by Ria Chawda, Kashish Minawala,

Nysa Kapoor, Manika Shahani

POTheads
a deep dive into a different
kind of pot
1
POTheads: A deep dive into a different kind of pot.
An original explorative journal by
Ria Chawda, Kashish Minawala,
Nysa Kapoor, Manika Shahani
2
3
4
 Copyright © 2025 Ria Chawda, Kashish Minawala,
Nysa Kapoor, and Manika Shahani

All rights reserved.

No part of this publication may be reproduced,

distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means,
including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or
mechanical methods, without the prior written permission
of the authors, except in the case of brief quotations used
for review or scholarly purposes.

This book is a product of original research, fieldwork,

interviews, and written documentation conducted by the
authors. All photographs, illustrations, and text are
protected under international copyright laws.

First Edition

Printed in India

5
Table 01
02
Of 03
Contents 04
05
06
07
08
09
10
11
6
Dedications/ Acknowledgements
About the Project
Introduction to the craft
History of the Area
The community
The Process
Is the craft Sustainable?
About the Bhatti
Does the craft have IPR?
Products
Appendix
7
Declaration
and
Acknowledgements
This book is the result of a craft documentation assignment given to
us as part of our coursework at ISDI, Atlas SkillTech University. We
declare that all research, fieldwork, interviews, observations, writing,
and design work included here have been carried out by us unless other-
wise stated. The work has been done sincerely, with the aim of learning,
recording, and respecting the traditions and complexities of the commu-
nity we engaged with.

We would like to thank Harroop Grang ma’am and Shirali Tyabji ma’am
for assigning this project and guiding us through every stage of it. Their
inputs helped shape the way we approached the craft, the people, and
the larger context. We also thank our faculty at ISDI for their support
and encouragement throughout the course.

8
We are extremely grateful to the potters of Kumbharwada in Dharavi
who allowed us into their homes and workshops. Rakeshbhai, Bharat-
bhai, Shantaben, and several others whose names we didn’t get but
whose conversations and kindness stayed with us — thank you. Your
willingness to show us your work, even while you were busy, made this
documentation possible.

We also owe a special thank you to the shop owners in Sion, who we met
when we first started looking for leads. Despite not knowing us, they
shared contacts, directions, and helpful advice that led us to the right
places. Their guidance, without expecting anything in return, was a re-
minder of how generous the people behind the craft community can be.

This documentation is a small attempt to reflect the lives and labor of

a craft that’s far more complex than what meets the eye. We are deeply
thankful for having had the chance to witness it up close.

— Ria Chawda, Kashish Minawala, Nysa Kapoor & Manika Shahani

ISDI, Atlas SkillTech University

Craft Documentation | 2025

9
About the Project
This book started as an assignment for our Craft
Documentation course — but it turned into some-
thing more immersive than we imagined. When we
started out, We didn’t have a fixed destination, so
we began by visiting Sion — a place we knew had
shops that sold clay products. We spoke to a few of
the smaller vendors there, hoping they could give us
leads. What we didn’t expect was how willing they
would be to help. Several of them pointed us toward
Dharavi and specifically mentioned Kumbharwada,
saying that’s where the actual artisans were.

So we went.

10
Our first visit to Dharavi was mostly about finding our bearings. We
walked through narrow lanes, asked a lot of questions, and slowly found
our way to the potters’ colony. Kumbharwada wasn’t just a workspace
— it was a tightly packed neighbourhood with homes, kilns, rooftops
covered in drying pots, and people constantly moving between produc-
tion and domestic chores. We realised we couldn’t look at the craft in
isolation. It existed within the rhythm of the community.

This book is the result of those visits. It documents not just the craft of
pottery in Dharavi, but everything that holds it together — the people,
their stories, the built environment, the gender roles, and the systems
of work and exchange. It looks at the process of making in detail, from
kneading the clay to selling the finished product, but also asks larger
questions about the sustainability of the craft, the health and environ-
mental costs of the kiln system, and the lack of legal or institutional
protection for the artisans’ intellectual property.

Through firsthand interviews, site visits, and conversations with ven-

dors, potters, and residents, we try to show how tradition, survival, and
innovation co-exist in one of the city’s most dense and dynamic spaces.
We also reflect on how pottery — a seemingly simple, soil-based craft —
is tied into larger systems of labour, economy, and urban life.

11
What started as a documentation of pottery slowly became an
exploration of what it means to carry forward a generational
skill in a fast-changing city. This book doesn’t romanticise the
craft — it tries to look at it honestly. It’s about the skill, yes
— but also about the space, the community, and the reality of
continuing an old tradition in the middle of modern Mumbai.

We chose to name the book POTheads because somewhere

along the way, that’s what we became — completely absorbed
and fascinated by the world of pottery and the people who
practice it. The name is playful, yes, but it reflects our genuine
curiosity and growing passion for the craft. We wanted this
work to reach beyond academic circles and connect with a
wider audience, and a title like this felt approachable and
memorable.

12
Through this journey, we didn’t just document a craft — we experienced
it. We listened, observed, asked questions, and slowly became part of the
story. This project is our attempt to preserve and share that experience
— one that left a deep impact on each of us.

13
A woman transports pots in a bamboo basket door-to-door, taking
them to families who will paint and decorate them.
Photo credits: Purnima Sah

14
Introduction
15
16
The History and Evolution of Pottery as a craft in Sion
and Dharavi’s Kumbharwada

Pottery is one of the oldest crafts in human civiliza-

tion, dating back over 10,000 years. In India, evidence
of pottery-making has been found in the remnants
of the Indus Valley Civilization by historians where
terracotta pots, clay figurines, and storage vessels were
crafted using techniques that potters still use to this
day. The name ‘Kumbharwada’ combines ‘Kumbhar,’
meaning potter, and ‘wada,’ meaning colony, reflect-
ing its establishment by potter communities who have
carried forward this heritage for many generations.

17
 Mumbai’s Kumbhars originally migrated from the state of
Gujarat, where pottery was deeply embedded in their every-
day life. The dry, arid climate of Saurashtra and Kutch made
earthenware essential for cooling water and storing grains,
leading to the development of finely crafted matkas (water
pots), diyas (lamps), and cooking vessels. The potters in these
regions used locally available black and red clay, forming items
on manually operated wheels before sun-drying and firing
them in open kilns, which would be fueled either wood or cow
dung. This is a traditional method of pottery, which produced
porous, breathable earthenware that helped regulate tempera-
ture and moisture.

18
19
When the Kumbhar community migrated to Mumbai in the
late 19th century, they brought these techniques with them.
Adapting to an urban setting like Mumbai meant they had
to make certain changes. Unlike the open lands of Gujarat,
where large kilns could be built freely, Mumbai’s limited
space and infrastructure forced potters to construct com-
pact, multi-family kilns, leading to the shared kiln culture
that defines Kumbharwada today.

20
 Additionally, while the clay used in Saurashtra was sourced locally, in
Mumbai, potters had to import their clay from Gujarat, a practice that
continues even today. The clay arrives in large slabs, and is then crushed
into fine powder. This powder is mixed with water before being shaped
on the wheel.

21
Traditionally, pottery in
Kumbharwada was made us-
ing the manual chakda (pot-
ter’s wheel), which required
skill and strength to operate.
Over time, some artisans
have chosen to adopt electric
wheels, which increases
efficiency, but many still prefer the manual technique. They believe
it gives them better control over the shape and texture of their work.
Another key adaptation was the shift from open-air firing to controlled
kilns, as certain city regulations imposed restrictions on smoke-emit-
ting industries. The kilns in Kumbharwada evolved into enclosed
structures that could fire hundreds of pots at a time while minimizing
smoke and pollution output.

22
Pottery was once essential for daily use, but modern materials such as
plastic and metal have reduced its demand, especially in urban areas
and cities. To survive, Kumbharwada’s potters were forced to adapt and
diversify their products.

23
In addition to traditional matkas, they now produce decorative ce-
ramics, custom-ordered terracotta tiles, and festival-specific items like
Ganesh idols, Navratri garba pots, and custom diyas for Diwali. Some
potter families have even ventured into exporting their pottery all over
the country, catering to a niche market that would value handmade
craftsmanship over factory-made alternatives.

Despite these changes, the fundamental process of pottery-making in

Kumbharwada has been preserved and has remained unchanged for
over a century. Clay is still kneaded by hand, thrown on the wheel, sun-
dried, and fired in community kilns. The knowledge of this craft con-
tinues to be passed down through generations, with younger members
of Kumbhar families learning by observing and practicing under the
guidance of community elders and masters of the craft.

24
History of the
Sion and
Dharavi:
Kumbharwada
25
Dharavi and Sion were once part of the vast marshlands and mangrove
forests that covered much of Mumbai’s original seven islands. Before
urbanization, the area was sparsely populated, primarily home to the
Koli fishing communities who relied on the Mithi River and its creeks
for their livelihood.

26
 Sion was located on the northern edge of British-controlled Bombay,
and was one of the last areas under British administration before the
Portuguese-held territories of Salsette began. For much of the early
colonial period, this region remained an undeveloped, peripheral space,
considered unsuitable for major settlement due to its swampy terrain.

Image Credit: Free press journal: article by Amit Srivastava

27
By the early 19th century, as Bombay grew into a major port city
under British rule, large-scale land reclamation projects trans-
formed the area. The drying of marshlands made way for new
settlements, and as the city expanded, marginalized communities,
including laborers and artisans, began migrating to these newly
formed neighborhoods for work, higher paying jobs and better op-
portunities. Among them were the Kumbhars, traditional potters
from Gujarat’s Saurashtra and Kutch regions. Facing economic
hardships and recurrent droughts in their homeland, they arrived
in Bombay in search of a more stable livelihood.

28
Initially, the Kumbhars settled in areas like Sion and Byculla,
setting up their kilns near open lands where they could fire their
pottery without interference. However, as the British administra-
tion expanded infrastructure, the smoke from their kilns became
a big concern, and the Kumbhars were gradually pushed out of
central locations. By the late 19th century, many of them relocat-
ed to what would become Kumbharwada in Dharavi. At the time,
Dharavi was still considered the outskirts of Bombay—an area
far from the city’s commercial hubs, making it a convenient place
to relocate industries that were deemed an inconvenience to the
growing elite neighborhoods.

29
 30
Tushar arranging bases for candles to be left for drying in the sun, His family believes in produc-
ing Eco-friendly products and do not use any glaze. artificial colours or chemicals.
photograph by Jai Thakur
In the early 20th century, Dharavi evolved into one of Mumbai’s
most diverse settlements. Alongside the Kumbhar community,
leatherworkers from Tamil Nadu, embroidery artisans from Ut-
tar Pradesh, and multiple small-scale manufacturers from across
India settled there, making it a hub of informal industry.
 Kumbharwada itself was structured as a self-contained colony,
where many families practising the craft lived and worked in the
same space, forming the community it is today. The potters built
their homes around shared kilns, a layout that remains largely un-
changed to this day. Unlike other areas of Dharavi, which devel-
oped through unregulated construction, Kumbharwada followed
a more structured pattern due to the specific needs of pottery
production.
Throughout the mid-20th century, Mumbai’s population contin-
ued to expand, and Dharavi became one of the city’s most
densely populated areas.

Deepak Helping his mother by

carrying piggybanks to the pheriwallas.
The Kumbhars do not sell thier
products themselves but rely on
pheriwallas who sell them in
neighbourhoods or along roadsides.
Photograph by
Jai Thakur

31
Despite this, Kumbharwada retained its distinct identity, with
its lanes filled with stacks of drying clay pots, rows of kilns, and
homes that functioned as both living and working spaces for the
families. The potters continued to source their clay from Gujarat,
maintaining trade connections with their ancestral homeland
despite being hundreds of kilometers away..

32
 The pottery community of Kumbharwada in Dharavi functions like
a tightly woven social and economic fabric. It’s not just a place where
people work — it’s where families live, generations grow up, skills are
passed down, and roles are quietly but firmly established. The area is
home to about 5,000 potter families, many of whom trace their roots
back six or seven generations, to ancestors who migrated from Gujarat
or Kachchh between 1935 and 1940. Despite urban pressures and chang-
ing industries, about 10% of these families still carry on the traditional
pottery trade.

33
Jagriti, daughter of Bhajanlal, coming down from the terrace of thier
house . Prajapati colony was set up in 1970 in Uttam Nagar in West
Delhi. It is said that approximately 700 potter families are settled here .
Photograph by Jay Thakur.

Community 34
The community functions out
of tightly packed lanes filled
with small workshops, houses,
and shared rooftops. There’s
no clear line between home and
workspace.

Someone might be kneading

clay in a corner of their house
while children step around pots
drying on the floor.
There’s no clear line between
home and workspace. Someone
might be kneading clay in a
corner of their house while chil-
dren step around pots drying on
the floor.

35
Rooftops serve as drying platforms, windows double up as display shelves, and
narrow balconies are often used to shape or store the clay pieces. The spaces
are constantly in use and in motion. As you walk through Kumbharwada, you
might have to sidestep rows of drying pots or duck under strings of unbaked
clay lamps.

Each family has its own small space, but the work is shared, and the atmo-
sphere is communal. Generational knowledge circulates naturally — not
through written manuals or formal apprenticeships but through watching, do-
ing, and helping from a young age. The production process starts with mixing
and kneading the clay — done manually, often with feet, to remove air bub-
bles. This is followed by shaping on the wheel, drying, and finally firing in the
“bhatti” (kiln), a locally built structure that has remained largely unchanged
over the decades.

Men traditionally operate the potter’s wheel and manage the kiln. Many boys
learn these skills early on from their fathers or older male relatives. As they
grow, they become responsible for the more technical aspects of shaping and
firing the pots. Women often manage tasks like smoothing, decorating, or
shaping large vessels by hand, organizing the drying process or arranging items
for packing. They also assist with preparing the clay and ensuring the drying
pots are constantly rotated to avoid overexposure to the sun, which can lead to
cracking.

36
There is a gender division in these pottery communities, and it highlights
deeply ingrained patriarchal structures. The male-centric control over the
tools, space, and decision-making reinforces power dynamics, where men are
seen as artisans and women as helpers. Even within households where both
men and women contribute equally, the credit and profits often go to the male
head of the family. This is especially visible in interactions with outsiders or
customers, where men are the face of the business while women remain in the
background.

There’s a strong understanding of unspoken roles. Even though the space is

crowded and noisy — with the sound of spinning wheels, conversations in Gu-
jarati, Kachchhi, or Hindi, and the occasional whistle of a pressure cooker —
everyone knows where to be and what to do. Tasks are rarely done alone. Clay
preparation, shaping, drying, and packing are often communal, with extended
family members, neighbors, and even visiting relatives helping out. When work
gets overwhelming, for example during the Diwali season, when diyas are in
demand, the entire lane might pitch in.

37
38
After the firing process, pots are packed, often
wrapped in newspaper or gunny bags, and then
stacked in handcarts or trucks for transport. Local
sellers from Mumbai and nearby areas purchase these
in bulk. Families don’t sell directly to customers.
Their main income depends on this wholesale system.
Asking them directly about their earnings made them
visibly uncomfortable, likely because economic un-
certainty is a sensitive issue — and possibly because
many are not happy with the margins or the depen-
dency on middlemen.

When we visited, most of the artisans were focused on

their work, and didn’t want to be disturbed, especially
by outsiders.

Still, a few potters were willing to talk to us about

their daily routine. Here are some excerpts from two
conversations we had during our visit:

39
Interview with Rakesh
(Translated to English from Hindi)

We found Rakesh working quietly on the second floor of a small

structure, seated at a wheel surrounded by half-moulded pots.

Us: What’s your name and where are you from originally?

Rakesh (speaking in Hindi): My name is Rakesh. I’m from Uttar

Pradesh. I’ve been working here in Kumbharwada for the past
five years.

Us: Can you tell us a bit about the process of making these pots?

Rakesh: The process starts with kneading the clay. We use our
feet as it helps get rid of air bubbles. If there are bubbles inside,
the pot will break during firing. After that, we mould it on the
wheel. Once shaped, the pot is dried for around four hours. But
you can’t leave it for too long — if it dries too much, it’ll crack.
After that, it goes into the kiln (bhatti) — and that takes another
4 to 5 hours.

He pointed to the roof outside his window, which was covered

with rows of pots lying in the sun. As we walked through the
lane, we had to constantly watch our step — pots were every-
where, in every corner of available space.

40
41
42
Interview with Bharat Bhai and Shantaben
(Translated to English from Gujarati)

Bharat Bhai and his wife, Shantaben, were working in a small-

er shop nearby. The two of them were shaping large water jugs
together when we stopped by.

Us: What happens once the pots come out of the kiln?

Bharat Bhai- After firing, we pack them. Local buyers come here
— they take them to sell in other parts of the city. Some go to
markets, some to stores.

Us: Do you always work together like this?

Shantaben (smiling): Yes, we’ve been doing this together for

years. It’s our routine now.

They didn’t speak much more after that — both returned to

shaping clay, clearly used to the rhythm of quiet, steady work.

43
Despite the cramped conditions and modest returns, what keeps the pottery
alive in Kumbharwada is the collective effort — a sense of interdependence
that’s practical. There’s pride, yes, but it’s the kind that comes from compe-
tence and survival, not nostalgia. There’s no dramatic division of labor, just
an organic system where each person contributes what they can, depending on
their skill, age, and experience.

44
45
46
The
Process
47
 drying yard, and sales outlet simultaneously.

clay sources in Gujarat and customers across

Kumbharwada, and it is usually carried out
Pottery is both a craft and a livelihood in

Most families operate in small-scale units

informal supply chains that link them to

with shared kilns, community labor, and
often serves the function of a workshop,
within residential units. The same space

Mumbai and beyond.

Pottery is both a craft and a livelihood in
Kumbharwada, and it is usually carried out
within residential units. The same space
often serves the function of a workshop,
drying yard, and sales outlet simultaneously.
Most families operate in small-scale units
with shared kilns, community labor, and
informal supply chains that link them to
clay sources in Gujarat and customers across
Mumbai and beyond.
48
The pot-making process begins with the arrival of clay from Gu-
jarat, typically sourced from Bhuj or Rajkot. The potters rely en-
tirely on the imported material because Dharavi does not have its
own natural clay deposits. The clay arrives in large, dry slabs and
is manually crushed into a fine powder using rudimentary tools
like iron hammers and flat stones. This powder is then mixed
with water to make it workable. Then, the mixture is kneaded
either by foot or by hand to remove air pockets and develop
plasticity. It is often left covered for a one to two days to soften
further. To ensure the loss of minimal material, waste clay from
previous sessions (including trimmings and broken greenware) is
soaked, recycled, and reintegrated into this process.

49
Rakesh
Molding the clay
on the wheel

Finished pots
drying in
the sun

50
 wool and cotton
used to insulate
the Bhattis.

Dried pots
being fired in the
Bhatti (Kiln)

51
52
 The pot-making process begins with the arrival of clay from
Gujarat, typically sourced from Bhuj or Rajkot. The potters
rely entirely on the imported material because Dharavi does
not have its own natural clay deposits. The clay arrives in
large, dry slabs and is manually crushed into a fine powder
using rudimentary tools like iron hammers and flat stones.
This powder is then mixed with water to make it workable.
Then, the mixture is kneaded either by foot or by hand to re-
move air pockets and develop plasticity. It is often left covered
for a one to two days to soften further. To ensure the loss of
minimal material, waste clay from previous sessions (includ-

53
ing trimmings and broken greenware) is soaked, recycled, and
reintegrated into this process.
54
Once the clay is ready, the shaping process begins. Depending on the ob-
ject being produced, Kumbharwada potters use two primary techniques
– wheel-throwing and casting with plaster of Paris moulds. Wheel-thrown
pottery is typically used for symmetrical, round vessels such as matkas, lotas,
and diyas. In this method, the potter places a lump of clay in the center of the
wheel. While electric wheels are now present in some workshops, most artisans
continue to use the manual chakda, a heavy flywheel rotated by hand or foot.
The clay is first centered to ensure balance and rotational symmetry. The potter
then opens the clay by creating a hollow with their thumbs, flattens the bottom
to form the floor, and pulls up the walls to the desired height. The shape is then
refined using fingers, metal ribs, or wooden tools, depending on the form being
created. Many potters consider this part of the process an act of muscle memo-
ry—developed over years of daily repetition.

The second method, used more commonly for decorative items or when multi-
ple copies of the same design are needed, involves casting with plaster of Paris
moulds. These moulds are typically made in two parts and designed to fit tight-
ly together. Clay is pressed into each half of the mould, and then both parts
are joined. The seam is reinforced from the inside using slip or extra clay. After
setting for a few hours, the cast is removed, and the pot is left to dry. The result
is a form that is more uniform in size and surface texture—especially useful for
commercial or decorative wares where precision is valued.

55
The pot-making process begins with the arrival of clay from Gujarat, typically
sourced from Bhuj or Rajkot. The potters rely entirely on the imported materi-
al because Dharavi does not have its own natural clay deposits. The clay arrives
in large, dry slabs and is manually crushed into a fine powder using rudimenta-
ry tools like iron hammers and flat stones. This powder is then mixed with wa-
ter to make it workable. Then, the mixture is kneaded either by foot or by hand
to remove air pockets and develop plasticity. It is often left covered for a one to
two days to soften further. To ensure the loss of minimal material, waste clay
from previous sessions (including trimmings and broken greenware) is soaked,
recycled, and reintegrated into this process.

Once the clay is ready, the shaping process begins. Depending on the ob-
ject being produced, Kumbharwada potters use two primary techniques
– wheel-throwing and casting with plaster of Paris moulds. Wheel-thrown
pottery is typically used for symmetrical, round vessels such as matkas, lotas,
and diyas. In this method, the potter places a lump of clay in the center of the
wheel. While electric wheels are now present in some workshops, most artisans
continue to use the manual chakda, a heavy flywheel rotated by hand or foot.
The clay is first centered to ensure balance and rotational symmetry. The potter
then opens the clay by creating a hollow with their thumbs, flattens the bottom
to form the floor, and pulls up the walls to the desired height. The shape is then
refined using fingers, metal ribs, or wooden tools, depending on the form being
created. Many potters consider this part of the process an act of muscle memo-
ry—developed over years of daily repetition.

56
Once the basic structure is achieved, the pot is left to dry for around 24 hours.
At this stage, it becomes leather-hard—firm enough to hold its shape but soft
enough to modify. This is when an essential step takes place: the formation of
the “gaanth,” or the opening of the pot. A small coil of clay is formed into a
ring and attached to the top, shaped while the pot is spun slowly on the wheel.
The gaanth not only defines the rim of the vessel but also enhances its struc-
tural integrity. This is also the time when decorative handles or spouts may be
attached, depending on the object.

Following this, the pot is moved outdoors to dry under the sun. Given the nar-
row, crowded lanes of Dharavi, rooftops and shared courtyards become drying
zones. Drying time depends on the weather. In the hot summer months, it may
take a single day. During monsoons or colder periods, the process may stretch
over several days. Potters rotate the vessels regularly to prevent cracking or
warping caused by uneven drying.

Once dried to the right consistency, pots are brought in again for finishing. The
base is trimmed with a metal blade to flatten it and create a shallow foot-ring.
This ring not only gives the pot a clean base but also helps it sit evenly. At this
point, surface work is also done. Using improvised tools—such as bits of wire,
cloth, or repurposed steel strips—potters smooth the surface or apply deco-
rative textures. Techniques like fluting (creating repetitive lines or grooves),
embossing, or even minor carving may be introduced at this stage. Some pieces
are also engraved with family signatures or symbols—marks that help identify
the maker or origin of a particular piece.

57
Before firing, many pots are coated with a layer of
natural red earth pigment known as geru. This ma-
terial, sourced from central Maharashtra or parts of
Gujarat, comes in powder or stone form and is mixed
with water to form a thick slurry. It is applied in one or
two coats using broad brushes. Geru not only enhances
the appearance of the pot but also contributes to water
retention and cooling, especially important for storage
vessels.

Firing is carried out in shared kilns—brick-lined, wood-

or coal-fueled chambers that often serve several pot-
ter families. Kilns in Kumbharwada are compact but
efficient, reflecting the dense spatial limitations of the
area. Pots are stacked tightly inside, often separated
with clay discs to prevent sticking. The firing process
typically spans three days: slow heating, peak tempera-
ture, and gradual cooling. The temperature in these
traditional kilns reaches between 850 to 900 degrees
Celsius. A slow, steady increase in heat is essential—too
rapid, and the pots may crack or burst due to trapped
moisture.

58
The first stage drives out any remaining atmo-
spheric moisture. As the temperature climbs past
350 degrees Celsius, chemically bound water inside
the clay structure is released. By the time the kiln
reaches 500 degrees, the clay is completely dehy-
drated, undergoing a permanent transformation
into ceramic. This stage is called bisque firing.
At the peak, around 900 degrees, the material is
sintered—meaning it hardens and fuses slightly,
becoming strong yet porous enough to absorb glaz-
es if needed.

59
Once the kiln cools, the pots are removed, inspected, and sorted by size and
type. The finished wares are stacked along the narrow pathways of Kumbhar-
wada, ready for sale. Some are sold directly from the homes of potters, others
at roadside stalls or local markets. Many families maintain seasonal production
calendars, creating diyas before Diwali, water pots before summer, and decora-
tive items for Ganesh Chaturthi or Navratri. In recent years, some workshops
have begun fulfilling orders from boutique stores, garden centers, or architects
seeking handmade terracotta tiles.

Despite the growing competition from plastic, metal, and factory ceramics, the
potters of Kumbharwada continue their work. For many, this is more than a
trade—it is identity, community, and cultural memory shaped by fire and clay.
The process, though physically demanding and economically fragile, remains
deeply rooted in tradition, sustained by generational knowledge and the re-
silience of an urban artisan settlement that has outlasted over a century of
change
60
61
62
Is the craft
sustainable?
63
64
 At first glance, pottery seems like one of the more sustainable crafts.
The primary raw material is soil. It’s natural, abundant, and biode-
gradable — at least before it’s fired. In places like Kumbharwada,
potters even reuse old fabric scraps as insulation for the kiln, and on the
surface, this looks like a craft that’s working with nature rather than
against it. But the reality is far more complicated, especially when you
scale it up.

65
 and open corners of the area often re-
flect this — cracked shards embedded
their scraps at the wet clay stage, but

in soil, dust from broken pots mixing

amount of material waste that can’t
wada is layered. Potters often reuse

go anywhere. The streets, rooftops,

kiln, it’s final. If a pot breaks after
once something’s gone through the

firing — and many do — it’s done.

The idea of “waste” in Kumbhar-

This contributes to a significant

with household waste.

In Kumbharwada, pottery isn’t a hobby. It’s mass production. Thou-
sands of pieces are made every day, especially during festival seasons.
And while soil is technically a renewable resource, the repeated ex-
traction of good quality clay from specific regions — often from Gu-
jarat — puts pressure on the land. Add to that the fact that broken or
rejected pots can’t be reworked once fired — ceramic, once vitrified, is
virtually indestructible. It can’t be composted, melted down, or reused
in the same way metal or glass can be. The fragments end up in landfills
or scattered around the neighbourhood, piling up quietly in corners or
forming mini-mountains of ceramic rubble.
66
On top of this, there’s the issue of decoration and embellish-
ment. In recent years, as demand for more decorative or glossy
items has increased, some potters have started incorporating
synthetic glazes, glitter, or metallic paints. These finishes might
make the products more attractive for retail, but they introduce
another layer of environmental damage. Many of these additives
are chemically unstable when fired, releasing additional toxins
into the air. They also make the pots even harder to dispose of or
break down safely once they’re discarded.

And then there’s the transportation footprint. Most clay is

sourced from gujarat, adding emissions before it even hits the
wheel.
Finished pots are packedinto tempo trucks and sent across the
city, making each pot carry a layered carbon cost.

Then there’s the kiln, or bhatti — the heart of the process and its
biggest polluter.

67
68
 About
the
Bhatti
69
The kiln here is a closed system — a deliberate choice. Each unit is
built tightly into the architecture of the home or workshop. Space is
limited in Dharavi, so this kiln isn’t a standalone structure but part
of the building itself. The large metal lid of the kiln is connected to a
pair of heavy-duty chains on either side, allowing it to be lifted and
lowered manually. A square pipe functions as a chimney, pushing smoke
upwards and away from the immediate breathing space of the workers.
It’s a compact and efficient setup, designed to make it easier for potters
to fire their work without filling their own living quarters with toxic
smoke.

70
But even with these adaptations, the impact
is visible — and heavy. Carbon monoxide and
nitrogen oxides are released with every firing.
These emissions don’t just float away — they
settle. On the walls of Kumbharwada, you
can see a textured layer of black soot coating
the buildings like a second skin. Most walls are
the colour of charcoal now. Popcorn-finished
plaster, once probably cream or off-white, has
turned a dull, sticky grey. Even finding a door
is tricky — they don’t stand out anymore,
almost erased under the grime. Unlike other
parts of Mumbai, where graffiti is made on
walls using paint, here it’s the opposite: mes-
sages are scratched through soot, revealing the
original colour underneath. It’s an uninten-
tional visual record of pollution.

71
72
This constant exposure to smoke doesn’t just stain surfaces — it affects
health. Many residents have developed breathing problems over time.
The congestion, the lack of ventilation in smaller units, and the con-
stant presence of airborne particles mean that potters are working in
environments that could be slowly harming them. There are no official
safety measures in place. No masks, no filtration systems. The adap-
tations they’ve made — like the chimney-style pipe — are driven by
necessity, not regulation.

In total, when you zoom out from the romantic image of “handmade
pottery,” the environmental sustainability of the practice looks shaky.
On a small scale, using soil and recycled cloth might seem eco-friendly.
But when practiced in a high-density urban colony like Kumbharwada,
with thousands of pots being made and fired every week, these individ-
ual efforts can’t offset the larger environmental burden.

The potters of Kumbharwada are not unaware of this. Most of them

know the damage — they breathe it every day. But for them, sustain-
ability isn’t just about the environment. It’s about livelihood. Their
systems are adapted for survival, not environmental idealism. Until
broader infrastructural support is offered — in the form of better ven-
tilation, cleaner kilns, access to eco-friendly materials, and proper waste
disposal systems — the craft may continue to run at the cost of both
the environment and the people making it.

73
Life
of the
product
74
75
The pots made in Kumbharwada are not made for the potters them-
selves. That’s been the case for decades. They don’t keep a few aside for
their own kitchens or for storage in their own homes. These products
are made to leave — to move from this dense, smoky neighbourhood
to market stalls, shops, festivals, roadside vendors, and eventually, the
homes of people who’ll never meet the hands that shaped them.

The production is seasonal. There are spikes in demand during festivals

— Diwali, Navratri, Ganesh Chaturthi. During these times, the lanes
are almost unwalkable because of how many pots are laid out to dry.
Rows of diyas, water pots, matkas, and even small decorative items
begin to stack up like a well-rehearsed routine that plays out year after
year. At other times, the work slows, but doesn’t stop entirely. There’s
always someone buying.

Most potters don’t sell directly to consumers. Their focus is on produc-

tion, not retail. Once the pots are fired and cooled, they’re stacked,
sorted, and packed for transport. In some of the smaller workshops, the
sorting and packing is done by the women — sometimes wrapping pots
in scraps of newspaper or fabric to reduce breakage. Others are loaded
straight into large cloth sacks or cardboard boxes, carried through the
narrow lanes on the backs of workers or small handcarts.

76
77
From there, the pots head mostly to Sion — a nearby
area where wholesalers and sellers operate. The link be-
tween Kumbharwada and Sion is long-standing. In many
ways, Sion functions as the first layer of retail for these
products. Buyers — local shopkeepers, street vendors,
event decorators — come to Sion because it’s cheaper
and faster than approaching Kumbharwada directly. And
because most potters don’t want to handle pricing, hag-
gling, or storefronts, it’s a system that works.

From Sion, the products spread further. To stalls in Da-

dar, Crawford Market, Borivali, and further out. Some-
times even to other cities. The buyers mark up the prices
depending on the context — a diya sold for 2 rupees in
Kumbharwada might go for 15 rupees on a well-lit festive
stall in Bandra. The original potter doesn’t see that price
difference. Their role ends the moment the product leaves
the colony.

It’s a cycle the community has settled into, partly out

of convenience, partly out of necessity. Running a retail
shop, renting space, handling customers — these are ad-
ditional skills and risks that most families can’t afford to
take on. Their skill lies in the making, not the marketing.

78
Some items don’t even make it to this stage. If they’re
cracked, uneven, or off-balance, they’re either kept aside
or discarded. Sometimes children play with them. Some-
times they’re used in construction — fragments mixed
with cement or buried under flooring. But most of the
time, broken or rejected pieces are simply left in corners,
joining the ever-growing pile of unusable ceramic waste.

There’s also an emotional distance between the makers

and the final destination of their product. A potter might
spend hours perfecting the symmetry of a water jug or
the edges of a diya, but there’s no real attachment to the
object once it’s done. It’s more craft than art, more skill
than expression. The focus is always on the next batch,
the next season, the next truckload.

In our visits to the colony, we asked a few potters where

their work ends up. Some knew vaguely — “it goes to
Sion,” “maybe Crawford,” “shops pick them up.” For
them, the work is local. The life of the product begins
and ends in their tightly knitted system.

79
Does the
craft have
IPR? 80
81
When we asked the potters in Kumbharwada if their work had any kind of
intellectual property rights, they looked confused. The idea of legal protection
or ownership over their designs, methods, or even the identity of their commu-
nity’s work was unfamiliar to them. And that reaction says a lot.

Most of them have been practicing pottery for generations, passing techniques,
skills, and even tools down through family lines. But none of this has been
formally documented, registered, or claimed in a legal sense. These crafts-
people are experts in what they do, but they’re far removed from the systems
that would allow them to benefit from formal recognition of their intellectual
property.

Technically, crafts like this can fall under IPR laws in India—things like Geo-
graphical Indications (GI), design patents, or copyright. But for a community
like this, where the focus is survival, tradition, and functionality, the idea of
spending time and resources on paperwork and legal processes feels disconnect-
ed from their reality.

82
There’s also the issue of uniformity. Since many families create similar shapes
and designs, and the work is highly collaborative and communal, it becomes
hard to pinpoint a single “original” creator. The craft isn’t about novelty; it’s
about continuity. As a result, their work floats in a kind of legal grey zone—
vulnerable to replication, commercial misuse, and outside appropriation, with-
out any clear framework of protection.

In a market where “handmade” and “artisanal” pottery is celebrated globally,

the lack of IPR awareness among these artisans leaves them open to exploita-
tion. Their work, stories, and even cultural imprint can be sold by others at
higher prices under the label of authenticity—without them even knowing.

What stood out most was how detached the artisans were from these conversa-
tions. They weren’t uninterested—they just hadn’t been made a part of them
yet. They weren’t thinking about intellectual property; they were thinking
about the next batch of pots they needed to dry before the sun went down.

83
Products

84
01 Glazed Terracotta Chocolate box
by Kashish Minawala

02 Terracotta Masala box

by Manika Shahani

03 Hand-held ceramic paint palette

by Ria Chawda

04 Photography Shadow prop for creative shoots

(Cutter)
by Nysa Kapoor

85
Glazed Terracotta Chocolate box
by Kashish Minawala
A terracotta chocolate box helps preserve
chocolates by naturally regulating temperature
and humidity. Its porous structure allows slight
evaporative cooling when dampened, keeping the
inside a few degrees cooler and protecting choco-
lates from melting. Terracotta also absorbs excess
moisture, preventing humidity-related issues like
sugar bloom, and its high thermal mass slows
down temperature changes, shielding chocolates
from heat shocks. This creates a stable, slightly
cool, and dry environment ideal for maintaining
chocolate quality without refrigeration.

86
87
88
 02 Terracotta Masala box
by Manika Shahani

the terracotta masala box, a traditional

yet functional way to store spices. Made
from natural, breathable clay, this box
helps regulate humidity by
absorbing excess moisture, keeping
spices dry, aromatic, and free from
clumping.
Its porous nature allows air circulation,
preventing trapped odors and
preserving the freshness of each spice.
Blending functionality with heritage,
the earthy, handcrafted look of
terracotta brings an authentic touch to
any Indian kitchen while offering a
natural solution for everyday spice
storage.

89
 Top : Product sketch by
Manika Shahani
Bottom : Product ideation
by Ria Chawda

90
03 Hand-held ceramic paint palette
by Ria Chawda

The second product is a hand-held ceramic paint palette meant for wa-
tercolour or gouache users. It has 10 paint wells and a flat mixing area
in the centre. The palette is slightly curved to fit the palm, and is light-
weight, about 7 x 5 inches in size. The surface is finished with a transpar-
ent glaze, which is easy to clean and helps preserve pigment quality
The form is inspired by the kidney-shaped palettes used by mural artists
in Gujarat, but reinterpreted here in studio ceramics. Motifs are kept
minimal—just a small raised detail on one edge using a pressed stamp
technique from the Kumbharwada community.

Why it works: Ceramic palettes are naturally better than plastic ones in
terms of material longevity and pigment behaviour. This product com-
bines that advantage with a form that brings in cultural elements quiet-
ly, not performatively. It’s a tool that could easily be produced in bulk by
artisans and sold to art students, hobbyists, or even included in studio
kits.
91
04 Photography Shadow prop for creative shoots
(Cutter)
by Nysa Kapoor
So in photoshoots and creative editorial
photography, especially sometimes in my own
process, i feel the need to incoorporate light
and shadow in very specific ways. Sometimes
such that i feel the need to make complex
intricate shadows.

And since the cutters and reflectors available

dont suffice for my purpose, i rely on post
heavily.

However, with clay pottery, it can be used

to carve out shapes and patterns that can be
places between the light and the subject.

The thing with this is that, the bigger it gets,

and it will have to be of a certain large scale
- it could just get really heavy and inconve-
nient and hard to effectively use on shoots
where speed is of essence and tensions are
already pretty high.
92
93
Appendix:
Sources
and
Bibliography
This appendix lists the primary and secondary sources referenced throughout
the chapters on Kumbharwada’s pottery community, sustainability challenges,
and intellectual property considerations. These materials include field inter-
views, academic research, journalistic articles, and institutional reports.
94
Primary Sources

Field interviews conducted with Rakesh, a potter from Uttar Pradesh working
in Kumbharwada for the past five years, and Bharat Bhai and his wife Shanta-
ben, long-time residents and artisans in the community

95
Secondary Sources

CEPT University. (2023). Rethinking Khumbharwada. CEPT Portfolio. I’m

https://portfolio.cept.ac.in/2023/S/fp/from-utopias-to-heterotopia-migrant-
housing-values-of-time-density-and-culture-ur2005-spring-2023/rethink-
ing-khumbharwada-spring-2023-uur20241

Garland Magazine. (n.d.). Kumbharwada: Make in Dharavi. https://garland-

mag.com/article/kumbharwada-make-in-dharavi/

Homegrown. (n.d.). How the Kumbhars of Maharashtra Became a Professional

Pottery Community. https://homegrown.co.in/homegrown-voices/how-the-pot-
ters-of-maharashtra-reimagined-their-art-through-modern-day-aesthetics

India Science, Technology & Innovation. (n.d.). Rural Pottery Kiln. https://
www.indiascienceandtechnology.gov.in/technologies/rural-pottery-kiln

JETIR. (2023). Sustainable urban regeneration at Kumbharwada, Dharavi

(JETIR2306237). Journal of Emerging Technologies and Innovative Research.
https://www.jetir.org/papers/JETIR2306237.pdf

Magical Mumbai Tours. (n.d.). Explore Dharavi Kumbharwada: From Local

Gem to a Global Attraction. https://magicalmumbaitours.com/explore-dhara-
vi-kumbharwada/

96
People’s Archive of Rural India. (n.d.). Kumbharwada: A Slice of Pottery from
Kachchh. https://ruralindiaonline.org/en/articles/kumbharwada-a-slice-of-pot-
tery-from-kachchh/

SlideShare. (n.d.). Pottery of Dharavi. https://www.slideshare.net/slideshow/

pottery-of-dharavi/236848764

Sprouts News. (2024, October 10). Dharavi Kumbharwada: Ancient Pottery

Hub Faces Relocation to Mulund. https://sproutsnews.com/dharavi-kumbhar-
wada-potters-relocation-mulund/

The Times of India. (2024, October 19). Dharavi potters’ ‘Make in India’ creed
at risk of Maharashtra’s slum redevelopment screed. https://timesofindia.india-
times.com/city/mumbai/dharavi-potters-make-in-india-creed-at-risk-of-states-
slum-redevelopment-screed/articleshow/114372106.cms

The Wanderer India. (2023, November 3). Kumbharwada: A Glorious Tale

of Pottery and Tradition. https://thewandererindia.com/kumbharwada-pot-
ter-community-dharavi-mumbai/

Urbz. (n.d.-a). Kumbharwada – A pottery village. https://urbz.net/articles/

kumbharwada-pottery-village

Urbz. (n.d.-b). Incremental innovation to reduce pollution in Kumbharwada.

https://urbz.net/articles/kumbharwada-incremental-innovation-reduce-pollu-
tion
97
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