Life of Alexander

by Plutarch
Translated by John Dryden, edited by Arthur Hugh Clough

It being my purpose to write the lives of Alexander the king, and of Caesar, by whom
Pompey was destroyed, the multitude of their great actions affords so large a field that I
were to blame if I should not by way of apology forewarn my reader that I have chosen
rather to epitomize the most celebrated parts of their story, than to insist at large on
every particular circumstance of it. It must be borne in mind that my design is not to
write histories, but lives. And the most glorious exploits do not always furnish us with the
clearest discoveries of virtue or vice in men; sometimes a matter of less moment, an
expression or a jest, informs us better of their characters and inclinations, than the most
famous sieges, the greatest armaments, or the bloodiest battles whatsoever. Therefore
as portrait-painters are more exact in the lines and features of the face in which the
character is seen, than in the other parts of the body, so I must be allowed to give my
more particular attention to the marks and indications of the souls of men, and while I
endeavor by these to portray their lives, may be free to leave more weighty matters and
great battles to be treated of by others.

It is agreed on by all hands, that on the father's side, Alexander descended from
Hercules by Caranus, and from Aeacus by Neoptolemus on the mother's side. His father
Philip, being in Samothrace, when he was quite young, fell in love there with Olympias,
in company with whom he was initiated in the religious ceremonies of the country, and
her father and mother being both dead, soon after, with the consent of her brother
Arymbas, he married her. The night before the consummation of their marriage, she
dreamed that a thunderbolt fell upon her body, which kindled a great fire, whose divided
flames dispersed themselves all about, and then were extinguished. And Philip some
time after he was married, dreamt that he sealed up his wife's body with a seal, whose
impression, as he fancied, was the figure of a lion. Some of the diviners interpreted this
as a warning to Philip to look narrowly to his wife; but Aristander of Telmessus,
considering how unusual it was to seal up anything that was empty, assured him the
meaning of his dream was, that the queen was with child of a boy, who would one day
prove as stout and courageous as a lion. Once, moreover, a serpent was found lying by
Olympias as she slept, which more than anything else, it is said, abated Philip's passion
for her; and whether he feared her as an enchantress, or thought she had commerce
with some god, and so looked on himself as excluded, he was ever after less fond of
her conversation. Others say, that the women of this country having always been
extremely addicted to the enthusiastic Orphic rites, and the wild worship of Bacchus,
(upon which account they were called Clodones, and Mimallones,) imitated in many
things the practices of the Edonian and Thracian women about Mount Haemus, from
whom the word threskeuein, seems to have been derived, as a special term for
superfluous and over-curious forms of adoration; and that Olympias, zealously affecting
these fanatical and enthusiastic inspirations, to perform them with more barbaric dread,
was wont in the dances proper to these ceremonies to have great tame serpents about

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her, which sometimes creeping out of the ivy and the mystic fans, sometimes winding
themselves about the sacred spears, and the women's chaplets, made a spectacle
which the men could not look upon without terror.
Philip, after this vision, sent Chaeron of Megalopolis to consult the oracle of Apollo at
Delphi, by which he was commanded to perform sacrifice, and henceforth pay particular
honor, above all other gods, to Ammon; and was told he should one day lose that eye
with which he presumed to peep through the chink of the door, when he saw the god,
under the form of a serpent, in the company of his wife. Eratosthenes says that
Olympias, when she attended Alexander on his way to the army in his first expedition,
told him the secret of his birth, and bade him behave himself with courage suitable to
his divine extraction. Others again affirm that she wholly disclaimed any pretensions of
the kind, and was wont to say, "When will Alexander leave off slandering me to Juno?"
Alexander was born the sixth of Hecatombaeon, which month the Macedonians call
Lous, the same day that the temple of Diana at Ephesus was burnt; which Hegesias of
Magnesia makes the occasion of a conceit, frigid enough to have stopped the
conflagration. The temple, he says, took fire and was burnt while its mistress was
absent, assisting at the birth of Alexander. And all the Eastern soothsayers who
happened to be then at Ephesus, looking upon the ruin of this temple to be the
forerunner of some other calamity, ran about the town, beating their faces, and crying,
that this day had brought forth something that would prove fatal and destructive to all
Asia.
Just after Philip had taken Potidaea, he received these three messages at one time,
that Parmenio had overthrown the Illyrians in a great battle, that his race-horse had won
the course at the Olympic games, and that his wife had given birth to Alexander; with
which being naturally well pleased, as an addition to his satisfaction, he was assured by
the diviners that a son, whose birth was accompanied with three such successes, could
not fail of being invincible.
The statues that gave the best representation of Alexander's person, were those of
Lysippus, (by whom alone he would suffer his image to be made,) those peculiarities
which many of his successors afterwards and his friends used to affect to imitate, the
inclination of his head a little on one side towards his left shoulder, and his melting eye,
having been expressed by this artist with great exactness. But Apelles, who drew him
with thunderbolts in his hand, made his complexion browner and darker than it was
naturally; for he was fair and of a light color, passing into ruddiness in his face and upon
his breast. Aristoxenus in his Memoirs tells us that a most agreeable odor exhaled from
his skin, and that his breath and body all over was so fragrant as to perfume the clothes
which he wore next him; the cause of which might probably be the hot and adjust
temperament of his body. For sweet smells, Theophrastus conceives, are produced by
the concoction of moist humors by heat, which is the reason that those parts of the
world which are driest and most burnt up, afford spices of the best kind, and in the
greatest quantity; for the heat of the sun exhausts all the superfluous moisture which
lies in the surface of bodies, ready to generate putrefaction. And this hot constitution, it
may be, rendered Alexander so addicted to drinking, and so choleric. His temperance,

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as to the pleasures of the body, was apparent in him in his very childhood, as he was
with much difficulty incited to them, and always used them with great moderation;
though in other things he was extremely eager and vehement, and in his love of glory,
and the pursuit of it, he showed a solidity of high spirit and magnanimity far above his
age. For he neither sought nor valued it upon every occasion, as his father Philip did,
(who affected to show his eloquence almost to a degree of pedantry, and took care to
have the victories of his racing chariots at the Olympic games engraved on his coin,) but
when he was asked by some about him, whether he would run a race in the Olympic
games, as he was very swift-footed, he answered, he would, if he might have kings to
run with him. Indeed, he seems in general to have looked with indifference, if not with
dislike, upon the professed athletes. He often appointed prizes, for which not only
tragedians and musicians, pipers and harpers, but rhapsodists also, strove to outvie one
another; and delighted in all manner of hunting and cudgel-playing, but never gave any
encouragement to contests either of boxing or of the pancratium.
While he was yet very young, he entertained the ambassadors from the king of Persia,
in the absence of his father, and entering much into conversation with them, gained so
much upon them by his affability, and the questions he asked them, which were far from
being childish or trifling, (for he inquired of them the length of the ways, the nature of the
road into inner Asia, the character of their king, how he carried himself to his enemies,
and what forces he was able to bring, into the field,) that they were struck with
admiration of him, and looked upon the ability so much famed of Philip, to be nothing in
comparison with the forwardness and high purpose that appeared thus early in his son.
Whenever he heard Philip had taken any town of importance, or won any signal victory,
instead of rejoicing at it altogether, he would tell his companions that his father would
anticipate everything, and leave him and them no opportunities of performing great and
illustrious actions. For being more bent upon action and glory than either upon pleasure
or riches, he esteemed all that he should receive from his father as a diminution and
prevention of his own future achievements; and would have chosen rather to succeed to
a kingdom involved in troubles and wars, which would have afforded him frequent
exercise of his courage, and a large field of honor, than to one already flourishing and
settled, where his inheritance would be an inactive life, and the mere enjoyment of
wealth and luxury.
The care of his education, as it might be presumed, was committed to a great many
attendants, preceptors, and teachers, over the whole of whom Leonidas, a near
kinsman of Olympias, a man of an austere temper, presided, who did not indeed himself
decline the name of what in reality is a noble and honorable office, but in general his
dignity, and his near relationship, obtained him from other people the title of Alexander's
foster father and governor. But he who took upon him the actual place and style of his
pedagogue, was Lysimachus the Acarnanian, who, though he had nothing specially to
recommend him, but his lucky fancy of calling himself Phoenix, Alexander Achilles, and
Philip Peleus, was therefore well enough esteemed, and ranked in the next degree after
Leonidas.

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Philonicus the Thessalian brought the horse Bucephalas to Philip, offering to sell him for
thirteen talents; but when they went into the field to try him, they found him so very
vicious and unmanageable, that he reared up when they endeavored to mount him, and
would not so much as endure the voice of any of Philip's attendants. Upon which, as
they were leading him away as wholly useless and untractable, Alexander, who stood
by, said, "What an excellent horse do they lose, for want of address and boldness to
manage him!" Philip at first took no notice of what he said; but when he heard him
repeat the same thing several times, and saw he was much vexed to see the horse sent
away, "Do you reproach," said he to him, "those who are older than yourself, as if you
knew more, and were better able to manage him than they?" "I could manage this
horse," replied he, "better than others do." "And if you do not," said Philip, "what will you
forfeit for your rashness?" "I will pay," answered Alexander, "the whole price of the
horse." At this the whole company fell a laughing; and as soon as the wager was settled
amongst them, he immediately ran to the horse, and taking hold of the bridle, turned
him directly towards the sun, having, it seems, observed that he was disturbed at and
afraid of the motion of his own shadow; then letting him go forward a little, still keeping
the reins in his hand, and stroking him gently when he found him begin to grow eager
and fiery, he let fall his upper garment softly, and with one nimble leap securely mounted
him, and when he was seated, by little and little drew in the bridle, and curbed him
without either striking or spurring him. Presently, when he found him free from all
rebelliousness, and on]y impatient for the course, he let him go at full speed, inciting
him now with a commanding voice, and urging him also with his heel. Philip and his
friends looked on at first in silence and anxiety for the result, till seeing him turn at the
end of his career, and come back rejoicing and triumphing for what he had performed,
they all burst out into acclamations of applause; and his father, shedding tears, it is said,
for joy, kissed him as he came down from his horse, and in his transport, said, "O my
son, look thee out a kingdom equal to and worthy of thyself, for Macedonia is too little
for thee."
After this, considering him to be of a temper easy to be led to his duty by reason, but by
no means to be compelled, he always endeavored to persuade rather than to command
or force him to anything; and now looking upon the instruction and tuition of his youth to
be of greater difficulty and importance, than to be wholly trusted to the ordinary masters
in music and poetry, and the common school subjects, and to require, as Sophocles
says,
The bridle and the rudder too,
he sent for Aristotle, the most learned and most cerebrated philosopher of his time, and
rewarded him with a munificence proportionable to and becoming the care he took to
instruct his son. For he repeopled his native city Stagira, which he had caused to be
demolished a little before, and restored all the citizens who were in exile or slavery, to
their habitations. As a place for the pursuit of their studies and exercises, he assigned
the temple of the Nymphs, near Mieza, where, to this very day, they show you Aristotle's
stone seats, and the shady walks which he was wont to frequent. It would appear that
Alexander received from him not only his doctrines of Morals, and of Politics, but also

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something of those more abstruse and profound theories which these philosophers, by
the very names they gave them, professed to reserve for oral communication to the
initiated, and did not allow many to become acquainted with. For when he was in Asia,
and heard Aristotle had published some treatises of that kind, he wrote to him, using
very plain language to him in behalf of philosophy, the following letter. "Alexander to
Aristotle greeting. You have not done well to publish your books of oral doctrine; for
what is there now that we excel others in, if those things which we have been
particularly instructed in be laid open to all? For my part, I assure you, I had rather excel
others in the knowledge of what is excellent, than in the extent of my power and
dominion. Farewell." And Aristotle, soothing this passion for preeminence, speaks, in his
excuse for himself, of these doctrines, as in fact both published and not published: as
indeed, to say the truth, his books on metaphysics are written in a style which makes
them useless for ordinary teaching, and instructive only, in the way of memoranda, for
those who have been already conversant in that sort of learning.
Doubtless also it was to Aristotle, that he owed the inclination he had, not to the theory
only, but likewise to the practice of the art of medicine. For when any of his friends were
sick, he would often prescribe them their course of diet, and medicines proper to their
disease, as we may find in his epistles. He was naturally a great lover of all kinds of
learning and reading; and Onesicritus informs us, that he constantly laid Homer's Iliads,
according to the copy corrected by Aristotle, called the casket copy, with his dagger
under his pillow, declaring that he esteemed it a perfect portable treasure of all military
virtue and knowledge. When he was in the upper Asia, being destitute of other books,
he ordered Harpalus to send him some; who furnished him with Philistus's History, a
great many of the plays of Euripides, Sophocles, and Aeschylus, and some dithyrambic
odes, composed by Telestes and Philoxenus. For awhile he loved and cherished
Aristotle no less, as he was wont to say himself, than if he had been his father, giving
this reason for it, that as he had received life from the one, so the other had taught him
to live well. But afterwards, upon some mistrust of him, yet not so great as to make him
do him any hurt, his familiarity and friendly kindness to him abated so much of its former
force and affectionateness, as to make it evident he was alienated from him. However,
his violent thirst after and passion for learning, which were once implanted, still grew up
with him, and never decayed; as appears by his veneration of Anaxarchus, by the
present of fifty talents which he sent to Xenocrates, and his particular care and esteem
of Dandamis and Calanus.
While Philip went on his expedition against the Byzantines, he left Alexander, then
sixteen years old, his lieutenant in Macedonia, committing the charge of his seal to him;
who, not to sit idle, reduced the rebellious Maedi, and having taken their chief town by
storm, drove out the barbarous inhabitants, and planting a colony of several nations in
their room, called the place after his own name, Alexandropolis. At the battle of
Chaeronea, which his father fought against the Grecians, he is said to have been the
first man that charged the Thebans' sacred band. And even in my remembrance, there
stood an old oak near the river Cephisus, which people called Alexander's oak, because
his tent was pitched under it. And not far off are to be seen the graves of the
Macedonians who fell in that battle. This early bravery made Philip so fond of him, that

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nothing pleased him more than to hear his subjects call himself their general and
Alexander their king.
But the disorders of his family, chiefly caused by his new marriages and attachments,
(the troubles that began in the women's chambers spreading, so to say, to the whole
kingdom,) raised various complaints and differences between them, which the violence
of Olympias, a woman of a jealous and implacable temper, made wider, by exasperating
Alexander against his father. Among the rest, this accident contributed most to their
falling out. At the wedding of Cleopatra, whom Philip fell in love with and married, she
being much too young for him, her uncle Attalus in his drink desired the Macedonians
would implore the gods to give them a lawful successor to the kingdom by his niece.
This so irritated Alexander, that throwing one of the cups at his head, "You villain," said
he, "what, am I then a bastard?" Then Philip taking Attalus's part, rose up and would
have run his son through; but by good fortune for them both, either his over-hasty rage,
or the wine he had drunk, made his foot slip, so that he fell down on the floor. At which
Alexander reproachfully insulted over him: "See there," said he, "the man, who makes
preparations to pass out of Europe into Asia, overturned in passing from one seat to
another." After this debauch, he and his mother Olympias withdrew from Philip's
company, and when he had placed her in Epirus, he himself retired into Illyria.
About this time, Demaratus the Corinthian, an old friend of the family, who had the
freedom to say anything among them without offense, coming to visit Philip, after the
first compliments and embraces were over, Philip asked him, whether the Grecians
were at amity with one another. "It ill becomes you," replied Demaratus, "to be so
solicitous about Greece, when you have involved your own house in so many
dissensions and calamities." He was so convinced by this seasonable reproach, that he
immediately sent for his son home, and by Demartatus's mediation prevailed with him to
return. But this reconciliation lasted not long; for when Pixodorus, viceroy of Caria, sent
Aristocritus to treat for a match between his eldest daughter and Philip's son Arrhidaeus,
hoping by this alliance to secure his assistance upon occasion, Alexander's mother, and
some who pretended to be his friends, presently filled his head with tales and
calumnies, as if Philip, by a splendid marriage and important alliance, were preparing
the way for settling the kingdom upon Arrhidaeus. In alarm at this, he dispatched
Thessalus, the tragic actor, into Caria, to dispose Pixodorus to slight Arrhidaeus, both as
illegitimate and a fool, and rather to accept of himself for his son-in-law. This proposition
was much more agreeable to Pixodorus than the former. But Philip, as soon as he was
made acquainted with this transaction, went to his son's apartment, taking with him
Philotas, the son of Parmenio, one of Alexander's intimate friends and companions, and
there reproved him severely, and reproached him bitterly, that he should be so
degenerate, and unworthy of the power he was to leave him, as to desire the alliance of
a mean Carian, who was at best but the slave of a barbarous prince. Nor did this satisfy
his resentment, for he wrote to the Corinthians, to send Thessalus to him in chains, and
banished Harpalus, Nearchus, Erigyius, and Ptolemy, his son's friends and favorites,
whom Alexander afterwards recalled, and raised to great honor and preferment.

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Not long after this, Pausanias, having had an outrage done to him at the instance of
Attalus and Cleopatra, when he found he could get no reparation for his disgrace at
Philip's hands, watched his opportunity and murdered him. The guilt of which fact was
laid for the most part upon Olympias, who was said to have encouraged and
exasperated the enraged youth to revenge; and some sort of suspicion attached even to
Alexander himself, who, it was said, when Pausanias came and complained to him of
the injury he had received, repeated the verse out of Euripides's Medea: —
On husband, and on father, and on bride.
However, he took care to find out and punish the accomplices of the conspiracy
severely, and was very angry with Olympias for treating Cleopatra inhumanly in his
absence.
Alexander was but twenty years old when his father was murdered, and succeeded to a
kingdom beset on all sides with great dangers, and rancorous enemies. For not only the
barbarous nations that bordered on Macedonia, were impatient of being governed by
any but their own native princes; but Philip likewise, though he had been victorious over
the Grecians, yet, as the time had not been sufficient for him to complete his conquest
and accustom them to his sway, had simply left all things in a general disorder and
confusion. It seemed to the Macedonians a very critical time; and some would have
persuaded Alexander to give up all thought of retaining the Grecians in subjection by
force of arms, and rather to apply himself to win back by gentle means the allegiance of
the tribes who were designing revolt, and try the effect of indulgence in arresting the first
motions towards revolution. But he rejected this counsel as weak and timorous, and
looked upon it to be more prudence to secure himself by resolution and magnanimity,
than, by seeming to buckle to any, to encourage all to trample on him. In pursuit of this
opinion, he reduced the barbarians to tranquility, and put an end to all fear of war from
them, by a rapid expedition into their country as far as the river Danube, where he gave
Syrmus, king of the Triballians, an entire overthrow. And hearing the Thebans were in
revolt, and the Athenians in correspondence with them, he immediately marched
through the pass of Thermopylae, saying that to Demosthenes who had called him a
child while he was in Illyria and in the country of the Triballians, and a youth when he
was in Thessaly, he would appear a man before the walls of Athens.
When he came to Thebes, to show how willing he was to accept of their repentance for
what was past, he only demanded of them Phoenix and Prothytes, the authors of the
rebellion, and proclaimed a general pardon to those who would come over to him. But
when the Thebans merely retorted by demanding Philotas and Antipater to be delivered
into their hands, and by a proclamation on their part, invited all who would assert the
liberty of Greece to come over to them, he presently applied himself to make them feel
the last extremities of war. The Thebans indeed defended themselves with a zeal and
courage beyond their strength, being much outnumbered by their enemies. But when
the Macedonian garrison sallied out upon them from the citadel, they were so hemmed
in on all sides, that the greater part of them fell in the battle; the city itself being taken by
storm, was sacked and razed, Alexander's hope being that so severe an example might
terrify the rest of Greece into obedience, and also in order to gratify the hostility of his

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confederates, the Phocians and Plataeans. So that, except the priests, and some few
who had heretofore been the friends and connections of the Macedonians, the family of
the poet Pindar, and those who were known to have opposed the public vote for the
war, all the rest, to the number of thirty thousand, were publicly sold for slaves; and it is
computed that upwards of six thousand were put to the sword. Among the other
calamities that befell the city, it happened that some Thracian soldiers having broken
into the house of a matron of high character and repute, named Timoclea, their captain,
after he had used violence with her, to satisfy his avarice as well as lust, asked her, if
she knew of any money concealed; to which she readily answered she did, and bade
him follow her into a garden, where she showed him a well, into which, she told him,
upon the taking of the city she had thrown what she had of most value. The greedy
Thracian presently stooping down to view the place where he thought the treasure lay,
she came behind him, and pushed him into the well, and then flung great stones in upon
him, till she had killed him. After which, when the soldiers led her away bound to
Alexander, her very mien and gait showed her to be a woman of dignity, and of a mind
no less elevated, not betraying the least sign of fear or astonishment. And when the king
asked her who she was, "I am," said she, "the sister of Theagenes, who fought the
battle of Chaeronea with your father Philip, and fell there in command for the liberty of
Greece." Alexander was so surprised, both at what she had done, and what she said,
that he could not choose but give her and her children their freedom to go whither they
pleased.
After this he received the Athenians into favor, although they had shown themselves so
much concerned at the calamity of Thebes that out of sorrow they omitted the
celebration of the Mysteries, and entertained those who escaped with all possible
humanity. Whether it were, like the lion, that his passion was now satisfied, or that after
an example of extreme cruelty, he had a mind to appear merciful, it happened well for
the Athenians; for he not only forgave them all past offenses, but bade them to look to
their affairs with vigilance, remembering that if he should miscarry, they were likely to be
the arbiters of Greece. Certain it is, too, that in after-time he often repented of his
severity to the Thebans, and his remorse had such influence on his temper as to make
him ever after less rigorous to all others. He imputed also the murder of Clitus, which he
committed in his wine, and the unwillingness of the Macedonians to follow him against
the Indians, by which his enterprise and glory was left imperfect, to the wrath and
vengeance of Bacchus, the protector of Thebes. And it was observed that whatsoever
any Theban, who had the good fortune to survive this victory, asked of him, he was sure
to grant without the least difficulty.
Soon after, the Grecians, being assembled at the Isthmus, declared their resolution of
joining with Alexander in the war against the Persians, and proclaimed him their
general. While he stayed here, many public ministers and philosophers came from all
parts to visit him, and congratulated him on his election, but contrary to his expectation,
Diogenes of Sinope, who then was living at Corinth, thought so little of him, that instead
of coming to compliment him, he never so much as stirred out of the suburb called the
Cranium, where Alexander found him lying along in the sun. When he saw so much
company near him, he raised himself a little, and vouchsafed to look upon Alexander;

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and when he kindly asked him whether he wanted anything, "Yes," said he, "I would
have you stand from between me and the sun." Alexander was so struck at this answer,
and surprised at the greatness of the man, who had taken so little notice of him, that as
he went away, he told his followers who were laughing at the moroseness of the
philosopher, that if he were not Alexander, he would choose to be Diogenes.
Then he went to Delphi, to consult Apollo concerning the success of the war he had
undertaken, and happening to come on one of the forbidden days, when it was
esteemed improper to give any answers from the oracle, he sent messengers to desire
the priestess to do her office; and when she refused, on the plea of a law to the
contrary, he went up himself, and began to draw her by force into the temple, until tired
and overcome with his importunity, "My son," said she, "thou art invincible." Alexander
taking hold of what she spoke, declared he had received such an answer as he wished
for, and that it was needless to consult the god any further. Among other prodigies that
attended the departure of his army, the image of Orpheus at Libethra, made of cypress-
wood, was seen to sweat in great abundance, to the discouragement of many. But
Aristander told him, that far from presaging any ill to him, it signified he should perform
acts so important and glorious as would make the poets and musicians of future ages
labor and sweat to describe and celebrate them.
His army, by their computation who make the smallest amount, consisted of thirty
thousand foot, and four thousand horse; and those who make the most of it, speak but
of forty-three thousand foot, and three thousand horse. Aristobulus says, he had not a
fund of above seventy talents for their pay, nor had he more than thirty days' provision, if
we may believe Duris; Onesicritus tells us, he was two hundred talents in debt. However
narrow and disproportionable the beginnings of so vast an undertaking might seem to
be, yet he would not embark his army until he had informed himself particularly what
means his friends had to enable them to follow him, and supplied what they wanted, by
giving good farms to some, a village to one, and the revenue of some hamlet or harbor
town to another. So that at last he had portioned out or engaged almost all the royal
property; which giving Perdiccas an occasion to ask him what he would leave himself,
he replied, his hopes. "Your soldiers," replied Perdiccas, "will be your partners in those,"
and refused to accept of the estate he had assigned him. Some others of his friends did
the like, but to those who willingly received, or desired assistance of him, he liberally
granted it, as far as his patrimony in Macedonia would reach, the most part of which
was spent in these donations.
With such vigorous resolutions, and his mind thus disposed, he passed the Hellespont,
and at Troy sacrificed to Minerva, and honored the memory of the heroes who were
buried there, with solemn libations; especially Achilles, whose gravestone he anointed,
and with his friends, as the ancient custom is, ran naked about his sepulchre, and
crowned it with garlands, declaring how happy he esteemed him, in having while he
lived so faithful a friend, and when he was dead, so famous a poet to proclaim his
actions. While he was viewing the rest of the antiquities and curiosities of the place,
being told he might see Paris's harp, if he pleased, he said, he thought it not worth

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looking on, but he should be glad to see that of Achilles, to which he used to sing the
glories and great actions of brave men.
In the meantime Darius's captains having collected large forces, were encamped on the
further bank of the river Granicus, and it was necessary to fight, as it were, in the gate of
Asia for an entrance into it. The depth of the river, with the unevenness and difficult
ascent of the opposite bank, which was to be gained by main force, was apprehended
by most, and some pronounced it an improper time to engage, because it was unusual
for the kings of Macedonia to march with their forces in the month called Daesius. But
Alexander broke through these scruples, telling; them they should call it a second
Artemisius. And when Parmenio advised him not to attempt anything that day, because
it was late, he told him that he should disgrace the Hellespont, should he fear the
Granicus. And so without more saying, he immediately took the river with thirteen troops
of horse, and advanced against whole showers of darts thrown from the steep opposite
side, which was covered with armed multitudes of the enemy's horse and foot,
notwithstanding the disadvantage of the ground and the rapidity of the stream; so that
the action seemed to have more of frenzy and desperation in it, than of prudent
conduct. However, he persisted obstinately to gain the passage, and at last with much
ado making his way up the banks, which were extremely muddy and slippery, he had
instantly to join in a mere confused hand-to-hand combat with the enemy, before he
could draw up his men, who were still passing over, into any order. For the enemy
pressed upon him with loud and warlike outcries; and charging horse against horse,
with their lances, after they had broken and spent these, they fell to it with their swords.
And Alexander, being easily known by his buckler, and a large plume of white feathers
on each side of his helmet, was attacked on all sides, yet escaped wounding, though his
cuirass was pierced by a javelin in one of the joinings. And Rhoesaces and Spithridates,
two Persian commanders, falling upon him at once, he avoided one of them, and struck
at Rhoesaces, who had a good cuirass on, with such force, that his spear breaking in
his hand, he was glad to betake himself to his dagger. While they were thus engaged,
Spithridates came up on one side of him, and raising himself upon his horse, gave him
such a blow with his battle-axe on the helmet, that he cut off the crest of it, with one of
his plumes, and the helmet was only just so far strong enough to save him, that the
edge of the weapon touched the hair of his head. But as he was about to repeat his
stroke, Clitus, called the black Clitus, prevented him, by running him through the body
with his spear. At the same time Alexander dispatched Rhoesaces with his sword. While
the horse were thus dangerously engaged, the Macedonian phalanx passed the river,
and the foot on each side advanced to fight. But the enemy hardly sustaining the first
onset, soon gave ground and fled, all but the mercenary Greeks, who, making a stand
upon a rising ground, desired quarter, which Alexander, guided rather by passion than
judgment, refused to grant, and charging them himself first, had his horse (not
Bucephalas, but another) killed under him. And this obstinacy of his to cut off these
experienced desperate men, cost him the lives of more of his own soldiers than all the
battle before, besides those who were wounded. The Persians lost in this battle twenty
thousand foot, and two thousand five hundred horse. On Alexander's side, Aristobulus
says there were not wanting above four and thirty, of whom nine were foot-soldiers; and

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in memory of them he caused so many statues of brass, of Lysippus's making, to be
erected. And that the Grecians might participate the honor of his victory, he sent a
portion of the spoils home to them, particularly to the Athenians three hundred bucklers,
and upon all the rest he ordered this inscription to be set: "Alexander the son of Philip,
and the Grecians, except the Lacedaemonians, won these from the barbarians who
inhabit Asia." All the plate and purple garments, and other things of the same kind that
he took from the Persians, except a very small quantity which he reserved for himself,
he sent as a present to his mother.
This battle presently made a great change of affairs to Alexander's advantage. For
Sardis itself, the chief seat of the barbarian's power in the maritime provinces, and many
other considerable places were surrendered to him; only Halicarnassus and Miletus
stood out, which he took by force, together with the territory about them. After which he
was a little unsettled in his opinion how to proceed. Sometimes he thought it best to find
out Darius as soon as he could, and put all to the hazard of a battle; another while he
looked upon it as a more prudent course to make an entire reduction of the sea-coast,
and not to seek the enemy till he had first exercised his power here and made himself
secure of the resources of these provinces. While he was thus deliberating what to do, it
happened that a spring of water near the city of Xanthus in Lycia, of its own accord
swelled over its banks, and threw up a copper plate upon the margin, in which was
engraven in ancient characters, that the time would come, when the Persian empire
should be destroyed by the Grecians. Encouraged by this accident, he proceeded to
reduce the maritime parts of Cilicia and Phoenicia, and passed his army along the sea-
coasts of Pamphylia with such expedition that many historians have described and
extolled it with that height of admiration, as if it were no less than a miracle, and an
extraordinary effect of divine favor, that the waves which usually come rolling in violently
from the main, and hardly ever leave so much as a narrow beach under the steep,
broken cliffs at any time uncovered, should on a sudden retire to afford him passage.
Menander, in one of his comedies, alludes to this marvel when he says,
Was Alexander ever favored more?
Each man I wish for meets me at my door,
And should I ask for passage through the sea,
The sea I doubt not would retire for me.
But Alexander himself in his epistles mentions nothing unusual in this at all, but says he
went from Phaselis, and passed through what they call the Ladders. At Phaselis he
stayed some time, and finding the statue of Theodectes, who was a native of this town
and was now dead, erected in the marketplace, after he had supped, having drunk
pretty plentifully, he went and danced about it, and crowned it with garlands, honoring
not ungracefully in his sport, the memory of a philosopher whose conversation he had
formerly enjoyed, when he was Aristotle's scholar.
Then he subdued the Pisidians who made head against him, and conquered the
Phrygians, at whose chief city Gordium, which is said to be the seat of the ancient
Midas, he saw the famous chariot fastened with cords made of the rind of the corner-
tree, which whosoever should untie, the inhabitants had a tradition, that for him was

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reserved the empire of the world. Most authors tell the story that Alexander, finding
himself unable to untie the knot, the ends of which were secretly twisted round and
folded up within it, cut it asunder with his sword. But Aristobulus tells us it was easy for
him to undo it, by only pulling the pin out of the pole, to which the yoke was tied, and
afterwards drawing off the yoke itself from below. From hence he advanced into
Paphlagonia and Cappadocia, both which countries he soon reduced to obedience, and
then hearing of the death of Memnon, the best commander Darius had upon the sea-
coasts, who, if he had lived, might, it was supposed, have put many impediments and
difficulties in the way of the progress of his arms, he was the rather encouraged to carry
the war into the upper provinces of Asia.
Darius was by this time upon his march from Susa, very confident, not only in the
number of his men, which amounted to six hundred thousand, but likewise in a dream,
which the Persian soothsayers interpreted rather in flattery to him, than according to the
natural probability. He dreamed that he saw the Macedonian phalanx all on fire, and
Alexander waiting on him, clad in the same dress which he himself had been used to
wear when he was courier to the late king; after which, going into the temple of Belus,
he vanished out of his sight. The dream would appear to have supernaturally signified to
him the illustrious actions the Macedonians were to perform, and that as he from a
courier's place had risen to the throne, so Alexander should come to be master of Asia,
and not long surviving his conquests, conclude his life with glory. Darius's confidence
increased the more, because Alexander spent so much time in Cilicia, which he imputed
to his cowardice. But it was sickness that detained him there, which some say he
contracted from his fatigues, others from bathing in the river Cydnus, whose waters
were exceedingly cold. However it happened, none of his physicians would venture to
give him any remedies, they thought his case so desperate, and were so afraid of the
suspicions and ill-will of the Macedonians if they should fail in the cure; till Philip, the
Acarnanian, seeing how critical his case was, but relying on his own well-known
friendship for him, resolved to try the last efforts of his art, and rather hazard his own
credit and life, than suffer him to perish for want of physic, which he confidently
administered to him, encouraging him to take it boldly, if he desired a speedy recovery,
in order to prosecute the war. At this very time, Parmenio wrote to Alexander from the
camp, bidding him have a care of Philip, as one who was bribed by Darius to kill him,
with great sums of money, and a promise of his daughter in marriage. When he had
perused the letter, he put it under his pillow, without showing it so much as to any of his
most intimate friends, and when Philip came in with the potion, he took it with great
cheerfulness and assurance, giving him meantime the letter to read. This was a
spectacle well worth being present at, to see Alexander take the draught, and Philip
read the letter at the same time, and then turn and look upon one another, but with
different sentiments; for Alexander's looks were cheerful and open, to show his kindness
to and confidence in his physician, while the other was full of surprise and alarm at the
accusation, appealing to the gods to witness his innocence, sometimes lifting up his
hands to heaven, and then throwing himself down by the bedside, and beseeching
Alexander to lay aside all fear, and follow his directions without apprehension. For the
medicine at first worked so strongly as to drive, so to say, the vital forces into the

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interior; he lost his speech, and falling into a swoon, had scarce any sense or pulse left.
However, in no long time, by Philip's means, his health and strength returned, and he
showed himself in public to the Macedonians, who were in continual fear and dejection
until they saw him abroad again.
There was at this time in Darius's army a Macedonian refugee, named Amyntas, one
who was pretty well acquainted with Alexander's character. This man, when he saw
Darius intended to fall upon the enemy in the passes and defiles, advised him earnestly
to keep where he was, in the open and extensive plains, it being the advantage of a
numerous army to have field-room enough when it engages with a lesser force. Darius,
instead of taking his counsel, told him he was afraid the enemy would endeavor to run
away, and so Alexander would escape out of his hands. "That fear," replied Amyntas, "is
needless, for assure yourself that far from avoiding, you, he will make all the speed he
can to meet you, and is now most likely on his march towards you." But Amyntas's
counsel was to no purpose, for Darius immediately decamping, marched into Cilicia, at
the same time that Alexander advanced into Syria to meet him; and missing one
another in the night, they both turned back again. Alexander, greatly pleased with the
event, made all the haste he could to fight in the defiles, and Darius to recover his
former ground, and draw his army out of so disadvantageous a place. For now he
began to perceive his error in engaging himself too far in a country in which the sea, the
mountains, and the river Pinarus running through the midst of it, would necessitate him
to divide his forces, render his horse almost unserviceable, and only cover and support
the weakness of the enemy. Fortune was not kinder to Alexander in the choice of the
ground, than he was careful to improve it to his advantage. For being much inferior in
numbers, so far from allowing himself to be outflanked, he stretched his right wing much
further out than the left wing of his enemies, and fighting there himself in the very
foremost ranks, put the barbarians to flight. In this battle he was wounded in the thigh,
Chares says by Darius, with whom he fought hand to hand. But in the account which he
gave Antipater of the battle though indeed he owns he was wounded in the thigh with
sword, though not dangerously, yet he takes no notice who it was that wounded him.
Nothing was wanting to complete this victory, in which he overthrew above a hundred
and ten thousand of his enemies, but the taking the person of Darius, who escaped very
narrowly by flight. However, having taken his chariot and his bow, he returned from
pursuing him, and found his own men busy in pillaging the barbarians' camp, which
(though to disburden themselves, they had left most of their baggage at Damascus) was
exceedingly rich. But Darius's tent, which was full of splendid furniture, and quantities of
gold and silver, they reserved for Alexander himself, who after he had put off his arms,
went to bathe himself, saying, "Let us now cleanse ourselves from the toils of war in the
bath of Darius." "Not so," replied one of his followers, "but in Alexander's rather; for the
property of the conquered is, and should be called the conqueror's." Here, when he
beheld the bathing vessels, the water-pots, the pans, and the ointment boxes, all of
gold, curiously wrought, and smelt the fragrant odors with which the whole place was
exquisitely perfumed, and from thence passed into a pavilion of great size and height,
where the couches and tables and preparations for an entertainment were perfectly
magnificent, he turned to those about him and said, "This, it seems, is royalty."

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But as he was going to supper, word was brought him that Darius's mother and wife and
two unmarried daughters, being taken among the rest of the prisoners, upon the sight of
his chariot and bow were all in mourning and sorrow, imagining him to be dead. After a
little pause, more livelily affected with their affliction than with his own success he sent
Leonnatus to them to let them know Darius was not dead, and that they need not fear
any harm from Alexander, who made war upon him only for dominion; they should
themselves be provided with everything they had been used to receive from Darius.
This kind message could not but be very welcome to the captive ladies, especially being
made good by actions no less humane and generous. For he gave them leave to bury
whom they pleased of the Persians, and to make use for this purpose of what garments
and furniture they thought fit out of the booty. He diminished nothing of their equipage,
or of the attentions and respect formerly paid them, and allowed larger pensions for
their maintenance than they had before. But the noblest and most royal part of their
usage was, that he treated these illustrious prisoners according to their virtue and
character, not suffering them to hear, or receive, or so much as to apprehend anything
that was unbecoming. So that they seemed rather lodged in some temple, or some holy
virgin chambers, where they enjoyed their privacy sacred and uninterrupted, than in the
camp of an enemy. Nevertheless Darius's wife was accounted the most beautiful
princess then living, as her husband the tallest and handsomest man of his time, and
the daughters were not unworthy of their parents. But Alexander, esteeming it more
kingly to govern himself than to conquer his enemies, sought no intimacy with any one
of them, nor indeed with any other woman before marriage, except Barsine, Memnon's
widow, who was taken prisoner at Damascus. She had been instructed in the Grecian
learning, was of a gentle temper, and, by her father Artabazus, royally descended,
which good qualities, added to the solicitations and encouragement of Parmenio, as
Aristobulus tells us, made him the more willing to attach himself to so agreeable and
illustrious a woman. Of the rest of the female captives though remarkably handsome
and well proportioned, he took no further notice than to say jestingly, that Persian
women were terrible eye-sores. And he himself, retaliating, as it were, by the display of
the beauty of his own temperance and self-control, bade them be removed, as he would
have done so many lifeless images. When Philoxenus, his lieutenant on the sea-coast,
wrote to him to know if he would buy two young boys, of great beauty, whom one
Theodorus, a Tarentine, had to sell, he was so offended, that he often expostulated with
his friends, what baseness Philoxenus had ever observed in him, that he should
presume to make him such a reproachful offer. And he immediately wrote him a very
sharp letter, telling him Theodorus and his merchandise might go with his good-will to
destruction. Nor was he less severe to Hagnon, who sent him word he would buy a
Corinthian youth named Crobylus, as a present for him. And hearing that Damon and
Timotheus, two of Parmenio's Macedonian soldiers, had abused the wives of some
strangers who were in his pay, he wrote to Parmenio, charging him strictly, if he found
them guilty, to put them to death, as wild beasts that were only made for the mischief of
mankind. In the same letter he added, that he had not so much as seen or desired to
see the wife of Darius, no, nor suffered anybody to speak of her beauty before him. He
was wont to say, that sleep and the act of generation chiefly made him sensible that he

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was mortal; as much as to say, that weariness and pleasure proceed both from the
same frailty and imbecility of human nature.
In his diet, also, he was most temperate, as appears, omitting many other
circumstances, by what he said to Ada, whom he adopted, with the title of mother, and
afterwards created queen of Caria. For when she out of kindness sent him every day
many curious dishes, and sweetmeats, and would have furnished him with some cooks
and pastry-men, who were thought to have great skill, he told her he wanted none of
them, his preceptor, Leonidas, having already given him the best, which were a night
march to prepare for breakfast, and a moderate breakfast to create an appetite for
supper. Leonidas also, he added, used to open and search the furniture of his chamber,
and his wardrobe, to see if his mother had left him anything that was delicate or
superfluous. He was much less addicted to wine than was generally believed; that
which gave people occasion to think so of him was, that when he had nothing else to
do, he loved to sit long and talk, rather than drink, and over every cup hold a long
conversation. For when his affairs called upon him, he would not be detained, as other
generals often were, either by wine, or sleep, nuptial solemnities, spectacles, or any
other diversion whatsoever; a convincing argument of which is, that in the short time he
lived, he accomplished so many and so great actions. When he was free from
employment, after he was up, and had sacrificed to the gods, he used to sit down to
breakfast, and then spend the rest of the day in hunting, or writing memoirs, giving
decisions on some military questions, or reading. In marches that required no great
haste, he would practice shooting as he went along, or to mount a chariot, and alight
from it in full speed. Sometimes, for sport's sake, as his journals tell us, he would hunt
foxes and go fowling. When he came in for the evening, after he had bathed and was
anointed, he would call for his bakers and chief cooks, to know if they had his dinner
ready. He never cared to dine till it was pretty late and beginning to be dark, and was
wonderfully circumspect at meals that everyone who sat with him should be served alike
and with proper attention; and his love of talking, as was said before, made him delight
to sit long at his wine. And then, though otherwise no prince's conversation was ever so
agreeable, he would fall into a temper of ostentation and soldierly boasting, which gave
his flatterers a great advantage to ride him, and made his better friends very uneasy.
For though they thought it too base to strive who should flatter him most, yet they found
it hazardous not to do it; so that between the shame and the danger, they were in a
great strait how to behave themselves. After such an entertainment, he was wont to
bathe, and then perhaps he would sleep till noon, and sometimes all day long. He was
so very temperate in his eating, that when any rare fish or fruits were sent him, he would
distribute them among his friends, and often reserve nothing for himself. His table,
however, was always magnificent, the expense of it still increasing with his good
fortune, till it amounted to ten thousand drachmas a day, to which sum he limited it, and
beyond this he would suffer none to lay out in any entertainment where he himself was
the guest.
After the battle of Issus, he sent to Damascus to seize upon the money and baggage,
the wives and children of the Persians, of which spoil the Thessalian horsemen had the
greatest share; for he had taken particular notice of their gallantry in the fight, and sent

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them thither on purpose to make their reward suitable to their courage. Not but that the
rest of the army had so considerable a part of the booty as was sufficient to enrich them
all. This first gave the Macedonians such a taste of the Persian wealth and women and
barbaric splendor of living, that they were ready to pursue and follow upon it with all the
eagerness of hounds upon a scent. But Alexander, before he proceeded any further,
thought it necessary to assure himself of the sea-coast. Those who governed in Cyprus,
put that island into his possession, and Phoenicia, Tyre only excepted, was surrendered
to him. During the siege of this city, which with mounds of earth cast up, and battering
engines, and two hundred galleys by sea, was carried on for seven months together, he
dreamt that he saw Hercules upon the walls, reaching, out his hand, and calling to him.
And many of the Tyrians in their sleep, fancied that Apollo told them he was displeased
with their actions, and was about to leave them and go over to Alexander. Upon which,
as if the god had been a deserting soldier, they seized him, so to say, in the act, tied
down the statue with ropes, and nailed it to the pedestal, reproaching him, that he was a
favorer of Alexander. Another time, Alexander dreamed he saw a Satyr mocking him at
a distance, and when he endeavored to catch him, he still escaped from him, till at last
with much perseverance, and running about after him, he got him into his power. The
soothsayers making two words of Satyrus, assured him, that Tyre should he his own.
The inhabitants at this time show a spring of water, near which they say Alexander slept,
when he fancied the Satyr appeared to him.
While the body of the army lay before Tyre, he made an excursion against the Arabians
who inhabit the Mount Antilibanus, in which he hazarded his life extremely to bring off
his master Lysimachus, who would needs go along with him, declaring he was neither
older nor inferior in courage to Phoenix, Achilles's guardian. For when, quitting their
horses, they began to march up the hills on foot, the rest of the soldiers outwent them a
great deal, so that night drawing on, and the enemy near, Alexander was fain to stay
behind so long, to encourage and help up the lagging and tired old man, that before he
was aware, he was left behind, a great way from his soldiers, with a slender attendance,
and forced to pass an extremely cold night in the dark, and in a very inconvenient place;
till seeing a great many scattered fires of the enemy at some distance, and trusting to
his agility of body, and as he was always wont by undergoing toils and labors himself to
cheer and support the Macedonians in any distress, he ran straight to one of the
nearest fires, and with his dagger dispatching two of the barbarians that sat by it,
snatched up a lighted brand, and returned with it to his own men. They immediately
made a great fire, which so alarmed the enemy that most of them fled, and those that
assaulted them were soon routed, and thus they rested securely the remainder of the
night. Thus Chares writes.
But to return to the siege, it had this issue. Alexander, that he might refresh his army,
harassed with many former encounters, had led only a small party towards the walls,
rather to keep the enemy busy, than with any prospect of much advantage. It happened
at this time that Aristander, the soothsayer, after he had sacrificed, upon view of the
entrails, affirmed confidently to those who stood by, that the city should be certainly
taken that very month, upon which there was a laugh and some mockery among the
soldiers, as this was the last day of it. The king seeing him in perplexity, and always

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anxious to support the credit of the predictions, gave order that they should not count it
as the thirtieth, but as the twenty-third of the month, and ordering the trumpets to sound,
attacked the walls more seriously than he at first intended. The sharpness of the assault
so inflamed the rest of his forces who were left in the camp, that they could not hold
from advancing to second it, which they performed with so much vigor, that the Tyrians
retired, and the town was carried that very day. The next place he sat down before was
Gaza, one of the largest cities of Syria, where this accident befell him. A large bird flying
over him, let a clod of earth fall upon his shoulder, and then settling upon one of the
battering engines, was suddenly entangled and caught in the nets composed of sinews,
which protected the ropes with which the machine was managed. This fell out exactly
according to Aristander's prediction, which was, that Alexander should be wounded, and
the city reduced.
From hence he sent great part of the spoils to Olympias, Cleopatra, and the rest of his
friends, not omitting his preceptor Leonidas, on whom he bestowed five hundred talents
weight of frankincense, and a hundred of myrrh, in remembrance of the hopes he had
once expressed of him when he was but a child. For Leonidas, it seems, standing by
him one day while he was sacrificing, and seeing him take both his hands full of incense
to throw into the fire, told him it became him to be more sparing in his offerings, and not
be so profuse till he was master of the countries which those sweet gums and spices
came from. So Alexander now wrote to him, saying, "We have sent you abundance of
myrrh and frankincense, that for the future you may not be stingy to the gods." Among
the treasures and other booty that was taken from Darius, there was a very precious
casket, which being brought to Alexander for a great rarity, he asked those about him
what they thought fittest to be laid up in it; and when they had delivered their various
opinions, he told them he should keep Homer's Iliad in it. This is attested by many
credible authors, and if what those of Alexandria tell us, relying upon the authority of
Heraclides, be true, Homer was neither an idle, nor an unprofitable companion to him in
his expedition. For when he was master of Egypt, designing to settle a colony of
Grecians there, he resolved to build a large and populous city, and give it his own name.
In order to which, after he had measured and staked out the ground with the advice of
the best architects, he chanced one night in his sleep to see a wonderful vision; a grey-
headed old man, of a venerable aspect, appeared to stand by him, and pronounce
these verses:—
An island lies, where loud the billows roar,
Pharos they call it, on the Egyptian shore.
Alexander upon this immediately rose up and went to Pharos, which, at that time, was
an island lying a little above the Canobic mouth of the river Nile, though it has now been
joined to the main land by a mole. As soon as he saw the commodious situation of the
place, it being a long neck of land, stretching like an isthmus between large lagoons and
shallow waters on one side, and the sea on the other, the latter at the end of it making a
spacious harbor, he said, Homer, besides his other excellences, was a very good
architect, and ordered the plan of a city to be drawn out answerable to the place. To do
which, for want of chalk, the soil being black, they laid out their lines with flour, taking in

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a pretty large compass of ground in a semicircular figure, and drawing into the inside of
the circumference equal straight lines from each end, thus giving it something of the
form of a cloak or cape. While he was pleasing himself with his design, on a sudden an
infinite number of great birds of several kinds, rising like a black cloud out of the river
and the lake, devoured every morsel of the flour that had been used in setting out the
lines; at which omen even Alexander himself was troubled, till the augurs restored his
confidence again by telling him, it was a sign the city he was about to build would not
only abound in all things within itself, but also be the nurse and feeder of many nations.
He commanded the workmen to proceed, while he went to visit the temple of Ammon.
This was a long and painful, and, in two respects, a dangerous journey; first, if they
should lose their provision of water, as for several days none could be obtained; and,
secondly, if a violent south wind should rise upon them, while they were traveling
through the wide extent of deep sands, as it is said to have done when Cambyses led
his army that way, blowing the sand together in heaps, and raising, as it were, the whole
desert like a sea upon them, till fifty thousand were swallowed up and destroyed by it.
All these difficulties were weighed and represented to him; but Alexander was not easily
to be diverted from anything he was bent upon. For fortune having hitherto seconded
him in his designs, made him resolute and firm in his opinions, and the boldness of his
temper raised a sort of passion in him for surmounting difficulties; as if it were not
enough to be always victorious in the field, unless places and seasons and nature
herself submitted to him. In this journey, the relief and assistance the gods afforded him
in his distresses, were more remarkable, and obtained greater belief than the oracles he
received afterwards, which, however, were valued and credited the more on account of
those occurrences. For first, plentiful rains that fell, preserved them from any fear of
perishing by drought, and, allaying the extreme dryness of the sand, which now became
moist and firm to travel on, cleared and purified the air. Besides this, when they were
out of their way, and were wandering up and down, because the marks which were wont
to direct the guides were disordered and lost, they were set right again by some ravens,
which flew before them when on their march, and waited for them when they lingered
and fell behind; and the greatest miracle, as Callisthenes tells us, was that if any of the
company went astray in the night, they never ceased croaking and making a noise, till
by that means they had brought them into the right way again. Having passed through
the wilderness, they came to the place; where the high-priest at the first salutation bade
Alexander welcome from his father Ammon. And being asked by him whether any of his
father's murderers had escaped punishment, he charged him to speak with more
respect, since his was not a mortal father. Then Alexander, changing his expression,
desired to know of him if any of those who murdered Philip were yet unpunished, and
further concerning dominion, whether the empire of the world was reserved for him?
This, the god answered, he should obtain, and that Philip's death was fully revenged,
which gave him so much satisfaction, that he made splendid offerings to Jupiter, and
gave the priests very rich presents. This is what most authors write concerning the
oracles. But Alexander, in a letter to his mother, tells her there were some secret
answers, which at his return he would communicate to her only. Others say that the
priest, desirous as a piece of courtesy to address him in Greek, "O Paidion," by a slip in

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pronunciation ended with the s instead of the n, and said, "O Paidios," which mistake
Alexander was well enough pleased with, and it went for current that the oracle had
called him so.
Among the sayings of one Psammon, a philosopher, whom he heard in Egypt, he most
approved of this, that all men are governed by God, because in everything, that which is
chief and commands, is divine. But what he pronounced himself upon this subject, was
even more like a philosopher, for he said, God was the common father of us all, but
more particularly of the best of us. To the barbarians he carried himself very haughtily,
as if he were fully persuaded of his divine birth and parentage; but to the Grecians more
moderately, and with less affectation of divinity, except it were once in writing to the
Athenians about Samos, when he tells them that he should not himself have bestowed
upon them that free and glorious city; "You received it," he says, "from the bounty of him
who at that time was called my lord and father," meaning Philip. However, afterwards
being wounded with an arrow, and feeling much pain, he turned to those about him, and
told them, "This, my friends, is real flowing blood, not Ichor,
'Such as immortal gods are wont to shed.'"
And another time, when it thundered so much that everybody was afraid, and
Anaxarchus, the sophist, asked him if he who was Jupiter's son could do anything like
this, "Nay," said Alexander, laughing, "I have no desire to be formidable to my friends,
as you would have me, who despised my table for being furnished with fish, and not
with the heads of governors of provinces." For in fact it is related as true, that
Anaxarchus seeing a present of small fishes, which the king sent to Hephaestion, had
used this expression, in a sort of irony, and disparagement of those who undergo vast
labors and encounter great hazards in pursuit of magnificent objects, which after all
bring them little more pleasure or enjoyment than what others have. From what I have
said upon this subject, it is apparent that Alexander in himself was not foolishly affected,
or had the vanity to think himself really a god, but merely used his claims to divinity as a
means of maintaining among other people the sense of his superiority.
At his return out of Egypt into Phoenicia, he sacrificed and made solemn processions, to
which were added shows of lyric dances and tragedies, remarkable not merely for the
splendor of the equipage and decorations, but for the competition among those who
exhibited them. For the kings of Cyprus were here the exhibitors, just in the same
manner as at Athens those who are chosen by lot out of the tribes. And, indeed, they
showed the greatest emulation to outvie each other; especially Nicocreon, king of
Salamis, and Pasicrates of Soli, who furnished the chorus, and defrayed the expenses
of the two most celebrated actors, Athenodorus and Thessalus, the former performing
for Pasicrates, and the latter for Nicocreon. Thessalus was most favored by Alexander,
though it did not appear till Athenodorus was declared victor by the plurality of votes.
For then at his going away, he said the judges deserved to be commended for what
they had done, but that he would willingly have lost part of his kingdom, rather than to
have seen Thessalus overcome. However, when he understood Athenodorus was fined
by the Athenians for being absent at the festivals of Bacchus, though he refused his
request that he would write a letter in his behalf, he gave him a sufficient sum to satisfy

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the penalty. Another time, when Lycon of Scarphia happened to act with great applause
in the theater, and in a verse which he introduced into the comic part which he was
acting, begged for a present of ten talents, he laughed and gave him the money.
Darius wrote him a letter, and sent friends to intercede with him, requesting him to
accept as a ransom of his captives the sum of a thousand talents, and offering him in
exchange for his amity and alliance, all the countries on this side the river Euphrates,
together with one of his daughters in marriage. These propositions he communicated to
his friends, and when Parmenio told him, that for his part, if he were Alexander, he
should readily embrace them, "So would I," said Alexander, "if I were Parmenio."
Accordingly, his answer to Darius was, that if he would come and yield himself up into
his power, he would treat him with all possible kindness; if not, he was resolved
immediately to go himself and seek him. But the death of Darius's wife in childbirth
made him soon after regret one part of this answer, and he showed evident marks of
grief, at being thus deprived of a further opportunity of exercising his clemency and
good nature, which he manifested, however, as far as he could, by giving her a most
sumptuous funeral.
Among the eunuchs who waited in the queen's chamber, and were taken prisoners with
the women, there was one Tireus, who getting out of the camp, fled away on horseback
to Darius, to inform him of his wife's death. He, when he heard it, beating his head, and
bursting into tears and lamentations, said, "Alas! how great is the calamity of the
Persians! Was it not enough that their king's consort and sister was a prisoner in her
lifetime, but she must, now she is dead also, be but meanly and obscurely buried?" "Oh
king," replied the eunuch, "as to her funeral rites, or any respect or honor that should
have been shown in them, you have not the least reason to accuse the ill-fortune of
your country; for to my knowledge neither your queen Statira when alive, nor your
mother, nor children, wanted anything of their former happy condition, unless it were the
light of your countenance, which I doubt not but the lord Oromasdes will yet restore to
its former glory. And after her decease, I assure you, she had not only all due funeral
ornaments, but was honored also with the tears of your very enemies; for Alexander is
as gentle after victory, as he is terrible in the field." At the hearing of these words, such
was the grief and emotion of Darius's mind, that they carried him into extravagant
suspicions; and taking Tireus aside into a more private part of his tent, "Unless thou
likewise," said he to him, "hast deserted me, together with the good fortune of Persia,
and art become a Macedonian in thy heart; if thou yet ownest me for thy master Darius,
tell me, I charge thee, by the veneration thou payest the light of Mithras, and this right
hand of thy king, do I not lament the least of Statira's misfortunes in her captivity and
death? Have I not suffered something more injurious and deplorable in her lifetime? And
had I not been miserable with less dishonor, if I had met with a more severe and
inhuman enemy? For how is it possible a young man as he is, should treat the wife of
his opponent with so much distinction, were it not from some motive that does me
disgrace?" Whilst he was yet speaking, Tireus threw himself at his feet, and besought
him neither to wrong Alexander so much, nor his dead wife and sister, as to give
utterance to any such thoughts, which deprived him of the greatest consolation left him
in his adversity, the belief that he was overcome by a man whose virtues raised him

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above human nature; that he ought to look upon Alexander with love and admiration,
who had given no less proofs of his continence towards the Persian women, than of his
valor among the men. The eunuch confirmed all he said with solemn and dreadful
oaths, and was further enlarging upon Alexander's moderation and magnanimity on
other occasions, when Darius, breaking away from him into the other division of the
tent, where his friends and courtiers were, lifted up his hands to heaven, and uttered
this prayer, "Ye gods," said he, "of my family, and of my kingdom, if it be possible, I
beseech you to restore the declining affairs of Persia, that I may leave them in as
flourishing a condition as I found them, and have it in my power to make a grateful
return to Alexander for the kindness which in my adversity he has shown to those who
are dearest to me. But if, indeed, the fatal time be come, which is to give a period to the
Persian monarchy, if our ruin be a debt that must be paid to the divine jealousy and the
vicissitude of things, then I beseech you grant that no other man but Alexander may sit
upon the throne of Cyrus." Such is the narrative given by the greater number of the
historians.
But to return to Alexander. After he had reduced all Asia on this side the Euphrates, he
advanced towards Darius, who was coming down against him with a million of men. In
his march, a very ridiculous passage happened. The servants who followed the camp,
for sport's sake divided themselves into two parties, and named the commander of one
of them Alexander, and of the other Darius. At first they only pelted one another with
clods of earth, but presently took to their fists, and at last, heated with the contention,
they fought in good earnest with stones and clubs, so that they had much ado to part
them; till Alexander, upon hearing of it, ordered the two captains to decide the quarrel by
single combat, and armed him who bore his name himself, while Philotas did the same
to him who represented Darius. The whole army were spectators of this encounter,
willing from the event of it to derive an omen of their own future success. After they had
fought stoutly a pretty long while, at last he who was called Alexander had the better,
and for a reward of his prowess, had twelve villages given him, with leave to wear the
Persian dress. So we are told by Eratosthenes.
But the great battle of all that was fought with Darius, was not, as most writers tell us, at
Arbela, but at Gaugamela, which, in their language, signifies the camel's house,
forasmuch as one of their ancient kings having escaped the pursuit of his enemies on a
swift camel, in gratitude to his beast, settled him at this place, with an allowance of
certain villages and rents for his maintenance. It came to pass that in the month
Boedromion, about the beginning of the feast of Mysteries at Athens, there was an
eclipse of the moon, the eleventh night after which, the two armies being now in view of
one another, Darius kept his men in arms, and by torchlight took a general review of
them. But Alexander, while his soldiers slept, spent the night before his tent with his
diviner Aristander, performing certain mysterious ceremonies, and sacrificing to the god
Fear. In the meanwhile the oldest of his commanders, and chiefly Parmenio, when they
beheld all the plain between Niphates and the Gordyaean mountains shining with the
lights and fires which were made by the barbarians, and heard the uncertain and
confused sound of voices out of their camp, like the distant roaring of a vast ocean,
were so amazed at the thoughts of such a multitude, that after some conference among

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themselves, they concluded it an enterprise too difficult and hazardous for them to
engage so numerous an enemy in the day, and therefore meeting the king as he came
from sacrificing, besought him to attack Darius by night, that the darkness might conceal
the danger of the ensuing battle. To this he gave them the celebrated answer, "I will not
steal a victory," which though some at the time thought a boyish and inconsiderate
speech, as if he played with danger, others, however, regarded as an evidence that he
confided in his present condition, and acted on a true judgment of the future, not
wishing to leave Darius, in case he were worsted, the pretext of trying his fortune again,
which he might suppose himself to have, if he could impute his overthrow to the
disadvantage of the night, as he did before to the mountains, the narrow passages, and
the sea. For while he had such numerous forces and large dominions still remaining, it
was not any want of men or arms that could induce him to give up the war, but only the
loss of all courage and hope upon the conviction of an undeniable and manifest defeat.
After they were gone from him with this answer, he laid himself down in his tent and
slept the rest of the night more soundly than was usual with him, to the astonishment of
the commanders, who came to him early in the morning, and were fain themselves to
give order that the soldiers should breakfast. But at last, time not giving them leave to
wait any longer, Parmenio went to his bedside, and called him twice or thrice by his
name, till he waked him, and then asked him how it was possible, when he was to fight
the most important battle of all, he could sleep as soundly as if he were already
victorious. "And are we not so, indeed," replied Alexander, smiling, "since we are at last
relieved from the trouble of wandering in pursuit of Darius through a wide and wasted
country, hoping in vain that he would fight us?" And not only before the battle, but in the
height of the danger, he showed himself great, and manifested the self-possession of a
just foresight and confidence. For the battle for some time fluctuated and was dubious.
The left wing, where Parmenio commanded, was so impetuously charged by the
Bactrian horse that it was disordered and forced to give ground, at the same time that
Mazaeus had sent a detachment round about to fall upon those who guarded the
baggage, which so disturbed Parmenio, that he sent messengers to acquaint Alexander
that the camp and baggage would be all lost unless he immediately believed the rear by
a considerable reinforcement drawn out of the front. This message being brought him
just as he was giving the signal to those about him for the onset, he bade them tell
Parmenio that he must have surely lost the use of his reason, and had forgotten, in his
alarm, that soldiers, if victorious, become masters of their enemies' baggage; and if
defeated, instead of taking care of their wealth or their slaves, have nothing more to do
but to fight gallantly and die with honor. When he had said this, he put on his helmet,
having the rest of his arms on before he came out of his tent, which were coat of the
Sicilian make, girt close about him, and over that a breastpiece of thickly quilted linen,
which was taken among other booty at the battle of Issus. The helmet, which was made
by Theophilus, though of iron, was so well wrought and polished, that it was as bright as
the most refined silver. To this was fitted a gorget of the same metal, set with precious
stones. His sword, which was the weapon he most used in fight, was given him by the
king of the Citieans, and was of an admirable temper and lightness. The belt which he
also wore in all engagements, was of much richer workmanship than the rest of his

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armor. It was a work of the ancient Helicon, and had been presented to him by the
Rhodians, as mark of their respect to him. So long as he was engaged in drawing up his
men, or riding about to give orders or directions, or to view them, he spared
Bucephalas, who was now growing old, and made use of another horse; but when he
was actually to fight, he sent for him again, and as soon as he was mounted,
commenced the attack.
He made the longest address that day to the Thessalians and other Greeks, who
answered him with loud shouts, desiring him to lead them on against the barbarians,
upon which he shifted his javelin into his left hand, and with his right lifted up towards
heaven, besought the gods, as Callisthenes tells us, that if he was of a truth the son of
Jupiter, they would he pleased to assist and strengthen the Grecians. At the same time
the augur Aristander, who had a white mantle about him, and a crown of gold on his
head, rode by and showed them an eagle that soared just over Alexander, and directed
his Right towards the enemy; which so animated the beholders, that after mutual
encouragements and exhortations, the horse charged at full speed, and were followed
in a mass by the whole phalanx of the foot. But before they could well come to blows
with the first ranks, the barbarians shrunk back, and were hotly pursued by Alexander,
who drove those that fled before him into the middle of the battle, where Darius himself
was in person, whom he saw from a distance over the foremost ranks, conspicuous in
the midst of his life-guard, a tall and fine-looking man, drawn in a lofty chariot, defended
by an abundance of the best horse, who stood close in order about it, ready to receive
the enemy. But Alexander's approach was so terrible, forcing those who gave back upon
those who yet maintained their ground, that he beat down and dispersed them almost
all. Only a few of the bravest and valiantest opposed the pursuit, who were slain in their
king's presence, falling in heaps upon one another, and in the very pangs of death
striving to catch hold of the horses. Darius now seeing all was lost, that those who were
placed in front to defend him were broken and beat back upon him, that he could not
turn or disengage his chariot without great difficulty, the wheels being clogged and
entangled among the dead bodies, which lay in such heaps as not only stopped, but
almost covered the horses, and made them rear and grow so unruly, that the frighted
charioteer could govern them no longer, in this extremity was glad to quit his chariot and
his arms, and mounting, it is said, upon a mare that had been taken from her foal,
betook himself to flight. But he had not escaped so either, if Parmenio had not sent
fresh messengers to Alexander, to desire him to return and assist him against a
considerable body of the enemy which yet stood together, and would not give ground.
For, indeed, Parmenio is on all hands accused of having been sluggish and
unserviceable in this battle, whether age had impaired his courage, or that, as
Callisthenes says, he secretly disliked and envied Alexander's growing greatness.
Alexander, though he was not a little vexed to be so recalled and hindered from
pursuing his victory, yet concealed the true reason from his men, and causing a retreat
to be sounded, as if it were too late to continue the execution any longer, marched back
towards the place of danger, and by the way met with the news of the enemy's total
overthrow and flight.

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This battle being thus over, seemed to put a period to the Persian empire; and
Alexander, who was now proclaimed king of Asia, returned thanks to the gods in
magnificent sacrifices, and rewarded his friends and followers with great sums of
money, and places, and governments of provinces. And eager to gain honor with the
Grecians, he wrote to them that he would have all tyrannies abolished, that they might
live free according to their own laws, and specially to the Plataeans, that their city
should be rebuilt, because their ancestors had permitted their countrymen of old to
make their territory the seat of the war, when they fought with the barbarians for their
common liberty. He sent also part of the spoils into Italy, to the Crotoniats, to honor the
zeal and courage of their citizen Phayllus, the wrestler, who, in the Median war, when
the other Grecian colonies in Italy disowned Greece, that he might have a share in the
danger, joined the fleet at Salamis, with a vessel set forth at his own charge. So
affectionate was Alexander to all kind of virtue, and so desirous to preserve the memory
of laudable actions.
From hence he marched through the province of Babylon, which immediately submitted
to him, and in Ecbatana was much surprised at the sight of the place where fire issues
in a continuous stream, like a spring of water, out of a cleft in the earth, and the stream
of naphtha, which, not far from this spot, flows out so abundantly as to form a sort of
lake. This naphtha, in other respects resembling bitumen, is so subject to take fire, that
before it touches the flame, it will kindle at the very light that surrounds it, and often
inflame the intermediate air also. The barbarians, to show the power and nature of it,
sprinkled the street that led to the king's lodgings with little drops of it, and when it was
almost night, stood at the further end with torches, which being applied to the moistened
places, the first at once taking fire, instantly, as quick as a man could think of it, it caught
from one end to another, in such a manner that the whole street was one continued
flame. Among those who used to wait on the king and find occasion to amuse him when
he anointed and washed himself, there was one Athenophanes, an Athenian, who
desired him to make an experiment of the naphtha upon Stephanus, who stood by in
the bathing place, a youth with a ridiculously ugly face, whose talent was singing well,
"For," said he, "if it take hold of him and is not put out, it must undeniably be allowed to
be of the most invincible strength." The youth, as it happened, readily consented to
undergo the trial, and as soon as he was anointed and rubbed with it, his whole body
broke out into such a flame, and was so seized by the fire, that Alexander was in the
greatest perplexity and alarm for him, and not without reason; for nothing could have
prevented his being consumed by it, if by good chance there had not been people at
hand with a great many vessels of water for the service of the bath, with all which they
had much ado to extinguish the fire; and his body was so burned all over, that he was
not cured of it a good while after. And thus it is not without some plausibility that they
endeavor to reconcile the fable to truth, who say this was the drug in the tragedies with
which Medea anointed the crown and veil which she gave to Creon's daughter. For
neither the things themselves, nor the fire could kindle of its own accord, but being
prepared for it by the naphtha, they imperceptibly attracted and caught a flame which
happened to be brought near them. For the rays and emanations of fire at a distance
have no other effect upon some bodies than bare light and heat, but in others, where

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they meet with airy dryness, and also sufficient rich moisture, they collect themselves
and soon kindle and create a transformation. The manner, however, of the production of
naphtha admits of a diversity of opinion on whether this liquid substance that feeds the
flame does not rather proceed from a soil that is unctuous and productive of fire, as that
of the province of Babylon is, where the ground is so very hot, that oftentimes the grains
of barley leap up, and are thrown out, as if the violent inflammation had made the earth
throb; and in the extreme heats the inhabitants are wont to sleep upon skins filled with
water. Harpalus, who was left governor of this country, and was desirous to adorn the
palace gardens and walks with Grecian plants, succeeded in raising all but ivy, which
the earth would not bear, but constantly killed. For being a plant that loves a cold soil,
the temper of this hot and fiery earth was improper for it. But such digressions as these
the impatient reader will be more willing to pardon, if they are kept within a moderate
compass.
At the taking of Susa, Alexander found in the palace forty thousand talents in money
ready coined, besides an unspeakable quantity of other furniture and treasure; amongst
which was five thousand talents' worth of Hermionian purple, that had been laid up there
a hundred and ninety years, and yet kept its color as fresh and lively as at first. The
reason of which, they say, is that in dyeing the purple they made use of honey, and of
white oil in the white tincture, both which after the like space of time preserve the
clearness and brightness of their luster. Dinon also relates that the Persian kings had
water fetched from the Nile and the Danube, which they laid up in their treasuries as a
sort of testimony of the greatness of their power and universal empire.
The entrance into Persia was through a most difficult country, and was guarded by the
noblest of the Persians, Darius himself having escaped further. Alexander, however,
chanced to find a guide in exact correspondence with what the Pythia had foretold when
he was a child, that a lycus should conduct him into Persia. For by such an one, whose
father was a Lycian, and his mother a Persian, and who spoke both languages, he was
now led into the country, by a way something about, yet without fetching any
considerable compass. Here a great many of the prisoners were put to the sword, of
which himself gives this account, that he commanded them to be killed in the belief that
it would be for his advantage. Nor was the money found here less, he says, than at
Susa, besides other movables and treasure, as much as ten thousand pair of mules and
five thousand camels could well carry away. Amongst other things he happened to
observe a large statue of Xerxes thrown carelessly down to the ground in the confusion
made by the multitude of soldiers pressing; into the palace. He stood still, and accosting
it as if it had been alive, "Shall we," said he, "neglectfully pass thee by, now thou art
prostrate on the ground, because thou once invadedst Greece, or shall we erect thee
again in consideration of the greatness of thy mind and thy other virtues?" But at last,
after he had paused some time, and silently considered with himself, he went on without
taking any further notice of it. In this place he took up his winter quarters, and stayed
four months to refresh his soldiers. It is related that the first time he sat on the royal
throne of Persia, under the canopy of gold, Demaratus, the Corinthian, who was much
attached to him and had been one of his father's friends, wept, in an old man's manner,

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and deplored the misfortune of those Creeks whom death had deprived of the
satisfaction of seeing Alexander seated on the throne of Darius.
From hence designing to march against Darius, before he set out, he diverted himself
with his officers at an entertainment of drinking and other pastimes, and indulged so far
as to let every one's mistress sit by and drink with them. The most celebrated of them
was Thais, an Athenian, mistress of Ptolemy, who was afterwards king of Egypt. She,
partly as a sort of well-turned compliment to Alexander, partly out of sport, as the
drinking went on, at last was carried so far as to utter a saying, not misbecoming her
native country's character, though somewhat too lofty for her own condition. She said it
was indeed some recompense for the toils she had undergone in following the camp all
over Asia, that she was that day treated in, and could insult over, the stately palace of
the Persian monarchs. But, she added, it would please her much better, if while the king
looked on, she might in sport, with her own hands, set fire to the court of that Xerxes
who reduced the city of Athens to ashes, that it might be recorded to posterity, that the
women who followed Alexander had taken a severer revenge on the Persians for the
sufferings and affronts of Greece, than all the famed commanders had been able to do
by sea or land. What she said was received with such universal liking and murmurs of
applause, and so seconded by the encouragement and eagerness of the company, that
the king himself, persuaded to be of the party, started from his seat, and with a chaplet
of flowers on his head, and a lighted torch in his hand, led them the way, while they
went after him in a riotous manner, dancing and making loud cries about the place;
which when the rest of the Macedonians perceived, they also in great delight ran thither
with torches; for they hoped the burning and destruction of the royal palace was an
argument that he looked homeward, and had no design to reside among the barbarians.
Thus some writers give their account of this action, while others say it was done
deliberately; however, all agree that he soon repented of it, and gave order to put out
the fire.
Alexander was naturally most munificent, and grew more so as his fortune increased,
accompanying what he gave with that courtesy and freedom, which, to speak truth, is
necessary to make a benefit really obliging. I will give a few instances of this kind.
Ariston, the captain of the Paeonians, having killed an enemy, brought his head to show
him, and told him that in his country, such a present was recompensed with a cup of
gold. "With an empty one," said Alexander, smiling, "but I drink to you in this, which I
give you full of wine." Another time, as one of the common soldier was driving a mule
laden with some of the king's treasure, the beast grew tired, and the soldier took it upon
his own back, and began to march with it, till Alexander seeing the man so overcharged,
asked what was the matter; and when he was informed, just as he was ready to lay
down his burden for weariness, "Do not faint now," said he to him, "but finish the
journey, and carry what you have there to your own tent for yourself." He was always
more displeased with those who would not accept of what he gave than with those who
begged of him. And therefore he wrote to Phocion, that he would not own him for his
friend any longer, if he refused his presents. He had never given anything to Serapion,
one of the youths that played at ball with him, because he did not ask of him, till one
day, it coming to Serapion's turn to play, he still threw the ball to others, and when the

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king asked him why he did not direct it to him, "Because you do not ask for it," said he;
which answer pleased him so, that he was very liberal to him afterwards. One Proteas,
a pleasant, jesting, drinking fellow, having incurred his displeasure, got his friends to
intercede for him, and begged his pardon himself with tears, which at last prevailed, and
Alexander declared he was friends with him. "I cannot believe it," said Proteas, "unless
you first give me some pledge of it." The king understood his meaning, and presently
ordered five talents to be given him. How magnificent he was in enriching his friends,
and those who attended on his person, appears by a letter which Olympias wrote to
him, where she tells him he should reward and honor those about him in a more
moderate way, For now," said she, "you make them all equal to kings, you give them
power and opportunity of making many friends of their own, and in the meantime you
leave yourself destitute." She often wrote to him to this purpose, and he never
communicated her letters to anybody, unless it were one which he opened when
Hephaestion was by, whom he permitted, as his custom was, to read it along with him;
but then as soon as he had done, he took off his ring, and set the seal upon
Hephaestion's lips. Mazaeus, who was the most considerable man in Darius's court,
had a son who was already governor of a province. Alexander bestowed another upon
him that was better; he, however, modestly refused, and told him, instead of one Darius,
he went the way to make many Alexanders. To Parmenio he gave Bagoas's house, in
which he found a wardrobe of apparel worth more than a thousand talents. He wrote to
Antipater, commanding him to keep a life-guard about him for the security of his person
against conspiracies. To his mother he sent many presents, but would never suffer her
to meddle with matters of state or war, not indulging her busy temper, and when she fell
out with him upon this account, he bore her ill-humor very patiently. Nay more, when he
read a long letter from Antipater, full of accusations against her, "Antipater," he said,
"does not know that one tear of a mother effaces a thousand such letters as these."
But when he perceived his favorites grow so luxurious and extravagant in their way of
living and expenses, that Hagnon, the Teian, wore silver nails in his shoes, that
Leonnatus employed several camels, only to bring him powder out of Egypt to use when
he wrestled, and that Philotas had hunting nets a hundred furlongs in length, that more
used precious ointment than plain oil when they went to bathe, and that they carried
about servants everywhere with them to rub them and wait upon them in their
chambers, he reproved them in gentle and reasonable terms, telling them he wondered
that they who had been engaged in so many signal battles did not know by experience,
that those who labor sleep more sweetly and soundly than those who are labored for,
and could fail to see by comparing the Persians' manner of living with their own, that it
was the most abject and slavish condition to be voluptuous, but the most noble arid
royal to undergo pain and labor. He argued with them further, how it was possible for
anyone who pretended to be a soldier, either to look well after his horse, or to keep his
armor bright and in good order, who thought it much to let his hands be serviceable to
what was nearest to him, his own body. "Are you still to learn," said he, "that the end
and perfection of our victories is to avoid the vices and infirmities of those whom we
subdue?" And to strengthen his precepts by example, he applied himself now more
vigorously than ever to hunting and warlike expeditions, embracing all opportunities of

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hardship and danger, insomuch that a Lacedaemonian, who was there on an embassy
to him, and chanced to be by when he encountered with and mastered a huge lion, told
him he had fought gallantly with the beast, which of the two should be king. Craterus
caused a representation to be made of this adventure, consisting of the lion and the
dogs, of the king engaged with the lion, and himself coming in to his assistance, all
expressed in figures of brass, some of which were by Lysippus, and the rest by
Leochares; and had it dedicated in the temple of Apollo at Delphi. Alexander exposed
his person to danger in this manner, with the object both of inuring himself, and inciting
others to the performance of brave and virtuous actions.
But his followers, who were grown rich, and consequently proud, longed to indulge
themselves in pleasure and idleness, and were weary of marches and expeditions, and
at last went on so far as to censure and speak ill of him. All which at first he bore very
patiently, saying, it became a king well to do good to others, and be evil spoken of.
Meantime, on the smallest occasions that called for a show of kindness to his friends,
there was every indication on his part of tenderness and respect. Hearing Peucestes
was bitten by a bear, he wrote to him, that he took it unkindly he should send others
notice of it, and not make him acquainted with it; "But now," said he, "since it is so, let
me know how you do, and whether any of your companions forsook you when you were
in danger, that I may punish them." He sent Hephaestion, who was absent about some
business, word how while they were fighting for their diversion with an ichneumon,
Craterus was by chance run through both thighs with Perdiccas's javelin. And upon
Peucestes's recovery from a fit of sickness, he sent a letter of thanks to his physician
Alexippus. When Craterus was ill, he saw a vision in his sleep, after which he offered
sacrifices for his health, and bade him to do so likewise. He wrote also to Pausanias,
the physician, who was about to purge Craterus with hellebore, partly out of an anxious
concern for him, and partly to give him a caution how he used that medicine. He was so
tender of his friends' reputation that he imprisoned Ephialtes and Cissus, who brought
him the first news of Harpalus's flight and withdrawal from his service, as if they had
falsely accused him. When he sent the old and infirm soldiers home, Eurylochus, a
citizen of Aegae, got his name enrolled among the sick, though he ailed nothing, which
being discovered, he confessed he was in love with a young woman named Telesippa,
and wanted to go along with her to the seaside. Alexander inquired to whom the woman
belonged, and being told she was a free courtesan, "I will assist you," said he to
Eurylochus, "in your amour, if your mistress be to be gained either by presents or
persuasions; but we must use no other means, because she is free-born."
It is surprising to consider upon what slight occasions he would write letters to serve his
friends. As when he wrote one in which he gave order to search for a youth that
belonged to Seleucus, who was run away into Cilicia; and in another, thanked and
commended Peucestes for apprehending Nicon, a servant of Craterus; and in one to
Megabyzus, concerning a slave that had taken sanctuary in a temple, gave direction
that he should not meddle with him while he was there, but if he could entice him out by
fair means, then he gave him leave to seize him. It is reported of him that when he first
sat in judgment upon capital causes, he would lay his hand upon one of his ears while
the accuser spoke, to keep it free and unprejudiced in behalf of the party accused. But

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afterwards such a multitude of accusations were brought before him, and so many
proved true, that he lost his tenderness of heart, and gave credit to those also that were
false; and especially when anybody spoke ill of him, he would be transported out of his
reason, and show himself cruel and inexorable, valuing his glory and reputation beyond
his life or kingdom.
He now, as we said, set forth to seek Darius, expecting he should be put to the hazard
of another battle, but heard he was taken and secured by Bessus, upon which news he
sent home the Thessalians, and gave them a largess of two thousand talents over and
above the pay that was due to them. This long and painful pursuit of Darius, for in
eleven days he marched thirty-three hundred furlongs, harassed his soldiers so that
most of them were ready to give it up, chiefly for want of water. While they were in this
distress, it happened that some Macedonians who had fetched water in skins upon their
mules from a river they had found out, came about noon to the place where Alexander
was, and seeing him almost choked with thirst, presently filled a helmet and offered it
him. He asked them to whom they were carrying the water; they told him to their
children, adding, that if his life were but saved, it was no matter for them, they should be
able well enough to repair that loss, though they all perished. Then he took the helmet
into his hands, and looking round about, when he saw all those who were near him
stretching their heads out and looking, earnestly after the drink, he returned it again with
thanks without tasting a drop of it, "For," said he, "if I alone should drink, the rest will be
out of heart." The soldiers no sooner took notice of his temperance and magnanimity
upon this occasion, but they one and all cried out to him to lead them forward boldly,
and began whipping on their horses. For whilst they had such a king, they said they
defied both weariness and thirst, and looked upon themselves to be little less than
immortal. But though they were all equally cheerful and willing, yet not above threescore
horse were able, it is said, to keep up, and to fall in with Alexander upon the enemy's
camp, where they rode over abundance of gold and silver that lay scattered about, and
passing by a great many chariots full of women that wandered here and there for want
of drivers, they endeavored to overtake the first of those that fled, in hopes to meet with
Darius among them. And at last, after much trouble, they found him lying in a chariot,
wounded all over with darts, just at the point of death. However, he desired they would
give him some drink, and when he had drunk a little cold water, he told Polystratus, who
gave it him, that it had become the last extremity of his ill fortune, to receive benefits
and not be able to return them. "But Alexander," said he, "whose kindness to my mother,
my wife, and my children I hope the gods will recompense, will doubtless thank you for
your humanity to me. Tell him, therefore, in token of my acknowledgment, I give him this
right hand," with which words he took hold of Polystratus's hand and died. When
Alexander came up to them, he showed manifest tokens of sorrow, and taking off his
own cloak, threw it upon the body to cover it. And sometime afterwards, when Bessus
was taken, he ordered him to be torn in pieces in this manner. They fastened him to a
couple of trees which were bound down so as to meet, and then being let loose, with a
great force returned to their places, each of them carrying that part of the body along
with it that was tied to it. Darius's body was laid in state, and sent to his mother with

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pomp suitable to his quality. His brother Exathres, Alexander received into the number
of his intimate friends.
And now with the flower of his army he marched into Hyrcania, where he saw a large
bay of an open sea, apparently not much less than the Euxine, with water, however,
sweeter than that of other seas, but could learn nothing of certainty concerning it, further
than that in all probability it seemed to him to be an arm issuing from the lake of
Maeotis. However, the naturalists were better informed of the truth, and had given an
account of it many years before Alexander's expedition; that of four gulfs which out of
the main sea enter into the continent, this, known indifferently as the Caspian and as
the Hyrcanian sea, is the most northern. Here the barbarians, unexpectedly meeting
with those who led Bucephalas, took them prisoners, and carried the horse away with
them, at which Alexander was so much vexed, that he sent a herald to let them know he
would put them all to the sword, men, women, and children, without mercy, if they did
not restore him. But on their doing so, and at the same time surrendering their cities into
his hands, he not only treated them kindly, but also paid a ramsom for his horse to those
who took him.
From hence he marched into Parthia, where not having much to do, he first put on the
barbaric dress, perhaps with the view of making the work of civilizing them the easier,
as nothing gains more upon men than a conformity to their fashions and customs. Or it
may have been as a first trial, whether the Macedonians might be brought to adore him,
as the Persians did their kings, by accustoming them by little and little to bear with the
alteration of his rule and course of life in other things. However, he followed not the
Median fashion, which was altogether foreign and uncouth, and adopted neither the
trousers nor the sleeved vest, nor the tiara for the head, but taking a middle way
between the Persian mode and the Macedonian, so contrived his habit that it was not so
flaunting as the one, and yet more pompous and magnificent than the other. At first he
wore this habit only when he conversed with the barbarians, or within doors, among his
intimate friends and companions, but afterwards he appeared in it abroad, when he
rode out, and at public audiences, a sight which the Macedonians beheld with grief; but
they so respected his other virtues and good qualities, that they felt it reasonable in
some things to gratify his fancies and his passion of glory, in pursuit of which he
hazarded himself so far, that, besides his other adventures, he had but lately been
wounded in the leg by an arrow, which had so shattered the shank-bone that splinters
were taken out. And on another occasion he received a violent blow with a stone upon
the nape of the neck, which dimmed his sight for a good while afterwards. And yet all
this could not hinder him from exposing himself freely to any dangers, insomuch that he
passed the river Orexartes, which he took to be the Tanais, and putting the Scythians to
flight, followed them above a hundred furlongs, though suffering all the time from a
diarrhea.
Here many affirm that the Amazon came to give him a visit. So Clitarchus, Polyclitus,
Onesicritus, Antigenes, and Ister, tell us. But Aristobulus and Chares, who held the
office of reporter of requests, Ptolemy and Anticlides, Philon the Theban, Philip of
Theangela, Hecataeus the Eretrian, Philip the Chalcidian, and Duris the Samian, say it

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is wholly a fiction. And truly Alexander himself seems to confirm the latter statement, for
in a letter in which he gives Antipater an account of all that happened, he tells him that
the king of Scythia offered him his daughter in marriage, but makes no mention at all of
the Amazon. And many years after, when Onesicritus read this story in his fourth book
to Lysimachus, who then reigned, the king laughed quietly and asked, "Where could I
have been at that time?"
But it signifies little to Alexander whether this be credited or no. Certain it is, that
apprehending the Macedonians would be weary of pursuing the war, he left the greater
part of them in their quarters; and having with him in Hyrcania the choice of his men
only, amounting to twenty thousand foot, and three thousand horse, he spoke to them to
this effect: That hitherto the barbarians had seen them no otherwise than as it were in a
dream, and if they should think of returning when they had only alarmed Asia, and not
conquered it, their enemies would set upon them as upon so many women. However,
he told them he would keep none of them with him against their will, they might go if
they pleased; he should merely enter his protest, that when on his way to make the
Macedonians the masters of the world, he was left alone with a few friends and
volunteers. This is almost word for word, as he wrote in a letter to Antipater, where he
adds, that when he had thus spoken to them, they all cried out, they would go along
with him whithersoever it was his pleasure to lead them. After succeeding with these, it
was no hard matter for him to bring over the multitude, which easily followed the
example of their betters. Now, also, he more and more accommodated himself in his
way of living to that of the natives, and tried to bring them, also, as near as he could to
the Macedonian customs, wisely considering that whilst he was engaged in an
expedition which would carry him far from thence, it would be wiser to depend upon the
goodwill which might arise from intermixture and association as a means of maintaining
tranquillity, than upon force and compulsion. In order to this, he chose out thirty
thousand boys, whom he put under masters to teach them the Greek tongue, and to
train them up to arms in the Macedonian discipline. As for his marriage with Roxana,
whose youthfulness and beauty had charmed him at a drinking entertainment, where he
first happened to see her, taking part in a dance, it was, indeed, a love affair, yet it
seemed at the same time to be conducive to the object he had in hand. For it gratified
the conquered people to see him choose a wife from among themselves, and it made
them feel the most lively affection for him, to find that in the only passion which he, the
most temperate of men, was overcome by, he yet forbore till he could obtain her in a
lawful and honorable way.
Noticing, also, that among his chief friends and favorites, Hephaestion most approved
all that he did, and complied with and imitated him in his change of habits, while
Craterus continued strict in the observation of the customs and fashions of his own
country, he made it his practice to employ the first in all transactions with the Persians,
and the latter when he had to do with the Greeks or Macedonians. And in general he
showed more affection for Hephaestion, and more respect for Craterus; Hephaestion,
as he used to say, being Alexander's, and Craterus the king's friend. And so these two
friends always bore in secret a grudge to each other, and at times quarreled openly, so
much so, that once in India they drew upon one another, and were proceeding in good

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earnest, with their friends on each side to second them, when Alexander rode up and
publicly reproved Hephaestion, calling him fool and madman, not to be sensible that
without his favor he was nothing. He rebuked Craterus, also, in private, severely, and
then causing them both to come into his presence, he reconciled them, at the same
time swearing by Ammon and the rest of the gods, that he loved them two above all
other men, but if ever he perceived them fall out again he would be sure to put both of
them to death, or at least the aggressor. After which they neither ever did or said
anything, so much as in jest, to offend one another.
There was scarcely anyone who had greater repute among the Macedonians than
Philotas, the son of Parmenio. For besides that he was valiant and able to endure any
fatigue of war, he was also next to Alexander himself the most munificent, and the
greatest lover of his friends, one of whom asking him for some money, he commanded
his steward to give it him; and when he told him he had not wherewith, "Have you not
any plate then," said he, "or any clothes of mine to sell?" But he carried his arrogance
and his pride of wealth and his habits of display and luxury to a degree of assumption
unbecoming a private man, and affecting all the loftiness without succeeding in showing
any of the grace or gentleness of true greatness, by this mistaken and spurious majesty
he gained so much envy and ill-will, that Parmenio would sometimes tell him, "My son,
to be not quite so great would be better." For he had long before been complained of,
and accused to Alexander. Particularly when Darius was defeated in Cilicia, and an
immense booty was taken at Damascus, among the rest of the prisoners who were
brought into the camp, there was one Antigone of Pydna, a very handsome woman,
who fell to Philotas's share. The young man one day in his cups, in the vaunting,
outspoken, soldier's manner, declared to his mistress, that all the great actions were
performed by him and his father, the glory and benefit of which, he said, together with
the title of king, the boy Alexander reaped and enjoyed by their means. She could not
hold, but discovered what he had said to one of her acquaintance, and he, as is usual in
such cases, to another, till at last the story came to the ears of Craterus, who brought
the woman secretly to the king. When Alexander had heard what she had to say, he
commanded her to continue her intrigue with Philotas, and give him an account from
time to time of all that should fall from him to this purpose. He thus unwittingly caught in
a snare, to gratify some times a fit of anger, sometimes a mere love of vainglory, let
himself utter numerous foolish, indiscreet speeches against the king in Antigone's
hearing, of which though Alexander was informed and convinced by strong evidence,
yet he would take no notice of it at present, whether it was that he confided in
Parmenio's affection and loyalty, or that he apprehended their authority and interest in
the army. But about this time one Limnus, a Macedonian of Chalastra, conspired
against Alexander's life, and communicated his design to a youth whom he was fond of,
named Nicomachus, inviting him to be of the party. But he not relishing the thing,
revealed it to his brother Balinus, who immediately addressed himself to Philotas,
requiring him to introduce them both to Alexander, to whom they had something of great
moment to impart which very nearly concerned him. But he, for what reason is
uncertain, went not with them, professing that the king was engaged with affairs of more
importance. And when they had urged him a second time, and were still slighted by him,

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they applied themselves to another, by whose means being admitted into Alexander's
presence, they first told about Limnus's conspiracy, and by the way let Philotas's
negligence appear, who had twice disregarded their application to him. Alexander was
greatly incensed, and on finding that Limnus had defended himself, and had been killed
by the soldier who was sent to seize him, he was still more discomposed, thinking he
had thus lost the means of detecting the plot. As soon as his displeasure against
Philotas began to appear, presently all his old enemies showed themselves, and said
openly, the king was too easily imposed on, to imagine that one so inconsiderable as
Limnus, a Chalastrian, should of his own head undertake such an enterprise; that in all
likelihood he was but subservient to the design, an instrument that was moved by some
greater spring; that those ought to be more strictly examined about the matter whose
interest it was so much to conceal it. When they had once gained the king's ear for
insinuations of this sort, they went on to show a thousand grounds of suspicion against
Philotas, till at last they prevailed to have him seized and put to the torture, which was
done in the presence of the principal officers, Alexander himself being placed behind
some tapestry to understand what passed. Where, when he heard in what a miserable
tone, and with what abject submissions Philotas applied himself to Hephaestion, he
broke out, it is said, in this manner: "Are you so mean-spirited and effeminate, Philotas,
and yet can engage in so desperate a design?" After his death, he presently sent into
Media, and put also Parmenio, his father, to death, who had done brave service under
Philip, and was the only man, of his older friends and counselors, who had encouraged
Alexander to invade Asia. Of three sons whom he had had in the army, he had already
lost two, and now was himself put to death with the third. These actions rendered
Alexander an object of terror to many of his friends, and chiefly to Antipater, who, to
strengthen himself, sent messengers privately to treat for an alliance with the Aetolians,
who stood in fear of Alexander, because they had destroyed the town of the Oeniadae;
on being informed of which, Alexander had said the children of the Oeniadae need not
revenge their fathers' quarrel, for he would himself take care to punish the Aetolians.
Not long after this happened the deplorable end of Clitus, which to those who barely
hear the matter-of-fact, may seem more inhuman than that of Philotas; but if we
consider the story with its circumstance of time, and weigh the cause, we shall find it to
have occurred rather through a sort of mischance of the king's, whose anger and over-
drinking offered an occasion to the evil genius of Clitus. The king had a present of
Grecian fruit brought him from the sea-coast, which was so fresh and beautiful, that he
was surprised at it, and called Clitus to him to see it, and to give him a share of it. Clitus
was then sacrificing, but he immediately left off and came, followed by three sheep, on
whom the drink-offering had been already poured preparatory to sacrificing them.
Alexander, being informed of this, told his diviners, Aristander and Cleomantis the
Lacedaemonian, and asked them what it meant; on whose assuring him, it was an ill
omen, he commanded them in all haste to offer sacrifices for Clitus's safety, forasmuch
as three days before he himself had seen a strange vision in his sleep, of Clitus all in
mourning, sitting by Parmenio's sons who were dead. Clitus, however, stayed not to
finish his devotions, but came straight to supper with the king, who had sacrificed to
Castor and Pollux. And when they had drunk pretty hard, some of the company fell a

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singing the verses of one Pranichus, or as others say of Pierion, which were made upon
those captains who had been lately worsted by the barbarians, on purpose to disgrace
and turn them to ridicule. This gave offense to the older men who were there, and they
upbraided both the author and the singer of the verses, though Alexander and the
younger men about him were much amused to hear them, and encouraged them to go
on, till at last Clitus, who had drunk too much, and was besides of a froward and willful
temper, was so nettled that he could hold no longer, saying, it was not well done to
expose the Macedonians so before the barbarians and their enemies, since though it
was their unhappiness to be overcome, yet they were much better men than those who
laughed at them. And when Alexander remarked, that Clitus was pleading his own
cause, giving cowardice the name of misfortune, Clitus started up; "This cowardice, as
you are pleased to term it," said he to him, "saved the life of a son of the gods, when in
flight from Spithridates's sword; and it is by the expense of Macedonian blood, and by
these wounds, that you are now raised to such a height, as to be able to disown your
father Philip, and call yourself the Son of Ammon." "Thou base fellow," said Alexander,
who was now thoroughly exasperated, "dost thou think to utter these things everywhere
of me, and stir up the Macedonians to sedition, and not be punished for it?" "We are
sufficiently punished already," answered Clitus, "if this be the recompense of our toils,
and we must esteem theirs a happy lot, who have not lived to see their countrymen
scourged with Median rods, and forced to sue to the Persians to have access to their
king." While he talked thus at random, and those near Alexander got up from their seats
and began to revile him in turn, the elder men did what they could to compose the
disorder. Alexander, in the meantime turning about to Xenodochus, the Cardian, and
Artemius, the Colophonian, asked them if they were not of opinion that the Greeks, in
comparison with the Macedonians, behaved themselves like so many demi-gods among
wild beasts. But Clitus for all this would not give over, desiring Alexander to speak out if
he had anything more to say, or else why did he invite men who were freeborn and
accustomed to speak their minds openly without restraint, to sup with him. He had
better live and converse with barbarians and slaves who would not scruple to bow the
knee to his Persian girdle and his white tunic. Which words so provoked Alexander, that
not able to suppress his anger any longer, he threw one of the apples that lay upon the
table at him, and hit him, and then looked about for his sword. But Aristophanes, one of
his life-guard, had hid that out of the way, and others came about him and besought
him, but in vain. For breaking from them, he called out aloud to his guards in the
Macedonian language, which was a certain sign of some great disturbance in him, and
commanded a trumpeter to sound, giving him a blow with his clenched fist for not
instantly obeying him; though afterwards the same man was commended for disobeying
an order which would have put the whole army into tumult and confusion. Clitus still
refusing to yield, was with much trouble forced by his friends out of the room. But he
came in again immediately at another door, very irreverently and confidently singing the
verses out of Euripides's Andromache, —
In Greece, alas! how ill things ordered are!
Upon this, at last, Alexander, snatching a spear from one of the soldiers, met Clitus as
he was coming forward and was putting by the curtain that hung before the door, and

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ran him through the body. He fell at once with a cry and a groan. Upon which the king's
anger immediately vanishing, he came perfectly to himself, and when he saw his friends
about him all in a profound silence, he pulled the spear out of the dead body, and would
have thrust it into his own throat, if the guards had not held his hands, and by main
force carried him away into his chamber, where all that night and the next day he wept
bitterly, till being quite spent with lamenting and exclaiming, he lay as it were
speechless, only fetching deep sighs. His friends apprehending some harm from his
silence, broke into the room, but he took no notice of what any of them said, till
Aristander putting him in mind of the vision he had seen concerning Clitus, and the
prodigy that followed, as if all had come to pass by an unavoidable fatality, he then
seemed to moderate his grief. They now brought Callisthenes, the philosopher, who
was the near friend of Aristotle, and Anaxarchus of Abdera, to him. Callisthenes used
moral language, and gentle and soothing means, hoping to find access for words of
reason, and get a hold upon the passion. But Anaxarchus, who had always taken a
course of his own in philosophy, and had a name for despising and slighting his
contemporaries, as soon as he came in, cried out aloud, "Is this the Alexander whom
the whole world looks to, lying here weeping like a slave, for fear of the censure and
reproach of men, to whom he himself ought to be a law and measure of equity, if he
would use the right his conquests have given him as supreme lord and governor of all,
and not be the victim of a vain and idle opinion? Do not you know," said he, "that Jupiter
is represented to have Justice and Law on each hand of him, to signify that all the
actions of a conqueror are lawful and just?" With these and the like speeches,
Anaxarchus indeed allayed the king's grief, but withal corrupted his character, rendering
him more audacious and lawless than he had been. Nor did he fail by these means to
insinuate himself into his favor, and to make Callisthenes's company, which at all times,
because of his austerity, was not very acceptable, more uneasy and disagreeable to
him.
It happened that these two philosophers meeting at an entertainment, where
conversation turned on the subject of climate and the temperature of the air,
Callisthenes joined with their opinion, who held that those countries were colder, and
the winter sharper there than in Greece. Anaxarchus would by no means allow this, but
argued against it with some heat. "Surely," said Callisthenes, "you cannot but admit this
country to be colder than Greece, for there you used to have but one threadbare cloak
to keep out the coldest winter, and here you have three good warm mantles one over
another." This piece of raillery irritated Anaxarchus and the other pretenders to learning,
and the crowd of flatterers in general could not endure to see Callisthenes so much
admired and followed by the youth, and no less esteemed by the older men for his
orderly life, and his gravity, and for being contented with his condition; all confirming
what he had professed about the object he had in his journey to Alexander, that it was
only to get his countrymen recalled from banishment, and to rebuild and repeople his
native town. Besides the envy which his great reputation raised, he also, by his own
deportment, gave those who wished him ill, opportunity to do him mischief. For when he
was invited to public entertainments, he would most times refuse to come, or if he were
present at any, he put a constraint upon the company by his austerity and silence, which

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seemed to intimate his disapproval of what he saw. So that Alexander himself said in
application to him,
That vain pretense to wisdom I detest,
Where a man's blind to his own interest.
Being with many more invited to sup with the king, he was called upon when the cup
came to him, to make an oration extempore in praise of the Macedonians; and he did it
with such a flow of eloquence, that all who heard it rose from their seats to clap and
applaud him, and threw their garland upon him; only Alexander told him out of
Euripides,
I wonder not that you have spoke so well,
'Tis easy on good subjects to excel.
"Therefore," said he, "if you will show the force of your eloquence, tell my Macedonians
their faults, and dispraise them, that by hearing their errors they may learn to he better
for the future." Callisthenes presently obeyed him, retracting all he had said before, and,
inveighing against the Macedonians with great freedom, added, that Philip thrived and
grew powerful, chiefly by the discord of the Grecians, applying this verse to him:—
In civil strife e'en villains rise to fame;
which so offended the Macedonians, that he was odious to them ever after. And
Alexander said, that instead of his eloquence, he had only made his ill-will appear in
what he had spoken. Hermippus assures us, that one Stroebus, a servant whom
Callisthenes kept to read to him, gave this account of these passages afterwards to
Aristotle; and that when he perceived the king grow more and more averse to him, two
or three times, as he was going away, he repeated the verses, —
Death seiz'd at last on great Patroclus too,
Though he in virtue far exceeded you.
Not without reason, therefore, did Aristotle give this character of Callisthenes, that he
was, indeed, a powerful speaker, but had no judgment. He acted certainly a true
philosopher's part in positively refusing, as he did, to pay adoration; and by speaking out
openly against that which the best and gravest of the Macedonians only repined at in
secret, he delivered the Grecians and Alexander himself from a great disgrace, when
the practice was given up. But he ruined himself by it, because he went too roughly to
work, as if he would have forced the king to that which he should have effected by
reason and persuasion. Chares of Mitylene writes, that at a banquet, Alexander, after he
had drunk, reached the cup to one of his friends, who, on receiving it, rose up towards
the domestic altar, and when he had drunk, first adored, and then kissed Alexander, and
afterwards laid himself down at the table with the rest. Which they all did one after
another, till it came to Callisthenes's turn, who took the cup and drank, while the king
who was engaged in conversation with Hephaestion was not observing, and then came
and offered to kiss him. But Demetrius, surnamed Phidon, interposed, saying, "Sir, by
no means let him kiss you, for he only of us all has refused to adore you;" upon which
the king declined it, and all the concern Callisthenes showed was, that he said aloud,

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"Then I go away with a kiss less than the rest." The displeasure he incurred by this
action procured credit for Hephaestion's declaration that he had broken his word to him
in not paying the king the same veneration that others did, as he had faithfully promised
to do. And to finish his disgrace, a number of such men as Lysimachus and Hagnon
now came in with their asseverations that the sophist went about everywhere boasting
of his resistance to arbitrary power, and that the young men all ran after him, and
honored him as the only man among so many thousands who had the courage to
preserve his liberty. Therefore when Hermolaus's conspiracy came to be discovered,
the charges which his enemies brought against him were the more easily believed,
particularly that when the young man asked him what he should do to be the most
illustrious person on earth, he told him the readiest way was to kill him who was already
so; and that to incite him to commit the deed, he bade him not be awed by the golden
couch, but remember Alexander was a man equally infirm and vulnerable as another.
However, none of Hermolaus's accomplices, in the utmost extremity, made any mention
of Callisthenes's being engaged in the design. Nay, Alexander himself, in the letters
which he wrote soon after to Craterus, Attalus, and Alcetas, tells them that the young
men who were put to the torture, declared they had entered into the conspiracy of
themselves, without any others being privy to, or guilty of it. But yet afterwards, in a
letter to Antipater, he accuses Callisthenes. "The young men," he says, "were stoned to
death by the Macedonians, but for the sophist," (meaning Callisthenes,) "I will take care
to punish him with them too who sent him to me, and who harbor those in their cities
who conspire against my life," an unequivocal declaration against Aristotle, in whose
house Callisthenes, for his relationship's sake, being his niece Hero's son, had been
educated. His death is variously related. Some say he was hanged by Alexander's
orders; others, that he died of sickness in prison; but Chares writes he was kept in
chains seven months after he was apprehended, on purpose that he might be
proceeded against in full council, when Aristotle should be present; and that growing
very fat, and contracting a disease of vermin, he there died, about the time that
Alexander was wounded in India, in the country of the Malli Oxydracae, all which came
to pass afterwards.
For to go on in order, Demaratus of Corinth, now quite an old man, had made a great
effort, about this time, to pay Alexander a visit; and when he had seen him, said he
pitied the misfortune of those Grecians, who were so unhappy as to die before they had
beheld Alexander seated on the throne of Darius. But he did not long enjoy the benefit
of the king's kindness for him, any otherwise than that soon after falling sick and dying,
he had a magnificent funeral, and the army raised him a monument of earth, fourscore
cubits high, and of a vast circumference. His ashes were conveyed in a very rich
chariot, drawn by four horses, to the seaside.
Alexander now intent upon his expedition into India, took notice that his soldiers were so
charged with booty that it hindered their marching. Therefore, at break of day, as soon
as the baggage wagons were laden, first he set fire to his own, and to those of his
friends, and then commanded those to be burnt which belonged to the rest of the army.
An act which in the deliberation of it had seemed more dangerous and difficult than it
proved in the execution, with which few were dissatisfied; for most of the soldiers, as if

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they had been inspired, uttering loud outcries and warlike shoutings, supplied one
another with what was absolutely necessary, and burnt and destroyed all that was
superfluous, the sight of which redoubled Alexander's zeal and eagerness for his
design. And, indeed, he was now grown very severe and inexorable in punishing those
who committed any fault. For he put Menander, one of his friends, to death, for
deserting a fortress where he had placed him in garrison, and shot Orsodates, one of
the barbarians who revolted from him, with his own hand.
At this time a sheep happened to yean a lamb, with the perfect shape and color of a
tiara upon the head, and testicles on each side; which portent Alexander regarded with
such dislike, that he immediately caused his Babylonian priests, whom he usually
carried about with him for such purposes, to purify him, and told his friends he was not
so much concerned for his own sake as for theirs, out of an apprehension that after his
death the divine power might suffer his empire to fall into the hands of some
degenerate, impotent person. But this fear was soon removed by a wonderful thing that
happened not long after, and was thought to presage better. For Proxenus, a
Macedonian, who was the chief of those who looked to the king's furniture, as he was
breaking up the ground near the river Oxus, to set up the royal pavilion, discovered a
spring of a fat, oily liquor, which after the top was taken off, ran pure, clear oil, without
any difference either of taste or smell, having exactly the same smoothness and
brightness, and that, too, in a country where no olives grew. The water, indeed, of the
river Oxus, is said to be the smoothest to the feeling of all waters, and to leave a gloss
on the skins of those who bathe themselves in it. Whatever might be the cause, certain
it is that Alexander was wonderfully pleased with it, as appears by his letters to
Antipater, where he speaks of it as one of the most remarkable presages that God had
ever favored him with. The diviners told him it signified his expedition would be glorious
in the event, but very painful, and attended with many difficulties; for oil, they said, was
bestowed on mankind by God as a refreshment of their labors.
Nor did they judge amiss, for he exposed himself to many hazards in the battles which
he fought, and received very severe wounds, but the greatest loss in his army was
occasioned through the unwholesomeness of the air, and the want of necessary
provisions. But he still applied himself to overcome fortune and whatever opposed him,
by resolution and virtue, and thought nothing impossible to true intrepidity, and on the
other hand nothing secure or strong for cowardice. It is told of him that when he
besieged Sisimithres, who held an inaccessible, impregnable rock against him, and his
soldiers began to despair of taking it, he asked Oxyartes whether Sisimithres was a
man of courage, who assuring him he was the greatest coward alive, "Then you tell
me," said he, "that the place may easily be taken, since what is in command of it is
weak." And in a little time he so terrified Sisimithres, that he took it without any difficulty.
At an attack which he made upon such another precipitous place with some of his
Macedonian soldiers, he called to one whose name was Alexander, and told him, he at
any rate must fight bravely, if it were but for his name's sake. The youth fought gallantly
and was killed in the action, at which he was sensibly afflicted. Another time, seeing his
men march slowly and unwillingly to the siege of the place called Nysa, because of a
deep river between them and the town, he advanced before them, and standing upon

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the bank, "What a miserable man," said he, "am I, that I have not learned to swim!" and
then was hardly dissuaded from endeavoring to pass it upon his shield. Here, after the
assault was over, the ambassadors who from several towns which he had blocked up,
came to submit to him and make their peace, were surprised to find him still in his
armor, without anyone in waiting or attendance upon him, and when at last some one
brought him a cushion, he made the eldest of them, named Acuphis, take it and sit
down upon it. The old man, marveling at his magnanimity and courtesy, asked him what
his countrymen should do to merit his friendship. "I would have them," said Alexander,
"choose you to govern them, and send one hundred of the most worthy men among
them to remain with me as hostages." Acuphis laughed and answered, "I shall govern
them with more ease, Sir, if I send you so many of the worst, rather than the best of my
subjects."
The extent of king Taxiles's dominions in India was thought to be as large as Egypt,
abounding in good pastures, and producing beautiful fruits. The king himself had the
reputation of a wise man, and at his first interview with Alexander, he spoke to him in
these terms: "To what purpose," said he, "should we make war upon one another, if the
design of your coming into these parts be not to rob us of our water or our necessary
food, which are the only things that wise men are indispensably obliged to fight for? As
for other riches and possessions, as they are accounted in the eye of the world, if I am
better provided of them than you, I am ready to let you share with me; but if fortune has
been more liberal to you than me, I have no objection to be obliged to you." This
discourse pleased Alexander so much, that embracing him, "Do you think," said he to
him, "your kind words and courteous behavior will bring you off in this interview without
a contest? No, you shall not escape so. I shall contend and do battle with you so far,
that how obliging soever you are, you shall not have the better of me." Then receiving
some presents from him, he returned him others of greater value, and to complete his
bounty, gave him in money ready coined one thousand talents; at which his old friends
were much displeased, but it gained him the hearts of many of the barbarians. But the
best soldiers of the Indians now entering into the pay of several of the cities, undertook
to defend them, and did it so bravely, that they put Alexander to a great deal of trouble,
till at last, after a capitulation, upon the surrender of the place, he fell upon them as they
were marching away, and put them all to the sword. This one breach of his word
remains as a blemish upon his achievements in war, which he otherwise had performed
throughout with that justice and honor that became a king. Nor was he less
incommoded by the Indian philosophers, who inveighed against those princes who
joined his party, and solicited the free nations to oppose him. He took several of these
also, and caused them to be hanged.
Alexander, in his own letters, has given us an account of his war with Porus. He says
the two armies were separated by the river Hydaspes, on whose opposite bank Porus
continually kept his elephants in order of battle, with their heads towards their enemies,
to guard the passage; that he, on the other hand, made every day a great noise and
clamor in his camp, to dissipate the apprehensions of the barbarians; that one stormy
dark night he passed the river, at a distance from the place where the enemy lay, into a
little island, with part of his foot, and the best of his horse. Here there fell a most violent

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storm of rain, accompanied with lightning and whirlwinds, and seeing some of his men
burnt and dying with the lightning, he nevertheless quitted the island and made over to
the other side. The Hydaspes, he says, now after the storm, was so swollen and grown
so rapid, as to have made a breach in the bank, and a part of the river was now pouring
in here, so that when he came across, it was with difficulty he got a footing on the land,
which was slippery and unsteady, and exposed to the force of the currents on both
sides. This is the occasion when he is related to have said, "O ye Athenians, will ye
believe what dangers I incur to merit your praise?" This, however, is Onesicritus's story.
Alexander says, here the men left their boats, and passed the breach in their armor, up
to the breast in water, and that then he advanced with his horse about twenty furlongs
before his foot, concluding that if the enemy charged him with their cavalry, he should
be too strong for them; if with their foot, his own would come up time enough to his
assistance. Nor did he judge amiss; for being charged by a thousand horse, and sixty
armed chariots, which advanced before their main body, he took all the chariots, and
killed four hundred horse upon the place. Porus, by this time guessing that Alexander
himself had crossed over, came on with his whole army, except a party which he left
behind, to hold the rest of the Macedonians in play, if they should attempt to pass the
river. But he, apprehending the multitude of the enemy, and to avoid the shock of their
elephants, dividing his forces, attacked their left wing himself, and commanded Coenus
to fall upon the right, which was performed with good success. For by this means both
wings being broken, the enemies fell back in their retreat upon the center, and crowded
in upon their elephants. There rallying, they fought a hand to hand battle, and it was the
eighth hour of the day before they were entirely defeated. This description the
conqueror himself has left us in his own epistles.
Almost all the historians agree in relating that Porus was four cubits and a span high,
and that when he was upon his elephant, which was of the largest size, his stature and
bulk were so answerable, that he appeared to be proportionably mounted, as a
horseman on his horse. This elephant, during the whole battle, gave many singular
proofs of sagacity and of particular care of the king, whom as long as he was strong and
in a condition to fight, he defended with great courage, repelling those who set upon
him; and as soon as he perceived him overpowered with his numerous wounds and the
multitude of darts that were thrown at him, to prevent his falling off, he softly knelt down
and began to draw out the darts with his proboscis. When Porus was taken prisoner;
and Alexander asked him how he expected to be used, he answered, "As a king." For
that expression, he said, when the same question was put to him a second time,
comprehended everything. And Alexander, accordingly, not only suffered him to govern
his own kingdom as satrap under himself, but gave him also the additional territory of
various independent tribes whom he subdued, a district which, it is said, contained
fifteen several nations and five thousand considerable towns, besides abundance of
villages. To another government, three times as large as this, he appointed Philip, one
of his friends.
Some little time after the battle with Porus, Bucephalas died, as most of the authorities
state, under cure of his wounds, or as Onesicritus says, of fatigue and age, being thirty
years old. Alexander was no less concerned at his death, than if he had lost an old

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companion or an intimate friend, and built a city, which he named Bucephalia, in
memory of him, on the bank of the river Hydaspes. He also, we are told, built another
city, and called it after the name of a favorite dog, Peritas, which he had brought up
himself. So Sotion assures us he was informed by Potamon of Lesbos.
But this last combat with Porus took off the edge of the Macedonians' courage, and
stayed their further progress into India. For having found it hard enough to defeat an
enemy who brought but twenty thousand foot and two thousand horse into the field,
they thought they had reason to oppose Alexander's design of leading them on to pass
the Ganges too, which they were told was thirty-two furlongs broad and a hundred
fathoms deep, and the banks on the further side covered with multitudes of enemies.
For they were told that the kings of the Gandaritans and Praesians expected them there
with eighty thousand horse, two hundred thousand foot, eight thousand armed chariots,
and six thousand fighting elephants. Nor was this a mere vain report, spread to
discourage them. For Androcottus, who not long after reigned in those parts, made a
present of five hundred elephants at once to Seleucus, and with an army of six hundred
thousand men subdued all India. Alexander at first was so grieved and enraged at his
men's reluctancy, that he shut himself up in his tent, and threw himself upon the ground,
declaring, if they would not pass the Ganges, he owed them no thanks for anything they
had hitherto done, and that to retreat now, was plainly to confess himself vanquished.
But at last the reasonable persuasions of his friends and the cries and lamentations of
his soldiers, who in a suppliant manner crowded about the entrance of his tent,
prevailed with him to think of returning. Yet he could not refrain from leaving behind him
various deceptive memorials of his expedition, to impose upon after-times, and to
exaggerate his glory with posterity, such as arms larger than were really worn, and
mangers for horses, with bits of bridles above the usual size, which he set up, and
distributed in several places. He erected altars, also, to the gods, which the kings of the
Praesians even in our time do honor to when they pass the river, and offer sacrifice
upon them after the Grecian manner. Androcottus, then a boy, saw Alexander there, and
is said often afterwards to have been heard to say, that he missed but little of making
himself master of those countries; their king, who then reigned, was so hated and
despised for the viciousness of his life, and the meanness of his extraction.
Alexander was now eager to see the ocean. To which purpose he caused a great many
row-boats and rafts to be built, in which he fell gently down the rivers at his leisure, yet
so that his navigation was neither unprofitable nor inactive. For by several descents
upon the banks, he made himself master of the fortified towns, and consequently of the
country on both sides. But at a siege of a town of the Mallians, who have the repute of
being the bravest people of India, he ran in great danger of his life. For having beaten
off the defendants with showers of arrows, he was the first man that mounted the wall
by a scaling ladder, which, as soon as he was up, broke and left him almost alone,
exposed to the darts which the barbarians threw at him in great numbers from below. In
this distress, turning himself as well as he could, he leaped down in the midst of his
enemies, and had the good fortune to light upon his feet. The brightness and clattering
of his armor when he came to the ground, made the barbarians think they saw rays of
light, or some bright phantom playing before his body, which frightened them so at first,

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that they ran away and dispersed. Till seeing him seconded but by two of his guards,
they fell upon him hand to hand, and some, while he bravely defended himself, tried to
wound him through his armor with their swords and spears. And one who stood further
off, drew a bow with such just strength, that the arrow finding its way through his
cuirass, stuck in his ribs under the breast. This stroke was so violent, that it made him
give back, and set one knee to the ground, upon which the man ran up with his drawn
scimitar, thinking to dispatch him, and had done it, if Peucestes and Limnaeus had not
interposed, who were both wounded, Limnaeus mortally, but Peucestes stood his
ground, while Alexander killed the barbarian. But this did not free him from danger; for
besides many other wounds, at last he received so weighty a stroke of a club upon his
neck, that he was forced to lean his body against the wall, still, however, facing the
enemy. At this extremity, the Macedonians made their way in and gathered round him.
They took him up, just as he was fainting away, having lost all sense of what was done
near him, and conveyed him to his tent, upon which it was presently reported all over
the camp that he was dead. But when they had with great difficulty and pains sawed off
the shaft of the arrow, which was of wood, and so with much trouble got off his cuirass,
they came to cut out the head of it, which was three fingers broad and four long, and
stuck fast in the bone. During the operation, he was taken with almost mortal
swoonings, but when it was out he came to himself again. Yet though all danger was
past, he continued very weak, and confined himself a great while to a regular diet and
the method of his cure, till one day hearing the Macedonians clamoring outside in their
eagerness to see him, he took his cloak and went out. And having sacrificed to the
gods, without more delay he went on board again, and as he coasted along, subdued a
great deal of the country on both sides, and several considerable cities.
In this voyage, he took ten of the Indian philosophers prisoners, who had been most
active in persuading Sabbas to revolt, and had caused the Macedonians a great deal of
trouble. These men, called Gymnosophists, were reputed to be extremely ready and
succinct in their answers, which he made trial of, by putting difficult questions to them,
letting them know that those whose answers were not pertinent, should be put to death,
of which he made the eldest of them judge. The first being asked which he thought most
numerous, the dead or the living, answered, "The living, because those who are dead
are not at all." Of the second, he desired to know whether the earth or the sea produced
the largest beast; who told him, "The earth, for the sea is but a part of it." His question to
the third was, Which is the cunningest of beasts? "That," said he, "which men have not
yet found out." He bade the fourth tell him what argument he used to Sabbas to
persuade him to revolt. "No other," said he, "than that he should either live or die nobly."
Of the fifth he asked, Which was eldest, night or day? The philosopher replied, "Day
was eldest, by one day at least." But perceiving Alexander not well satisfied with that
account, he added, that he ought not to wonder if strange questions had as strange
answers made to them. Then he went on and inquired of the next, what a man should
do to be exceedingly beloved. "He must be very powerful," said he, "without making
himself too much feared." The answer of the seventh to his question, how a man might
become a god, was, "By doing that which was impossible for men to do." The eighth told
him, "Life is stronger than death, because it supports so many miseries." And the last

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being asked, how long he thought it decent for a man to live, said, "Till death appeared
more desirable than life." Then Alexander turned to him whom he had made judge, and
commanded him to give sentence. "All that I can determine," said he, "is, that they have
every one answered worse than another." "Nay," said the king, "then you shall die first,
for giving such a sentence." "Not so, O king," replied the gymnosophist, "unless you
said falsely that he should die first who made the worst answer." In conclusion he gave
them presents and dismissed them.
But to those who were in greatest reputation among them, and lived a private quiet life,
he sent Onesicritus, one of Diogenes the Cynic's disciples, desiring them to come to
him. Calanus, it is said, very arrogantly and roughly commanded him to strip himself,
and hear what he said, naked, otherwise he would not speak a word to him, though he
came from Jupiter himself. But Dandamis received him with more civility, and hearing
him discourse of Socrates, Pythagoras, and Diogenes, told him he thought them men of
great parts, and to have erred in nothing so much as in having too great respect for the
laws and customs of their country. Others say, Dandamis only asked him the reason
why Alexander undertook so long a journey to come into those parts. Taxiles, however,
persuaded Calanus to wait upon Alexander. His proper name was Sphines, but because
he was wont to say Cale, which in the Indian tongue is a form of salutation, to those he
met with anywhere, the Greeks called him Calanus. He is said to have shown Alexander
an instructive emblem of government, which was this. He threw a dry shriveled hide
upon the ground, and trod upon the edges of it. The skin when it was pressed in one
place, still rose up in another, wheresoever he trod round about it, till he set his foot in
the middle, which made all the parts lie even and quiet. The meaning of this similitude
being that he ought to reside most in the middle of his empire, and not spend too much
time on the borders of it.
His voyage down the rivers took up seven months' time, and when he came to the sea,
he sailed to an island which he himself called Scillustis, others Psiltucis, where going
ashore, he sacrificed, and made what observations he could as to the nature of the sea
and the sea-coast. Then having besought the gods that no other man might ever go
beyond the bounds of this expedition, he ordered his fleet of which he made Nearchus
admiral, and Onesicritus pilot, to sail round about, keeping the Indian shore on the right
hand, and returned himself by land through the country of the Orites, where he was
reduced to great straits for want of provisions, and lost a vast number of men, so that of
an army of one hundred and twenty thousand foot and fifteen thousand horse, he
scarcely brought back above a fourth part out of India, they were so diminished by
diseases, ill diet, and the scorching heats, but most by famine. For their march was
through an uncultivated country whose inhabitants fared hardly, possessing only a few
sheep, and those of a wretched kind, whose flesh was rank and unsavory, by their
continual feeding upon sea-fish.
After sixty days march he came into Gedrosia, where he found great plenty of all things,
which the neighboring kings and governors of provinces, hearing of his approach, had
taken care to provide. When he had here refreshed his army, he continued his march
through Carmania, feasting all the way for seven days together. He with his most

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intimate friends banqueted and reveled night and day upon a platform erected on a lofty,
conspicuous scaffold, which was slowly drawn by eight horses. This was followed by a
great many chariots, some covered with purple and embroidered canopies, and some
with green boughs, which were continually supplied afresh, and in them the rest of his
friends and commanders drinking, and crowned with garlands of flowers. Here was now
no target or helmet or spear to be seen; instead of armor, the soldiers handled nothing
but cups and goblets and Thericlean drinking vessels, which, along the whole way, they
dipped into large bowls and jars, and drank healths to one another, some seating
themselves to it, others as they went along. All places resounded with music of pipes
and flutes, with harping and singing, and women dancing as in the rites of Bacchus. For
this disorderly, wandering march, besides the drinking part of it, was accompanied with
all the sportiveness and insolence of bacchanals, as much as if the god himself had
been there to countenance and lead the procession. As soon as he came to the royal
palace of Gedrosia, he again refreshed and feasted his army; and one day after he had
drunk pretty hard, it is said, he went to see a prize of dancing contended for, in which
his favorite Bagoas, having gained the victory, crossed the theater in his dancing habit,
and sat down close by him, which so pleased the Macedonians, that they made loud
acclamations for him to kiss Bagoas, and never stopped clapping their hands and
shouting till Alexander put his arms round him and kissed him.
Here his admiral, Nearchus, came to him and delighted him so with the narrative of his
voyage, that he resolved himself to sail out of the mouth of Euphrates with a great fleet,
with which he designed to go round by Arabia and Africa, and so by Hercules's Pillars
into the Mediterranean; in order for which, he directed all sorts of vessels to be built at
Thapsacus, and made great provision everywhere of seamen and pilots. But the tidings
of the difficulties he had gone through in his Indian expedition, the danger of his person
among the Mallians, the reported loss of a considerable part of his forces, and a general
doubt as to his own safety, had begun to give occasion for revolt among many of the
conquered nations, and for acts of great injustice, avarice, and insolence on the part of
the satraps and commanders in the provinces, so that there seemed to be an universal
fluctuation and disposition to change. Even at home, Olympias and Cleopatra had
raised a faction against Antipater, and divided his government between them, Olympias
seizing upon Epirus, and Cleopatra upon Macedonia. When Alexander was told of it, he
said his mother had made the best choice, for the Macedonians would never endure to
be ruled by a woman. Upon this he dispatched Nearchus again to his fleet, to carry the
war into the maritime provinces, and as he marched that way himself, he punished
those commanders who had behaved ill, particularly Oxyartes, one of the sons of
Abuletes, whom he killed with his own hand, thrusting him through the body with his
spear. And when Abuletes, instead of the necessary provisions which he ought to have
furnished, brought him three thousand talents in coined money, he ordered it to be
thrown to his horses, and when they would not touch it, "What good," he said, "will this
provision do us?" and sent him away to prison.
When he came into Persia, he distributed money among the women, as their own kings
had been wont to do, who as often as they came thither, gave every one of them a
piece of gold; on account of which custom, some of them, it is said, had come but

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seldom, and Ochus was so sordidly covetous, that to avoid this expense, he never
visited his native country once in all his reign. Then finding Cyrus's sepulchre opened
and rifled, he put Polymachus, who did it, to death, though he was a man of some
distinction, a born Macedonian of Pella. And after he had read the inscription, he caused
it to be cut again below the old one in Greek characters; the words being these: "O man,
whosoever thou art, and from whencesoever thou comest (for I know thou wilt come), I
am Cyrus, the founder of the Persian empire; do not grudge me this little earth which
covers my body." The reading of this sensibly touched Alexander, filling him with the
thought of the uncertainty and mutability of human affairs. At the same time, Calanus
having been a little while troubled with a disease in the bowels, requested that he might
have a funeral pile erected, to which he came on horseback, and after he had said
some prayers and sprinkled himself and cut off some of his hair to throw into the fire,
before he ascended it, he embraced and took leave of the Macedonians who stood by,
desiring them to pass that day in mirth and good-fellowship with their king, whom in a
little time, he said, he doubted not but to see again at Babylon. Having thus said, he lay
down, and covering up his face, he stirred not when the fire came near him, but
continued still in the same posture as at first, and so sacrificed himself, as it was the
ancient custom of the philosophers in those countries to do. The same thing was done
long after by another Indian, who came with Caesar to Athens, where they still show you
"the Indian's monument." At his return from the funeral pile, Alexander invited a great
many of his friends and principal officers to supper, and proposed a drinking match, in
which the victor should receive a crown. Promachus drank twelve quarts of wine, and
won the prize, which was a talent, from them all; but he survived his victory but three
days, and was followed, as Chares says, by forty-one more, who died of the same
debauch, some extremely cold weather having set in shortly after.
At Susa, he married Darius's daughter Statira, and celebrated also the nuptials of his
friends, bestowing the noblest of the Persian ladies upon the worthiest of them, at the
same time making in an entertainment in honor of the other Macedonians whose
marriages had already taken place. At this magnificent festival, it is reported, there were
no less than nine thousand guests, to each of whom he gave a golden cup for the
libations. Not to mention other instances of his wonderful magnificence, he paid the
debts of his army, which amounted to nine thousand eight hundred and seventy talents.
But Antigenes, who had lost one of his eyes, though he owed nothing, got his name set
down in the list of those who were in debt, and bringing one who pretended to be his
creditor, and to have supplied him from the bank, received the money. But when the
cheat was found out, the king was so incensed at it, that he banished him from court,
and took away his command, though he was an excellent soldier, and a man of great
courage. For when he was but a youth, and served under Philip at the siege of
Perinthus, where he was wounded in the eye by an arrow shot out of an engine, he
would neither let the arrow be taken out, nor be persuaded to quit the field, till he had
bravely repulsed the enemy and forced them to retire into the town. Accordingly he was
not able to support such a disgrace with any patience, and it was plain that grief and
despair would have made him kill himself, but that the king fearing it, not only pardoned
him, but let him also enjoy the benefit of his deceit.

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The thirty thousand boys whom he left behind him to be taught and disciplined, were so
improved at his return, both in strength and beauty, and performed their exercises with
such dexterity and wonderful agility, that he was extremely pleased with them, which
grieved the Macedonians, and made them fear he would have the less value for them.
And when he proceeded to send down the infirm and maimed soldiers to the sea, they
said they were unjustly and infamously dealt with, after they were worn out in his service
upon all occasions, now to be turned away with disgrace and sent home into their
country among their friends and relations, in a worse condition than when they came
out; therefore they desired him to dismiss them one and all, and to account his
Macedonians useless, now he was so well furnished with a set of dancing boys, with
whom, if he pleased, he might go on and conquer the world. These speeches so
incensed Alexander, that after he had given them a great deal of reproachful language
in his passion, he drove them away, and committed the watch to Persians, out of whom
he chose his guards and attendants. When the Macedonians saw him escorted by
these men, and themselves excluded and shamefully disgraced, their high spirits fell,
and conferring with one another, they found that jealousy and rage had almost
distracted them. But at last coming to themselves again, they went without their arms,
with on]y their under garments on, crying and weeping, to offer themselves at his tent,
and desired him to deal with them as their baseness and ingratitude deserved.
However, this would not prevail; for though his anger was already something mollified,
yet he would not admit them into his presence, nor would they stir from thence, but
continued two days and nights before his tent, bewailing themselves, and imploring him
as their lord to have compassion on them. But the third day he came out to them, and
seeing them very humble and penitent, he wept himself a great while, and after a gentle
reproof spoke kindly to them, and dismissed those who were unserviceable with
magnificent rewards, and with this recommendation to Antipater, that when they came
home, at all public shows and in the theaters, they should sit on the best and foremost
seats, crowned with chaplets of flowers. He ordered, also, that the children of those who
had lost their lives in his service, should have their fathers' pay continued to them.
When he came to Ecbatana in Media, and had dispatched his most urgent affairs, he
began to divert himself again with spectacles and public entertainments, to carry on
which he had a supply of three thousand actors and artists, newly arrived out of Greece.
But they were soon interrupted by Hephaestion's falling sick of a fever, in which, being a
young man and a soldier too, he could not confine himself to so exact a diet as was
necessary; for whilst his physician Glaucus was gone to the theater, he ate a fowl for his
dinner, and drank a large draught of wine, upon which he became very ill, and shortly
after died. At this misfortune, Alexander was so beyond all reason transported, that to
express his sorrow, he immediately ordered the manes and tails of all his horses and
mules to be cut, and threw down the battlements of the neighboring cities. The poor
physician he crucified, and forbade playing on the flute, or any other musical instrument
in the camp a great while, till directions came from the oracle of Ammon, and enjoined
him to honor Hephaestion, and sacrifice to him as to a hero. Then seeking to alleviate
his grief in war, he set out, as it were, to a hunt and chase of men, for he fell upon the
Cossaeans, and put the whole nation to the sword. This was called a sacrifice to

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Hephaestion's ghost. In his sepulchre and monument and the adorning of them, he
intended to bestow ten thousand talents; and designing that the excellence of the
workmanship and the singularity of the design might outdo the expense, his wishes
turned, above all other artists, to Stasicrates, because he always promised something
very bold, unusual, and magnificent in his projects. Once when they had met before, he
had told him, that of all the mountains he knew, that of Athos in Thrace was the most
capable of being adapted to represent the shape and lineaments of a man; that if he
pleased to command him, he would make it the noblest and most durable statue in the
world, which in its left hand should hold a city of ten thousand inhabitants, and out of its
right should pour a copious river into the sea. Though Alexander declined this proposal,
yet now he spent a great deal of time with workmen to invent and contrive others even
more extravagant and sumptuous.
As he was upon his way to Babylon, Nearchus, who had sailed back out of the ocean
up the mouth of the river Euphrates, came to tell him he had met with some Chaldaean
diviners, who had warned him against Alexander's going thither. Alexander, however,
took no thought of it, and went on, and when he came near the walls of the place, he
saw a great many crows fighting with one another, some of whom fell down just by him.
After this, being privately informed that Apollodorus, the governor of Babylon, had
sacrificed, to know what would become of him, he sent for Pythagoras, the soothsayer,
and on his admitting the thing, asked him, in what condition he found the victim; and
when he told him the liver was defective in its lobe, "A great presage indeed!" said
Alexander. However, he offered Pythagoras no injury, but was sorry that he had
neglected Nearchus's advice, and stayed for the most part outside the town, removing
his tent from place to place, and sailing up and down the Euphrates. Besides this, he
was disturbed by many other prodigies. A tame ass fell upon the biggest and
handsomest lion that he kept, and killed him by a kick. And one day after he had
undressed himself to be anointed, and was playing at ball, just as they were going to
bring his clothes again, the young men who played with him perceived a man clad in the
king's robes, with a diadem upon his head, sitting silently upon his throne. They asked
him who he was, to which he gave no answer a good while, till at last coming to himself,
he told them his name was Dionysius, that he was of Messenia, that for some crime of
which he was accused, he was brought thither from the sea-side, and had been kept
long in prison, that Serapis appeared to him, had freed him from his chains, conducted
him to that place, and commanded him to put on the king's robe and diadem, and to sit
where they found him, and to say nothing. Alexander, when he heard this, by the
direction of his soothsayers, put the fellow to death, but he lost his spirits, and grew
diffident of the protection and assistance of the gods, and suspicious of his friends. His
greatest apprehension was of Antipater and his sons, one of whom, Iolaus, was his
chief cupbearer; and Cassander, who had lately arrived, and had been bred up in Greek
manners, the first time he saw some of the barbarians adore the king, could not forbear
laughing at it aloud, which so incensed Alexander, that he took him by the hair with both
hands, and dashed his head against the wall. Another time, Cassander would have said
something in defense of Antipater to those who accused him, but Alexander interrupting
him said, "What is it you say? Do you think people, if they had received no injury, would

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come such a journey only to calumniate your father?" To which when Cassander
replied, that their coming so far from the evidence was a great proof of the falseness of
their charges, Alexander smiled, and said those were some of Aristotle's sophisms,
which would serve equally on both sides; and added, that both he and his father should
be severely punished, if they were found guilty of the least injustice towards those who
complained. All which made such a deep impression of terror in Cassander's mind, that
long after when he was king of Macedonia, and master of Greece, as he was walking up
and down at Delphi, and looking at the statues, at the sight of that of Alexander he was
suddenly struck with alarm, and shook all over, his eyes rolled, his head grew dizzy, and
it was long before he recovered himself.
When once Alexander had given way to fears of supernatural influence, his mind grew
so disturbed and so easily alarmed, that if the least unusual or extraordinary thing
happened, he thought it a prodigy or a presage, and his court was thronged with
diviners and priests whose business was to sacrifice and purify and foretell the future.
So miserable a thing is incredulity and contempt of divine power on the one hand, and
so miserable, also, superstition on the other, which like water, where the level has been
lowered, flowing in and never stopping, fills the mind with slavish fears and follies, as
now in Alexander's case. But upon some answers which were brought him from the
oracle concerning Hephaestion, he laid aside his sorrow, and fell again to sacrificing
and drinking; and having given Nearchus a splendid entertainment, after he had bathed,
as was his custom, just as he was going to bed, at Medius's request he went to supper
with him. Here he drank all the next day, and was attacked with a fever, which seized
him, not as some write, after he had drunk of the bowl of Hercules; nor was he taken
with any sudden pain in his back, as if he had been struck with lance, for these are the
inventions of some authors who thought it their duty to make the last scene of so great
an action as tragical and moving as they could. Aristobulus tells us, that in the rage of
his fever and a violent thirst, he took a draught of wine, upon which he fell into delirium,
and died on the thirtieth day of the month Daesius.
But the journals give the following record. On the eighteenth of the month, he slept in
the bathing-room on account of his fever. The next day he bathed and removed into his
chamber, and spent his time in playing dice with Medius. In the evening he bathed and
sacrificed, and ate freely, and had the fever on him through the night. On the twentieth,
after the usual sacrifices and bathing, he lay in the bathing-room and heard Nearchus's
narrative of his voyage, and the observations he had made in the great sea. The twenty-
first he passed in the same manner, his fever still increasing, and suffered much during
the night. The next day the fever was very violent, and he had himself removed and his
bed set by the great bath, and discoursed with his principal officers about finding fit men
to fill up the vacant places in the army. On the twenty-fourth he was much worse, and
was carried out of his bed to assist at the sacrifices, and gave order that the general
officers should wait within the court, whilst the inferior officers kept watch without doors.
On the twenty-fifth he was removed to his palace on the other side the river, where he
slept a little, but his fever did not abate, and when the generals came into his chamber,
he was speechless, and continued so the following day. The Macedonians, therefore,
supposing he was dead, came with great clamors to the gates, and menaced his friends

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so that they were forced to admit them, and let them all pass through unarmed along by
his bedside. The same day Python and Seleucus were dispatched to the temple of
Serapis to inquire if they should bring Alexander thither, and were answered by the god,
that they should not remove him. On the twenty-eighth, in the evening, he died. This
account is most of it word for word as it is written in the diary.
At the time, nobody had any suspicion of his being poisoned, but upon some
information given six years after, they say Olympias put many to death, and scattered
the ashes of Iolaus, then dead, as if he had given it him. But those who affirm that
Aristotle counseled Antipater to do it, and that by his means the poison was brought,
adduce one Hagnothemis as their authority, who, they say, heard king Antigonus speak
of it, and tell us that the poison was water, deadly cold as ice, distilling from a rock in the
district of Nonacris, which they gathered like a thin dew, and kept in an ass's hoof; for it
was so very cold and penetrating that no other vessel would hold it. However, most are
of opinion that all this is a mere made-up story, no slight evidence of which is, that
during the dissensions among the commanders, which lasted several days, the body
continued clear and fresh, without any sign of such taint or corruption, though it lay
neglected in a close, sultry place.
Roxana, who was now with child, and upon that account much honored by the
Macedonians, being jealous of Statira, sent for her by a counterfeit letter, as if Alexander
had been still alive; and when she had her in her power, killed her and her sister, and
threw their bodies into a well, which they filled up with earth, not without the privity and
assistance of Perdiccas, who in the time immediately following the king's death, under
cover of the name of Arrhidaeus, whom he carried about him as a sort of guard to his
person, exercised the chief authority Arrhidaeus, who was Philip's son by an obscure
woman of the name of Philinna, was himself of weak intellect, not that he had been
originally deficient either in body or mind; on the contrary, in his childhood, he had
showed a happy and promising character enough. But a diseased habit of body, caused
by drugs which Olympias gave him, had ruined not only his health, but his
understanding.

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