Transforming Criminal Justice An Evidence Based

Agenda for Reform 1st Edition Jon B. Gould pdf

download

https://ebookgate.com/product/transforming-criminal-justice-an-
evidence-based-agenda-for-reform-1st-edition-jon-b-gould/

Get the full ebook with Bonus Features for a Better Reading Experience on ebookgate.com
Instant digital products (PDF, ePub, MOBI) available
Download now and explore formats that suit you...

Evidence Based Decisions and Economics Health Care Social

Welfare Education and Criminal Justice Second Edition Ian
Shemilt
https://ebookgate.com/product/evidence-based-decisions-and-economics-
health-care-social-welfare-education-and-criminal-justice-second-
edition-ian-shemilt/
ebookgate.com

Criminal Justice An Introduction To The Criminal Justice

System In England And Wales 3rd Edition Malcolm Davies

https://ebookgate.com/product/criminal-justice-an-introduction-to-the-
criminal-justice-system-in-england-and-wales-3rd-edition-malcolm-
davies/
ebookgate.com

Sleep Medicine for Dentists An Evidence Based Overview 2nd

Edition Lavigne

https://ebookgate.com/product/sleep-medicine-for-dentists-an-evidence-
based-overview-2nd-edition-lavigne/

ebookgate.com

Whither China restarting the reform agenda 1st Edition Wu

https://ebookgate.com/product/whither-china-restarting-the-reform-
agenda-1st-edition-wu/

ebookgate.com
Transforming Mental Health Services Implementing the
Federal Agenda for Change 1st Edition Howard H.

https://ebookgate.com/product/transforming-mental-health-services-
implementing-the-federal-agenda-for-change-1st-edition-howard-h/

ebookgate.com

Criminal Evidence Tenth Edition John C Klotter Justice

Administration Legal Series Jefferson L Ingram

https://ebookgate.com/product/criminal-evidence-tenth-edition-john-c-
klotter-justice-administration-legal-series-jefferson-l-ingram/

ebookgate.com

Management An Evidence Based Approach Third Edition Doede

Keuning

https://ebookgate.com/product/management-an-evidence-based-approach-
third-edition-doede-keuning/

ebookgate.com

Special tests in musculoskeletal examination an evidence

based guide for clinicians 1st Edition Alison Smeatham

https://ebookgate.com/product/special-tests-in-musculoskeletal-
examination-an-evidence-based-guide-for-clinicians-1st-edition-alison-
smeatham/
ebookgate.com

Protocols for High Risk Pregnancies An Evidence Based

Approach Fifth Edition John T. Queenan

https://ebookgate.com/product/protocols-for-high-risk-pregnancies-an-
evidence-based-approach-fifth-edition-john-t-queenan/

ebookgate.com
 Transforming Criminal Justice

Gould_3p.indd 1 7/19/22 3:18 PM

Gould_3p.indd 2 7/19/22 3:18 PM
 Transforming Criminal Justice
An Evidence-­Based Agenda for Reform

Edited by
Jon B. Gould and Pamela R. Metzger

NEW YORK UNIVERSIT Y PRESS

New York

Gould_3p.indd 3 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 N EW YOR K U N I V ER SI T Y PR E S S
New York
www.nyupress.org
© 2022 by New York University
All rights reserved
References to Internet websites (URLs) were accurate at the time of writing. Neither the
author nor New York University Press is responsible for URLs that may have expired or
changed since the manuscript was prepared.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Gould, Jon B., editor. | Metzger, Pamela R., editor.
Title: Transforming criminal justice : an evidence-based agenda for reform /
edited by Jon B. Gould and Pamela R. Metzger.
Description: New York : New York University Press, [2022] |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2022001989 | ISBN 9781479818808 (hardback) | ISBN 9781479818815 (pa-
perback) | ISBN 9781479818822 (ebook) | ISBN 9781479818839 (ebook other)
Subjects: LCSH: Criminal justice, Administration of—United States—History—21st century.
| Criminal courts—United States. | Courts of special jurisdiction—United States.
Classification: LCC HV9950 .T668 2022 | DDC 364.60973—dc23/eng/20220526
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022001989
New York University Press books are printed on acid-­free paper, and their binding materials
are chosen for strength and durability. We strive to use environmentally responsible suppli-
ers and materials to the greatest extent possible in publishing our books.
Manufactured in the United States of America
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Also available as an ebook

Gould_3p.indd 4 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 For Ann, Michael and Emily; Cole, Joe and Phoebe; and in
honor of the many dedicated individuals and organizations
working to reform a justice system that for too long has been
subject to the whims of anecdote and polemic.

Gould_3p.indd 5 7/19/22 3:18 PM

Gould_3p.indd 6 7/19/22 3:18 PM
 Contents

Introduction 1
Jon B. Gould and Pamela R. Metzger

1. Body-­Worn Cameras as a Mechanism for Enhancing Police

Accountability and Legitimacy 25
Michael D. White and Aili Malm

2. A New Charge Afoot? Improving Prosecutors’

Charging Practices 48
Jon B. Gould, Rachel Bowman, and Belén Lowrey-­Kinberg

3. Participatory Defense as an Abolitionist Strategy 71

Raj Jayadev and Janet Moore

4. Abolishing Bail 97
Christine S. Scott-­Hayward and Henry F. Fradella

5. Revisiting Sentencing Reform 124

Cassia Spohn, Megan Verhagen, and Jason Walker

6. The Limits of Recidivism Reduction: Advancing a More

Comprehensive Understanding of Correctional Success 149
Kevin A. Wright, Stephanie J. Morse, and Madison M. Sutton

7. Community-­Based Reentry: Breaking the Cycle

of Reincarceration 173
Kelly Orians and Troy Rhodes

8. Advancing Policy to Address Violence Against Underserved

Victims: An Illustration of the Missing and Murder of
Indigenous Women and Girls 198
Kathleen A. Fox, Christopher Sharp, Kayleigh A. Stanek,
Turquoise Skye Devereaux, and Connor Stewart

vii

Gould_3p.indd 7 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 viii | Contents

9. Using Evidence-­Based Practices to Prevent Firearm Violence 221

Jesenia M. Pizarro, Karissa R. Pelletier, April M. Zeoli, and
Anne M. Corbin

10. Rural Criminal Justice Reform 242

Pamela R. Metzger

11. Rethinking the Civil-­Criminal Distinction 268

Lauren Sudeall

12. Exonerating the Innocent: It Takes a Village and a

New Culture 295
Shawn Armbrust

13. Learning from Sentinel Events 321

James Doyle and Maureen Q. McGough

Conclusion: A Path Forward to Evidence-­Based Reform 345

Jon B. Gould and Pamela R. Metzger

Bibliography 357
About the Contributors 421
About the Editors 427
Index 429

Gould_3p.indd 8 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 Introduction

Jon B. Gould and Pamela R. Metzger

On August 26, 2020, two days after police had shot and paralyzed a
Black man in Kenosha, Wisconsin, and a day after a white teenager car-
rying a semiautomatic rifle had killed two protestors decrying police
actions there, the NBA’s Milwaukee Bucks refused to take the basketball
court in protest. “We are calling for justice,” the Bucks’ players said in
a collective statement, urging Wisconsin lawmakers to reconvene and
“take up meaningful measures to address issues of police accountability,
brutality and criminal justice reform.”1
The Bucks’ message generated mass support across the league as are-
nas went dark for three days during the NBA playoffs. When play re-
sumed on August 29, it was accompanied by a joint statement from the
league and the players union. Together, they announced a “social justice
coalition . . . of representatives from players, coaches and governors . . .
focused on a broad range of issues.” Among these was “meaningful po-
lice and criminal justice reform.”2
Police shootings and the Black Lives Matters protests certainly galva-
nized popular attention to the problems of the criminal justice system,
but in many ways criminal justice reform was already “having a moment
in U.S. politics.”3 As Politico magazine explained:

Until recent years, candidates usually competed to look tough on crime

and paint their opponents as soft. But 2020 [was] different. Throughout
the primary, Democratic candidates, including the nominee Joe Biden,
devoted significant space on their platforms to their ideas for fixing the
criminal justice system. And the Republican incumbent, Donald Trump,
[ran] as a reformer too, touting a key legislative justice-­reform achieve-
ment on his watch, the First Step Act.4

Gould_3p.indd 1 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 2 | Jon B. Gould and Pamela R. Metzger

To anyone who lived through the 1980s and 1990s and the “Get Tough”
period in American criminal justice policy,5 the move to reform the jus-
tice system may appear as nothing less than miraculous. But this was not
a change that occurred overnight. A combination of political organizing,
lower crime rates, and popular frustration at inequitable treatment in
the justice system moved the pendulum on justice policy.6 At the center
of this shift was also a rise in empirical research on the criminal justice
system—­a movement to understand “what works”7 in practice and a
desire for “evidence-­based” solutions.8
Evidence-­based practice (EBP) is hardly a new concept. Employed
initially in medicine, “EBP is the objective, balanced, and responsible
use of current research and the best available data to guide policy and
practice decisions.”9 Put another way, rather than relying on anecdotes,
collective assumptions, or even a sense of “the way things have always
been,” EBP bases criminal justice policy on the results of social scien-
tific research. If studies indicate that crime is situated at particular “hot
spots,” such as outside convenience stores or shopping malls and at a
particular time of day, then law enforcement will be both more effec-
tive and efficient if officers deploy to those areas and times rather than
patrolling across town.10 If imprisonment alone fails to address drug
addiction and even feeds further crime, then alternative interventions
are necessary.11 And, if public defense attorneys are unable to provide
effective representation because their caseloads are too high or they can-
not obtain investigative assistance, then additional resources are needed
to protect the constitutional guarantee of due process.12
This is a remarkable turn in justice policy, and the opportunity for
reform has only grown as more political and justice leaders espouse sup-
port, media coverage draws attention, and public protest keeps up the
pressure. At such a moment, it is important that reform be guided by re-
search and not impulse. New measures should reflect what works rather
than reinforce anecdotes or advance assumptions.
This is true regardless of ideology. One may believe strongly in retri-
bution, convinced that the justice system should enforce “an eye for an
eye.” However, if mass incarceration makes the United States an outlier
among other nations with little advantage to public safety, it is difficult
to see what the advantages are to taxpayers, public safety, and the gen-
eral welfare. By the same token, the call to decriminalize drug use is ap-

Gould_3p.indd 2 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 Introduction | 3

pealing to many. But before doing so, it is essential to understand which

substances, if any, serve as a gateway to serious addiction as well as theft
or other crime to support that habit. For years, “law and order” and
“getting tough on crime” have become throwaway lines in political cam-
paigns to scare voters into acting on emotion rather than reason. With
the country now in a period of criminal justice realism—­the public and
policy makers seemingly willing to examine the workings of the justice
system with a clear eye—­it is all the more important that research light
the way forward to reform.

Purpose of the Book

This book provides a road map for those who want to change the face
of American criminal justice. It addresses pressing problems facing the
criminal justice system and offers a blueprint of initiatives for reform.
Using lessons gleaned from empirical research, the book provides policy
makers, practitioners, academics, and interested lay people a plan for
how and why to reform the criminal justice system.
The book brings together many of the nation’s top criminolo-
gists, legal researchers, and practitioners to explore and address es-
sential issues of concern to reform the United States criminal justice
system. Some topics—­such as prosecutorial discretion and defense
inadequacies—­will likely be familiar. Others, including the victimiza-
tion of marginalized people, rural justice, and sentinel events initia-
tives, may surprise readers, since these issues do not garner as much
media attention. In each case, the topics and recommendations are in-
formed by reliable research.
This collection is not simply a compendium of “what smart research-
ers think about the justice system”; neither is it a rumination on the
potential contours of the criminal justice system. Broad theorizing
is important, and we are admirers of those scholars who explore the
theoretical underpinnings of the criminal justice system.13 But if they
prescribe remedies for the justice process, their arguments are often
normative rather than based in research. The same can be true for the
policy prescriptions of politicians,14 who sometimes seek a solution for
a perceived crisis without understanding the source of the problem or
the ramifications of the proposed remedy.

Gould_3p.indd 3 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 4 | Jon B. Gould and Pamela R. Metzger

This book, then, is for the reader looking to fill the gap between
highly theoretical works that examine the criminal justice system from
the 30,000-­foot level and prescriptive policy proposals that offer a series
of reforms without providing context or explaining the basis for reform.
Assembled here is an empirically grounded account of what is broken
in the criminal justice system as well as a blueprint for how it can and
should be addressed. Part translation of scholarly research, part account
of the justice system’s workings and failings, and part agenda for action,
the book aims to educate and move readers to effect change.

Overview of the Book

The collection addresses thirteen significant issues in justice reform,
starting from a suspect’s first interaction with the police and continu-
ing to sentinel events review, in which justice practitioners can learn
from mistakes that may occur in cases. For each issue, we address top-
ics in which there is research to guide reform. We do not claim that
these issues are exclusive or that reformers should fail to look to other
proposals for action. Indeed, as we write this book, calls to “defund the
police” have gained traction. Such proposals may be worthy of con-
sideration, but as of yet there is little research to explain what happens
when municipalities limit the reach of their police forces or transfer law
enforcement functions to other agencies.15 We recognize there is a bit
of a chicken-­and-­egg conundrum here. How can one recommend an
initiative without the willingness first to test and then evaluate an inter-
vention? But among the proposals advanced for criminal justice reform,
we aim to focus attention on those already established by research. The
ideas in this book have been proven to work. There is little additional
field testing to be done, theories to be explored, or trial balloons to be
floated. The ideas offered here can—­and should—­be implemented.
That is not to say that the path to reform is straightforward. As the
contributors here explain, evidence-­based reform is an iterative process.
One takes initial research on the criminal justice system and applies it
to novel circumstances or in broader contexts. Those results are then
assessed, and analysis from the first wave of intervention forms the
basis for new initiatives. Along the way, proposals that initially seemed
promising may prove to be unsuccessful, or the unforeseen costs of an

Gould_3p.indd 4 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 Introduction | 5

intervention may be too great. Moreover, research findings may bump

up against assumptions or anecdotal understandings, some built up over
years.
This can occur at the highest levels of government. When Jeff Ses-
sions took over as United States Attorney General in 2017, he sought to
revive the DARE program, an antidrug curriculum begun in the 1980s,
even though the National Criminal Justice Reference Service had told
Congress in 1998 “the program did not reduce substance abuse.”16 Per-
haps Sessions, a product of the years when First Lady Nancy Reagan
famously urged youth to “Just Say No” to drugs, simply wished DARE
to work. As he told a conference of counselors, “In recent years, people
have not paid much attention to that message, but they are ready to hear
it again.”17
Evidence-­based reform, then, is not easy; neither are the recommen-
dations contained in the following chapters a cure-­all. Rather, these
measures represent a sound starting point. They help clear away options
that are unlikely to work and will focus policy makers and practitioners
on options for which there is evidence of success. Almost as important,
they seek to set a standard in which criminal justice policy-­making
is based on, or at least informed by, evidence and research. The con-
sequences of criminal justice interventions and the costs of error are
too high to premise policy-­making on hunches, assumptions, or even
whims. Instead, justice officials should look to research, evidence, and
sober analysis to guide their behavior.
As the contributors to this book take up their respective topics, they
aim to follow a similar structure. Authors describe a problem or a se-
ries of problems that confront the criminal justice system. They explain
the significance of those problems, discuss the research that clarifies the
issues, and offer measures to address the problems. The chapters are
both educational and prescriptive, helping readers to understand what
is plaguing the criminal justice, why it is a problem, how it can be ad-
dressed, and who should do it.
Although confronting multiple issues, the authors also converge on
common themes. Foremost is the conclusion that the American criminal
justice system is riddled with weaknesses that cause harm and require
greater accountability. Whether these problems are the unintended con-
sequences of a fair-­functioning process or the essential quality of a car-

Gould_3p.indd 5 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 6 | Jon B. Gould and Pamela R. Metzger

ceral state finds different perspectives among the contributors, as does

the scope of reforms recommended. To some authors, the solution is to
eliminate entire processes, such as cash bail, that have been central to
the justice system. To others, the response is new technologies—­such as
police body-­worn cameras—­or post hoc review of known errors. Even
as the prescriptions in this book are based on empirical evidence, the
reader is left to consider the scope of response required.

Race, Class, Research, and Reform

The contributors also examine racial, ethnic, and economic inequities,
which permeate the entire criminal justice system. These issues are
woven into each chapter in the book. They may be as distinct as dis-
parities in sentencing patterns or as subtle as the implicit biases that
judges bring to postconviction appeals. These are insidious problems
that require attention, and many of the proposals offered in the ensu-
ing chapters seek to address these inequities in the criminal justice
system while also reforming other problems. For example, prohibiting
prosecutors from considering a suspects’ prior record in charging not
only relegates criminal history to the sentencing phase of a case where
it belongs but also may reduce the likelihood that minority defendants,
who themselves may have been subject to disproportionate policing in
the past, are not further penalized. The issues are intertwined in charg-
ing, just as race, ethnicity, and poverty intersect with so many areas of
criminal justice policy. Reform of the criminal justice system must keep
these concerns at the forefront of consideration.
We recognize two interrelated critiques of our approach. The first in-
volves arguments that the criminal justice system is so stained by inequi-
ties rooted in race and economic status that the solution must be to tear
it down, not offer reforms. Those arguments often take the form of calls
to defund police or abolish the criminal justice system entirely. At the
same time, even many abolitionists concede that people who are subject
to police overreach still seek the protection of the justice system;18 know
from experience that building alternative ways to prevent harm and pro-
mote safety is a large and long-­term challenge; and remain open in the
interim to “non-­reformist reforms,” or improvements to the criminal
justice system that can gradually reduce reliance on that system.19

Gould_3p.indd 6 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 Introduction | 7

We further acknowledge critiques that describe research on the jus-

tice system as “normative,” influenced by “institutional biases [of] who
studies, what gets studied, how it gets studied, and how results are in-
terpreted.”20 We cannot depend on even empirical research for change,
these critics charge, as the results only reinforce existing power struc-
tures in which the “rich get richer and the poor get prison.”21 We hardly
disagree that the criminal justice system is inequitable; indeed, reams
of research—­much of it offered in this book—­underscore that point.
We also agree that social science research is not purely “objective”—­a
point established by the postmodernists decades ago. Among other con-
straints, research on the criminal justice system is subject to the types
of topics and researchers that receive funding. But those sources and re-
searchers have become increasingly diverse since the 1980s, to the point
where we are now treated to a range of studies that incorporate a variety
of perspectives and experiences into analyses of multiple aspects of the
criminal justice system.22 We strongly believe that components of this
growing body of research are sufficiently reliable to guide policy and that
the desire for perfection should not blind us to the important lessons
this research offers.

The Chapters
The chapters aim to follow the path of a case through the criminal jus-
tice system, starting with research to improve police practices, following
to prosecutor behavior, criminal defense, bail, sentencing, and correc-
tions. From there, the book takes the reader to a series of issues that
are central to the goal of improving the justice system. Authors address
the needs of victims, the threat of firearm violence, the difficulties of
reentry, the varying priorities of rural and urban justice systems, the
interplay between the civil and criminal justice systems, the scourge of
wrongful convictions, and the rise of sentinel events review.

Chapter 1: Policing and Body-­Worn Cameras

The book begins with a chapter on policing and body-­worn cameras
(BWCs), authored by Professors Michael White of Arizona State Uni-
versity and Aili Malm of California State University, Long Beach. As

Gould_3p.indd 7 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 8 | Jon B. Gould and Pamela R. Metzger

White and Malm explain, the use of police body-­worn cameras (BWCs)
expanded rapidly during the 2010s in response to allegations of police
misbehavior and excessive use of force. Early research associated the
cameras with many positive effects, including reductions in the use of
force and citizen complaints, quicker prosecutions, and increased per-
ceptions of procedural justice among citizens. However, more recent
research demonstrates that BWCs do not guarantee positive outcomes.
There has also been strong resistance to BWCs in some jurisdictions,
and the costs of a BWC program are significant both in the short and
long terms.
The mixed story on BWCs raises questions about their future in
twenty-­first-­century policing. Should police departments start a new
BWC program? Should departments that already have a BWC program
continue to use the cameras? White and Malm argue forcefully that
BWCs should become a routine feature of policing today. The coauthors
review a range of outcomes to demonstrate the multifaceted value of
cameras for police departments and explain why BWCs work in some
contexts and not in others. They conclude with a clear, evidence-­based
recommendation that police should adopt body-­worn cameras.

Chapter 2: Prosecutors and Charging

If police are the first step in the criminal justice system, the next step in
case processing involves prosecutors, who are perhaps the most pow-
erful and least understood actors in the criminal justice system. Of
prosecutors’ work, charging has been the least studied and yet crucially
important stage. In this chapter, Professors Jon Gould of the University
of California, Irvine and Belén Lowrey-­Kinberg of St. Francis College,
in collaboration with Rachel Bowman of Arizona State University, open
a window on prosecutors’ charging decisions. Discussing their own
research, the authors explain how prosecutors approach new cases and
describe the factors—­some appropriate, others extralegal such as the
background of suspects—­that prosecutors employ in deciding whether
to pursue cases and which charges to file. In the end, the coauthors
offer three proposals and lessons for reform. Charging should be con-
ducted by a specialized unit staffed by experienced prosecutors; training
and supervision are essential to prevent disparate results based on

Gould_3p.indd 8 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 Introduction | 9

prosecutors’ backgrounds; and lasting reform requires cultural change

in which career prosecutors, not necessarily self-­styled “reformers,” are
the linchpins of success.

Chapter 3: Participatory Defense

The vast majority of defendants in criminal courts are represented
by public defenders or assigned counsel, yet public defense is terribly
underfunded and public defenders are overloaded. Defense lawyers
meet their clients for the first time just minutes ahead of court pro-
ceedings. Caseloads are enormous, limiting attorneys’ opportunities
to prepare, and case processing encourages defendants to plead guilty
rather than challenge the state’s evidence. Many policy prescriptions
have been offered to increase funding and reduce caseloads, but those
measures focus on courts and lawyers as the locus of power and change.
This chapter discusses participatory defense, a community-­organizing
model for defendants, their families, and communities. Drawing on their
own experiences creating a participatory defense hub and their research
of client assessments, Raj Jayadev, a MacArthur “Genius” award win-
ner, and Professor Janet Moore of the University of Cincinnati describe
the advantages and challenges of participatory defense. As they explain,
the initiative is part policy initiative and part movement, designed to
improve public defense, rebalance power disparities that disproportion-
ately harm low-­income defendants and defendants of color, and reduce
the footprint of the US criminal justice system that incarcerates a higher
percentage of its citizens than do other industrialized nations. In the
end, the authors argue that participatory defense will not only reform
the criminal justice system but also empower citizens and communities
to reduce reliance on that system as a solution to social problems.

Chapter 4: Abolishing Bail

Part of America’s mass incarceration problem is driven by pretrial
detention, as defendants—­many of them persons of color—­wait in jail
because they cannot afford bail. Critics of the bail system in the United
States have called for abolishing money bail and replacing it with an
approach that actuarially assesses a person’s risk. Under this measure,

Gould_3p.indd 9 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 10 | Jon B. Gould and Pamela R. Metzger

low-­risk defendants would be released on their own recognizance,

whereas most medium-­risk and select high-­risk defendants would be
released ahead of trial with minimal conditions. Only the highest risk
defendants would be detained pretrial. However, given the shortcom-
ings of most pretrial assessment tools, a risk-­based bail system would
not meaningfully reform the current bail system, in which the poor are
detained prior to adjudication, whereas people with means are able to
buy their freedom pending trial.
Drawing on research conducted by themselves and others, Professors
Christine Scott-­Hayward of California State University, Long Beach and
Henry Fradella of Arizona State University call for a right to uncondi-
tional bail in nearly all criminal offenses. Under this approach, courts
could impose a narrow range of pretrial release conditions solely to en-
sure the accused’s participation in subsequent court proceedings and
mitigate substantial possibilities of harm to either the victim(s) or the
public. Only a small minority of criminal defendants—­those charged
with serious crimes such as murder and sexual assault—­would be eli-
gible for pretrial detention. As provocative as this proposal may sound,
the last round of reform to bail has not worked. Empirical research sup-
ports these new measures. Policy makers, prosecutors, defenders, and
judges should follow the evidence.

Chapter 5: Revisiting Sentencing Reform

If bail reform will help reduce the jail population, then sentencing reform
will do even more for prisons. Since the 1980s, the United States has
been in the midst of an “imprisonment binge,” as the prison population
increased from about 300,000 to just over 1.6 million.23 These dramatic
increases were not due to increases in serious crime rates; in fact, the
crime rate in the United States has declined steadily for decades.24
Most criminologists and legal scholars contend that changes in sen-
tencing policies and practices fueled the growing use of imprisonment
in the United States. Whether we are talking about mandatory minimum
sentences, three-­strikes sentencing provisions, or truth-­in-­sentencing
statutes, the explosion in the prison population can be attributed pri-
marily to past sentencing policies designed to increase the length and
certainty of punishment.

Gould_3p.indd 10 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 Introduction | 11

A new wave of research casts doubt on the previous “get tough” pe-
riod in American criminal justice and overly punitive sentencing poli-
cies that disproportionately affect racial and ethnic minorities. In their
chapter, Professor Cassia Spohn, Megan Verhagen, and Jason Walker of
Arizona State University critique twentieth-­century sentencing policy
and its impact on mass incarceration. The coauthors discuss the fac-
tors that motivated prior changes and the goals they were designed
to achieve. Contending that past policy has produced inequitable and
unjust sentencing outcomes, the three propose a series of sentencing
reforms designed to undo the damage inflicted by the earlier changes
and better align sentencing to the goals and needs of American criminal
justice policy.

Chapter 6: Corrections and Recidivism

The evidence-­based movement in criminal justice has also reached
jails and prisons, where the theory and practice of corrections are now
advanced through science. Policies and programs that work are given
prominence, whereas those shown to be ineffective are discarded. How-
ever, when “what works” for corrections means “what works to reduce
recidivism,” policies and programs that do not directly reduce recidivism
are discarded and thus any other benefits they could provide are lost.
There are multiple other criteria to measure correctional success, in-
cluding the ways that programming affects inmates’ behavior in prison,
their physical and mental health, and their relations with correctional
staff, among others. These alternative measures also center attention
on the correctional setting, where more immediate interventions can
be entertained and where improving the quality of inmates’ lives and
behavior also provides a means to reduce recidivism. Professor Kevin
Wright, Stephanie Morse, and Madison Sutton of Arizona State Uni-
versity highlight the advances of the evidence-­based corrections move-
ment and discuss the shortcomings of recidivism as the sole measure of
correctional success. Instead, they advocate a shared approach between
prisons, nonprofit groups, industry, and the inmates themselves to im-
prove lives and reduce crime through better correctional programming,
employment opportunities, affordable housing, and a focus on physical
and mental health.

Gould_3p.indd 11 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 12 | Jon B. Gould and Pamela R. Metzger

Chapter 7: Reentry
If Wright, Morse, and Sutton offer a broad overview of correctional
success, Kelly Orians and Troy Rhodes focus more discretely on the
path back from prison to society. The majority of prisoners will eventu-
ally return to their communities. Otherwise known as “reentry,” this
process comes with multiple structural barriers and policy missteps,
unwelcoming communities, and poor decisions that unfortunately
make reentry a revolving door that sends up to three-­quarters of the
released back to prison within five years. Failed reentry affects more
than individuals leaving incarceration—­t heir children and families
suffer. Their communities are not improved, and all US residents bear
the tremendous financial and social burdens of individuals who are
unable to reach their full potential as contributing community mem-
bers while they cycle back and forth from incarceration. It is impossible
to solve the problem of mass incarceration without addressing failed
reentry and the racially and economically biased policies that fuel these
disparities.
In this chapter, Orians, a law professor who has been the codirector
of The First 72+, an organization that assists former prisoners with re-
entry, and Rhodes, a counselor with The First 72+ and himself a benefi-
ciary of the program, propose a different approach to facilitate reentry.
Rather than leave returning offenders to fend for themselves, Orians and
Rhodes argue for community-­engaged support that will assist returnees
and their families and reduce the likelihood of reoffending. More spe-
cifically, the pair offer two bold proposals based on research and experi-
ence. First, they say, states should repeal policies that prevent returning
prisoners from associating with former offenders and instead invest in
community-­based reentry services that are led by the formerly incarcer-
ated. Second, they advocate for the creation of a tax-­funded temporary
guaranteed income (TIP) for the formerly incarcerated that would be
available immediately upon release and administered by community-­led
nonprofits and local governments that are attuned to the needs and chal-
lenges facing those undergoing reentry. In perhaps the most provocative
idea in this book, Orians and Rhodes provide evidence that TIP will im-
prove the lives of former inmates and their families, facilitate long-­term
self-­sufficiency, and reduce costs spent on prison.

Gould_3p.indd 12 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 Introduction | 13

Chapter 8: Invisible Victims

Crime, by definition, involves a victim, but some victims are more
readily recognized and understood than others. Lesser-­known victims—­
sometimes called “invisible victims”—­often come from vulnerable and
at-­risk groups. American Indian women, for example, are at the high-
est risk of experiencing victimization and have been exposed to many
different forms of trauma throughout history. These include forced relo-
cation, boarding schools, sterilization, and even genocide.
In this chapter, Professors Kathleen Fox and Christopher Sharp, along
with Kayleigh Stanek, Turquoise Devereaux, and Connor Stewart, all of
Arizona State University, address the plight of invisible victims. Drawing
on research about murdered and missing Indigenous women in North
America, the coauthors explain how national and local policies fail to
serve victims of crime and offer several recommendations—­further
research, additional funding, fixing jurisdictional challenges—­to ad-
dress the problems that face this lesser-­known issue and underserved
community.

Chapter 9: Firearm Violence

Firearm violence is a major public health concern in the United States.
According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, firearm
injuries account for approximately 74% of all homicides.25 Moreover, the
majority of mass murders are committed with a firearm. Given these
facts, the general public and some lawmakers are calling for strategies to
reduce and prevent firearm violence.
In this chapter, Professor Jesenia Pizarro and Karissa Pelletier of
Arizona State University join with Professor April Zeoli of Michigan
State University and Anne Corbin to heed that call. They propose three
evidence-­based practices to reduce and prevent gun violence: (1) permit-­
to-­purchase licensing laws; (2) firearm relinquishment for individuals
prohibited from ownership; and (3) extreme risk protection orders.
Drawing on studies that estimate the likely effects of these measures, the
coauthors describe the merits of such proposals and advocate for the
implementation of policies that will keep firearms from those at greatest
risk of using them improperly and illegally.

Gould_3p.indd 13 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 14 | Jon B. Gould and Pamela R. Metzger

Chapter 10: Rural Justice

Our national conversation about criminal justice often ignores the
plight of rural communities. Federal datasets focus on the largest urban
counties, and decades have passed since the National Institute for Justice
last reported on rural criminal justice. Meanwhile, a shortage of lawyers
practicing in communities has created an access-­to-­justice crisis.
In this chapter, Professor Pamela Metzger of Southern Methodist Uni-
versity takes up those challenges, defining rural criminal justice systems,
explaining how and why they have been ignored, and exploring three ap-
proaches that would better serve their justice needs. As she explains, pol-
icy makers must fund and support research that gathers better and richer
information about rural criminal justice reform, engage rural systems in
criminal justice reform planning, and pursue promising, practical, and
actionable strategies to recruit, train, and retain rural criminal lawyers.

Chapter 11: Interplay Between the Civil and Criminal Justice Systems
Our legal system categorizes civil and criminal issues into two distinct
silos. As a result, the courts, procedural protections, the provision of
legal services, and information about the legal system typically focus
exclusively on one side or the other. Yet individuals’ lived experiences do
not fall cleanly along those same lines; people often experience multiple
problems at once or have an interaction with one type of legal problem
that implicates or gives rise to another.
The rigid line between civil and criminal legal issues prevents us from
addressing all facets of an individual’s situation in a single court system.
Instead, we require that people have multiple interactions with civil and
criminal court systems, which can drain both their time and their re-
sources. It becomes harder for them to address or protect against civil
consequences arising from a criminal charge or conviction. By failing to
inform people engaged with one sphere of the system about legal prob-
lems in the other sphere, we lose critical opportunities for intervention
and education—­particularly among populations in need of assistance.
In this chapter, Professor Lauren Sudeall of Georgia State University
urges legal service providers to minimize the separate treatment of civil
and criminal issues and to collaborate to the greatest extent possible.

Gould_3p.indd 14 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 Introduction | 15

Although certain doctrinal distinctions may be beyond reach, policy

makers can engage in more practical applications of this idea, includ-
ing rethinking how to structure the resolution of legal issues within the
court system, provide legal services, and disseminate legal education to
individuals and communities.

Chapter 12: The Continuing Scourge of Erroneous Convictions

In 1989, Gary Dotson became the first man exonerated by post­
conviction DNA testing. More than three decades later, more than 366
people have been exonerated by DNA testing, and hundreds more have
been exonerated through other evidence of innocence. Today, DNA test-
ing is commonly conducted before trial, problems like eyewitness error
and false confessions are well known, and about half the states have
taken affirmative steps to prevent these problems. Some prosecutors
have even acknowledged the likely existence of wrongful convictions
by establishing conviction integrity units to review past cases.
Despite those gains, we have failed to address one of the deepest sys-
temic problems that DNA exonerations have flagged: the inability of the
post-­trial system to quickly and effectively rectify wrongful convictions.
Our system has always assumed that the question of guilt or innocence
was decided correctly at trial and that post-­trial systems correct error. It
also assumes that appellate judges are capable of spotting cases in which
innocent people have been convicted.
In this chapter, Executive Director Shawn Armbrust of the Mid-­
Atlantic Innocence Project shows those assumptions are wrong. Draw-
ing on case studies, Armbrust argues that postconviction procedural
barriers keep innocent people in prison, as appellate judges continue to
assume the infallibility of evidence we know can be flawed. We have yet
to fix these issues, she says, and in some areas have made them worse.
Armbrust explains the difficulties of correcting errors and offers a series
of recommendations to right the process of exoneration.

Chapter 13: Learning from Sentinel Events

What should the justice system do when an error occurs? Pointing
fingers and suing for damages may provide psychic or personal relief,

Gould_3p.indd 15 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 16 | Jon B. Gould and Pamela R. Metzger

but unfortunately those actions may not prevent the problem from
occurring again. Instead, interest has gained momentum in a practice
developed by the aviation and medical communities, which organize
nonblaming, all-­stakeholders, forward-­looking reviews of error. Known
as “sentinel event reviews,” these analyses focus on avoiding repetition of
system failures rather than punishing individuals. A new set of initiatives
is moving forward, harnessing the frontline actors’ intuitive sense that
wrongful convictions, mistaken releases, “near misses,” and a range of
“high frequency, low impact” events are “organizational accidents” that
are best approached through the lens of forward-­looking accountability.
In explaining sentinel events review, this chapter turns to the initial
advocates at the US Department of Justice: James Doyle and Maureen
McGough. The coauthors describe what sentinel review entails, explain
the problems it seeks to address, explore the burgeoning research on
such review, and offer a series of recommendations for implementing
sentinel review across the criminal justice system. Even as the remainder
of this book offers recommendations to prevent errors, it is a maxim of
human nature that mistakes will still occur. Sentinel events review seeks
to learn from error and helps to transform the criminal justice system
into an evolving process of continual reform.

A Note on Modern Criminal Justice Policy

The informed reader will know that evidence-­based justice policy is a
relatively recent phenomenon, tracing its roots to the late 1980s or early
1990s26 but really taking hold in the first decade of the twenty-­first cen-
tury. To appreciate why a book like this is now possible, it is important
to understand the trajectory of criminal justice policy-­making during
that period.
Congress, beginning in the early 1980s and lasting for three decades,
“consistently made federal criminal justice policy more punitive.”27 Re-
sponding to a rise in drug crime, and convinced that “we can lock up
our problems and punish our way out of social challenges,”28 Congress
in 1984 passed the Sentencing Reform Act, which, among other things,
abolished federal parole. Two years later, it passed mandatory minimum
sentences for drug crimes, and by the mid-­1990s legislators had adopted
the infamous 1994 Crime Bill, which created new crimes and increased

Gould_3p.indd 16 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 Introduction | 17

mandatory minimum penalties. Later congresses curtailed federal ha-

beas corpus remedies for prisoners and limited judges’ discretion to
impose reduced sentences.29 As a result, federal sentencing became the
harshest among the industrialized nations. With states following suit,
the United States reached the highest per capita incarceration rate of
any country in the world, dwarfing even such totalitarian states as Turk-
menistan and gang-­ridden nations like El Salvador.30
Reform has not been immediate; neither did evidence-­based prac-
tices arise initially to blunt or dilute the punitiveness of the American
criminal justice system. Rather, EBPs were proposed to evaluate the ef-
fectiveness of justice programs and policies. Seeking to answer “what
works,” criminal justice researchers took to evaluating correctional
interventions and drug programming to assess the efficacy of existing
policy.
The move was part “modernist project . . . seeking to change and
improve the world”31 and part follow-­on to the creation of a national
data-­gathering operation. The latter enterprise had begun as early as
1968, when Congress created the National Institute of Law Enforcement
and Criminal Justice, but it was not until 1979 and the establishment
of the National Institute of Justice (NIJ) that Congress truly invested
funds to “support[] a comprehensive agenda in criminal justice research,
[including] large-­scale data gathering and analyses, experimental pro-
grams, evaluations, and dissemination efforts required to develop and
maintain a systematic research effort in criminal justice.”32
With more data available, and policy makers and practitioners eager
to deploy their resources most effectively, criminologists turned to a se-
ries of meta-­analyses, seeking to study correctional effectiveness and,
later, crime prevention. Perhaps the most famous initiative was a 1997
report funded by NIJ that examined “what works, what doesn’t, [and]
what’s promising” in preventing crime.33 Commissioned by the US At-
torney General in response to Congress’s call to evaluate federal grants
for crime prevention, the report brought together some of the nation’s
finest criminologists and established a new “tradition dedicated to the
advancement of EBP in criminological and criminal justice circles.”34
Since then, “the movement toward the use of evidence-­based prac-
tices has [swept] the criminal justice community.”35 Moving beyond
descriptive studies, criminal justice researchers have partnered with

Gould_3p.indd 17 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 18 | Jon B. Gould and Pamela R. Metzger

practitioners to evaluate “state sentencing and corrections policy and

practice,”36 bail procedures, prosecutor charging, and drug treatment,
among several other topics. The effects on policy have been profound.
As President Barack Obama explained in a law review article near the
end of his presidency: “Throughout my time in office, using an array
of tools and avenues, I have pushed for reforms that make the criminal
justice system smarter, fairer, and more effective at keeping our com-
munities safe.”37 Among these measures were “bipartisan sentencing
reform legislation reducing the crack-­to-­powder-­cocaine disparity” and
“important changes to federal charging policies and practices, the ad-
ministration of federal prisons, and federal policies relating to reentry.”38
At the state level, EBP has brought changes as well. Partially in re-
sponse to research questioning the effectiveness of draconian penal
policy, “more than half the states have adopted significant drug law re-
forms in recent years.”39 New York State reduced its harsh drug pen-
alties, Michigan abolished automatic life sentences without parole for
serious drug sales, and Texas expanded diversion programs for drug
possessors.40 Several states also have adopted “parole reforms that en-
able eligible inmates to earn ‘good time’ credits in order to accelerate
their release dates and/or reduce the number of technical violators who
are returned to prison.”41
Perhaps most surprising, Congress in 2018 passed and President
Donald Trump signed a bipartisan federal prison and sentencing reform
bill. This legislation, the First Step Act, reduces sentences for certain
drug offenses and expands a “safety valve provision [that] allows federal
judges to sentence below the statutory mandatory minimum punish-
ment for certain eligible offenders.”42 In addition, the act “includes a
number of provisions aimed at reforming” the Federal Bureau of Prisons
and its approach to correctional programming and drug treatment.43 All
of this can be tied back to early evaluation studies and the rise of EBP in
criminal justice.

Why Employ EBP?

At the heart of evidence-­based reform is the recognition that criminal
justice decision-­making is improved when it is grounded in “well-­
designed and implemented research,” which can “better explore the

Gould_3p.indd 18 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 Introduction | 19

impact of policies, programs, and daily practices.”44 Rather than relying

on anecdotal reports or habitual attachments to “the ways things have
always been,” empirical research offers “valuable information for making
more objective decisions” that help improve the effectiveness, efficiency,
and fairness of criminal justice processes. “Benefits from these strategies
include reduced victimization, better lives [for the public and offenders
alike,] and cost savings from more efficient programs. Conversely, non-­
evidence-­based interventions are at a higher risk of failing to produce
desired outcomes or even worsening problems.”45 In fact, “the concepts
and conclusions of some research studies have . . . been so thoroughly
assimilated in policy and practice”—­including lessons on rehabilitation,
criminal investigation, pretrial release, policing staffing, and domestic
abuse—­that some of the officials charged with implementing these poli-
cies have “forgotten where they originated.”46
This is not to say that EBP has been easy to implement in criminal
justice. Unlike in medicine, which has been keen to adopt evidence-­
based practice, in the justice sector the link between scientific evidence
and decision-­making is not always direct. In medicine, “whether an in-
tervention works depends on if it is empirically shown to eliminate or
reduce illness or injury. Thus, it is widely accepted in the medical com-
munity that scientific standards are the primary, if not only, bases for
interventions.”47 By contrast, in criminal justice, “scientific standards are
considered relevant but not [always] dominant.”48 Justice leaders also
must contend with legal precedent, not to mention “political or ideologi-
cal appeal[s]” from elected officials or the public at large. Debates about
criminal justice are played out in a broader arena that is influenced by
“emotions, symbols, faith, belief, and religion.” As such, successful re-
form does not turn simply on empirical research but “must [also] take
into account changes in public ‘mood’ or emotions over time and be
sensitive to different political and social cultures.”49
Knowing which empirical method to employ can be challenging.
Within the sociolegal research community, EBP is premised on “scien-
tific methods.” According to the US Office of Justice Programs, scien-
tific evidence is expected to be objective, observable by others, based in
fact, free of bias, replicable, and generalizable to individuals or groups
outside those involved in the original study.50 The accepted “gold stan-
dard” in empirical research is the randomized controlled trial (RCT),

Gould_3p.indd 19 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 20 | Jon B. Gould and Pamela R. Metzger

in which a group of research subjects is randomly assigned to receive a

particular intervention or treatment while a control group is left unaf-
fected. However, RCTs are difficult to implement in the justice setting,
meaning that some questions must be examined through different em-
pirical approaches. In court, for example, it would be unacceptable to
assign one group of defendants a defense lawyer while another group
was unrepresented so that researchers could assess the value of indigent
defense. At other times it is difficult to convince a decision maker, like a
judge selecting candidates for drug court, “to suspend their usual place-
ment criteria in favor of random assignment to a particular program or
intervention.”51
For that matter, there can be disagreement about what counts as
“evidence” in EBP. Certainly, quantitative statistics, like the number of
crimes committed, sentence lengths, and recidivism rates, are recogniz-
able to most as “data,” but qualitative data can be useful too. Measures
such as motorists’ reactions to police stops, which form the basis of
procedural justice, speak to the legitimacy of the justice system. Even
case studies can offer lessons, such as when officials conduct a post hoc
analysis of errors in the justice process. All of these forms of evidence
appear in this book, and in our view all are valid bases for considering
system reform. The key in EBP—­and an issue for readers to consider as
they weigh the evidence presented and assess the recommendations in
the following chapters—­is whether the information was collected trans-
parently and fairly by those eager to learn from the evidence rather than
pushing an ideological agenda.
Even when high-­quality evidence can be amassed, there is the ques-
tion of how much is enough to justify a change to justice practices. “Un-
fortunately, there is no single satisfactory answer.” A more reasonable
approach focuses “less on single evaluations and more on examining the
magnitude and consistency of the evidence produced by multiple stud-
ies of specific programs and initiatives.”52 Even this may not be enough
to convince some skeptics. Lawyers are known to reject “empirical infor-
mation [as] irrelevant to the normative goals of criminal law and proce-
dure,” and judges, in particular, are often poorly “equipped to deal with
complicated social scientific data.”53
However, the response should not be to throw up one’s hands and
rely on instinct, individual perception, or assumptions, all of which have

Gould_3p.indd 20 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 Introduction | 21

been shown to be susceptible to implicit biases.54 Legal actors and policy

makers need to draw on experts to assist in assessing and explaining
empirical evidence. Indeed, “the use of empirical studies makes criminal
justice decisions more transparent and allows us to hold decision mak-
ers accountable for their actions.”55
That, ultimately, is the message of this book: EBP makes criminal jus-
tice more transparent and allows society to hold decision makers more
accountable. Criminal justice is a profession,56 a designation that carries
with it higher responsibilities. Professionals should not make decisions
about people’s liberty, the community’s safety, or the use of tax dol-
lars by relying on anecdotal understandings or outdated assumptions.
Evidence-­based practice offers a better path to accomplish what is un-
doubtedly a shared goal: the prevention of harm. It provides a broader
and deeper depiction of criminal justice processes in addition to a
timely and accurate accounting of what is happening and what works.
It also shines a light on the system’s frailties and shortcomings—­both
the failure to achieve expected goals and the unfortunate (and hopefully
unintended) consequences that create inequities. If we expect the public
to accept and support the criminal justice system as the best way to pre-
vent and address harm, if we seek to foster “higher levels of legitimacy
[in that system and] greater compliance with the law,”57 then we must be
prepared to apply the latest and most reliable lens to the criminal justice
system and pursue reform as the evidence leads us.

Notes
1 National Basketball Association, “Milwaukee Bucks Players’ Statement.”
2 National Basketball Players Association, “Joint NBA and NBPA Statement.”
3 Politico, “Biden vs. Trump.”
4 Ibid.
5 Jones, “Failure of the ‘Get Tough’ Crime Policy.”
6 Goodman, Page, and Phelps, Breaking the Pendulum.
7 National Institute of Justice, “Crime Solutions.”
8 California Courts, “Evidence Based Practice.”
9 Community Resources for Justice, “Implementing Evidence-­Based Policy and
Practice in Community Corrections.”
10 Eck et al., Mapping Crime: Understanding Hot Spots.
11 Foundations Recovery Network, “Alternatives to Prison.”
12 Judicial Conference, 2017 Report of the Ad Hoc Committee.
13 Dolovich and Natapoff, eds., New Criminal Justice Thinking.

Gould_3p.indd 21 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 22 | Jon B. Gould and Pamela R. Metzger

14 Brennan Center, Ending Mass Incarceration.

15 Ray, “What Does Defund the Police Mean and Does It Have Merit?”
16 Legaspi, “Attorney General Jeff Sessions Wants to Revive D.A.R.E. Program.”
17 Ibid.
18 In the summer of 2020, at the very height of Black Lives Matters, a clear majority
of “Black Americans [said] they wanted the police presence [in their neighbor-
hoods] to remain the same.” Gallup, “Black Americans Want Police to Retain
Local Presence.”
19 Forman, Locking Up Our Own.
20 Anonymous reviewer of this book.
21 Reiman and Leighton, The Rich Get Richer.
22 Among other forces, one may credit the creation of the Racial Democracy Crime
and Justice Network and Latina/o/x Criminology among researchers, as well as
the rise of donors such as the Open Society Foundations and Arnold Ventures
that are willing to support critical research.
23 US Bureau of Justice Statistics, Prisoners in 2017.
24 Pew Research Center, “5 Facts about Crime in the U.S.”
25 FBI, “2018 Crime in the United States.”
26 The early progressive era of the 1920s sought to apply research in reforming many
aspects of American life, including the criminal justice system. But the close
partnership between researchers and practitioners, and their reliance on empirical
evidence to determine “what works,” is a more modern phenomenon.
27 Hopwood, “The Effort to Reform the Federal Criminal Justice System,” 791.
28 Daniels, “What Prosecutors and Incarcerated People Can Learn from Each
Other.”
29 Hopwood, “The Effort to Reform the Federal Criminal Justice System.”
30 In June 2021, the US rate was 639 prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants. El Salvador,
which was in second place, had a rate of 562, and Turkmenistan, which was third,
reported 552 prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants. Statista, “Countries with the most
prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants.”
31 Freiberg and Carson, “The Limits to Evidence-­Based Policy,” 154.
32 Petersilia, The Influence of Criminal Justice Research.
33 Sherman et al., “Preventing Crime.”
34 Freiberg and Carson, 154.
35 Orchowsky, “An Introduction to Evidence-­Based Practices,” 2.
36 Ibid.
37 Obama, “The President’s Role in Advancing Criminal Justice Reform,” 813.
38 Ibid.
39 Greene and Mauer, Downscaling Prisons.
40 Subramanian and Moreno, Drug War Détente.
41 Beckett, Reosti, and Knaphus, “The End of an Era?,” 240.
42 Hopwood, 795.
43 Ibid.

Gould_3p.indd 22 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 Introduction | 23

44 Johnson et al., 2018, 2.

45 Ibid.
46 Petersilia, The Influence of Criminal Justice Research, vi.
47 Johnson et al., “Use of Research Evidence by Criminal Justice Professionals,” 3.
That is the model within the medical community. As the push to inoculate Ameri-
cans against the coronavirus has shown, the public may be a harder sell. The latter
is also true in criminal justice policy-­making.
48 Ibid.
49 Freiberg and Carson, 152.
50 Orchowsky, “An Introduction to Evidence-­Based Practices,” 6.
51 Ibid., 7.
52 Ibid., 9.
53 Meares, “Three Objections to the Use of Empiricism,” 853.
54 Kang et al., “Implicit Bias in the Courtroom.”
55 Ibid.
56 Miller and Brawell, “Teaching Criminal Justice Research.”
57 Meares, “Three Objections to the Use of Empiricism.”

Gould_3p.indd 23 7/19/22 3:18 PM

Gould_3p.indd 24 7/19/22 3:18 PM
 1

Body-­Worn Cameras as a Mechanism for Enhancing Police

Accountability and Legitimacy

Michael D. White and Aili Malm

Police in the United States are under significant scrutiny for their use of
force, especially in cases involving unarmed African American men.1
In 2014–­2015, the deaths of Michael Brown, Eric Garner, Freddie Gray,
and Walter Scott, among others, led to public outrage, riots in some cit-
ies, and widespread calls for police reform. More recently, the deaths
of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Rayshard Brooks have reignited
national outrage over police use of force. These tragic deaths have led to
global protests and legislative efforts to reform the police at the local,2
state,3 and federal levels.4 There have even been calls to defund the
police.5 This unrest highlights the long-­term, persistent undercurrent
of racial injustice in American policing, demonstrated by a history of
abuse of authority against Black and Hispanic citizens.6 This history of
racial injustice also represents a significant threat to minority citizens’
perceptions of police legitimacy.7 Tyler defined legitimacy as “a psycho-
logical property of an authority, institution, or social arrangement that
leads those connected to it to believe that it is appropriate, proper, and
just.”8 The value of legitimacy lies in how it shapes citizens’ behavior, as
people follow the law and obey the police because they believe it is the
right thing to do.9 Low reserves of legitimacy represent a direct threat to
the core functioning of the police in our society because citizens’ volun-
tary, self-­regulatory behavior falters (perhaps best demonstrated by the
recent protests against police following George Floyd’s death).
In this chapter, we contend that body-­worn cameras (BWCs) are an
essential component of any reforms designed to restore police legiti-
macy. We organize the chapter into three sections.
First, we review the strongest evidence that BWCs have a positive
impact on policing and policing legitimacy. That positive impact arises

25

Gould_3p.indd 25 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 26 | Michael D. White and Aili Malm

not only from police and citizen support for BWCs but also from BWCs’
positive results, such as enhanced procedural justice, demonstrated re-
ductions in the use of force and citizen complaints, and improved in-
vestigative and courtroom evidence. We believe this body of evidence
supports the argument that BWCs are an evidence-­based reform. Ac-
cording to a 2017 report by the United Kingdom College of Policing,
evidence-­based policing involves researchers and police creating, re-
viewing, and using the best available research to guide policy and prac-
tice.10 We also contend that these positive outcomes set the stage for
enhanced police legitimacy. Second, we explain the increasingly mixed
body of evidence on BWCs, offering important context for understand-
ing this research. And third, we highlight important considerations for
planning and implementing successful BWC programs.

Background
In 2014, former President Barack Obama created the President’s Task
Force on 21st Century Policing. The Task Force held hearings to identify
best practices and recommendations for enhancing police accountability
and rebuilding community trust in police legitimacy.11 The Task Force’s
final report, published in May 2015, highlighted police body-­worn cam-
eras as important tools for accomplishing those goals.12
Since 2015, thousands of law enforcement agencies in the United
States (and abroad) have adopted BWCs.13 There are several potential
explanations for this widespread adoption. First, a diverse range of
stakeholders, including citizens,14 police leadership organizations,15
and civil rights groups (including the ACLU),16 support the use of
BWCs. Indeed, several legislative police reform efforts as recently as
2022 have proposed mandatory BWC programs.17 Second, since 2015,
the US Department of Justice (DOJ) has awarded approximately $84
million in grants to more than 400 law enforcement agencies, resulting
in the deployment of nearly 90,000 BWCs across the country.18 Third,
early research studies suggest that BWCs can reduce police use of force
and citizen complaints19 and enhance investigative and prosecution
outcomes.20 Several studies also report that BWCs can improve citi-
zens’ perceptions of procedural justice21 and increase the procedural
justice of officers’ behavior.22 These studies are especially noteworthy,

Gould_3p.indd 26 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 Body-Worn Cameras | 27

as procedural justice is a primary mechanism for achieving police

legitimacy.23
However, support for BWCs is not unanimous. First, recent research
demonstrates that BWCs do not guarantee positive outcomes. Several
studies document no impact on the use of force and citizen complaints.24
One study even shows that BWCs are associated with increased rates
of assaults on officers.25 Second, in some jurisdictions, officers and po-
lice unions have strongly resisted BWCs.26 Moreover, critics have raised
several concerns about BWCs, most notably the potential for privacy
violations (vis-­à-­vis officers and citizens), as well as cost and resource
requirements. And third, some critics argue that as BWCs increase in-
ternal (departmental) and external (public) scrutiny of the police, of-
ficers may engage in de-­policing.27
By 2017, national media headlines emphasized this skepticism: “The
failure of police body cameras: (Vox in July 2017);28 “Body cameras
aren’t working. So, what’s next?” (Huffington Post in November 2017).29
By 2020, the cynicism around BWCs had been amplified: “Police body
cameras were supposed to build trust. So far, they haven’t” (Popular Sci-
ence in June 2020);30 “There’s a renewed call for police body cameras.
Here’s why that may not be the right solution.” (CNN in June 2020);31
“Body cameras are seen as key to police reform. But do they increase
accountability?” (PBS NewsHour in June 2020).32
The persistent crisis in police legitimacy, the mixed research findings
on BWCs, and the growing anti-­BWC sentiment all raise a fundamental
question: Should police departments start new BWC programs? We be-
lieve the answer is “yes,” and we devote the remainder of this chapter to
reviewing the evidence that supports this position.

Evidence Supporting the Adoption of Police

Body-­Worn Cameras
Advocates of police BWCs have made numerous claims about the value
of cameras for police, citizens, and the criminal justice system. While
the evidence for some of those claims is scant,33 we focus on the claims
for which the evidence is strong. As we discuss each claim, we explain
how it supports our argument that BWCs create a pathway to enhanced
police legitimacy.

Gould_3p.indd 27 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 28 | Michael D. White and Aili Malm

Citizens Support BWCs

Many law enforcement agencies adopt BWCs because they want to
create transparency, thereby improving their relationships with the
communities they serve. Therefore, clear proof that citizens sup-
port BWCs is important evidence that BWCs can help restore police
legitimacy. Several studies have concluded that, among the general
population, there is strong support for BWCs.34 A handful of studies
have captured attitudes among civilians who have had BWC-­recorded
police encounters; the results are similarly positive.35 For example,
White and colleagues interviewed 279 citizens who had recent encoun-
ters with police officers in Tempe, Arizona.36 More than 90% of those
citizens agreed or strongly agreed that all Tempe officers should wear
BWCs, and 80% agreed or strongly agreed that BWCs make officers
behave more professionally and citizens act more respectfully. The
same researchers report similarly positive results in Spokane, Washing-
ton.37 For example, 77% of Spokane citizens said the benefits of BWCs
outweigh their costs.
The evidence about how minority community members view BWCs
is decidedly more complicated. Only a handful of studies have exam-
ined minority citizens’ attitudes, and the vast majority of these studies
have captured attitudes of Black citizens. Some research suggests that
most Black citizens want police officers to wear cameras. For example,
Graham and colleagues surveyed 1,000 African Americans and found
widespread support for police BWCs.38 However, other recent studies
show more mixed results. Kerrison and colleagues interviewed 68 Black
Baltimore residents about BWCs.
They concluded: “While support for the implementation of BWCs
was mixed, even respondents who expressed support for the program
were unsure of how officers might respond to the additional surveillance
measures, as well as what would be done with officers who were caught
on tape abusing their power or breaking the law.”39 In one of the few
studies that captures both Black and Latino attitudes, Ray and colleagues
reported that white citizens had less positive attitudes regarding BWCs
than Black and Latino citizens: for example, 23.5% of white respondents
agreed that BWCs will create transparency between police and citizens,
compared to 60% of Black and 63.6% of Latino respondents.40

Gould_3p.indd 28 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 Body-Worn Cameras | 29

While the complex views of minority communities warrant further

exploration (especially differences across Black and Latino populations),
the available evidence suggests that most people—­minorities citizens
included—­want police officers to wear cameras because they believe
that BWCs will improve police behavior and citizens’ behavior. In some
cities, citizens’ demands for BWCs—­often made by advocacy groups or
local government officials—­have overridden police reluctance to adopt
the technology.41 On June 19, 2020, the governor of Colorado signed a
bill mandating police BWCs throughout the state.42 Arguably, BWCs
have become a prerequisite for maintaining police legitimacy in the eyes
of citizens.

Officers Support BWCs

Officer attitudes about BWCs also matter if they are expected to use
the technology. Thirty-­seven studies have explored officer perceptions
of BWCs, either predeployment (N=9), postdeployment (N=11), or
both (N=15).43 The 37 studies measure officer perceptions across a wide
range of topics, from general attitudes to very specific issues such as
the impact of BWCs on police–­community relations and the impacts
on citizen behavior. Studies vary in the issues covered, however (e.g.,
a study may cover some issues but not others). For example, 28 stud-
ies report an overall measure of officer attitudes about BWCs, and the
majority report positive perceptions (54%).44 Moreover, 62% of studies
report positive officer attitudes about the impact of BWCs on police–­
community relations.
While the research shows that officer attitudes vary quite a bit pre-
deployment, studies that examine officer attitudes before and after de-
ployment often report significant positive postdeployment changes.45 In
a three-­agency study, Gaub and colleagues examined officers’ pre-­and
postdeployment attitudes toward BWCs. They reported significant posi-
tive change in two of the three agencies: “Tempe and Spokane officers,
overall, increasingly recognized the positive effects of BWCs, whereas
Phoenix did not see this trend.”46
Officer perception studies show that attitudes about BWCs also vary
by issue.47 For example, studies examining officer attitudes about the
evidentiary value of BWCs report very positive police attitudes. Nine-

Gould_3p.indd 29 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 30 | Michael D. White and Aili Malm

teen studies examine officer attitudes about BWCs and the quality of evi-
dence, and 16 of 19 (84%) report positive police perceptions.48 However,
officers are much more negative in their views of how BWCs impact citi-
zen behavior. Of the 24 studies examining officer attitudes about BWCs’
impact on citizen cooperation and respect, only seven report positive
officer perceptions. Some pre-­and postdeployment studies also show
this finding. In Tempe, officer agreement with the statement “citizens
will become more cooperative” declined from 65.7% to 47.5% after the
department deployed BWCs.49
Overall, officers support BWCs; any ambivalence or opposition they
have often disappears once they begin wearing them. Officer accep-
tance of BWCs is crucial because it protects against implementation
failures, most commonly illustrated by low camera activation rates.
Research shows that activation rates are higher among officers who
view the technology favorably.50 High activation rates offer another
opportunity to improve perceptions of police legitimacy. An officer’s
failure to record an incident—­especially a critical incident such as an
officer-­involved shooting—­can quickly erode community trust in the
police. In contrast, providing the public with BWC footage of a criti-
cal incident can demonstrate transparency, thereby enhancing police
legitimacy. Several police departments have created formal processes
for releasing BWC footage of officer-­involved shootings. For example,
the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) releases critical incident
video footage within 45 days of filming, intending specifically “to in-
crease transparency with respect to the operations of the LAPD and in
doing so[] foster greater public trust.”51 Officer activation of the BWC
is a crucial first step in this process.

BWCs Reduce the Use of Force

As the crisis in policing centers on the use of force, BWCs have been
promoted as a mechanism to curtail excessive force. In 2014–­2015, police
killings of Michael Brown, Freddie Gray, Walter Scott, Tamir Rice, and
others led thousands of police departments across the country to adopt
BWCs. In 2020, the deaths of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Rayshard
Brooks, and others at the hands of the police reinvigorated the debate
about whether BWCs reduce the use of force.52

Gould_3p.indd 30 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 Body-Worn Cameras | 31

What does the research tell us? Early studies linked BWCs to dra-
matic reductions in police use of force. The 2013 study of the police
department in Rialto, California—­the first randomized controlled trial
of BWCs—­reported that “shifts without cameras experienced twice as
many incidents of force as shifts with cameras.”53 To test the durability of
this effect, Sutherland and colleagues recently revisited the Rialto study
and concluded that

the impact of cameras had survived long after the experiment ended. Our
interpretation is that once cameras and any associated changes in po-
lice practice are embedded as part of the operation, they simply became
‘habit’ for officers.54

Police departments in Las Vegas, Orlando, Spokane, Tampa, and

Mesa, Arizona, also experienced notable declines in the use of force
after they deployed BWCs.55 Several recent studies, including one of
the Washington, DC Metropolitan Police Department (DC Metro)
observed no change in use of force after officers began wearing cam-
eras.56 Importantly, no studies have documented an increase in the use
of force after BWC deployment.57
By the summer of 2021, 26 published studies or reports had examined
the impact of BWCs on the use of force. Thirteen of those had docu-
mented notable or statistically significant declines following camera de-
ployment.58 Researchers have interpreted this finding in different ways.
While Lum and colleagues assert that “these study findings do not reveal
a definitive conclusion that BWCs can reduce officers’ use of force,”59
we are decidedly more positive about their significance. After all, nearly
60% of studies have documented postdeployment declines in the use of
force. As we note elsewhere:

There are no absolutes. What program or strategy is effective 100 per-

cent of the time? Medications that are approved by the US Federal Drug
Administration rarely cure every single human afflicted with a disease
or ailment, and many medications produce a host of unintended side ef-
fects. Programming in criminal justice is no different. Programs that are
considered evidence based, such as hot spots policing, are not foolproof.
Why should we expect any different with police BWCs?60

Gould_3p.indd 31 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 32 | Michael D. White and Aili Malm

Moreover, two recent national-­level studies have shown that BWCs

reduce use of force. Miller and Chillar examined national trends in BWC
adoption and concluded that “the acquisition of BWCs may reduce fatal-
ities arising from police activities, at least in the early years following
their introduction.”61 Williams and colleagues conducted a cost-­benefit
analysis of BWCs and concluded that “our analysis suggests the ratio of
benefits to society from adoption of BWC to the costs is on the order of
5 to 1.”62
The dynamics driving this reduction in the use of force are unknown.
Advocates of BWCs highlight the civilizing effect of cameras on behav-
ior, arguing that deterrence or social awareness theory accounts for this
change: when people realize that they are being observed, they change
their behavior.63 Are these changes in officers’ behavior, citizens’ behav-
ior, or both? As we discuss later in this chapter, the answer remains elu-
sive. Regardless, BWCs’ potential to reduce the use of force—­and to hold
officers accountable for excessive use of force—­is among BWCs’ most
significant benefits.
The high-­profile tragedies of 2014, 2015, and 2020 demonstrate the
vulnerability of police legitimacy to a single use-­of-­force incident. If
BWCs deliver on their promise of reducing the use of force, they are
a critical component of a larger effort to achieve and sustain police
legitimacy.64

BWCs Reduce Complaints Against Officers

A reduction in citizen complaints is one of the most commonly cited
benefits of BWCs. We have contended elsewhere that citizen complaints,
regardless of how they are adjudicated, are an important indicator of
officer performance.65 Much like use-­of-­force events, citizen complaints
are a direct threat to police legitimacy. The larger the number of com-
plaints, the larger the threat. Moreover, the failure to properly investigate
citizen complaints and hold officers accountable for their behavior also
jeopardizes legitimacy. Derek Chauvin, the officer who knelt on George
Floyd’s neck for nearly nine minutes, had 18 prior complaints lodged
against him, but only two resulted in discipline. Multiple BWCs, includ-
ing Chauvin’s own device, captured George Floyd’s death.

Gould_3p.indd 32 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 Body-Worn Cameras | 33

In fact, the footage from Chauvin’s BWC likely expedited the depart-
ment’s decision to fire the officers involved and the prosecutor’s decision
to file homicide charges. It is unclear whether BWC footage exists for
Chauvin’s other encounters that generated complaints.
Research strongly suggests that BWCs reduce citizen complaints. The
Rialto study documented a nearly 90% reduction in citizen complaints
following BWC deployment,66 and those effects have persisted.67 Early
BWC studies in Mesa, Arizona, and Orlando also reported large reduc-
tions in complaints.68 The meta-­evaluations conducted by Flight and
colleagues similarly concluded that BWCs lead to reductions in com-
plaints against officers.69 Lum and colleagues concur, noting that “re-
searchers have mostly found that officers wearing BWCs receive fewer
reported complaints than do those that are not wearing the cameras.”70
Again, the research does not shed light on the causes of this reduc-
tion in complaints. Do BWCs produce better behavior among officers,
thereby leading to fewer complaints? Or is improved citizen behavior
the underlying cause? Certainly, some portion of the reduction in com-
plaints is explained by changes in citizen reporting patterns—­specifically
a reduction in frivolous complaints. That is to say, citizens are less likely
to file false or untruthful complaints if they realize that their police en-
counters are being recorded.71
While more research is necessary, these findings are powerful,
strongly demonstrating that BWCs can reduce citizen complaints
against police. And, as noted above, BWCs can also provide valuable
evidence to investigate those complaints. Both are important pathways
to police legitimacy.

BWCs Improve the Quality of Investigations for Police, Prosecutors,

and Defendants
Another benefit of BWCs is their ability to improve the collection of
evidence in investigations. BWCs can provide audio and video evi-
dence that allows for more efficient and accurate resolution of citizen
complaints against officers and, further downstream, criminal cases
in the court system. As compared to traditional written police reports,
BWCs provide a more accurate account of incidents, limited only by the

Gould_3p.indd 33 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 34 | Michael D. White and Aili Malm

cameras’ video and audio ranges. While these benefits are supported
anecdotally by statements from officers, prosecutors, and judges, only
a handful of studies have tested these claims. Studies about reductions
in investigative time are particularly scant.72 Braga and colleagues stud-
ied this issue in the police department in Las Vegas—­the only formal
cost-­benefit analysis of BWCs to date—­evaluated the department’s
investment of nearly $900,000 per year, and found a cost savings of
nearly $4 million per year, the vast majority of which came from a
reduction in time spent investigating citizen complaints.73 The authors
also estimated that “BWCs save over $6,200 in officer time spent inves-
tigating an average complaint, as compared to complaint investigations
for officers without BWCs.”74 The Toronto Police Service found that the
time required to investigate complaints against officers dropped notably
if BWC footage was available, implying cost savings.75 Clearly, we need
more work in this area, as one cost-­benefit study is not nearly enough.
But the results from the Las Vegas study are compelling. If BWCs offer
multiple pathways to enhanced police legitimacy while simultaneously
saving money, the implications are profound. This intriguing possibility
is especially relevant in 2020 given the current debate over “defunding”
the police through forced budget reductions.76
The research examining the impact of BWCs on prosecution and
court outcomes is a bit stronger. Seven of eight studies that empirically
examined the effect of BWCs on prosecution and court processing show
that BWCs have positive effects. While four of the studies are from the
United Kingdom and have weak research designs, even those studies
show that BWCs increase crime detection, arrests, and guilty pleas.77
Three of the four more rigorous studies also show positive effects. In
one, White and colleagues examined the impact of BWCs on misde-
meanor drug and alcohol cases in Tempe, Arizona, finding that, while
there was no impact on case outcomes, there was a significant reduction
in adjudication time.78 The authors suggest that BWC evidence may thus
cut both ways:

BWCs give downstream criminal justice actors a visual and auditory win-
dow into what transpired during the encounter. That window likely pro-
vides much more definitive evidence than written reports and in-­person
(often contradictory) testimony from officers and defendants. Sometimes

Gould_3p.indd 34 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 Body-Worn Cameras | 35

this concrete evidence benefits the police and prosecution; sometimes, it

helps the defendant. As a result, the BWC evidence serves to reduce time
to adjudication (as all cases are handled more quickly), but its impact on
the likelihood of guilty outcomes is mixed, depending on the specifics of
a given case.79

Two studies show that camera footage is particularly beneficial in do-

mestic violence cases.80 Researchers in Essex, in the United Kingdom,
concluded that domestic violence investigations that included BWC
footage were significantly more likely to result in criminal charges.81
When Morrow and colleagues examined domestic violence cases in
Phoenix, they found that domestic violence cases with BWC footage
were more likely to end in adjudications of guilt.82 Lum and colleagues
conclude that “the findings from stronger studies also reveal that BWCs
have investigative benefits.”83 We concur. The handful of studies on in-
vestigative and court outcomes show the benefits of BWC evidence.
The value of BWC evidence has important implications for police le-
gitimacy and the legitimacy of the criminal justice system. White and
colleagues note: “If BWCs do indeed implicate and exonerate, then the
cameras’ real evidentiary value goes far beyond quicker case process-
ing time, and the concomitant savings to prosecutors and courts. The
real value of BWCs may lie in more accurate determinations of guilt or
innocence.”84

BWCs Improve Procedural Justice

BWCs also have the potential to enhance police legitimacy by increas-
ing procedural justice. Essentially, if members of the public believe the
police have treated them fairly and with respect, they are more likely to
accept police authority. Researchers posit that procedural justice encom-
passes four distinct elements: participation (giving voice to citizens),
neutrality, dignity and respect, and trustworthy motives.85 Five stud-
ies have examined whether BWCs produce higher levels of procedural
justice.
Researchers in Los Angeles used systematic social observations such
as ride-­alongs with police to assess procedural justice before and after
the deployment of BWCs. Their study finds significantly higher levels

Gould_3p.indd 35 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 36 | Michael D. White and Aili Malm

of procedurally just policing when officers wore cameras.86 McCluskey

and colleagues concluded: “Significant increases in procedural justice
during police-­citizen encounters were directly attributable to the effect
of BWCs on police behavior and the indirect effects on citizen disrespect
and other variables.”87 Demir and colleagues examined BWCs’ impact
on motorists, studying their attitudes about compliance with police di-
rectives, observing traffic laws, and cooperating with police. They re-
ported positive effects on all three outcomes. They noted:

BWCs generate indirect impacts on specific citizen compliance mediated

through improvements in procedural justice, as well as indirect impacts
on general compliance and cooperation mediated through improvements
in both police legitimacy and procedural justice . . . The findings indicate
BWCs provide a form of officer accountability that mere training in pro-
cedural justice might be insufficient to achieve.88

White and colleagues conducted a study in Spokane and found sig-

nificantly higher perceptions of procedural justice among citizens who
knew that they had been recorded on a BWC.89
However, researchers in Anaheim, California,90 and Arlington,
Texas,91 conducted research similar to the Spokane study, using tele-
phone surveys to ask citizens who had experienced recent face-­to-­face
encounters with police about procedural justice. They then compared
the responses from citizens who had encountered officers with and with-
out BWCs. While there were no differences in perceptions of procedural
justice in either study, the Arlington researchers failed to determine
whether the citizens were aware of the camera’s presence. The Anaheim
study results are a bit more perplexing, as the researchers accounted for
citizen awareness of BWCs. The Anaheim results could be due to the
study group’s smaller group size (N=59 officers), or it could simply be
that, at this site, BWCs did not increase procedural justice. In short, three
of the five studies examining this question found a link between BWCs
and enhanced procedural justice. One study demonstrated how BWCs
led to improvements in procedural justice and police legitimacy, which
generated greater levels of citizen compliance. The results are very prom-
ising, but five studies are not enough. Therefore, this is perhaps the area
in which there is the most urgent need for additional research on BWCs.

Gould_3p.indd 36 7/19/22 3:18 PM

 Body-Worn Cameras | 37

Why the Mixed Findings?

While the research on BWCs is persuasive, the findings are by no means
unanimous. Not every study documented positive changes. Several
studies documented no impact on use of force, citizen complaints, or
both.92 In their evaluation of BWCs in Washington, DC, Yokum and
colleagues concluded:

We are unable to detect any statistically significant effects. As such, our

experiment suggests that we should recalibrate our expectations of BWCs.
Law enforcement agencies (particularly in contexts similar to Washing-
ton, DC) that are considering adopting BWCs should not expect dra-
matic reductions in use of force or complaints, or other large-­scale shifts
in police behavior, solely from the deployment of this technology.93

Ariel and colleagues reported a troubling association between BWCs

and increased rates of assaults on officers.94 Braga and colleagues
concluded that the benefits of BWCs in terms of force and complaint
reductions may be offset by increases in formal activity, especially in
minority communities: “Alternatively, increased enforcement activity
could undermine police legitimacy if citizens view heightened arrests
and citations as harmful to their communities.”95
To assess the impact of BWCs on police legitimacy, it is important to
consider the significance of the studies that produce these different results.
We believe the mixed evidence on the effects of BWCs can be explained,
at least in part, by three factors. Two factors relate to the implementing
police agency: the agency’s predeployment starting point and the agency’s
BWC implementation methods. The third factor relates to research issues.

The State of the Agency Before BWC Deployment

The state of a police department before BWC employment is important
for interpreting BWCs’ impacts on that department. Had the department
recently experienced a scandal or controversial event that compromised
police legitimacy? Was the department under federal oversight through
a consent decree? Did the department have accountability mechanisms
that were sufficient to ensure professionalism among officers?

Gould_3p.indd 37 7/19/22 3:18 PM

Random documents with unrelated
content Scribd suggests to you:
vivacités… Ah! si l'on songeait davantage au précaire, à l'incertain de
la vie, comme on s'éviterait tant de menus sujets de froissements,
de peine!
Elle pensa à sa mère, dans un vif rapprochement de tendresse,
se promit d'être plus conciliante, plus affectueuse. A elle, dans les
petits heurts involontaires, les divergences d'idées inévitables,
d'avoir tout le sang-froid, la volonté, puisque Mme Dugast, depuis
l'horrible événement, demeurait frappée, désemparée. Son existence
rompue, le changement d'habitudes la laissaient, après tant
d'années d'une union parfaite, dans une solitude irrésolue. Après sa
longue obéissance, son effacement, elle se trouvait aux prises avec
les responsabilités de la vie : initiative nulle, velléités courtes.
Soumise à l'influence de son beau-frère, de son fils, subissant le
nouveau joug sans se l'avouer, elle réservait pour sa sœur, pour sa
fille, ses manifestations inopportunes d'indépendance, d'autorité…
Chère tante Édith! avait-elle montré assez de dévouement, de sûre
intelligence. Accourue à la Neuville au lendemain du malheur, elle
revenait pour la seconde fois, avec Willy, ces six mois passés,
préoccupée par les dernières lettres d'Hélène. Quelle bonne
quinzaine elles allaient vivre ensemble!
Hier déjà, la réconfortante soirée, malgré l'aveu qui lui avait tant
coûté à faire, le récit de cette nuit de cauchemar où, éperdue, elle
avait couru jusqu'au pavillon, surpris André chez Germaine. Jamais
elle n'aurait confié, même à sa tante, un secret qu'elle jugeait
odieux ; mais le temps pressait : Du Marty, croyait-elle, allait
s'apercevoir de tout ; elle redoutait une catastrophe. D'abord, à la
suite de l'explication qu'elle avait eue avec son frère, une scène très
pénible que suivait une fêlure d'affection, — douleur de l'aimer
encore, de l'estimer moins, — André avait semblé tenir sa promesse,
renoncer à sa liaison coupable. Mais non, il avait menti. Elle le voyait
bien. Tout devait continuer comme par le passé ; son attitude peu à
peu redevenue la même, la contrainte peureuse, sournoise de
Germaine, ce sentiment d'irréparable qui pesait sur eux trois dans
leurs paroles ou leurs silences… Et tout ce dont elle n'avait pas
encore parlé, les soucis causés par l'emploi de sa fortune, ses
doutes, presque son inquiétude au sujet de Vernières!
Elle avait gravi l'escalier, poussait la porte de l'appartement ; elle
entrait au salon. Près d'une petite table à ouvrage, dans l'embrasure
de la fenêtre, Mme Dugast et tante Édith causaient. Les deux sœurs
avaient la même taille, tournure pareille ; mais où Mme Dugast
penchait sur sa broderie un visage las, dans une détente de tout son
corps vêtu de noir, Édith plus jeune la regardait, une franchise
vaillante dans ses yeux clairs, avec un redressement du buste.
Hélène les embrassa.
— Comme tu rentres tard! dit Mme Dugast en relevant son front
blanchi. Elle avait les paupières gonflées de quelqu'un qui depuis
longtemps a beaucoup pleuré.
— C'est Denise qui m'a retenue.
Et poussée par l'air soudain méfiant, presque hostile de sa mère,
autant que par la vive expression de sympathie d'Édith, elle
reprenait :
— Quel intérieur! La misère, et la misère d'autant plus navrante
qu'elle se cache sous un air de bien-être. Simonin sortait, pardessus
neuf et bottines vernies ; il dînait dehors. Au cinquième, le petit
Louis claquait la fièvre entre ses draps troués. Et dans le garde-
manger, pas ça!
— Je vois, dit Mme Dugast avec une ironie amère, que tes cinq
mille francs n'ont pas fait long feu.
Hélène répondit :
— Ce n'est pas la faute de Denise, elle fait tout dans son
ménage. Peu de femmes auraient sa résignation angélique.
— Il faut avouer, dit Édith, que le cousin est une jolie canaille. La
dot de Denise nettoyée en deux ans ; ses dentelles, ses derniers
bijoux, l'argenterie, et jusqu'aux meilleurs meubles, tout passant aux
lettres de change inattendues, au perpétuel argent de poche.
Monsieur a dû s'engager pour un ami, c'est sacré! Monsieur a une
affaire merveilleuse en train, il faut traiter Un tel au restaurant…
Heureux, quand ce n'est pas Une telle! Et la malheureuse qui croit
tout, se prête à tout!
— Ah! fit Hélène, l'homme chef de la famille, guide et soutien des
siens, quelle dérision dans ce cas-là! Moi je mets un bandit élégant
comme Simonin bien au-dessous d'une brute du peuple comme ce
Lepillier qui vit aussi de sa femme, au lieu de la faire vivre.
— Si encore, ajouta Mme Dugast en poursuivant son idée, cela te
servait de leçon! Mais non, je te connais, tu donneras encore.
Aujourd'hui même peut-être… Et sur un geste de sa fille :
— Oh! tu es libre, certes, tu es libre!
Mais un blâme ulcéré démentait ses paroles. Hélène répliqua :
— Denise a du cœur ; la preuve, c'est qu'elle cherche un emploi.
— La pauvre petite, fit Mme Dugast, de quoi est-elle capable? Ce
n'est pas son brevet supérieur qui la nourrira. Courir le cachet? Ce
n'est pas bien relevé, tu en conviendras, pour une femme de notre
monde. Elle ferait mieux de rester chez elle.
— Et vivre, ma bonne? objecta Édith. Penses-tu que ce soit pour
leur plaisir que tant de femmes aujourd'hui quittent leur foyer, vont
chercher le pain au dehors?
— C'est à leurs maris de les nourrir, dit Mme Dugast avec une
conviction inébranlable.
— Persuade Simonin, railla Hélène.
— Et celles qui restent filles? demanda Édith, car plus nous
allons, plus l'homme hésite, recule devant les charges, les
responsabilités de l'union.
— C'est bien, fit Mme Dugast, je n'ai plus rien à dire, je me tais.
Et reprenant sa broderie, elle se mit du bout de son crochet à
compter les points avec une attention qui signifiait : « Il suffit que je
pense une chose pour que vous en souteniez une autre ; vous vous
mettez à deux, comme toujours! » Et dans ce petit silence tenaient
des années de rancune.
 — J'ai vu aussi Louise Guilbert, dit Hélène pour faire diversion.
Elle m'a donné des nouvelles de ma paralytique. On va l'envoyer à
Berck-sur-Mer, le grand air salin la fortifiera.
Muette, Mme Dugast hochait la tête. Très gentille, Louise
Guilbert, mais ce n'est pas à elle qu'elle se confierait si elle était
malade. Seul, un homme pouvait exercer cet art austère et
mystérieux. Toute la médecine tenait pour elle dans la cravate
empesée, le ton sentencieux du vieux docteur Laurent.
On apportait une carte.
— Le notaire, soupira-t-elle.
Elle porta la main à ses tempes, se souvint qu'elle avait une
migraine affreuse, gagnée le matin à faire ses comptes, et avec cet
effroi que lui causait chaque décision, elle gémit dans un désarroi
subit :
— Ah! mon Dieu! jamais de repos. Faites entrer dans le cabinet
de travail.
Et tournée vers Édith :
— Cela me serre le cœur, chaque fois que je rentre dans cette
pièce…
Assise sur un tabouret bas, auprès de sa tante dont elle tenait la
main, Hélène répondait à ses questions… Oui, elle avait eu bien des
tracas aussi avec cette bête préoccupation d'argent. La succession
d'abord, longue à débrouiller, et dont le règlement, avec toutes ces
lenteurs de notaire, n'était pas encore terminé. Sa mère, en
attendant, touchait une pension viagère, M. Dugast étant mort sans
testament ; elle fit allusion à la sécheresse d'André, réclamant un
partage strict, leur mère réduite au quart de l'usufruit… Quant à
l'emploi de sa fortune personnelle, que d'hésitations, que de
difficultés, avant d'en trouver un placement conforme à ses idées!
D'abord, elle avait offert à Minna de commanditer son journal ; elle
eût participé volontiers à cette courageuse campagne d'amélioration
sociale, à cette bataille pour le progrès que livrait l'Avenir en faveur
des droits de la femme. Mais Minna aux premiers mots l'avait
arrêtée, refusant avec une délicatesse affectueuse de l'associer aux
risques de l'entreprise. Qu'elle conservât sa dot! Hélas, elle en aurait
besoin.
Enfin, après bien des recherches, grâce aux indications de leur
amie, elle avait consacré la somme presque entière au
développement d'une vaste exploitation agricole, les fermes de
Rosay, dans le Maine-et-Loire. Cette œuvre, sorte de colonie où ne
travaillaient presque exclusivement que des femmes, créée sous
l'Empire par le baron Sassy, le célèbre philanthrope, avait pour but
d'arracher à la misère un certain nombre de déshéritées. Après une
période de plein succès, la mort du fondateur avait ralenti l'élan ;
une transformation des modes de culture, un renouvellement du
matériel allaient assurer de nouveau, avec un précieux résultat
moral, une part d'intérêts modeste à coup sûr, mais qu'Hélène
jugeait suffisante, malgré le haussement d'épaules, le ricanement
d'André : « Deux et demi pour cent! »… Lui, conseillé par Vernières
venait de faire un placement superbe, des mines de pétrole, en
Transylvanie.
— Il a beau avoir le cœur pris, fit Édith cinglante, la tête reste
libre!
— Heureusement! Il n'a pas trop de toute sa présence d'esprit
pour parer à ses besoins! Car, j'en ai l'impression, — Hélène baissa
la voix, eut une moue de mépris, — Germaine les complique.
— Oh! protesta Édith indignée, crois-tu vraiment? Vénale?
— Non, non! Elle ne se rend pas compte, évidemment. Mais de
quoi se rend-elle compte, avec sa petite cervelle d'oiseau? Ni
religion, ni morale ; son éducation absurde, toute de vanité, porte
ses fruits. Pour son mari comme pour André, elle n'est qu'une
poupée. Toujours des robes, des bijoux ; il faut qu'elle achète, mais
payer? Voilà comment Du Marty a fini par s'apercevoir qu'il y avait
du louche. Je suis horriblement inquiète, ils sont à la merci d'une
imprudence. Moi, je ne puis plus rien, après ma scène avec André.
Vous peut-être, chère tante, si vous parliez à Germaine, peut-être
prendriez-vous sur elle quelque influence ; votre douceur, votre
autorité…

É
 Édith lui serra la main, la baisa au front :
— Je tâcherai.
Et après un silence :
— Occupons-nous de toi, fit-elle.
De ses bons yeux francs dont Hélène sentait descendre jusqu'au
fond d'elle-même l'interrogation tendre, elle la dévisageait :
— Oui, où en sommes-nous?
— Vrai, je ne sais pas, — elle vit l'étonnement attentif d'Édith, —
ou plutôt, je ne sais plus… D'abord son charme m'a conquise, cette
grâce élégante qui vous a séduite vous-même, il y a six mois. Il a
été si prévenant, si délicat depuis la mort de père. Il me semble qu'il
m'aime réellement.
— Mais toi, chérie?
— Ah! moi!… Certains jours je crois l'aimer, puis je suis prise de
doutes, d'anxiété. Sa personne me plaît ; il y a des coins de son
esprit où je pénètre, il y en a d'autres qui me restent fermés. Je
n'éprouve pas cette communion de sentiments et d'idées qui existe,
n'est-ce pas, dans le véritable amour? Quelque chose demeure entre
nous. Maman, elle, me presse ; je ne trouverai pas mieux, dit-elle.
Elle est subjuguée.
Une sonnerie de timbre, un bruit de porte, des voix ; Hélène se
dressa, elle ne put s'empêcher de rougir. Et derrière André, qui,
froid, tiré à quatre épingles, allait saluer Mme Hopkins, Vernières,
fin, svelte, charmant, apparaissait, la boutonnière fleurie. Il semblait
un peu fatigué. Le cerne léger des yeux soulignait sa pâleur mate,
vraie mine d'amoureux, — ou d'homme qui a passé la nuit
précédente en aimable compagnie. Ils revenaient de l'exposition
d'Horticulture, avaient assisté au départ du Président : foule, chaleur,
orchidées admirables. A la dérobée, les yeux perçants d'Édith
examinaient André, contraint. Une gêne naissait, en dépit de la
verve, des plaisanteries de Vernières. Ces dames iraient-elles visiter
les fleurs demain, avant qu'elles ne fussent fanées? Il serait heureux
de les diriger… Il y avait surtout une petite bruyère mauve, toute
simple, une merveille!
Une bonne frappait : le courrier. Une enveloppe carrée, timbrée
d'Angleterre, à l'écriture ferme…
— Des nouvelles de ton mari, dit Hélène. Et sans les ouvrir, elle-
même jetait un coup d'œil aux deux lettres qu'elle venait de prendre
sur le plateau. Tiens! l'une était de Gabrielle Duval, maintenant
professeur au lycée Fénelon, l'autre… Elle la retourna, un papier
sale, des jambages grossiers… Les deux hommes se levaient,
prenaient congé. Et tandis que Mme Hopkins, près de la fenêtre, à la
lumière du jour décroissant décachetait sa lettre, la parcourait bien
vite, Hélène lentement ouvrait la sienne. Qu'est-ce que lui voulait ce
vilain billet, avec son écriture inconnue? Elle le lut une première fois,
sans bien comprendre ; elle le relisait encore, dans une stupeur de
dégoût, d'angoisse, dont la voix d'Édith la tira comme d'un mauvais
rêve.
— Qu'as-tu, mais qu'as-tu donc, mon enfant?
Et devant le visage effrayé de sa tante, Hélène sans un mot,
brusquement, lui tendit du bout des doigts la chose immonde, la
délation anonyme. Mme Hopkins, bouleversée, lut à son tour :

« Mademoiselle,

« Si je vous écrit, s'est à seule fin que vous vous méfiai du

moncieu qui vous fait la cour. Il ne vaut pas tant qu'il paret. Et si
je vous écrit, s'est pour vous dire que s'est vos écus qu'il veu.
Mes il fau vou maifier tou de même, car moncieu le viconte ne
se gène pa pour abandonner une femme et l'enfant avec. Ça
n'est pas beau. Demandé-lui donc des nouvelles d'Henriette
Leroy. »

— Qu'est-ce que ça prouve? dit Édith. Brûle vite, ça sent

mauvais.
— Non, donnez… Et Hélène, grave, replia soigneusement le
papier.
 — Comment croire une infamie pareille? s'écria Mme Hopkins.
Hélène dit :
— C'est impossible.
Mais toutes deux, sous l'apparente sérénité, conservaient au fond
d'elles-mêmes une inquiétude inavouée, un sentiment indéfinissable
qui se mêlait à la tristesse du crépuscule, insensiblement venu.
Soudain, la porte s'ouvrit ; un garçonnet de dix ans, courts
cheveux blonds et grands yeux hardis, fit irruption, tout animé de sa
course. C'était master Willy, la peau fraîche, le verbe haut :
— Good evening, dear mother, good evening, aunty!
Et la voix claire, la vivacité joyeuse de l'enfant dissipaient, de leur
lumineuse candeur, l'ombre honteuse, la pensée noire.
 II

— Mais comment, comment est-ce arrivé? répétait Hélène d'une

voix altérée.
Toute sa personne criait le besoin de savoir. Elle était si émue
qu'elle ne songeait pas encore à s'indigner. Ses tempes
bourdonnaient : quelle surprise, quel affolement! Après ces quinze
jours tourmentés, malgré leur apparence tranquille, — tante Édith,
en effet, lui redonnait du courage en l'absence de Vernières appelé
subitement en Dordogne par la santé de sa mère, — cette
catastrophe d'hier soir avait éclaté comme une bombe! Tout
découvert par Du Marty, Germaine après une scène terrible
s'enfuyant chez son père, auprès de tante Portier ; et les contre-
coups : Mme Dugast au désespoir, l'oncle furieux contre tout le
monde, désolé pour ses affaires ; demain le scandale!
André, rageur, haussa les épaules. Un air de méchanceté tiraillait
son visage. Il jetait sur la petite chambre de sa sœur un regard
hostile d'homme pris au piège. Allons! il n'y aurait pas moyen
d'éviter la scène, il avait eu tort de venir.
— Comment? fit-il. C'est bien simple. Du Marty pendant l'absence
de Germaine a fourragé ses papiers, comme un goujat. Il a eu
l'aplomb de forcer son bureau, et dans le buvard il a trouvé une
lettre qu'elle m'écrivait…
— Et cette lettre? demanda Hélène.
Il eut un mauvais sourire :
— Pas de doute.
Il ajouta sur un geste révolté de sa sœur :
— Et vois le malheur! La vertu n'est jamais récompensée.
Germaine, tout au long des quatre pages, me signifiait justement
son intention de rompre. Elle en avait assez de ces inquiétudes, de
ces mensonges, de toute cette complication de vie.
— Elle a mis le temps à s'en apercevoir!
Et pâle de colère :
— Ce qui m'étonne, c'est qu'elle ait fini par où, après l'affreuse
nuit de la Neuville, elle aurait dû commencer.
André voulut parler, elle le toisa :
— Inconsciente comme elle est, elle aurait pu longtemps
continuer de la sorte! Alors, elle a fini par comprendre? Elle s'est
ressaisie, c'est bien. Mais toi qui avais l'intelligence, le raisonnement,
la force, comment as-tu osé l'entraîner, lui faire commettre le mal? Et
si ton lâche orgueil d'homme proteste, — je te vois sourire! — si
c'est elle qui s'est jetée à ton cou, pourquoi ne lui as-tu pas dénoué
les bras, pourquoi n'as-tu pas essayé de lui faire comprendre ce
qu'élevée autrement elle n'aurait jamais oublié, le respect d'elle-
même, de ses devoirs? Comment as-tu pu faire aussi bon marché de
tout cela, piétiner ta conscience? Si tous deux vous avez cédé à
l'égarement d'une minute, à un élan irrésistible, au moins tu as eu le
temps de réfléchir, de reculer!
Au souvenir de la nuit de la Neuville, une horreur la bouleversa ;
l'indignation précipitait ses paroles, elle devint très rouge, une
flamme de révolte dans ses beaux yeux :
— Comment, après cette heure affreuse où notre père mourait,
où je t'ai épargné la honte d'une surprise, votre amour n'a-t-il pas
été tué du coup? Comment a-t-il pu survivre à cette minute de
désarroi, de remords, au sortir de laquelle tout honnête homme se
serait repris? Mais non, vous avez continué, par bravade, par
perversité, que sais-je? Tes promesses mêmes ne t'ont pas arrêté.
Tu m'avais juré de rompre, tu as menti, menti chaque jour depuis six
mois.
André, qui d'un doigt sec pianotait à la vitre, se retourna, et
tranchant :
 — Tu es folle! Est-ce à toi de me faire la leçon? Peux-tu juger de
mes intentions, lire au fond de mon cœur? Sais-tu seulement ce que
c'est que d'aimer? Tu parles de ce que tu ne connais pas. L'amour
excuse tout.
Elle eut un rire de sarcasme :
— Jolis principes! Je suis curieuse de savoir ce qu'en pense Du
Marty. Tu sens le besoin de pallier ta faute, voilà tout. Tu te poses en
héros de roman. Non certes, je ne sais pas ce que c'est que l'amour,
mais ce n'est pas ainsi que je me l'imagine. S'il y a des sentiments
assez forts pour excuser l'oubli des règles, de ces coups de folie qui
élèvent les cœurs au-dessus d'eux-mêmes, au-dessus du reste du
monde, est-ce que votre passion est de celles-là? Réponds! Toi-
même, si tu es franc, peux-tu voir en ta conduite autre chose que
l'adultère le plus bas, le plus médiocre, sans aucune excuse de
poésie, de souffrance, de sacrifice? Tu as trouvé là un plaisir facile, à
portée de la main. Cela ne t'a coûté que du mensonge ; mais de
cette monnaie-là, vous êtes prodigues! On parle toujours de la
fausseté des femmes ; qu'est-elle auprès du mensonge des
hommes? Le mensonge partout! Mensonge tacite, quand il ne suinte
pas à travers les paroles… On se meut dans le mensonge!
Un doute la déchira, elle songeait à Vernières. Sans répondre
André la regardait d'un air insolent. Elle reprit :
— Alors, ça ne vous prenait donc pas à la gorge, chaque fois que
vous jouiez votre comédie? Et toi, tu jugeais bon d'empocher les
dividendes du père, en compromettant l'honneur de la fille? Tu
n'éprouvais pas une gêne, chaque fois que tu paraissais devant
l'oncle Marcel? Et Du Marty, ton camarade, ton ami? Aucune
répulsion ne t'empêchait de serrer la main de cet homme, à qui tu
n'aurais pas pris dix sous, et à qui tu volais sa femme?
— Assez! dit André vivement.
Mais Hélène était montée, elle continua :
— Tu ne songeais pas aux conséquences! Il faut les envisager,
maintenant. Germaine du jour au lendemain déshonorée, aux yeux
de ce monde qui pardonne tout, sauf le scandale ; Du Marty fort de
son droit, et qui peut-être va te demander raison…
— Qu'il vienne! dit André du ton tranquille d'un homme sûr de
son fait, à l'épée comme au pistolet.
— Crois-tu que cela répare quelque chose? Vous voilà bien, avec
votre façon d'entendre l'honneur! En être restés au duel absurde, —
même pas le Jugement de Dieu, — la sanction du hasard, de
l'adresse peut-être! Si tu le blesses ou si tu le tues, ce sera complet.
Je dis, moi, que cela ne lave rien, n'efface rien. Germaine n'en est
pas moins abandonnée, déchue. Car que comptes-tu faire pour elle
à présent?
André eut un geste vague, impuissant.
— Oui, tu es dans l'impasse! Peut-être pourras-tu en sortir sain et
sauf, sans accroc même à ton amour-propre… Est-ce que cela suffit?
Tu n'en as pas moins vilainement agi. Père te le dirait. Il n'y a pas
deux façons de penser, quand on porte dans le cœur le moindre
sentiment de droiture, de justice.
André lui mit la main sur l'épaule, et froidement :
— C'est tout? Allons, tant mieux. Mais, ma pauvre petite, tu te
payes toi aussi de grands mots. Sois tranquille, la vie n'est pas si
compliquée. Tout s'arrange. Au revoir, je repasserai quand tu seras
plus calme.
Il prit son chapeau, sa canne qu'il avait posés sur le lit et sortit
avec sa mine cassante et délibérée, plus préoccupé qu'il n'en avait
l'air. Hélène le laissait s'éloigner sans adieu ; avec une étrange
ironie, elle se répétait : « Tout s'arrange! » Et la pauvre existence
gâchée, salie de Germaine? Certes, elle n'avait que ce qu'elle
méritait. N'importe, la part d'expiation n'était pas égale…
Mme Dugast entra brusquement, les yeux pleins d'angoisse, ses
bandeaux gris un peu défaits.
— André n'est pas là? demanda-t-elle. La femme de chambre
m'avait pourtant dit… Comment! parti sans me voir, sans
m'embrasser? Et tante Portier qui vient d'arriver, avec des
nouvelles!… Elle leva les bras au ciel. — Il faut pourtant qu'il sache…
Mais viens, tante te dira… Ah! quel malheur, il me semble que je
rêve…
Dans le cabinet de travail, toujours cette impression d'une pièce
froide, inhabitée, malgré les meubles et les objets familiers
demeurés en place, le buste de M. Dugast à la place d'honneur sur
la cheminée, — la tante Portier, écroulée sur un fauteuil, jambes
étendues, la tête de côté sous son chapeau à fleurs, gémissait en
s'éventant de son mouchoir. Elle était aussi rouge que Mme Dugast
était pâle. A la vue d'Hélène, son agitation la reprit :
— Ah! ma pauvre enfant, c'est affreux. Qu'est-ce que nous allons
devenir? Ton frère peut se vanter de nous mettre dans une jolie
situation! Il est donc fou?
Mme Dugast, qui condamnait intérieurement son fils, ne put
souffrir qu'on dît tout haut ce qu'elle pensait tout bas. Par une
contradiction naturelle aux mères, par aveugle tendresse aussi, elle
avait beau être au désespoir des événements, elle ne leur en
cherchait pas moins des excuses.
— Comme s'il était le seul coupable?… Crois-tu que Germaine
n'ait rien à se reprocher? Si cette petite malheureuse…
Elle jetait sans se l'avouer la faute entière sur sa nièce… ses
coquetteries, ses libertés ; si elle n'avait pas commencé… Sa
rancœur se mêlait à une jalousie inconsciente, à la révélation subite
de cette liaison qu'elle ne soupçonnait pas, de cette aventure où le
cœur d'André, à son insu, était devenu la possession d'une autre.
Mais par-dessus tout, le bouleversement de sa vieille honnêteté,
l'horreur du mal, joints à une terreur bourgeoise de l'opinion.
Tante Portier, cruellement atteinte dans sa dignité de chaperon,
révoltée aussi par l'injustice de Mme Dugast, protestait avec
amertume :
— Une jeune fille si bien élevée! Dis ce que tu voudras, elle a pu,
bien malgré moi, avoir quelques légèretés d'attitude, des
inconséquences de langage, mais le fond! quel bon naturel, quelle
franchise! — Elle se rengorgea. — Tous mes conseils n'étaient pas
perdus. André est le seul coupable!
Hélène, pour couper court à l'inévitable discussion des deux
femmes, aux froissements qui allaient s'ensuivre, ramena les choses
au point.
— Le mal est fait, dit-elle d'une voix brève. Où en sommes-nous,
tante?
L'indignation de Mme Portier, amassée jusque-là sur André, fondit
brusquement sur Du Marty. Au fond, c'était lui le vrai coupable ;
jamais occupé de Germaine, la laissant seule, trop libre, ne voyant
en elle qu'un compagnon de parade, un objet de luxe. Tout à son
écurie, ses courses, ses paris! Et faux, avec cela! Comme il les avait
toutes trompées! Il n'y a pas une heure, cet homme d'une urbanité
exquise l'avait envoyée promener avec la dernière grossièreté.
— C'est une brute, fit-elle, un véritable palefrenier. La pauvre
petite, à la maison, ne fait que pleurer, elle n'aura bientôt plus de
larmes. Je suis partie laissant Édith pour la garder. J'avais mon idée :
je voulais lui faire entendre raison à cet homme, essayer de
l'attendrir. Il avait toujours été si poli, si aimable avec moi. J'arrive,
d'abord il refuse de me recevoir ; j'insiste, on m'introduit dans le
salon. Ça m'a serré le cœur ; chaque chose était à sa place, la
miniature de Germaine sur la petite table, les fleurs arrangées par
elle, — elle a tant de goût! — encore toutes fraîches dans le cornet
de Chine. La porte claque, ce monsieur entre, le chapeau sur la
tête ; il me demande d'un air furieux : « Qu'est-ce que vous venez
f… ici? Ne me parlez pas de cette créature! » Et alors avec des mots
comme je n'en ai jamais entendu de ma vie, il s'est répandu en
menaces terribles. Jamais je n'aurais cru qu'on pouvait jurer de la
sorte.
— Il veut se battre? dit Hélène.
— Se battre? Ah bien oui! Il n'a pas envie d'attraper un mauvais
coup! Le déshonneur de Germaine lui suffit. Elle a voulu le scandale,
criait-il, elle l'aura! Et en voilà assez! J'ai la loi pour moi. La prison
d'abord, le divorce ensuite!
 — La prison? se récria Hélène suffoquée, tandis que Mme
Dugast, un peu rassurée puisqu'il n'était pas question de se battre,
et ne voyant plus que l'horreur pour Germaine du châtiment
disproportionné, protestait :
— Est-ce possible? Quelle canaille!
Une stupeur dominait leur consternation. La prison? Mais la loi
sur le divorce ne l'avait-elle pas abolie? Une coutume aussi barbare
pouvait-elle subsister dans le Code? Le mari outragé avait-il vraiment
le droit de se venger de la sorte? Tante Portier se moucha
bruyamment après s'être tamponné les yeux :
— Il paraissait bien sûr de son fait, criait : « Oui, la prison! » Et il
tapait sur la table. « Quant à son complice… »
Un coup sec à la porte. Solennel dans son long pardessus noir, le
col très haut, cravaté de blanc, M. Pierron parut, plus austère que
jamais. Son visage blême, entre les favoris de neige, avait la sévérité
des grands jours ; un réquisitoire indigné semblait prêt à jaillir de
ses lèvres minces. Mme Dugast, à la vue de son père, sentit
redoubler son chagrin. Tante Portier eut un soupir de soulagement :
un oracle venait d'entrer, l'intervention de M. Pierron était
providentielle.
— Ah! mon père, sanglota Mme Dugast, n'est-ce pas que c'est
impossible! Cet affreux homme veut traîner la pauvre Germaine en
prison! Est-ce qu'une pareille infamie est permise?
— Ce serait monstrueux! dit Hélène.
M. Pierron, qui s'était assis avec lenteur, la considéra d'un air de
pitié ironique.
— Tu trouves? fit-il. Eh bien! ma petite, c'est tout ce qu'il y a de
plus légitime.
Hélène eut un cri de révolte :
— Légitime!
— Mettons légal, si tu y tiens, mettons légal.
Et devant les trois femmes confondues, majestueux, il se leva et,
traversant la pièce, alla prendre un lourd in-octavo dans le coin de la
bibliothèque où les livres de jurisprudence alignaient toujours en bel
ordre, comme du vivant de M. Dugast, leurs reliures sombres. Il se
rassit, et d'un doigt sûr ayant feuilleté les pages, il déploya le livre
tout grand, parut du plat de la main étaler la sentence ; puis de sa
voix blanche :
— « Code pénal, article 337. La femme convaincue d'adultère
subira la peine de l'emprisonnement pendant trois mois au moins et
deux ans au plus. »
Elles gardaient toutes trois un silence morne. Hélène mal
résignée frémissait.
Il arrêta sur elle son regard glacé, où la rigidité de la justice se
mêlait dans un reflet fugace à une dignité souffrante. Il avait beau
se raidir, la faute de son petit-fils l'humiliait dans sa vieille et
hautaine probité, son orgueil de magistrat intègre chargé pendant si
longtemps de faire prévaloir l'inflexibilité des lois. Il poursuivit :
— « Article 338. Le complice de la femme adultère sera puni de
l'emprisonnement pendant le même espace de temps, et, en outre,
d'une amende de cent francs à deux mille francs. »
— André! s'écria Mme Dugast.
— Parfaitement, dit M. Pierron ; aux termes stricts de la loi, Du
Marty peut faire incarcérer André tout aussi bien que Germaine.
D'habitude pourtant, le complice n'est frappé que de l'amende.
Hélène n'y put tenir :
— Ce n'est qu'une injustice de plus! En quoi l'homme est-il moins
coupable que la femme?
M. Pierron haussa légèrement les épaules. Il n'entrait pas dans
cet ordre de considérations. La loi est la loi.
— Voyons, grand-père, mais c'est odieux, tout simplement!
Comment, une malheureuse a été entraînée, et le complice, l'auteur,
oui, l'auteur de la faute sera moins châtié qu'elle? C'est absurde!
C'est le responsable qu'on épargne, c'est la victime qu'on écrase.
Comment, vous donnez à la femme une éducation telle, qu'elle ne
peut pas toujours trouver en elle la force de résistance ; vous-même
vous lui avez façonné une âme incomplète et futile, vous vous êtes
depuis des siècles bornés à en faire un être de séduction, une
compagne de plaisir ; et en même temps vous exigez d'elle les
vertus les plus élevées, les plus constantes, abnégation,
dévouement, pureté! Cette femme, trop souvent inconsciente, c'est
votre œuvre : quelque chose ne proteste-t-il pas en vous quand
vous la frappez? Et ce n'est pas seulement parce que Germaine est
ma cousine, parce que je condamne André, Du Marty même ; — est-
ce que cet imbécile n'aurait pas mieux fait de s'occuper de sa femme
que de ses chevaux? — Non, j'ai toujours été profondément révoltée
de cette iniquité : s'agit-il de nos intérêts et de nos droits, ah! nous
sommes des mineures ; mais dès que par malheur nous lésons les
vôtres, nous voilà majeures, vite vous nous punissez! Germaine en
prison! Une barbarie pareille! Comment a-t-elle pu rester dans nos
lois, dans nos mœurs? Même pas un châtiment, une vengeance, et
la plus dérisoire, la plus lâche! Est-ce qu'entre deux êtres humains,
liés par un contrat librement accepté, librement consenti, le divorce
ne suffit pas? De quels droits cette tyrannie brutale, exercée sur le
plus faible?
M. Pierron interrompit :
— Il me déplaît de discuter de tels sujets avec toi, tu me forces
cependant à te dire que la faute de la femme peut avoir des
conséquences si graves…
— Raison de plus pour se séparer bien vite, dignement. Je
trouve, moi, la trahison de l'homme déshonorante, d'autant plus
déshonorante qu'il est le chef de la famille, le gardien de l'honneur
commun. Pourquoi cette éternelle inégalité? Il fait bon naître
homme.
D'un coup sec, M. Pierron claqua les feuillets du Code en les
refermant comme d'inexorables tenailles.
— Causons sérieusement, fit-il.
Ce furent de nouvelles lamentations de Mme Dugast et de la
tante Portier, récriminations vaines, résolutions subites aussitôt
abandonnées. M. Pierron, supplié par Hélène de s'entremettre, de
tenter une démarche auprès de Du Marty, refusa net : égoïsme de
vieillard? réserve d'ancien magistrat? Peut-être aussi cette conviction
ancrée chez les gens de justice que le temps arrange tout : les
événements d'eux-mêmes se modifient, la colère s'use, on réfléchit.
Il partait enfin ; la tante Portier, dont le coupé attendait en bas, se
leva en même temps, elle le mettrait chez lui en passant ; sitôt
rentrée, elle renverrait Édith. On n'avait rien décidé.
Restées seules, Hélène et sa mère se contemplèrent, dans un
silence d'effondrement. Comment tout cela tournerait-il? Mme
Dugast joignit les mains, douloureusement :
— Qui aurait jamais supposé?… Un mariage que j'ai fait moi-
même! Situation, fortune assorties… Tout avait l'air de marcher si
bien!
Hélène eut aux lèvres un reproche facile. Que de fois sa mère lui
avait cité en exemple cette brillante union, si vite, si heureusement
conclue! « La convenance des relations, l'excellence des
renseignements! A quoi bon tant hésiter, avant de prononcer le oui
définitif?… » Elle se rappela mainte discussion, une notamment à la
Neuville, le jour de sa majorité. M. Dugast souriait, séparé d'elle par
la table, tandis que sa mère, pour lancer ses arguments, quittait,
reprenait avec fièvre sa broderie… L'événement, hélas! s'était chargé
de répondre. Mais le triomphe cette fois, loin de la réjouir,
l'emplissait de chagrin. Silencieuse, elle s'approcha de sa mère,
l'embrassa tendrement, tandis que la pauvre femme soupirait, avec
une partialité ingénue :
— Ah! mes pauvres enfants, que de mal vous nous faites sans le
vouloir!…
 III

— Germaine veut te voir, avait dit tante Édith en rentrant. Et plus

émue qu'elle ne le voulait paraître, elle répondait, à l'interrogation
anxieuse d'Hélène : — Elle t'en supplie.
L'oncle Dugast occupait un somptueux entresol, boulevard
Haussmann. Le lendemain Hélène, qui n'avait pu fermer l'œil de la
nuit, montait très vite l'escalier, — le temps de surprendre le regard
curieux, averti du concierge ; elle sonnait, et passant devant le salut
du grand laquais en habit, — lui aussi devait savoir, — elle pénétrait
de son air décidé dans le salon. Deux personnes y chuchotaient
familièrement : Yvonne et un vieux monsieur au crâne luisant. Elle
ne le reconnut pas tout de suite, tant il avait rajeuni ; c'était le
comte Soulier, complet gris perle et guêtres blanches, un assidu de
la maison, depuis le déjeuner au pavillon des Bourrel.
— Toi, quelle bonne surprise! s'écria Yvonne levée en sursaut, et
rougissant (Tiens, pourquoi donc?)… — Germaine va être bien
contente. Vous permettez, comte?
M. Soulier non seulement permit, mais supplia, d'un geste ravi.
Yvonne, précédant Hélène en silence, — qu'eussent-elles dit, à
présent? — traversa un couloir, poussa la porte de la chambre de
Germaine. Une odeur d'éther s'en exhalait ; les rideaux tirés
laissaient à peine voir dans le demi-jour le lit où gisait une forme
blanche. On entendit un ou deux petits gémissements.
— Qui est là? demanda une voix faible.
Yvonne se retirait sans répondre, fermait la porte sur Hélène.
— C'est toi, Yvonne? reprit la voix tandis qu'un visage pâle se
tournait sur l'oreiller.
 Hélène chercha la main de la malade, une pauvre main brûlante,
et dit très bas :
— C'est moi, Hélène.
— Toi! dit Germaine, et elle se souleva d'un air effrayé, sans
lâcher la main pitoyable, qu'elle serrait désespérément ; et tout à
coup Hélène sentit une pluie chaude qui lui tombait sur les doigts,
Germaine sanglotait :
— Oh! mon Dieu! mon Dieu!
Hélène en venant s'était raidie ; des sentiments contraires
l'agitaient, mépris, indignation, douleur. Toute sa fierté, sa pureté
protestaient contre une chute dont elle mesurait la profondeur sans
pouvoir comprendre par quelle pente insensible la malheureuse avait
glissé ; elle éprouvait une sorte d'horreur physique pour ce qu'un
pareil entraînement comportait à ses yeux d'inavouable, de
mystérieuse honte ; mais, quand elle fut en face d'une si grande
détresse, la pitié l'emporta. Elle ne vit plus, dans cette femme au
désespoir, qu'une sœur infortunée, victime d'une éducation et de
mœurs absurdes. La pauvre Germaine était moins responsable que
son complice ; l'inégalité de l'expiation la révolta. Les reproches que
sa conscience lui dictait, elle manqua de courage pour les faire ; ses
yeux s'emplirent de larmes.
Germaine éperdue répétait comme une enfant :
— C'est affreux, affreux, je ne veux pas aller en prison, j'aime
mieux mourir! — Elle baissa la voix : — J'ai essayé hier soir, oui, j'ai
voulu boire du laudanum, et puis au dernier moment je n'ai pas pu.
N'est-ce pas que je n'irai pas en prison? C'est à devenir folle!
— Calme-toi, dit Hélène, ton mari réfléchira, on lui fera
comprendre…
— Un homme si bien, je le croyais du moins, déshonorer une
femme, et sa femme encore! Conçoit-on cela? Pourquoi s'acharne-t-il
après moi? Que lui ai-je fait? On a plus d'égards envers une femme
qu'on a aimée! Excepté ma faute, je n'ai rien à me reprocher.
 Elle parlait avec une sincérité si convaincue, une inconscience si
déroutante, qu'Hélène en fut blessée ; sa loyauté se révolta. Elle fut
franche :
— Crois-tu donc que ta faute ne soit rien?
Germaine la contempla avec étonnement, comme si elle ne
saisissait pas tout de suite ; puis désolée :
— Oh! si, si! je me repens amèrement. Mais tu ne comprends
pas, tu ne peux pas comprendre, toi. Je n'étais pas libre, je ne
m'appartenais pas…
A son tour, Hélène fut déconcertée.
— Tu ne t'appartenais pas! prononça-t-elle avec un sourire
incrédule, presque méprisant.
Bien bas, Germaine murmura :
— Non, André… — et sans la regarder : — je te jure, je ne sais
pas comment j'en suis venue là… André l'a voulu! — D'un ton
pleurard elle ajouta : — Je me défendais, j'ai résisté longtemps…
— Oh! comme tu es lâche! fit Hélène. Tu n'as même pas le
courage de ta mauvaise action. C'est André, dis-tu?… Et toi, est-ce
que tu n'avais pas une volonté, une âme libre, pour te respecter et
respecter les autres?
Et en même temps, cette faiblesse un peu vile la ramenait de la
colère à la pitié. Elle revoyait Germaine en jupe courte, mollets bien
pris dans les guêtres le jour de la partie de chasse, ses yeux brillants
de champagne, puis la docilité avec laquelle elle s'était assise à côté
d'André dans la charrette. Une grande tristesse la pénétra. Elle
sentait tout cela si petit, si mesquin, si douloureux à voir! Elle
étouffait dans la pièce sombre, ou le linge de corps de Germaine
gisait sur des meubles, en désordre.
— Ça manque d'air, fit-elle. C'est malsain de s'engourdir dans le
noir. Voyons, du courage. Lève-toi!
Mais Germaine gémissait :
— Je n'en aurai pas la force. Hier, j'étais si résolue à en finir!
J'avais versé tout un flacon de laudanum dans un verre. Si je l'avais
bu, pourtant… C'est affreux, affreux!
Hélène eut un sourire, et bien que parfaitement rassurée :
— Tu l'as jeté, j'espère!
— Oh! oui… Ah! si le courage ne m'avait pas manqué! Et puis
l'idée que je serais trop laide, une fois morte.
Relevant à deux mains sa broussaille de cheveux fous, elle
demanda timidement :
— Quelle heure est-il, ma bonne Hélène? Comment, si tard? — Et
surprenant un mouvement de curiosité chez sa cousine : — C'est
parce que… je n'ai rien pris depuis hier matin.
— Veux-tu une tasse de bouillon, du chocolat?
Germaine hésita pour la forme :
— Un peu de chocolat, oui.
— Avec du pain?
— Non, sans…
Hélène avait une forte envie de rire, de pleurer aussi. Elle se
reconnaissait impuissante. La consoler? Allons, ce serait vite fait. La
sermonner? Elle ne comprendrait pas. Il était bien temps d'ailleurs!
Qu'elle lui laissât du moins un bon souvenir de grande sœur, un de
ces sourires qui mettent du baume sur la plaie. Elle ouvrit les
rideaux, sonna la femme de chambre, retapa les oreillers de
Germaine, puis lui servit son chocolat, la fit manger. Pauvre petite,
aux dernières cuillerées, de grosses larmes se remettaient à couler,
intarissablement, sur ses joues rondes aux fossettes creusées pour
le sourire. Remords? Non, regrets. Tant d'ennuis à subir, tout ce que
l'on dirait!…
Hélène, en rentrant, éprouvait une vraie colère contre André. Son
monstrueux égoïsme d'homme! Elle se sentait atteinte par
l'humiliation, la dégradation de sa cousine, elle s'en voulait d'être
une femme. Les hommes, en vérité, avaient trop beau jeu. Séduire,
c'est charmant : quant aux suites!… Le cuisant soupçon, la brûlure
au cœur lui revinrent… Vernières! elle se serait crue plus forte. Un
petit papier sale pouvait-il lui gâter ainsi la vie? En vain elle
repoussait l'outrage, elle y pensait sans cesse. La bourrasque des
derniers événements, en la chassant d'elle-même pour l'occuper
d'autrui, avait laissé intactes sa tristesse et ses craintes. Elle y
revenait, à chaque minute de suspens. C'était plus fort qu'elle. Qui
avait pu lui écrire cela? Pourquoi lui aurait-on écrit un mensonge? Ce
nom, Henriette Leroy, la poursuivait. Elle en marquait un visage, se
représentait la femme. Où la trouver? Cherche! Le monde est grand.
Le mépris de la lettre anonyme… Oui, elle méprisait, mais cela ne
l'empêchait pas de souffrir. Cette idée que quelqu'un d'obscur, de
caché, lui en voulait, avait quelque chose d'odieux. Si encore elle
savait tout ; mais où, comment vérifier? Ah! le poison était dosé à
souhait. Dans le jour, durant ces deux semaines, l'occupation, les
courses en amortissaient l'effet ; il reprenait sa force lente, aux
heures d'insomnie.
Si c'était vrai! Un secret pareil expliquerait ce qui persistait
d'indéfinissable en Vernières, sa correction glacée, maîtrise et
réserve. Certaines façons d'épier les gens à la dérobée, de scruter
les intentions du regard, de la voix. Mais aussitôt, elle se disait :
« Allons, c'est insensé! Un acte aussi monstrueux? Impossible! On
ne rejette pas sans miséricorde une femme qui s'est donnée
entièrement à vous ; et puis l'enfant, on ne renie pas son enfant,
voyons, on ne l'expose pas à la faim, au froid, au vice, à la mort! »
Le départ subit de Vernières, en Dordogne, son absence
prolongeaient ce cauchemar. S'il avait été là, seulement!… Aussi quel
battement de cœur, quelle surprise lorsque, avant le déjeuner, — sa
mère et tante Édith sorties depuis le matin n'étaient pas encore
rentrées, — la bonne vint la prévenir que M. de Vernières attendait
au salon. Une joie qui lui fit mal, un espoir avec des élancements de
crainte. Puis, ce franc courage qui était la marque de sa nature
l'emporta : savoir la vérité coûte que coûte, ne pas subir une minute
de plus l'angoisse du doute et l'horreur du mensonge.
Vernières avait sa fine pâleur habituelle, son beau regard cerné ;
il avait maigri. Son charme, cette fois tout de mélancolie, émut
Hélène. Il avait été très inquiet, avait dû veiller plusieurs nuits au
chevet de sa mère. Il donnait des détails avec discrétion, simplicité.
Elle se sentit à mille lieues de la lettre anonyme. Une pudeur aussi la
retenait. Devina-t-il son malaise? La conversation s'arrêta. Il se
levait, allait prendre congé. Elle eut honte de le laisser partir, sans
avoir affronté le danger :
— Tenez, dit-elle tout à coup, lisez donc cela!
Elle lui tendit la lettre. Elle vit sa surprise, son trouble… Mais,
n'était-ce pas bien naturel? Que devait-il croire, que pouvait-il penser
d'une démarche en apparence aussi simple, si contraire au fond à
l'usage, aux convenances? Elle rougit, tandis qu'avec une attention
prudente, les traits contractés à mesure, il lisait, relisait l'étrange
papier. Puis il releva les yeux, — comme ils étaient purs! — il sourit,
— quelle hautaine ironie!
— Eh bien? demanda-t-elle.
Il avait replié la lettre, la déposait sur la table avec une moue
méprisante, un retrait du geste. La tête rejetée en arrière, son
visage fermé, l'attitude entière criaient l'indignation, le dédain muet
de son innocence blessée.
Il se taisait toujours.
— Voyons, reprit-elle, ne me direz-vous pas un mot? Je vous
crois d'avance. Une parole suffit.
Alors, avec une supériorité amère, et balayant d'un revers de
main l'imaginaire suspicion :
— Est-ce qu'on se défend contre de pareilles attaques?
Puis sa voix se mouilla, tremblante d'une vraie douleur :
— Vous ne me demandez qu'un mot, vous doutez donc? Comme
si vous ne voyiez pas qu'une telle question, quand on aime, est la
plus sanglante des injures!
Elle sentit douloureusement le reproche ; un élan de confiance et
d'affection lui réchauffa le cœur ; et bien en face :
— Oui, jurez-moi que j'étais folle, que vous me pardonnez!
Les beaux yeux de Vernières eurent un éclair de mansuétude et
de triomphe :
Welcome to Our Bookstore - The Ultimate Destination for Book Lovers
Are you passionate about books and eager to explore new worlds of
knowledge? At our website, we offer a vast collection of books that
cater to every interest and age group. From classic literature to
specialized publications, self-help books, and children’s stories, we
have it all! Each book is a gateway to new adventures, helping you
expand your knowledge and nourish your soul
Experience Convenient and Enjoyable Book Shopping Our website is more
than just an online bookstore—it’s a bridge connecting readers to the
timeless values of culture and wisdom. With a sleek and user-friendly
interface and a smart search system, you can find your favorite books
quickly and easily. Enjoy special promotions, fast home delivery, and
a seamless shopping experience that saves you time and enhances your
love for reading.
Let us accompany you on the journey of exploring knowledge and
personal growth!

ebookgate.com