crime. PPP leaders such as Ghulam Mustafa Khar openly condemned
Bhutto and called for protests against his regime. The political crisis in the North-West Frontier
Province (NWFP now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) and Balochistan intensified as civil liberties remained
suspended, and an estimated 100,000 troops deployed there were accused of abusing human rights
and killing large numbers of civilians.[36]

On 8 January 1977, a large number of opposition political parties grouped to form the Pakistan
National Alliance (PNA).[37] Bhutto called fresh elections, and PNA participated fully in those
elections. They managed to contest the elections jointly even though there were grave splits on
opinions and views within the party. The PNA faced defeat but did not accept the results, alleging that
the election was rigged. On 11 March, the alliance called a nationwide strike followed by vicious
demonstrations demanding fresh elections.[38] Around 200 people were killed in the encounters
between protestors and security forces.[39] They proceeded to boycott the provincial elections. Despite
this, there was a high voter turnout in the national elections; however, as provincial elections were
held amidst low voter turnout and an opposition boycott, the PNA viewed Bhutto's government as
illegitimate.[39]

Soon, all the opposition leaders called for the overthrow of Bhutto's regime.[34] Political and civil
disorder intensified, which led to more unrest.[40] On 21 April 1977, Bhutto imposed martial law in
the major cities of Karachi, Lahore and Hyderabad.[41] However, a compromise agreement between
Bhutto and opposition was ultimately reported.[42] Zia planned the Coup d'état carefully, as he knew
Bhutto had integral intelligence in the Pakistan Armed Forces, and many officers, including Chief of
Air Staff Air Marshal Zulfiqar Ali Khan and Major-General Tajammul Hussain Malik, GOC of 23rd
Mountain Division, Major-General Naseerullah Babar, DG of Directorate-General for the Military
Intelligence (DGMI) and Vice-Admiral Syed Mohammad Ahsan, were loyal to Bhutto.

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1977 military coup

The coup (codenamed "Operation Fair Play") transpired in the small hours of 5 July 1977. Before the
announcement of any agreement, Bhutto and members of his cabinet were arrested by troops of the
Military Police under the order of Zia.[36] Bhutto tried to call Zia but all telephone lines were
disconnected. When Zia spoke to him later, he reportedly told Bhutto that he was sorry that he had
been forced to perform such an "unpleasant task".[43] Zia and his military government portrayed the
coup as a "spontaneous response to a difficult situation", but his response was a complete
contradiction. Soon after the coup, Zia told the British journalist Edward Behr of Newsweek:

I [Zia] am the only man who took this decision [Fair Play] and I did so on 1700 Hrs on 4[th]
July after hearing the press statement which indicated that the talks between Mr. Bhutto and
the opposition had broken down. Had an agreement been reached between them, I would
certainly never had done what I did.

— General Zia-ul-Haq, statement given to Newsweek, [44]

However, Zia's Chief of Army Staff General Khalid Mahmud Arif contradicted Zia's statement when
Arif noted that the coup had already been planned, and the senior leadership of Pakistan Armed
Forces had solid information. Therefore, Arif met with Bhutto on an emergency basis, stressing and
urging Bhutto to "rush negotiations with the opposition".[27] By Arif's and independent expert's
accounts, the talks had not broken down even though the coup was very much in the offing. Zia
further argued that Fair Play against Bhutto had been necessitated by the prospect of a civil war that
Bhutto had been planning, by distributing weapons to his supporters. However, Arif strongly rejected
Zia's remarks on Bhutto, and citing no evidence that weapons were found or recovered at any of the
party's election offices, the military junta did not prosecute Bhutto on the charge of planning civil
war.[27] After deposing Prime Minister Bhutto on 5 July 1977, Zia-ul-Haq declared martial law, and
appointed himself Chief Martial Law Administrator, which he remained until becoming president on
16 September 1978.

Immediately, the Chief of Naval Staff Admiral Mohammad Shariff announced his and the navy's
strong support for Zia and his military government. But the Chief of Air Staff General Zulfikar Ali
Khan remained unsupportive, but the Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee General Muhammad
Shariff remained neutral, while he silently expressed his support to Prime Minister Zulfikar
Bhutto.[27] In 1978, Zia pressured President Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry to appoint General Anwar Shamim
as Chief of Air Staff; and Admiral Karamat Rahman Niazi as Chief of Naval Staff in 1979.[45] On Zia's
recommendation, President Illahi appointed Admiral Mohammad Shariff as Chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff, hence making the Admiral the highest-ranking officer and principal military adviser
overlooking all of the inter-services, including the Chiefs of Staff of the respected forces.[45] In 1979,
the Chiefs of Army, Navy, and the Air Force, including the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
validated the coup as constitutional and legal under the war-torn circumstances, pledging their
support to Zia as well.[27]

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Dictatorship (1977–1988)

Postponement of elections and call for accountability

After assuming power as Chief Martial Law Administrator, Zia shortly appeared on national
television, PTV promising to hold new and neutral parliamentary elections within the next 90 days[27]

My sole aim is to organize free and fair elections which would be held in October this year.
Soon after the polls, power will be transferred to the elected representatives of the people.
I give a solemn assurance that I will not deviate from this schedule.[46]

He also stated that the Constitution of Pakistan had not been abrogated, but temporarily suspended.
Zia did not trust the civilian institutions and legislators to ensure the country's integrity and
sovereignty[27] therefore, in October 1977, he announced the postponement of the electoral plan and
decided to start an accountability process for the politicians.[47] On television, Zia strongly defended
his decision for postponing the elections and demanded that "scrutiny of political leaders who had
engaged in malpractice in the past".[47] Thus, the PNA adopted its policy of "retribution first, elections
later".[47] Zia's policy severely tainted his credibility as many saw the broken promise as malicious.[48]
Another motive was that Zia widely suspected that once out of power the size of the Pakistan Peoples
Party rallies would swell and better performance in elections was possible.[27] This led to request for
postponement of elections by the right-wing Islamists as well as left-wing socialists, formerly allied
with Bhutto, which displaced Bhutto in the first place. Zia dispatched an intelligence unit, known as
ISI's Political Wing, sending Brigadier-General Taffazul Hussain Siddiqiui, to Bhutto's native
Province, Sindh, to assess whether people would accept martial law. The Political Wing also contacted
the several right-wing Islamists and conservatives, promising an election, with PNA power-sharing
the government with Zia. Zia successfully divided and separated the secular forces from right-wing
Islamists and conservatives, and later purged each member of the secular front.[27]

A Disqualification Tribunal was formed, and several individuals who had been members of parliament
were charged with malpractice and disqualified from participating in politics at any level for the next
seven years.[47] A white paper document was issued, incriminating the deposed Bhutto government
on several counts.[47]

It is reported by senior officers that when Zia met federal secretaries for the first time as leader of the
country after martial law, he said that "He does not possess the charisma of Bhutto, personality of
Ayub Khan or the legitimacy of Liaquat Ali Khan" thereby implying how can he be marketed.[27]

The doctrine of necessity

Nusrat Bhutto, the wife of the deposed Prime Minister, filed a suit against Zia's military regime,
challenging the validity of the July 1977 military coup. The Supreme Court of Pakistan ruled, in what
would later be known as the Doctrine of Necessity (not to be confused with the 1954 doctrine of
necessity) that, given the dangerously unstable political situation of the time, Zia's overthrowing of the
Bhutto government was legal on the grounds of necessity. The judgement tightened the general's hold
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on the government. When Bhutto appeared personally to argue his appeal in the supreme court, he
almost affirmed his concurrence with the judges present for not letting off a judgement without
imposing some conditions on ruling military government.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto trial

Former elected Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was arrested during the coup but released shortly
afterwards. Upon his release, Bhutto travelled the country amid adulatory crowds of PPP supporters.
On 3 September 1977, he was arrested again by the Army on charges of authorising the murder of a
political opponent in March 1974. The trial proceedings began 24 October 1977 and lasted five
months. On 18 March 1978, Bhutto was declared guilty of murder and was sentenced to death.

In the words of Aftab Kazie and Roedad Khan, Zia hated Bhutto and had used inappropriate language
and insults to describe Bhutto and his colleagues.[49][50][51] The Supreme Court ruled four to three in
favour of execution. The High Court had given him the death sentence on charges of the murder of the
father of Ahmed Raza Kasuri, a dissident PPP politician.[52] Despite many clemency appeals from
foreign leaders requesting Zia to commute Bhutto's death sentence, Zia dismissed the appeals and
upheld the death sentence.[52] On 4 April 1979, Bhutto was hanged, after the Supreme Court upheld
the death sentence as passed by the Lahore High Court.[52][53][54][55][34]

The hanging of an elected prime minister by a military dictator was condemned by the international
community and by lawyers and jurists across Pakistan.[52] Bhutto's trial was highly controversial.[52]

Appointment of martial law administrators

Martial law judges

The Ad hoc appointments of senior justices at the Supreme Court of Pakistan was one of the earliest
and major steps were taken out by the military government under General Zia-ul-Haq.[56] Zia had
recognised the fact that since, Bhutto had good equations with the governments of the Soviet Union,
China, and all the important western countries, excluding the United States.[56] Still, it was a
formidable array of sovereigns, presidents and prime ministers and the PPP can be forgiven for
making a massive political miscalculations.[56]

After calling for martial law, Zia pressured President Fazal Illahi to appoint Justice Sheikh Anwarul
Haq to Chief Justice of Pakistan on 23 September 1977.[56] Immediately, chief justice Yaqub Ali was
forcefully removed from the office after the latter agreed to re-hear the petition filed at the supreme
court by the peoples party's chairwoman Nusrat Bhutto on 20 September 1977.[56] After Justice Yaqub
Ali's removal, Bhutto objected to the inclusion of the new Chief Justice, Sheikh Anwar-ul-Haq, as a
chief justice of the Bench on the grounds that by accepting the office of acting president during the
absence of Zia-ul-Haq from the country, he had compromised his impartial status.[56] Bhutto also
stated that the Chief Justice in his public statements had been critical of his government in the recent
past.[56]

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The objection was over-ruled by the Chief Justice Anwarul Haq, and the case of Bhutto was again
heard by the Chief Justice Anwar-ul-Haq as the bench's lead judge, and presided the whole case of
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto while forcing the martial law throughout Pakistan.[56] Shortly, after Zia's return,
another judge Mushtak Ahmad also gained Zia and Anwar-ul-Haq's support and elevated as the ad
hoc Chief Justice of Lahore High Court; he was too part of the bench who retained the death sentence
of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto even though Bhutto was not declared guilty of the murder of the political
opponent.[56] In 1979, when Zia departed for Saudi Arabia, Justice Anwarul Haq served as interim
president of Pakistan.[56]

Martial law governors

The Zia regime largely made use of installing high-profile military
generals to carte blanche provincial administration under martial
law. Zia's Guides Cavalry comrade Lieutenant-General Fazhle Haque
was appointed Martial Law Administrator of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa
Province. Lieutenant-General Fazle Haque was considered a strong
vocal General and a strong man. General Haque was the commander
of the XI Corps, and commanding-general officer of the Army
elements responsible for fighting a secret war against Soviet Union.

The second appointment was of Lieutenant-General S.M. Abbasi who

was appointed Martial Law Administrator of Sindh Province; his
tenure too saw civil disorder amid student riots. By contrast, third
martial law administrator appointment of Lieutenant-General
Ghulam Jilani Khan to the Punjab Province made much headway in Zia presenting the Hilal-i-Imtiaz
beautifying Lahore extending infrastructure, and muting political to Shamim Alam Khan
opposition. The ascent of Nawaz Sharif to Chief Minister of Punjab
was largely due to General Jilani's sponsorship. Perhaps most
crucially, final and fourth martial law administrator appointment was then-Lieutenant-General
Rahimuddin Khan. Lieutenant-General Rahimuddin Khan was appointed to the post of Martial Law
Administrator of Balochistan Province saw the disbanding of the Baloch insurgency, the containment
of Afghan mujahidin, as well as the construction of nuclear test sites in the Chagai District.

Zia's tenure saw the influx of heroin, sophisticated weaponry, and countless refugees in from
neighbouring Afghanistan. Law and order deterioration was worse after he appointed Mr. Junejo as
Prime minister in 1985. The government did not locate evidence of Zia having a relationship in the
heroin trade, but has been considered.[57]

Zia benefited from the extremely capable martial law administrators who previously had worked with
the military governments of former president Yahya Khan and Ayub Khan in the 1960s.[45] One of the
notable officers that had worked with him were General Khalid Arief, Chief of Army Staff, and
Admiral Mohammad Shariff, Chairman Joint Chiefs.[45] Both were noted by Western governments as
highly capable and had wide experience from the military government of the East-Pakistan and
remained General Zia' confidential members.[45][58]

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Both Admiral Sharif and General Arif handled the matters efficiently if the matters were out of control
by Zia. In 1979, Zia influenced the Navy's Promotion Board several times after he succeeded first in
the appointment of Admiral Karamat Rahman Niazi as Chief of Naval Staff in 1979, and Admiral Tarik
Kamal Khan, also chief of naval staff, in 1983.[45] On his request, then-President Fazal Illahi approved
the appointment of General Anwar Shamim as Chief of Air Staff and following President's resignation,
Zia appointed Shamim as the Deputy Chief Martial Law Administrator.[45] In the matters of serious
national security, General Zia had taken the chief of air staff and chief of naval staff in confidence after
he discussed the matters with the respected chiefs of Staff.[45] Zia's appointment in inter-services
were highly crucial for his military government and pre-emptive measure to ensure the continuous
loyalty of Navy and Air Force to himself and his new military government.[45]

Assumption of the post of President of Pakistan

Despite the dismissal of most of the Bhutto government, president Fazal Ilahi Chaudhry was
persuaded to continue in office as a figurehead.[59] After completing his term, and despite Zia's
insistence to accept an extension as President, Chaudhry resigned, and Zia took the office of President
of Pakistan on 16 September 1978.

Political structural changes

Formation of Majlis-e-Shoora
Although ostensibly only holding office until free elections could be held, General Zia, like the
previous military governments, disapproved of the lack of discipline and orderliness that often
accompanies multiparty "parliamentary democracy." He preferred a "presidential" form of
government[60] and a system of decision making by technical experts, or "technocracy". His first
replacement for the parliament or National Assembly was a Majlis-e-Shoora, or "consultative
council." After banning all political parties in 1979 he disbanded Parliament and at the end of 1981 set
up the majlis, which was to act as a sort of board of advisors to the President and assist with the
process of Islamization.[61] The 350 members of the Shoora were to be nominated by the President
and possessed only the power to consult with him,[60] and in reality served only to endorse decisions
already taken by the government.[60][62] Most members of the Shoora were intellectuals, scholars,
ulema, journalists, economists, and professionals in different fields.

Zia's parliament and his military government reflect the idea of "military-bureaucratic technocracy"
(MBT) where professionals, engineers, and high-profile military officers were initially part of his
military government. His antipathy for the politicians led the promotion of bureaucratic-technocracy
which was seen a strong weapon of countering the politicians and their political strongholds. Senior
statesman and technocrats were included physicist-turned diplomat Agha Shahi, jurist Sharifuddin
Perzada, corporate leader Nawaz Sharif, economist Mahbub ul Haq, and senior statesman Aftab
Kazie, Roedad Khan, and chemist-turned diplomat Ghulam Ishaq Khan were a few of the leading
technocratic figures in his military government.[63]

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1984 referendum
After Bhutto's execution, momentum to hold elections began to mount both internationally and
within Pakistan. But before handing over power to elected representatives, Zia-ul-Haq attempted to
secure his position as the head of state. A referendum was held on 19 December 1984 with the option
being to elect or reject the General as the future President, the wording of the referendum making a
vote against Zia appear to be a vote against Islam.[60] According to official figures 97.8% of votes were
cast in favour of Zia, however only 20% of the electorate participated in the referendum.

1985 parliamentary elections and constitutional amendments

After holding the 1984 referendum, Zia succumbed to international pressure and gave permission to
election commission to hold national wide general elections but without political parties in February
1985.[64] Most of the major opposing political parties decided to boycott the elections but election
results showed that many victors belonged to one party or the other. Critics complained that ethnic
and sectarian mobilisation filled the void left by banning political parties (or making elections "non-
partisan"), to the detriment of national integration.[65]

The General worked to give himself the power to dismiss the Prime Minister dissolve the National
Assembly, appoint provincial governors and the chief of the armed forces. His prime minister
Muhammad Khan Junejo was known as an unassuming and soft-spoken Sindhi.[66]

Before handing over the power to the new government and lifting the martial law, Zia got the new
legislature to retroactively accept all of Zia's actions of the past eight years, including his coup of 1977.
He also managed to get several amendments passed, most notably the Eighth Amendment, which
granted "reserve powers" to the president to dissolve the Parliament. However, this amendment
considerably reduced the power he'd previously granted himself to dissolve the legislature, at least on
paper. The text of the amendment permitted Zia to dissolve the Parliament only if the government
had been toppled by a vote of no confidence and it was obvious that no one could form a government
or the government could not function in a constitutional manner.[64]

Economic policy
In general Zia gave economic development and policy a fairly low priority (aside from Islamization)
and delegating its management to technocrats such as Ghulam Ishaq Khan, Aftab Qazi and Vaseem
Jaffrey. [67] However, between 1977 and 1986, the country experienced an average annual growth in
the GNP of 6.8%—the highest in the world at that time—thanks in large part to remittances from the
overseas workers, rather than government policy.[67] The first year of Zia's government coincided with
a dramatic rise in remittances, which totalled $3.2 billion/year for most of the 1980s, accounted for 10
percent of Pakistans's GDP; 45 percent of its current account receipts, and 40 percent of total foreign
exchange earnings.[68][69]

By the time General Zia had initiated the coup against Prime Minister Zulfikar Bhutto, the economic
cycle process of nationalisation program was completed. The socialist orientation and nationalisation
program was slowly reversed; the idea of corporatisation was heavily favoured by President Zia-ul-
Haq to direct the authoritarianism in the nationalised industries. One of his well-known and earliest

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initiatives were aimed to Islamize the national economy which featured the Interest-free economic
cycle. No actions towards privatising the industries were ordered by President Zia; only three steel
mill industries were returned to its previous owners.[70]

By the end of 1987, the finance ministry had begun studying the process of engaging the gradual
privatisation and economic liberalisation.

United States sponsorship

The United States, notably the Ronald Reagan
administration, was an ardent supporter of Zia's military
regime and a close ally of Pakistan's conservative-leaning
ruling military establishment.[71] The Reagan administration
declared Zia's regime as the "front line" ally of the United
States in the fight against the threat of Communism.[71][72]
American legislators and senior officials most notable were
Zbigniew Brzezinski, Henry Kissinger, Charlie Wilson,
Joanne Herring, and the civilian intelligence officers
President Ronald Reagan and Bill Clark
Michael Pillsbury and Gust Avrakotos, and senior US meeting with President Zia-ul-Haq, 1982
military officials General John William Vessey, and General
Herbert M. Wassom, had been long associated with the Zia
military regime where they had made frequent trips to Pakistan advising on expanding the idea of
establishment in the political circle of Pakistan.[71] Nominally, the American conservatism of Ronald
Reagan's Republican Party influenced Zia to adopt his idea of Islamic conservatism as the primary
line of his military government, forcefully enforcing the Islamic and other religious practices in the
country.[71]

The socialist orientation had greatly alarmed the capitalist forces in Pakistan and alarmed the United
States who feared the loss of Pakistan as an ally in the cold war.[27] Many of Pakistan's political
scientists and historians widely suspected that the riots and coup against Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was
orchestrated with help of the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the United States Government
because United States growing fear of Bhutto's socialist policies which were seen as sympathetic
towards the Soviet Union and had built a bridge that allowed Soviet Union to be involved in Pakistan,
and had access through Pakistan's warm water port; something that the United States was unable to
gain access since the establishment of Pakistan in 1947.[71][73] Former US Attorney General Ramsey
Clark widely suspected the United States' involvement in bringing down the Bhutto's government, and
publicly accused the United States' Government after attending the trial.[73] On the other hand, the
United States refused any involvement in Bhutto's fall, and argued that it was Bhutto who had
alienated himself over the five years.[27] While witnessing the dramatic fall of Bhutto, one US
diplomat in American Embassy in Islamabad wrote that:

During Bhutto's five years in Pakistan's helm, Bhutto had retained an emotional hold on the
poor masses who had voted him overwhelmingly in 1970s general elections. At the same
time, however, Bhutto had many enemies. The socialist economics and nationalization of
major private industries during his first two years on office had badly upsets the Business
circles.... An ill-considered decision to take over the wheat-milling, rice-husking, sugar mills,
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and cotton-gaining, industries in July of 1976 had angered the small business owners and
traders. Both leftists—socialists and communists, intellectuals, students, and trade unionists
—felt betrayed by Bhutto's shift to centre-right wing conservative economics policies and by
his growing collaboration with powerful feudal lords, Pakistan's traditional power brokers.
After 1976, Bhutto's aggressive authoritarian personal style and often high-handed way of
dealing with political rivals, dissidents, and opponents had also alienated many....[27]

Foreign affairs

Soviet–Afghan War
On 25 December 1979, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. Following this invasion, Zia chaired a
meeting and was asked by several cabinet members to refrain from interfering in the war, owing to the
vastly superior military power of the USSR. Zia, however, was ideologically opposed to the idea of
communism taking over a neighbouring country, supported by the fear of Soviet advancement into
Pakistan, particularly Balochistan, in search of warm waters, and made no secret about his intentions
of monetarily and militarily aiding the Afghan resistance (the Mujahidin) with major assistance from
the United States.[74]

American president Jimmy Carter offered $400 million aid package to Pakistan; Zia ridiculed the
offer as "peanuts".[75] Zia ultimately succeeded in winning an increased aid of $3.2 billion provided by
Carter's successor Ronald Reagan.[76]

During this meeting, the Director-General of the Directorate for Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) then-
Lieutenant-General Akhtar Abdur Rahman advocated for a covert operation in Afghanistan by arming
Islamic Extremists. After this meeting, Zia authorised this operation under General Rahman, and it
was later merged with Operation Cyclone, a programme funded by the United States and the Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA).[77]

In November 1982, Zia travelled to Moscow to attend the funeral of Leonid Brezhnev, the late General
Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko and
new Secretary General Yuri Andropov met with Zia there. Andropov expressed indignation over
Pakistan's support of the Afghan resistance against the Soviet Union and its satellite state, Socialist
Afghanistan. Zia took his hand and assured him, "General Secretary, believe me, Pakistan wants
nothing but very good relations with the Soviet Union".[78] According to Gromyko, Zia's sincerity
convinced them, but Zia's actions didn't live up to his words.[78]

Zia reversed many of Bhutto's foreign policy initiatives by first establishing stronger links with the
United States, Japan, and the Western world. Zia broken off relations with the Socialist state and
State capitalism became his major economic policy. US politician Charlie Wilson claims that he
worked with Zia and the CIA to channel Soviet weapons that Israel captured from the PLO in Lebanon
to fighters in Afghanistan. Wilson claims that Zia remarked to him: "Just don't put any stars of David
on the boxes".[79]

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Iran–Iraq War
On 22 September 1980, the Iraqi invasion of Iran initiated a nearly eight-year long war between Iran
and Iraq. In an effort to end the war and maintain unity of the Islamic world, Zia visited Tehran on 27
September and Baghdad on 29 September. Despite declaring neutrality, Zia maintained close
relations with Iran and Pakistan sold weapons to Iran, which proved to be a main factor for the
Iranian victory in the Tanker War.[80][81]

Consolidation of atomic bomb program

One of the earliest initiatives taken by Zia in 1977, was to militarize the integrated atomic energy
program which was founded by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in 1972.[82] During the first stages, the program
was under the control of Bhutto and the Directorate for Science, under Science Advisor Dr. Mubashir
Hassan, who was heading the civilian committee that supervised the construction of the facilities and
laboratories.[82] This atomic bomb project had no boundaries with Munir Ahmad Khan and Dr. Abdul
Qadeer Khan leading their efforts separately and reported to Bhutto and his science adviser Dr.
Hassan who had little interest in the atomic bomb project.[82] Major-General Zahid Ali Akbar, an
engineering officer, had little role in the atomic project; Zia responded by taking over the program
under military control and disbanded the civilian directorate when he ordered the arrest of Hassan.
This whole giant nuclear energy project was transferred into the administrative hands of Major-
General Akbar who was soon made the Lieutenant-General and Engineer-in-Chief of the Pakistan
Army Corps of Engineers to deal with the authorities whose co-operation was required. Akbar
consolidated the entire project by placing the scientific research under military control, setting
boundaries and goals. Akbar proved to be an extremely capable officer in the matters of science and
technology when he aggressively led the development of nuclear weapons under Munir Ahmad Khan
and Abdul Qadeer Khan in a matter of five years.[82]

By the time, Zia assumed control, the research facilities became fully functional and 90% of the work
on atom bomb project was completed. Both the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) and the
Khan Research Laboratories (KRL) had built the extensive research infrastructure started by Bhutto.
Akbar's office was shifted to Army's General Headquarters (GHQ) and Akbar guided Zia on key
matters of nuclear science and atomic bomb production. He became the first engineering officer to
have acknowledge Zia about the success of this energy project into a fully matured program. On the
recommendation of Akbar, Zia approved the appointment of Munir Ahmad Khan as the scientific
director of the atomic bomb project, as Zia was convinced by Akbar that civilian scientists under
Munir Khan's directorship were at their best to counter international pressure.[82]

This was proved when the PAEC conducted the cold-fission test of a fission device, codename Kirana-
I on 11 March 1983 at the Weapon-Testing Laboratories-I, under the leadership of weapon-testing
laboratory's director Dr. Ishfaq Ahmad. Lieutenant-General Zahid Akbar went to GHQ and notified
Zia about the success of this test. The PAEC responded by conducting several cold-tests throughout
the 1980s, a policy also continued by Benazir Bhutto in the 1990s. According to the reference in the
book, "Eating Grass", Zia was so deeply convinced of the infiltration of Western and American moles
and spies into the project, that he extended his role in the atomic bomb, which reflected extreme
"paranoia", in both his personal and professional life. He virtually had PAEC and KRL separated from

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each other and made critical administrative decisions rather than putting scientists in charge of the
aspects of the atomic programs. His actions spurred innovation in the atomic bomb project and an
intense secrecy and security culture permeated PAEC and KRL.[83]

Nuclear diplomacy
Unlike Bhutto, who faced rogue criticism and a heated diplomatic war with the United States
throughout the 1970s, Zia took different diplomatic approaches to counter the international
pressure.[82] From 1979 to 1983, the country was made a subject of attack by international
organization for not signing the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT); Zia deftly neutralized
international pressure by tagging Pakistan's nuclear weapons program to the nuclear designs of the
neighboring Indian nuclear program.[82] Zia, with the help of Munir Ahmad Khan and Agha Shahi,
Foreign Minister, drew a five-point proposal as a practical rejoinder to world pressure on Pakistan to
sign the NPT; the points including the renouncing of the use of nuclear weapons.[84] He also escalated
Pakistan's atomic bomb project, and instituted industrialization and deregulation, helping Pakistan's
economy become the fastest-growing in South Asia,[85] overseeing the highest GDP growth in the
country's history.[86]

Following the success of Operation Opera – in which an

Israeli Air Force strike took place to destroy the Iraqi (sic)...Either General Zia did not
nuclear program in 1981 – suspicion grew in Pakistan that know the facts about country's
the Indian Air Force had similar plans for Pakistan. [88] In a atomic bomb project... Or
private meeting with General Anwar Shamim, then-Chief General Zia was the "most superb
of Air Staff, Zia had notified General Shamim that the and patriotic liar I have ever
Indian Air Force had plans to infiltrate Pakistan's nuclear met...."
energy project, citing solid evidence. [88] Shamim felt that
the Air Force was unable to divert such attacks, therefore, — Vernon Walters, 1981, [87]
he advised Zia to use diplomacy through Munir Ahmad
Khan to divert the attacks. At Vienna, Munir Ahmad Khan met with Indian physicist Raja Ramanna
and notified him that such an attack would provoke a nuclear war between the two countries.[89] In
the meantime, Shamim decided to start the program to acquire the F-16 Falcons and A-5 Fanton jets
for the Pakistan Air Force. Shamim launched Operation Sentinel- a counter operation that thwarted
the Israeli Air Force attempt to sabotage Pakistan's nuclear energy project—forced Indian Premier
Indira Gandhi to hold talks with Pakistan on nuclear issues and directed a high delegation to Pakistan
where both countries pledged not to assist or attack each other's facilities. In 1985, following the
induction of the F-16 Falcons and A-5 Fantons, Shamim commissioned the Air Force Strategic
Command to protect and battle the weapons of mass destruction.[88]

In 1977, Zia ultimately adopted the policy of "nuclear opacity" to deliberately deny the atomic bomb
programs. This policy of nuclear ambiguity was adopted after witnessing the success of Israel's
nuclear program and on multiple occasions Zia broke his words and promises concerning the nature
of the country's atomic bomb project. On nuclear policy issues, Zia deliberately misguided the United
States and concealed classified information from the outside world. The United States trusted Zia's
sincerity and his promises made to the United States; Zia gave assurances to the United States not to
produce weapons-grade plutonium and highly enriched uranium (HEU) above a 5% level. However,
the Deputy Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Vernon Walter, confronted Zia on his secret

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trip to Pakistan in October 1981. Confronted with the evidence, Zia acknowledged that the
information "must be true," but then denied everything, leading Walters to conclude that: "either Zia
"did not know the facts" or was the "most superb and patriotic liar I have ever met...".[87]

Nuclear proliferation
Soon after the coup, the clandestine nuclear energy project was no longer a secret to the outside
world. Part of his strategy was the promotion of nuclear proliferation in anti-western states (such as
North Korea, Iran, and communist China) to aid their own nuclear ambitions, to divert international
attention which was difficult. In 1981, Zia contracted with China when he sent weapon-grade uranium
to China and also built the centrifuge laboratory which increasingly enhanced the Chinese nuclear
program. This act encouraged Abdul Qadeer Khan, who allegedly tried to aid the Libyan nuclear
programme but because Libya–Pakistan relations were strained, Khan was warned of serious
consequences.[82] This policy envisaged that this would deflect international pressure onto these
countries, and Pakistan would be spared the international community's wrath.[90]

After Zia's death, his successor General Mirza Aslam Beg, as Chief of Army Staff, encouraged Abdul
Qadeer Khan and gave him a free hand to work with some like-minded nations such as North Korea,
Iran and Libya which also wanted to pursue their nuclear ambitions for a variety of reasons. In 2004,
Abdul Qadeer Khan's dismissal from the nuclear weapons program was considered a face saving
exercise by the Pakistan Armed Forces and political establishment under the then Chief of Army Staff
and President General Pervez Musharraf.[91] Zia's nuclear proliferation policy had a deep impact on
the world, especially anti-western states, most nominally North Korea and Iran. In the 2000s
(decade), North Korea would soon follow the same suit after it was targeted by the international
community for its on-going nuclear program. In the 2000s (decade), North Korea attempted to aid
the Syrian and Iranian nuclear program in the 1990s.[82] The North Korean connection to the Syrian
nuclear program was exposed in 2007 by Israel in its successful strategic operation, Orchard, which
resulted in them sabotaging the Syrian nuclear program as well as the deaths of 10 senior North
Korean scientists who were aiding the nuclear program.

Expansion
Even though Zia had removed the Bhutto sentiment in the nuclear energy project, Zia did not
completely disband Bhutto's policy on nuclear weapons. After the retirement of Zahid Ali Akbar, Zia
transferred control of the nuclear weapons program to Bhutto's close aide Munir Ahmad Khan,
Chairman of the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission. Soon, Zia promoted Khan as the technical
director of the entire program as well as appointing Khan as his Science Adviser.[82] With the support
of handpicked civilian Prime Minister Muhammad Juneijo, Zia sanctioned the launch of the 50
Megawatt (MW) heavy water plutonium production reactor, known as Khushab-I, at Khushab in
1985.[82] Zia also took initiatives to launch the space projects as spin-off to nuclear project.[82] Zia
appointed nuclear engineer Salim Mehmud as the Administrator of the Space Research
Commission.[92] Zia also launched the work on the country's first satellite, Badr-1, a military
satellite.[92] In 1987, Zia launched the clandestine aerospace project, the Integrated Missile Research
Program under General Anwar Shamim in 1985, and later under Lieutenant-General Talat Masood in
1987.[93]

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The legacy of the Soviet-Afghan war

The rise of the illicit drug trade and its spread through Pakistan to the rest of the world increased
tremendously during the Soviet-Afghan war. Afghanistan's drug industry began to take off after the
Soviet invasion in 1979. Desperate for cash with which to buy weapons, various elements in the anti-
Communist resistance turned to the drug trade. This was tolerated if not condoned by their American
sponsors such as the CIA[94] and by senior officers of the Pakistan Army around Zia-ul-Haq.

Islamization of Pakistan
The "primary" policy or "centerpiece" of Zia's government was "Sharization" or "Islamization".[95]

In 1977, before the coup, the drinking and selling of wine by Muslims, along with nightclubs, and
horse racing was banned by Prime Minister Bhutto to stem the tide of street Islamization.[96][97] Zia
went much further, committing himself to enforce Nizam-e-Mustafa ("Rule of the prophet" or Islamic
System, i.e. establishing an Islamic state and sharia law[97]), a significant turn from Pakistan's
predominantly secular law, inherited from the British.

In his first televised speech to the country as head of state Zia declared that

Pakistan which was created in the name of Islam will continue to survive only if it sticks to
Islam. That is why I consider the introduction of [an] Islamic system as an essential
prerequisite for the country.[98]

In the past, he complained, "Many a ruler did what they pleased in the name of Islam."[99][27]

Zia established "Sharia Benches" in each High Court (later the Federal Sharia Court)[27][100] to judge
legal cases using the teachings of the Quran and the Sunna, and to align Pakistan's legal statutes with
Islamic doctrine.[101] Zia bolstered the influence of the ulama (Islamic clergy) and the Islamic
parties.[101] 10,000s of activists from the Jamaat-e-Islami party were appointed to government posts
to ensure the continuation of his agenda after his passing.[95][97][101] Conservative ulama (Islamic
scholars) were added to the Council of Islamic Ideology.[100]

Islamization was a sharp change from Bhutto's original philosophical rationale captured in the slogan,
"Food, clothing, and shelter". In Zia's view, socialist economics and a secular-socialist orientation
served only to upset Pakistan's natural order and weaken its moral fiber.[102] General Zia defended his
policies in an interview in 1979 given to British journalist Ian Stephens:

The basis of Pakistan was Islam. ... Muslims of the subcontinent are a separate culture. It was
on the Two-Nation Theory that this part was carved out of the Subcontinent as Pakistan...
Mr. Bhutto's way of flourishing in this Society was by eroding its moral fiber. ... by pitching
students against teachers, children against their parents, landlord against tenants, workers
against mill owners. [Pakistan has economic difficulties] because Pakistanis have been made
to believe that one can earn without working. ... We are going back to Islam not by choice but
by the force of circumstances. It is not I or my government that is imposing Islam. It was
what 99 percent of people wanted; the street violence against Bhutto reflected the people's
desire ...
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— General Zia-ul-Haq, [27]

How much of Zia's motivation came from piety and how much from political calculation is disputed.
One author points out that Zia was conspicuously silent on the dispute between the heterodox Zikri
and the 'Ulama in Balochistan where he needed stability.[103] Secular and leftist forces accused Zia of
manipulating Islam for political ends.[104] According to Nusrat Bhutto, former First Lady of Pakistan:

The ... horrors of 1971 war ... are (still) alive and vivid in the hearts and the minds of people
of [Pakistan]...Therefore, General Zia insanely ... used Islam ... to ensure the survival of his
regime....

— Nusrat Bhutto, <[27]

How much success Zia had using state-sponsored Islamization to strengthen national cohesion is also
disputed.[105] The Zakat and Ushr Ordinance was implemented in 1980. The measure called for a
2.5% annual deduction from personal bank accounts on the first day of Ramadan, with the revenue to
be used for poverty relief.[106] Zakat committees were established to oversee the distribution of the
funds.[101] The measure was opposed by Shia Muslims, who do not consider the collection of Zakat an
obligation.[107] In the first days of the tax, Shia Muslims who followed the Ja'fari school raised strong
opposition, and in April 1981, the government made an exemption allowing Shia to file for
exemptions.[108][109][110][111]

Among Sunni Muslims, Deobandis and Barelvis also had disputes. Zia favored the Deobandi doctrine
and so the Sufi pirs of Sindh (who were Barelvis) joined the anti-Zia Movement for the Restoration of
Democracy.[112]

Canadian-Pakistani Sufi imam Syed Soharwardy says that Zia "changed Pakistan from a Sufi-
dominated state to a Salafi-dominated state", estimating that if 70% of mosques were Sufis due to Zia
they're now at 55%, and in the Army, this change has been even more radical, as he estimates that
military mosques went from 90% Sufi in the 70s to now 85% Deobandis.[113]

Hudood Ordinance
One of his first and most controversial measures to Islamize Pakistani society was the replacement of
parts of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) with the 1979 "Hudood Ordinance."[114] (Hudood meaning
limits or restrictions, as in limits of acceptable behavior in Islamic law.) The Ordinance added new
criminal offenses of adultery and fornication to Pakistani law, and new punishments of whipping,
amputation, and stoning to death.[115]

For theft or robbery, the PPC punishments of imprisonment fine, or both, were replaced by
amputation of the right hand of the offender for theft, and amputation of the right hand and left foot
for robbery. For Zina (extramarital sex) the provisions relating to adultery were replaced by the
Ordinance with punishments of 100 lashes for those unmarried offenders, and stoning to death for
married offenders.

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All these punishments were dependent on the proof required for hadd being met. In practice, the
Hudd requirement—four Muslim men of good repute testifying as witnesses to the crime—was seldom
met. As of 2014, no offenders have been stoned or had limbs amputated by the Pakistani judicial
system. To be found guilty of theft, Zina, or drinking alcohol by less strict tazir standards—where the
punishment was flogging and/or imprisonment—was common, and there have been many floggings.

More worrisome for human rights and women's rights advocates, lawyers, and politicians was the
incarceration of thousands of rape victims on charges of Zina.[96] The onus of providing proof in a
rape case rests with the woman herself. Uncorroborated testimony by women was inadmissible in
hudood crimes.[116] If the victim/accuser was unable to prove her allegation, bringing the case to court
was considered equivalent to a confession of sexual intercourse outside of lawful marriage. Despite
this, the ordinance remained in force until the Women's Protection Bill was passed in 2006.[117]

Although the Sharia punishments were imposed, the due process, witnesses, law of evidence, and
prosecution system remained Anglo-Saxon.[118]

The hybridization of Pakistan's penal code with Islamic laws was difficult because of the difference in
the underlying logic of the two legal systems.[96] PPC was kingly law, Haddood is a religious and
community-based law.

Islamic Law
Under Zia, the order for women to cover their heads while in public was implemented in public
schools, colleges, and state television. Women's participation in sports and the performing arts was
severely restricted. Following Sharia law, women's legal testimony was given half the weight of a
man's, according to critics .[116]

In 1981 interest payments were replaced by "profit and loss" accounts (though profit was thought to
be simply interest by another name).[106] Textbooks were overhauled to remove un-Islamic material,
and un-Islamic books were removed from libraries.[106]

Eating and drinking during Ramadan were outlawed, and attempts were made to enforce praying of
salat five times a day.[101]

Blasphemy ordinances
To outlaw blasphemy, the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) and the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) were
amended through ordinances in 1980, 1982, and 1986. The 1980 law prohibited derogatory remarks
against Islamic personages and carried a three-year prison sentence.[119] In 1982 the small Ahmadiyya
religious minority were prohibited from saying or implying they were Muslims. In 1986 declaring
anything implying disrespect to the Islamic prophet Muhammad, Ahl al-Bayt (family members of
Muhammad), Sahabah (companions of Muhammad) or Sha'ar-i-Islam (Islamic symbols) was made a
cognizable offense, punishable with imprisonment or fine, or both.[120]

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Madrassa expansions
Traditional religious madrassas in Pakistan received state sponsorship for the first time, under
General Zia-ul-Haq's administration,[121] their number grew from 893 to 2,801. Most were Deobandi
in doctrinal orientation, while one-quarter of them were Barelvi.[122] They received funding from
Zakat councils and provided free religious training, room, and board to impoverished Pakistanis.[123]
The schools, which banned televisions and radios, have been criticized by authors for stoking
sectarian hatred both between Muslim sects and against non-Muslims.[121][122][123]

Cultural policies
In a 1979 address to the nation, Zia decried the Western culture and music in the country. Soon
afterward, PTV, the national television network ceased playing music videos and only patriotic songs
were broadcast.[124] New taxes were levied on the film industry and most of the cinemas in Lahore
were shut down.[125] New tax rates were introduced, further decreasing cinema attendances.[125]

It was under Zia and the economic prosperity of his era that the country's urban middle and lower-
middle-classes expanded and Western 1980s fashion wear and hairstyle spread in popularity, and
rock music bands gained momentum, according to leftist cultural critic Nadeem F. Paracha.[126]

Welfare of the people with disabilities

During his tenure, he oversaw the passing of an ordinance for the welfare of people with disabilities.
The ordinance is called "The Disabled Persons (Employment and Rehabilitation) Ordinance, 1981"
and it was passed into law on 29 December 1981. It provides measures for the employment,
rehabilitation, and welfare of people with disabilities.[127]

Dismissal of the Junejo government and call for new elections

As time passed, the legislature wanted to have more freedom and power and by the beginning of 1988,
rumours about the differences between Prime Minister Muhammad Khan Junejo and Zia were rife.

It is said by some that Zia-Junejo rift was encouraged by late Mahboob-ul-Haq and Junejo's
insistence on signing Geneva pact without deciding the composition of next government of
Afghanistan before Soviet withdrawal. Junejo also gave Benazir a seat next to him in parleys before
that. Junejo did not strengthen the Islamization drive and rather weakened it. His era led to serious
disturbances in Karachi and ultimately Karachi went into the secular control of MQM from Jamaat-e-
Islami.

Ojhri Camp blast had irreversibly weakened Zia. Junejo was committed to make an investigation into
the Ojhri camp disaster. This couldn't be digested by President as it would expose the involvement of
ISI and Zia co- fellow Generals. After defeat of Soviet army, America wanted to audit the ammunition
and missiles supplied to Pakistan for mujahidin, most of which has been stored by Pakistan for future
targets against India or other enemies. So Zia planned this event in a very cruel manner, having
sacrificed the lives of people of Pakistan for fulfillment of their own agenda.

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On 29 May 1988, Zia dissolved the National Assembly and removed the Prime Minister under article
58(2)b of the amended Constitution. Apart from many other reasons, Prime Minister Junejo's
decision to sign the Geneva Accord against the wishes of Zia, and his open declarations of removing
any military personnel found responsible for an explosion at a munitions dump at Ojhri Camp, on the
outskirts of army headquarters in Rawalpindi, earlier in the year, proved to be some of the major
factors responsible for his removal. Relations with India worsened amid the Siachen conflict and
accusations that Pakistan was aiding the Khalistan movement.[64]

Zia promised to hold elections in 1988 after the dismissal of Junejo government. He said that he
would hold elections within the next 90 days. The late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's daughter Benazir Bhutto
had returned from exile earlier in 1986, and had announced that she would be contesting the
elections. With Bhutto's popularity somewhat growing, and a decrease in international aid following
the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, Zia was in an increasingly difficult political situation.

Death
Zia died in a plane crash on 17 August 1988. After witnessing a
US M1 Abrams tank demonstration in Bahawalpur, Zia had
left the city in the Punjab province by C-130B Hercules
aircraft. The aircraft departed from Bahawalpur Airport and
was expected to reach Islamabad International Airport.[128]
Shortly after a smooth takeoff, the control tower lost contact
with the aircraft. Witnesses who saw the plane in the air
afterward claim it was flying erratically, then nosedived and Zia ul Haq Tomb in Islamabad
exploded on impact. In addition to Zia, 29 others died in the
plane crash, including Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff
Committee General Akhtar Abdur Rahman, close associate of Zia, Brigadier Siddique Salik, the
American ambassador to Pakistan Arnold Lewis Raphel and General Herbert M. Wassom, the head of
the US military aid mission to Pakistan.[129][130] Ghulam Ishaq Khan, the Senate chairman,
announced Zia's death on radio and TV. Conditions surrounding his death have given rise to many
conspiracy theories.[131] There is speculation that the Soviet Union (in retaliation for Pakistani
support of the mujahidin in Afghanistan) or an alliance of them and internal groups within Zia's
military were behind the incident.[132][133]

A board of inquiry was set up to investigate the crash. It concluded 'the most probable cause of the
crash was a criminal act of sabotage perpetrated in the aircraft'. It also suggested that poisonous gases
were released which incapacitated the passengers and crew, which would explain why no Mayday
signal was given.[134] There was also speculation into other facts involving the details of the
investigation. A flight recorder (black box) was not located after the crash even though previous C-130
aircraft did have them installed.[135]

His funeral was held on 19 August 1988 near Islamabad. Nearly one million mourners joined in
chants of "Zia ul-Haq, you will live as long as the sun and moon remain above." His remains were laid
to rest in a 4-by-10-foot (1.2 by 3.0 m) dirt grave in front of the Faisal Mosque that Zia and the Saudi
government had built as a symbol of Pakistani-Saudi friendship.[136] Also in attendance was his

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successor President Ghulam Ishaq Khan, chiefs of staff of armed forces, chairman joint chiefs, and
other high military and civil officials. Former US Secretary of State George P. Shultz also laid a floral
wreath at Zia's grave.[137]

Well, he was a great loss...He is a

martyr, and was a great man.

— George P. Shultz, 1988,

[138]

Legacy

Ziaism
Ziaism is a political ideology implemented in Pakistan from 1978 to 1988 by Muhammad Zia-ul-
Haq.[139] The ideology endorses the idea of an Islamic state, influenced heavily by religion.[140] It
includes Islamic laws, islamization, industrialisation, privatization, militarism and
authoritarianism.[141] Zia and his doctrine are widely credited with making political Islam an
influential movement within Pakistan, turning a relatively secular country into one that was based on
Islamic law.[142]

Public image

In Pakistan
Even after his death, Zia-ul-Haq remained a highly polarizing
and widely discussed figure in the country's intellectual and
political circles.[143] Out of the country's long and storied
history, Zia-ul-Haq's legacy remains a most toxic, enduring, and
tamper-proof legacy, according to the editorial written in
Dawn.[143] He is also praised for defeating the Soviets. Indian
journalist Kallol Bhattacherjee, an author of a book on
Afghanistan, said: Grave stone of Zia's grave

"There will not be another Zia in South Asia. He was

unique and multidimensional like all complex
characters of South Asian history. I admire Zia's
guts, though not his methods, especially in regards to
Islam. He successfully took on nuclear India and
changed the balance of power that Indira Gandhi
created in the 1971 war and broke all rules to acquire
nuclear weapons for Pakistan."[144]

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Historians and political scientists widely discussed and studied his policy making skills, some authors
noting him as "The Ringmaster",[1] "Master of Illusion"[145] and "Master Tactician".[146] However,
his most remembered and enduring legacy was his indirect involvement and military strategies, by
proxy supporting the Mujahidin, against the USSR's war in Afghanistan.[147] His reign also helped the
conservatives to rise at the national politics against Benazir Bhutto.[147] He is also noted as being one
of Pakistan's most successful generals, placing the armed forces in charge of the country's affairs.[148]
During his regime, western styles in hair, clothing, and music flooded the country.[126] The 1980s gave
birth to Pakistani rock music, which expressed Pakistani nationalism in the country.[126]

To this day, Zia remains a polarizing figure in Pakistan's history, credited with preventing wider
Soviet incursions into the region as well as economic prosperity, but decried for weakening
democratic institutions, passing laws encouraging religious intolerance,[149][150] and depreciating the
rupee with managed float policies.[151] He is also cited for promoting the early political career of
Nawaz Sharif, who would be thrice elected Prime Minister.[152][153][154]

With the passing of the Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan (2010), the executive
powers General Zia had legislated were permanently removed from the Constitution of
Pakistan.[155][156]

Outside Pakistan
Zia is credited with stopping an expected Soviet invasion of Pakistan. Former Saudi intelligence chief
Prince Turki Al-Faisal, who worked with Zia during the 1980s against the Soviets, described Zia in the
following words: "He was a very steady and smart person with a geo-strategic mind, particularly after
the invasion by Soviets. He was very dedicated in preventing the Soviet invasion of Pakistan." Bruce
Riedel, an American academic specializing in international affairs and geopolitics, wrote that "in
many ways, the Afghan war was Zia's war",[157] in the sense that Zia pushed the Americans, initially
reluctant and even skeptical, to participate in the proxy war against the Soviets, Riedel also arguing
that "Zia ul-Haq was not only a pivotal figure in the history of his country and the war in Afghanistan,
he was also a pivotal figure in the final stage of the Cold War, which had dominated global politics for
almost half a century."[158]

Portrayals in popular culture

Zia has been portrayed in English language popular culture a number of times including:

In the novel Shame (1983) by British-Indian author Salman Rushdie, the character of general
Raza Hyder shows strong parallels to the life of Zia-Ul-Haq.
In the comic Shattered Visage (1988–1989), it is implied that Zia's death was orchestrated by the
same intelligence agency that ran The Village from the show The Prisoner (1967).
Zia was portrayed by Indian actor Om Puri in the 2007 film Charlie Wilson's War.
Zia is caricatured as one of the main protagonists in Mohammed Hanif's 2008 satirical novel A
Case of Exploding Mangoes which is loosely based around the events of his death.[159]
The oppressive regime of Zia-ul-Haq and the execution of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was referenced in the
book Songs of Blood and Sword (2010), a non-fiction memoir by Murtaza Bhutto's daughter
Fatima Bhutto.

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Zia was portrayed by Indian actor Ashwath Bhatt in the 2023 Netflix action-thriller movie Mission
Majnu.

Awards and decorations

Sitara-e-Harb 1965 War Sitara-e-Harb 1971 War

(War Star 1965) (War Star 1971)

Tamgha-e-Sad Saala
Jashan-e-
Wiladat-e-Quaid-e-
Azam
Pakistan Tamgha
Tamgha-e-Jang 1965 War Tamgha-e-Jang 1971 War (Pakistan Medal) (100th Birth
(War Medal 1965) (War Medal 1971) Anniversary of
1947
Muhammad Ali
Jinnah)

1976

Tamgha-e-Jamhuria
Hijri Tamgha (Republic Order of Independence
(Hijri Medal) Commemoration (Jordan) Order of the

Medal) Star of Jordan (1971)

1979 1971
1956

General Service Medal

Order of the
Rajamitrabhorn[160] World War 2
Burma Star War Medal1939-1945
(Thailand)
(Awarded in 1945)

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Foreign Awards

Jordan Order of Al-Hussein bin Ali[161]

Thailand Order of the Rajamitrabhorn[160]

Order of the Star of Jordan

Jordan
Order of Independence

Burma Star

United Kingdom War Medal 1939-1945

General Service Medal - (World War 2)

Yugoslavia Order of the Yugoslav Great Star[162]

See also
Joanne Herring Pakistan portal
Human Rights in Pakistan under General Zia-ul-Haq
Biography portal
Politics of Pakistan
Line of succession to the President of Pakistan Politics portal
List of presidents of Pakistan
Military dictatorship Islam portal

Oppression under the regime of General Zia-ul-Haq

Corporate capitalisation

Notes
a. Urdu: ‫محمد ضياء الحق‬, pronounced [mʊˈɦæmːəd zɪˈjaː ʊlˈɦəq].

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he took over the reins of government, and had been astutely following the plan when he
announced the postponement of the elections."
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or ten pages. I can tear them away and say that tomorrow we shall live under a different system.
Today, the people will follow wherever I lead. All the politicians including the once mighty Mr.
Bhutto and his [Scumbag] friends will follow me with tails wagging...." General Zia-ul-Haq in 1977"
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Pakistan into a global center for political Islam. Undoubtedly, Zia went farthest in defining Pakistan
as an Islamic state, and he nurtured the jihadist ideology."
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61. Many Islamists have pointed out that while the Quran makes no mention of elections, parliaments,
etc., the Quran did urge Muhammad – the first ruler of Muslims, and the one who Muslim should
emulate – to consult his companions. (see The Need for Consultation (mushāwara)|by
Muhammad Haq (http://www.suhaibwebb.com/personaldvlpt/character/the-need-for-consultation-
mushawara/) Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20141209201144/http://www.suhaibwebb.co
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ofindi00fran). Internet Archive. Boston ; New York : Houghton Mifflin Co. ISBN 978-0-395-73097-3.
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rapid economic growth during the 1980s also dampened threats to Zia's power, although it was
based more on the bounty of remittances from overseas' workers than on economic policies. ...
per capita income [increased] by 34% but the economy also benefited in this period from overseas
remittances of $25 billion."
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ISBN 9781851098019. Retrieved 4 December 2014. "The dramatic rise in remittances coincided
with the first year of the Zia government and is considered the most significant economic
development during his era. These remittances totaling $3.2 billion per year for most of the 1980s,
were substantial, particular in relation to the size of the economy. They accounted for 10 percent
of GDP; 45 percent of current account receipts, and 40 percent of total foreign exchange
earnings"
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y-legacy-alive-and-well-in-pakistan/100329/). ThePrint. Retrieved 22 October 2020.
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the Soviet Invasion to September 10, 2001 (https://archive.org/details/ghostwarssecreth00coll).
Penguin Press. pp. 695 (https://archive.org/details/ghostwarssecreth00coll/page/695) pages.
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Gallows" (https://web.archive.org/web/20120114015155/http://sixhour.com/cia_sent%20bhutto_to
_the_gallows.htm). The New York Times. Archived from the original (http://sixhour.com/cia_sent%
20bhutto_to_the_gallows.htm) on 14 January 2012. Retrieved 23 August 2011 – via sixhour.com.
" "I [Ramsey Clark] do not believe in conspiracy theories in general, but the similarities in the
staging of riots in Chile (where the CIA allegedly helped overthrow President Salvador Allende)
and in Pakistan are just too close, Bhutto was removed from power in Pakistan by force on 5 July,
after the usual party on the 4th at the U.S. Embassy in Islamabad, with U.S. approval, if not more,
by Zia. Bhutto was falsely accused and subjected to brutality for months during proceedings that
corrupted the Judiciary of Pakistan before being murdered, then hanged. As Americans, we must
ask ourselves this: Is it possible that a rational military leader under the circumstances in Pakistan
could have overthrown a constitutional government, without at least the tacit approval of the
United States?"."

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