Jajangmyeon and Junggukjip 61

Jajangmyeon and Junggukjip: Introduction

The Changing Position and Meaning of Chinese In 1988, the Ministry of Education in Korea promulgated the new
Food and Chinese Restaurants in Korean Society rules of Korean spelling. The rules reflect the concerns of Korean lan-
guage scholars regarding the glottalization of the Korean language.
One of the rules is intended to minimize the use of glottalized
Yang Young-Kyun sounds. Accordingly, the standard Korean spelling of jjajangmyeon
( ) has been changed to jajangmyeon ( ), which brought
about extensive objections in Korean society. However, many people
Abstract still argue that jjajangmyeon is the correct spelling because most
Koreans pronounce it as such.
This paper examines the position and meaning of Chinese food and The other controversy regarding jajangmyeon in Korean society is
restaurants in Korean society. Chinese restaurants opened in Korea whether or not jajangmyeon can be found in China. Since the estab-
from around the late 19th century and the early 20th century to provide
lishment of diplomatic relations between South Korea (Republic of
mostly male Chinese-Koreans with very simple food. Chinese foods had
been cooked, sold, and consumed exclusively by Chinese-Koreans until Korea) and China (People’s Republic of China) in 1992, many Koreans
the 1940s. In the 1950s and 1960s, though the cooking and selling of have visited the PRC and argued that there was no jajangmyeon in
Chinese food were dominated by the Chinese, the food became a repre- China, even though they found some kind of noodle more or less
sentative food for eating out for Koreans. By the 1970s, Koreans were similar to jajangmyeon in Korea. Some go even farther to argue that
the overwhelming majority of customers in Chinese restaurants, and jajangmyeon is not a Chinese food but a Korean food. Other people,
Chinese cuisine became established as a part of Korean food culture.
on the other hand, argue that jajangmyeon is certainly a Chinese food
Chinese food was still almost the only item for eating out and the only
foreign food, which common Korean people could easily access. They even though it was transformed considerably to accommodate Kore-
consumed “exoticness” and “convenience” through Chinese food. As an tastes.
Korean society became more modernized and globalized, the Koreans’ These incidents show how jajangmyeon has been deeply rooted
demands for food became more varied. In order to satisfy those in Korean food culture. Also, jajangmyeon is not just jajangmyeon
demands, not only have the restaurants become diversified, serving itself but is a symbol of Chinese cuisine. In other words, Chinese cui-
various ethnic foods, but Chinese restaurants themselves have also
sine symbolized by jajangmyeon has been localized—Koreanized—so
been diverged into various styles. In those new styles of Chinese restau-
rants, people consume “modernity,” “exoticness,” and “authenticity.” much so that it has become part of Korean cuisine. Until the 1970s,
Chinese restaurants had maintained a dominant position as a place
Keywords: Chinese food, Chinese restaurant, localization, exoticness,
for dining out, at least for ordinary Koreans.
authenticity, modernity, globalization, jajangmyeon
Besides these episodes, I came to be interested in Chinese food
and restaurants as a research topic due to my own personal experi-
ences. When I returned to Korea in 2000 after spending some time in
* This paper is based on the research funded by the Academy of Korean Studies.
the United States and China, I was surprised to find that I could eat
Yang Young-Kyun (Yang, Yeong-gyun) is Assistant Professor at the Academy of Kore-
the same Chinese food I had eaten in the United States and China.
an Studies. His publications include “Nationalism, Transnationalism, and Sport:
A Case Study on Michelle Wie” (2004). E-mail: ykyang@aks.ac.kr. Then, I discovered that there were many styles of Chinese restaurants
62 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2005 Jajangmyeon and Junggukjip 63

that appeared in Korea only recently. I also found that younger peo- of Chinese-Korean (hwagyo) society.2
ple did not enjoy eating Chinese food as much as I did. The overseas Chinese society began to be formed in Korea, then
In this paper, I will explore the historical scene where overseas known as Joseon, by about four thousand soldiers and forty military
Chinese put down roots in Korean society, and Chinese restaurants merchants immediately following Military Mutiny of 1882. Those
were expanded first by the Chinese and then by Koreans.1 I will trace who settled down in Korea were mostly engaged in commerce. Kore-
the process of the establishment of Chinese food in Korean cuisine. I an society at that time was mostly agrarian. Chinese immigrants
will also examine how strongly Korean people are attached to Kore- imported goods from China, their mother country, and sold them to
anized Chinese food as represented by jajangmyeon. It can be said Korean people. In other words, the division of labor was formulated
that jajangmyeon in particular became a Korean dish closely related between the Korean and the Chinese as farmers and merchants
with Korean identity, like kimchi (gimchi), bulgogi, and doenjang jji- respectively (Bak 1986). The Chinese population peaked at about
gae, etc. Finally, I will deal with the recent trends of dining out, 82,000 in 1942. When Korea was liberated from the Japanese occupa-
along the changing patterns of household expenditure, which reflect tion in 1945, the number of Chinese in South Korea was just 12,000
the changing circumstances of Korean society and the globe, especial- because most Chinese laborers stayed in the northern part of Korea
ly the phenomenon of globalization. The changing positions and where the Japanese had concentrated resources on the manufactur-
meanings of Chinese food in the landscape of Korean dietary culture ing and mining industries in the late period of Japanese occupation
will be discussed in this section as well. In the discussions of the past (Bak 1986, 71-75). The overwhelming majority of those who settled
and present of Chinese food and restaurants, I will examine what down in Korea were from Shandong province because it was geo-
people have wanted to consume through Chinese food and restau- graphically closest to Korea.3 Their economic activities first centered
rants. In other words, I will examine what the position and meaning on international trade with the mother country, then expanded into
of them has been to Korean people. various economic spheres. The occupational distribution of Chinese-
Koreans in 1926 shows that the percentage of commerce-transporta-
tion (51.5%) was highest, followed by agriculture including animal
The History of Chinese Restaurants husbandry and fishing (19.4%), manufacturing-mining (13.4%) and
others (11.2%).
Chinese people can be found in every corner of the earth, and many In those days, the overwhelming majority of Chinese-Koreans
of them run Chinese restaurants. Those who cook Chinese food and were men.4 Chinese restaurants were opened in order to serve very
run the restaurants adapt Chinese food to match local food culture so
well, their menu often becomes part of the local cuisine. The Chinese 2. I translated hwagyo into Chinese-Korean. Strictly speaking, this translation is not
who migrated into Korea were no exception. The localization or accurate. For the sake of convenience, however, I use this term to refer to Chinese
Koreanization of Chinese food and the establishment of Chinese food people who settled in Korea.
3. According to Bak (1986), besides the geographic factor, there were several reasons
as a part of Korean cuisine are closely related to the historical changes why the Shandong people migrated into Korea. Basically, Shandong at that time
was in an unstable and distressful situation because of the Boxer Rising ( ),
domination by mounted bandits, a high population density and natural disasters.
1. Chinese restaurants are often colloquially called junggukjip, which literally means Furthermore, in order to compete with Japan and Russia, China (the Qing
“Chinese house.” Thus, junggukjip in the title of this paper means Chinese restau- dynasty) tried to expand its influence in Korea by transplanting people to Korea.
rant. 4. It was not until the 1920s that the proportion of females to males reached 10 per-
64 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2005 Jajangmyeon and Junggukjip 65

simple food, such as bread and noodles, to the men. In the 1910s, cooked and consumed by Chinese people. In 1972, though, seventy-
restaurants serving more varied dishes began to open in Seoul and seven percent of Chinese-Koreans were engaged in the restaurant
Incheon, targeting merchants who were relatively better off (Seo business, while most customers of Chinese restaurants were Koreans.
2003).5 Statistics show that about thirty percent of the Chinese-Kore- Though cooking was still monopolized by the Chinese, Chinese food
an population was engaged in the restaurant business, and they ran found roots in Korean food culture and was enjoyed by Koreans in
about 650 restaurants in eleven major cities in 1922. Restaurant cus- the early 1970s (Bak 1994).7
tomers were mostly Chinese. Now, let me briefly explore how well Chinese food in Korea is
Chinese-Korean society underwent great changes due to the lib- localized. First place has to be given to jajangmyeon. No one knows
eration of Korea and the establishment of a socialist state in mainland exactly when and by whom jajangmyeon was invented. The pre-
China. The Chinese-Korean population decreased, and many lost ties sumption is that a certain type of noodle brought in and eaten by
with their homeland. More Chinese men married Korean women Chinese people who settled in Incheon was transformed into
because there were only a small number of Chinese women in Korea. jajangmyeon. It is also known that jajangmyeon was first sold at the
Also, since the new Korean government tightly controlled interna- Chinese restaurant, Gonghwachun, which opened in Incheon in
tional trade by foreigners, many Chinese-Koreans had no choice but 1905. As we have seen above, Chinese food was mostly consumed by
to switch their jobs. They crowded into the restaurant business, Chinese people in these early years. It is said that Korean people only
which required very little start-up capital and could be staffed by began to enjoy Chinese food in the 1950s, and we can confirm this
family members only. The population of Chinese-Koreans in South through the changing number of Chinese people and restaurants in
Korea gradually increased from 12,000 in 1945 to 20,000 in the mid- Korea. The number of Chinese people and restaurants was around
1950s and 32,000 in 1974, but it decreased again to less than 20,000 12,000 and 330 in 1948 respectively. The population almost doubled
in the early 1990s.6 Chinese restaurants run by ethnic Chinese steadi- to about 22,000 in 1958. The number of restaurants, however, went
ly increased in number from 332 in 1948 to 1,702 in 1958 and 2,454 up to 1,700, more than fivefold, in 1958, which means that a signifi-
in 1972. During the Japanese occupation, Chinese food was both cant proportion of customers of Chinese restaurants in the late 1950s
must have been Koreans. It is natural to assume, then, that the local-
ization or Koreanization of Chinese food began in the 1950s.
cent. This proportion continued to increase to 20 percent after the mid-1930s. That Let me take jajangmyeon as an example of a Koreanized Chinese
is, the general tendency was that only men came to Korea, leaving other family dish. The biggest difference between the original and the transformed
members behind at home. They sent money to their families and visited home
around the lunar New Year’s holiday.
jajangmyeon is the sauce. In making jajangmyeon sauce, oil and Chi-
5. Restaurants, such as Gonghwachun ( ) and Junghwaru ( ), were doing a nese spices that are unfamiliar to Koreans are reduced and various
splendid business in Incheon, and Aseowon ( ), Daegwanwon ( ), and vegetables, such as onions, potatoes, and carrots, as well as pork,
Seohaeru ( ) were driving a thriving business in Seoul. Only a few wealthy
water, and caramel are added to the original sauce, which is based
Koreans and Japanese went to these restaurants occasionally.
6. The decrease in the population of Chinese-Koreans was largely due to the Korean
government’s policy towards Chinese-Koreans. The keynotes of the policy were 7. Based on the changing numbers of Chinese Koreans and Chinese restaurants, it
separatism and discrimination. The hardship caused by this policy, along with would be more accurate to say that Korean people began to enjoy Chinese food in
changes in international circumstances, actually drove Chinese-Koreans out of the late 1950s, as I will show below. However, the difference between the opin-
Korea. Many of them immigrated to mostly Western countries, especially the Unit- ions of Bak’s and mine is a matter of degree. Actually no one knows the exact pro-
ed States. portion of Korean customers at Chinese restaurants in the 1950s or 1970s.
66 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2005 Jajangmyeon and Junggukjip 67

on chunjang ( ).8 The transformed jajangmyeon is sweeter than 33).10 In light of these changes to Chinese food, we can understand
the original due to the addition of onion and caramel. Other dishes how successful localization has been by examining Korean people’s
like tangsuyuk and rajogi were also transformed to adapt to the tastes emotions regarding memories of Chinese food, especially jajang-
of Korean people. myeon. I will return to this point later.
In addition to taste, there are several characteristics of Kore-
anized Chinese food that are consequences of localization. In Chinese
restaurants in Korea, dishes are usually served with danmuji (pickled Recent Trends in Chinese Food
radish), onion, and chunjang. Recently, many Chinese restaurants
also serve kimchi as a side dish. Obviously, this is not something you Increasing Dining Out and Decreasing Chinese Restaurants
would find in China. Furthermore, serving danmuji is considered
strange, not only because it is a Japanese food, but also because it is As the economy grows and consumption increases, eating out also
often called by its Japanese name, dagguang (takuan in Japanese). increases. The term “food service industry” (oesik saneop) first
The names of Chinese dishes in Korea are quite different from appeared in the United States in the 1950s; in Korea, it appeared in
their assumed original ones. They are likely to have various origins, the late 1970s. Fast food restaurants led the development of the food
and some seem to be the results of various transformations over a service industry in the 1980s, and since the 1990s, family restaurants
long period of time. For example, names like udong, jjamppong, and imported from the United States have led the development in Korea.
yakki mandu, which are representative Chinese dishes in Korea, Just as the food service industry grew significantly in Japan in the
most likely come from the Japanese language. Also, the food referred 1970s when the Japanese GNP per capita reached ten thousand dol-
to as mandu ( ) in Korea is not a mantou ( ) but a jiaozi ( ) lars, so the market for food service grew over thirty percent annually
in China. The strangest name for a Chinese dish in Korea, I think, in Korea in the 1990s when the Korean GNP per capita also reached
must be syakseupin, which is a transliteration of “shark’s fin” in Eng- ten thousand dollars (Sin and Hong 2000).
lish. There are also names derived from pure Korean, for example, Let us take a look at the increase in eating out from the aspect of
bokkeumbap, soegogi beoseot bokkeum, kkotppang, and so on. The household expenditure. In the case of Britain, when total household
names of many dishes are the Korean pronunciation of Chinese char- expenditure increased 14 times, the expenditure on total food and on
acters, such as yangjangpi, goryangju, ohyang jangyuk, mapa dubu, eating out increased 8 times and 18 times respectively from 1960 to
songhwadan, etc. (Eom 1997, 32). Some names come from Chinese 1990. Eating out has occupied a steadily increasing proportion of the
names, for instance, ganjjajang, nanja wanseu, kkanpunggi, ppaegal, household expenditure on food, rising from 9.8 percent to 20.9 per-
and so on, while others are combinations of Chinese and Korean pro- cent in the same period (Warde and Martens 2000, 34). In the case of
nunciations of Chinese names, such as jjajangmyeon,9 giseumyeon, Korea, between 1982 and 2002, total household expenditure increased
tangsuyuk, rajoyuk, etc. Still others are combinations of Chinese and about 7 times. Food expenditure increased around 5 times, but expen-
pure Korean, for example, kkanso sae-u, jjajangbap (Eom 1997, 32- diture on eating out increased as much as 37 times.11 Since British

8. The term, chunjang, originated from the brand name of a type of bean paste, is 10. The terms that were derived from Chinese are, of course, not accurate. For exam-
called mianjiang ( ), tianjiang ( ), heijiang ( ), etc. in China (Ju 2000). ple, the Chinese pronunciation of kkanpunggi ( ) is ganpengji; that of tangsu
9. The name, jajangmyeon, seems to have come from the Chinese name, zhajiangmi- ( ) is tangcu, and so on.
an ( ). 11. The percentage of food expenditure spent on eating out changed from 5.8 to 44.3.
68 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2005 Jajangmyeon and Junggukjip 69

income levels and expenditure are much higher than those of Korea, Table 2. Food of Preference When Students Eat Out
the growth rate of the proportion of eating out in food expenditure as (Gangwon-do province)
well as the percentage itself in Korea in 2002 are phenomenal.
With Friends (%) With Family Members (%)
Korean 44.2 63.7
Table 1. Household Expenditure Per Month, 1982-2002 Western 10.1 11.5
Chinese 8.3 10.8
Total Food Japanese 0 4.0
Eating Out Eating Out/Food
Expenditure Expenditure Snack food (bunsik) 31.7 1.4
(won) Expenditure (%)
(won) (won) Others 5.7 8.6
1982 1,271,501 106,938 776,243 75.84 Total 100.0 100.0
1992 1,025,865 309,608 775,790 24.48
Source: Min and O (2002).
2002 1,960,975 520,405 230,691 44.33

Source: Korea National Statistical Office.

The preference rate for Chinese food was even lower for college stu-
dents in Seoul. A survey of 700 students from 11 universities showed
Then, how has the proportion of Chinese food in the expenditure of very different results compared to the survey of Gangwon area stu-
eating out changed between 1982 and 2002? According to data collect- dents above. For example, one difference was that Seoul students
ed by the Korean National Statistical Office, Chinese food has taken a reported a high preference for fast food, which was not included in
decreasing proportion of the expenditure on eating out, falling from the Gangwon area survey. Another was the vast difference in prefer-
10.8 percent (Korean food at 51.3 %; Western food at 3.2 %) in 1982 ences for snack food, or bunsik, between the two groups. These dis-
to merely 1.9 percent (Korean food at 27.2 percent; Western food at crepancies may be, I guess, related to the fact that the two surveys
1.1 percent) in 2002. Even though the proportions of Korean food and did not use the same standard categories for dishes and restaurants.
Western food fell, the decline rate of Chinese food was much higher, Therefore, it may not be accurate to directly compare the results of
two times and three times as high as Western food and Korean food the two surveys. However, since the variable of Chinese food was not
respectively. ambiguous in the surveys, we can safely conclude that there was not
It seems that the preference for Chinese food is not high, espe- a high preference for Chinese food among college students.
cially among the young. According to a survey of 600 college stu- We can also conclude that young people tend to not prefer Chi-
dents who were food-related majors in Gangwon-do province, though nese food from another investigation. A survey of 119 people between
the majority said they liked Chinese food, 12 only a small number the age of eighteen and twenty-eight (the so-called X generation 13)
actually went to Chinese restaurants.

13. The term X generation was originated from Douglas Coupland’s novel, X Genera-
tion published in 1991. This term began to be used in Korea from the mid-1990s. It
12. The percentage of male respondents who said they like Chinese food was 80.7%, designates those who were roughly born in the 1970s. They grew up in relatively
compared to 58.4% of female respondents. Only 1.1% of both male and female affluent circumstances and showed very different characteristics from the former
students showed a negative response to Chinese food. generation (baby boomer). They were characterized by mass media oriented, liber-
70 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2005 Jajangmyeon and Junggukjip 71

Table 3. Food of Preference When Students Eat Out restaurants was as low as 43 percent during the same period. In con-
(Seoul) trast, the increase rate of Japanese restaurants was highest at 511
percent, which was followed by Korean restaurants (243%) and
With Friends (%) For a Date (%) Western restaurants (67%). In other words, the growth rate for Chi-
Snack food (bunsik) 2.7 2.0 nese restaurants was lowest. This trend also results in the decreasing
Korean 53.4 28.3 proportion of Chinese restaurants. While Chinese restaurants made
Fast food 22.1 27.4 up 20.4 percent of all restaurants in 1983, the proportion fell to 8.4
Western 9.7 30.2
percent in 2003.
Chinese 3.5 0.6
Japanese 1.8 4.9
Others 6.8 6.6
Table 4. Numbers of Restaurants in Seoul
Total 100.0 100.0
Chinese Korean Japanese Western Total
Source: Kim and Jeong (2001).
1983 3,003 8,357 566 2,793 14,719
1993 3,994 26,909 2,293 9,586 42,782
showed that only 5.0 percent of respondents preferred Chinese restau- 2003 4,287 38,657 3,458 4,674 51,076
rants for eating out and 4.2 percent preferred Chinese food (Sin and
Source: The figures for 1983 and 1993 came from Hanguk Eumsikeop Hyeophoe
Hong 2000). Thus, based on the results of those surveys, we can not (Korea Association of Restaurant Business), which I cited from Bak (1994,
only conclude that the preference for Chinese food or Chinese restau- 107). The figure for 2003 came from the Internet Web site of Hanguk Eum-
rants is not high, but we can also anticipate that the future prospects sikeop Junganghoe (Korean Restaurant Association).14
for Chinese food or restaurants are quite gloomy as the subjects of
those surveys were young people.
Despite the overall increase in Chinese restaurants, the number of
The changing number of Chinese restaurants reflects the nation-
restaurants run by Chinese steadily decreased, which meant that
wide trends of increasing eating out and decreasing preference for
their proportion among all Chinese restaurants also dropped. The
Chinese food. Since I do not have the total number of Chinese restau-
number of Chinese restaurants in Seoul was about 1,000 in 1975,
rants nationwide, I will just analyze the restaurants in Seoul. The
1,585 in 1980, 3,416 in 1985 and 3,410 in 1990. However, the num-
rapid increase in household expenditures on eating out is reflected in
ber of Chinese-owned Chinese restaurants in the same years was 653,
the changing number of restaurants. The overall number of restau-
394, 328 and 219. The percentage of Chinese-owned Chinese restau-
rants in Seoul increased from 14,719 in 1983 to 51,076 in 2003,
rants has fallen rapidly, from roughly 65 percent in 1975, to 25 per-
which means that restaurants increased by 288 percent over twenty
cent in 1980, 10 percent in 1985 and 6 percent in 1990. It is pre-
years. However, the upward tendency of the number of Chinese
sumed that this percentage is much lower now because, while
restaurants fell short of this figure. The increase rate for Chinese
Chinese restaurants are increasing, it is unlikely that Chinese-owned
restaurants are increasing at the same rate.
al, individualistic, and having the strong propensity to consume. In the paper, I
cited above, the term seems to designate the young people who are active in eating
out as well as who tend to set the trend in eating out. 14. There were 22,327 Chinese restaurants in Korea in March, 2005 (www.ekra.or.kr).
72 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2005 Jajangmyeon and Junggukjip 73

The cooking, selling, and consuming of Chinese food was mono- Chinese restaurants began to lose their dominant position as a
polized by ethnic Chinese until the 1940s. In the 1950s and 1960s, favorite place for eating out as other restaurants rapidly increased
though the cooking and selling of Chinese food was still dominated from the 1980s. As purchasing power grew, Korean restaurants were
by Chinese, the food itself became a representative food for Koreans strengthening their influence as places where people could eat meat,
dining out. Cooking Chinese food was still almost monopolized by especially beef. Western restaurants were recognized for their exotic
Chinese people in the 1970s—the majority of Chinese restaurants cuisine and clean and elegant atmosphere. Japanese restaurants as
were run by Chinese as family businesses, or Chinese cooks were well were making rapid inroads, utilizing images of the artistic and
employed by Korean owners. But Koreans were the overwhelming mysterious preparation of sushi, the nutritional superiority of fish,
majority of customers of Chinese restaurants. Chinese cuisine was and hygienic conditions. On the contrary, even though Chinese
thus established as a part of Korean food culture. Since the late restaurants still had powerful weapons, such as jajangmyeon, jjamp-
1970s, the cooking, selling, and consuming of Chinese food has been pong, and tangsuyuk, they were losing territory to the bunsikjeom
led by Koreans. (restaurant for snack food)17 and Western restaurants, because the
Until the 1970s, Chinese cuisine was almost the only foreign food former provided people with cheap and abundant dishes and the lat-
with which Korean people were familiar. There were, of course, ter furnished them with meeting places (Kim 1998).
Japanese restaurants and Western restaurants, but common people Chinese restaurants have been losing their attractiveness since
could not easily access them. Big, luxurious Chinese restaurants had the 1990s, to a certain degree, due to the growing popularity of dis-
remained in existence as places for the upper class to visit. Ordinary courses on health, nutrition, and hygiene. As the discourse of sinto
Chinese food was something common people could eat on special buri, which literally means that body and earth is one (i.e. native
occasions, and they could eat their fill at moderate prices, especially foods are healthiest), gained ground, Chinese food took a lot of hits.
with double-sized portions (gopbbaegi).15 Furthermore, it was the only The common knowledge that Chinese food is greasy and high in calo-
food that could be delivered.16 High school students used to love the ries also exerted a negative influence as many people are concerned
occasional trips to Chinese restaurants. Some went just because they about nutrition and adult diseases. In addition, it seems that Chinese
could drink alcohol with simple dishes and smoke cigarettes indoors. food lost prestige because of the image that Chinese restaurants were
dirty. According to my investigation, interviewees most frequently
mentioned greasiness and high calories as the characteristics of Chi-
nese food.18 According to the survey of college students in Gangwon-
15. It is reported that a bowl of jajangmyeon cost 15 won in 1960. It was very expen-
do, 46.6 percent of the male respondents cited greasiness and 20.5
sive relative to the levels of income and consumption of Koreans at that time. As
the consumption of jajangmyeon by Korean people increased, it was included in
the lists of commodities and services for the calculation of the consumer price
index. This means that the price of jajangmyeon came under the scrutiny of the
government. The government tried to control price hikes and suppressed the rising 17. The bunsikjeom menu includes not just flour-based meals but also various kinds of
price of jajangmyeon. Consequently, ordinary people came to eat jajangmyeon rice dishes and even some Western dishes, such as pork cutlet and hamburger
relatively easily, and the Korean government played an important part in that steak. The distinguishing feature of these restaurants is that they serve simple
change. meals at low prices.
16. Kim Kwang-ok (1998) pointed out delivery as an important reason why Chinese 18. They also mentioned many merits of Chinese cuisine: it is served quickly; it has
food appealed to the common people, because “ordering for dishes to be deliv- various tastes and sues various materials; because it is cooked at a high tempera-
ered” satisfied their need to be recognized and respected. ture, the nutritional loss is minimal, etc.
74 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2005 Jajangmyeon and Junggukjip 75

percent cited high calories as characteristic of Chinese food. Similar- have already secured their position in Korean food culture. Korean
ly, the percentages were 46.8 and 26.8 respectively for female respon- people over thirty are especially likely to have special memories of
dents (Min and O 2002). These impressions cause people to avoid jajangmyeon and Chinese restaurants. Many people talk about having
eating Chinese food for fear that they will gain weight.19 eaten Chinese food—especially jajangmyeon, and maybe tangsuyuk if
When I asked interviewees about the decor in Chinese restau- they were lucky—on special occasions, such as entrance ceremonies,
rants, almost all of them answered that they were too red. This was graduation ceremonies, birthdays, Children’s Day, etc. This is because
followed by observations that Chinese restaurants were unclean. people rarely ate out, and when they did, Chinese restaurants were
Specifically, they said that Chinese restaurants were, by and large, their favorite places to go, perhaps because the food was seen as
small, dark, dirty, and so on. A woman in her forties said that when exotic and inexpensive. In the 1980s, even though Chinese restau-
she thought of Chinese restaurants, cockroaches came to mind. rants began to lose their dominant position as a favorite place for eat-
When I asked whether or not she had actually seen cockroaches at ing out, with this trend strengthening since the 1990s, people still feel
Chinese restaurants, she answered that even though she had not seen affection towards Chinese food, especially jajangmyeon. Jajangmyeon
them, she had heard such stories many times. It seems that such sto- is a favorite food for Korean soldiers and overseas Koreans, in partic-
ries form a stereotype that is attached to Chinese restaurants. This ular, who cannot easily eat it. Thus it can be said that jajangmyeon is
attitude towards Chinese restaurants seems to be closely related to a representative Korean dish, along with kimchi, bulgogi, doenjang
the declining preference among young people. The survey of the X jjigae, and others.20
generation in Seoul shows that when respondents choose restaurants, By examining the appearance of jajangmyeon as the theme or
though they mostly value the quality of the food (36.1%), they also subject in various literary works, including novels, poems, children’s
give high priority to atmosphere (17.6%), quality of service (12.6%), stories, comic books, and essays, we can recognize how deeply Chi-
and hygiene (11.9%). When college students ate out with friends,
atmosphere was the third highest deciding factor (13.0%), right
behind taste (54.7%) and price (25.5%). When they went on dates, 20. It can be said that jajangmyeon is closely related with Korean identity. The rela-
tionship between eating and identities is one of the hot topics of anthropological
however, atmosphere was reported as the most important factor in
research. Various studies have been carried out on the relationship between food
choosing restaurants (52.7%), followed by taste (32.1%) and price and ethnicity/nationality. For example, several works deal with the overview of
(7.6%). In both cases, hygiene was the fourth most important factor national cuisine, the creation of national cuisine, and interactions between nation-
(Kim and Jeong 2001). In conclusion, the preference for Chinese al or ethnic identity and national or ethnic food: an overview of Vietnamese food
and identity (Poulain 1997); a close relationship between kimchi and Korean iden-
restaurants cannot help but fall, given the circumstances that a high
tity (Han 1994; Ju 1994); the creation of Indian national cuisine (Appadurai 1988)
percentage of people highly value atmosphere and hygiene. and French cuisine (Trubek 2000); bento and Japanese identity (Noguchi 1994);
In spite of these negative images, Chinese food and restaurants the relationship between keeping kosher and Jewish identity among Jews in Den-
mark (Buckster 1999), etc. Several studies also deal with the Chinese food’s rela-
tionship with Chinese identity. For example, Tam (2002) pays attention to the
19. Other characteristics of Chinese food that constitute negative images are the close relationship between yumcha and Hong Kong identity among Hong Kong
overuse of artificial flavors and high cholesterol. Even though these aspects of Chi- immigrants in Australia. Tan (2001) deals with the food culture and identity of
nese food are frequently pointed out in columns and articles about health or Chi- Chinese-Malaysians.
nese food, my interviewees and respondents in Min’s study never mentioned It also can be said that jajangmyeon has become a part of Korean food culture
them. I think that because they were young, they were relatively unconcerned (Kim 2001). Similar points are made regarding Chinese food in Japan (Cheung
with these aspects. 2002; Tamotsu 2001), in the Philippines (Fernandez 2002).
76 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2005 Jajangmyeon and Junggukjip 77

nese food has put down roots in Korean people’s lives.21 Jajangmyeon and cultural commodities were published or released in the late
was also used as the theme of a commercial film for a telecommuni- 1990s and after, and the majority of those who enjoy or buy them are
cation company and a song performed by a popular singer.22 In addi- young people, usually between their teens and thirties. Furthermore,
tion, junggukjip and jajangmyeon have appeared in Korean movies.23 the Internet users who actively expressed their opinions regarding the
We can also identify Korean people’s attachment to jajangmyeon pronunciation of jajangmyeon are of similar ages. That is, jajang-
in the controversy over the pronunciation of jajangmyeon. As noted myeon still means a great deal to Korean people, including the young.
in the beginning of this paper, many people objected to the new rules
of Korean spelling because they believed jjajangmyeon was the cor-
rect way to spell and pronounce the word, rather than jajangmyeon. I Diversification of Chinese Restaurants
browsed Internet sites to see how people feel about this issue. The
dominant majority of people preferred jjajangmyeon to jajangmyeon. Chinese restaurants can be divided broadly into two categories: large,
The responses were very emotional. The following post by an Inter- luxurious ones, and small, simple ones. However, even though the
net user represents those responses well. size, location, variety of menu items, and purpose of use differ
between them, their image and food served are still similar. Broadly
I eat jjajangmyeon but not jajangmyeon. speaking, Chinese cuisine is divided into several basic regional types,
Ever since my childhood, I have eaten and loved jjajangmyeon. such as Shandong, Sichuan, Guangdong, Shanghai, etc. These basic
But one day, all of a sudden, I was told that jjajangmyeon was not regional cuisines are further divided into many local cuisines, and
jjajangmyeon but jajangmyeon. this wide variety is one of the remarkable characteristics of Chinese
I was dumbfounded.
cuisine. This diversity does not appear in Koreanized Chinese cui-
I don’t eat jajangmyeon. In the first place, the name itself is tasteless.
sine, however. Since most Chinese-Koreans came from Shandong
I want to eat delicious jjajangmyeon, but I don’t want to eat jajang-
province, the Koreanized Chinese cuisine that they have made is
myeon.
based on Shandong cuisine. Therefore, even though the menus differ
between restaurants, the basic taste is the same. The image of Chi-
Something that caught my attention is that all these literary works
nese restaurants has been a very stereotypical one—a dimly-lit interi-
or decorated in strong red tones, Chinese characters on the walls,
beaded hanging screens, and so on. This monotonous decor has been
21. The examples of literary works are as follows: Jjajangmyeon, an essay by An Do-
changing, however.
hyeon (2000); Haengbok-eul mandeuneun jjajangmyeon, an essay by Bak Gwon-
yong (1998); Jjajangmyeon, a children’s story by Bak Jae-hyeop and Jo Min-yeong The swell in international exchanges of people and materials is
(2003), and Sesang-eseo jeil madinneun jjajangmyeon, a children’s story by Kwak the chief factor that has resulted in changes to Chinese restaurants.
Jae-gu (1996); Jjajangmyeon, a comic book by Bak Ha and Kim Jae-yeon (2000). In Korea, in the mid-1980s, those exchanges were rapidly increasing.
22. In the commercial film, “Sinsegi tongsin 017,” a jajangmyeon deliveryman played
Around that time, fast food restaurants, such as McDonald’s, KFC,
a major role, and jajangmyeon was the subject of a song, “Eomeonimkke” (To
Mother), by “god” (a popular Korean boy band). and Burger King, were expanding in Korea, and the number of Kore-
23. Both Bukgyeong Banjeom (Beijing Restaurant) and Sinjang gae-eop (A Growing an people who experienced foreign culture, including food culture,
Business) were released in 1999. The former was about the blood-and-tears started to increase rapidly. An important occasion for changing Chi-
endeavors of the restaurateur and employees, and the latter was a cult comedy
movie set in a Chinese restaurant.
nese restaurants was Korea’s establishment of diplomatic relations
78 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2005 Jajangmyeon and Junggukjip 79

with the People’s Republic of China in 1992. As globalization has (jingjyangreo-usseu), (ggungbojiding), etc.26 Another critical
progressed recently,24 international exchanges of people and materi- feature of the menu is that there are few familiar dishes on the menu,
als have also speeded up. Not only have many people tasted “authen- for example, jajangmyeon, jjamppong, and tangsuyuk. Second, gas
tic” Chinese food in mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong, but ranges are installed in the centers of the tables, which is unusual for
they have also experienced Chinese food in other countries, such as a Chinese restaurant. This is because this restaurant’s specialty is a
the United States, Canada, England, Singapore, Malaysia, etc. while dish named hwogwo ( ), also known as Chinese-style sinseollo or
touring, studying abroad, traveling on business, or working in foreign syabeu syabeu. Not only is this dish new and unusual in Korea, it is
companies or foreign branches. These experiences have created also served at specialty restaurants in China. The diner boils a light,
demands for various kinds of Chinese cuisine and restaurants. The milky-colored stock and a spicy, red stock in the round pan with an
responses to these demands have been realized in several ways. s-shaped partition in the middle on the range. Then they lightly cook
Firstly, some restaurants stress their authenticity. A common fea- various kinds of meat, mainly sliced lamb and beef, vegetables, tofu,
ture of these restaurants is that they bring chefs over from Hong dumplings, and noodles in either of the stocks, depending on their
Kong, Taiwan, or China. In terms of differences among them, some taste. The cooked food is then dipped in sauce and eaten. Third,
have connections to Hong Kong and maintain very modern appear- small Korean and Chinese flags hang side by side on the wall and
ances different from the image of traditional Koreanized Chinese partitions. According to the manager, the restaurant was established
restaurants,25 while others advertise their connections to mainland in 1999 with a 320,000-dollar investment from China. Thus, it seems
China. The restaurant discussed below is an example of how authen- that the flags symbolize the partnership between the two countries.
ticity is sold by restaurants and bought by consumers. I first visited this restaurant on the recommendation of a friend
J restaurant is in a building occupied by dozens of stores located who knew that I liked hwogwo. As far as he knew, J restaurant was
on the border of a business and residential area. The restaurant sign- the best place to eat hwogwo in Korea. When I first visited the restau-
board is too featureless to indicate that there is anything special about rant in 2001, I was struck by the fact that most of the customers were
the restaurant. Inside the restaurant, however, several points differ- Chinese. Initially, I thought the dishes would be too expensive for
entiate it from other Chinese restaurants. First, large photos of dishes migrant laborers from China, but as it turned out, most of the diners
labeled with the names hang on the walls. This presumes that cus- were officials from the Chinese Embassy in Seoul or businessmen
tomers are not familiar with some of the dishes served in this restau- who went there for a taste of home. Two or three years later, though,
rant, and indeed, you can find unfamiliar names on the menu. Any- the majority of customers were Koreans. Some went there to taste
one who has tried Chinese food in China, however, would know “different” Chinese dishes, some who had traveled to China wanted
some of them. The names of the dishes are further presented with to consume their “memory” of life in China, and others went to taste
their Chinese characters and the mandarin pronunciation spelled out “mainland China.”27
in Korean in parentheses, for example, (gwoboreo-u),
26. The phonetic transcriptions of Chinese into Korean on the menu are not in accor-
dance with standard rules. They are close to the actual pronunciations in northern
24. Globalization is based on the rapid increase of economic, social, technological, and China.
cultural exchanges crossing national and cultural boundaries. 27. The manager told me that a professor of Chinese literature had brought along his
25. The connections are diverse, ranging from joint venture and partnership to fran- students to let them taste “authentic” food of mainland China. I also brought along
chise. Lotus Garden, Mr. Chow and Jackie’s Kitchen belong to this category. friends and students of mine a few times to that purpose.
80 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2005 Jajangmyeon and Junggukjip 81

Secondly, some Chinese restaurants serve Chinese dishes that found in almost every Chinese restaurant in Korea. On the one hand,
have been localized in foreign countries, for example, the United X restaurant tries to keep its identity as Chinese by using these col-
States, Malaysia, and Singapore, and are new to Korean society. Let ors. On the other hand, however, it intends to distinguish itself from
us take a look at an American-style Chinese restaurant briefly. C other Chinese restaurants by using a deeper shade of red and gold.
restaurant is more or less a cafeteria that serves several simple dishes On the menu, the names of dishes are written differently from the
and shares many common features with such restaurants in the Unit- patterns usually found in Chinese restaurants, and unfamiliar dishes
ed States. For example, it is located in the food court of a shopping are also listed. The names are written in English with their Korean
mall, and its menu is very similar, including serving fortune cookies meanings in parentheses. For example, such well known dishes as
for dessert.28 eohyang gaji ( ) is written as “Eggplant with Minced Pork
X restaurant identifies itself on its signboard as “Chinese Cuisine (maekomhan gaji-wa dajin dwaeji gogi),” and dongpayuk ( ) is
Specializing in Singaporean Seafood,” and as “the First Singaporean written as “Steamed Pork with Herbs (samgyeopsal jjim). Both dish-
Chinese Restaurant in Korea.” However, this restaurant is not exactly es, however, differ slightly in their recipes and tastes from ordinary
Singaporean. The owner admitted in an interview that advertising the versions. There are also Southeast Asian Chinese dishes, such as
restaurant as “Singaporean” was a marketing strategy. He said that “Steamed Fish in Soy Sauce” (ganjang soseu-ui hwareo jjim), “Fried
Chinese dishes in Southeast Asian countries were similar to Hokkien Kuey Teow in Seafood” (ssalguksu haemul bokkeum),” and so on.
cuisine, as they share such characteristics as the abundant use of Furthermore, some ingredients, such as spiced and salted seafood,
seafood and their own salted seafood and spices. He brought all the are partly imported from the Southeast Asian region. The final char-
chefs from Indonesia, not only because their wages were low com- acteristic of this restaurant I would like to point out is that jajang-
pared to Singaporeans, but also because the cuisine they cook was myeon, jjamppong, and tangsuyuk are not included on the menu, just
not very different from Singaporean cuisine. like J restaurant.
X restaurant differentiates itself from traditional Koreanized Chi- Customer composition is another characteristic that says a lot
nese restaurants, maintaining its identity as a Chinese restaurant with about this restaurant. Initially, the customers mainly consisted of
modern Singaporean colors. As far as interior design is concerned, acquaintances of the owner and those who lived near the restaurant
the restaurant boasts red wallpaper, large framed mirrors and gold- and were sensitive to new trends. As the restaurant came to be wide-
colored partitions, and hangings made from small red pieces of paper ly known, a steady customer base was formed. The owner said, “The
on which the Chinese character, fu ( , bok in Korean), is written customers are those who studied abroad, and thus have fond memo-
upside down.29 Red and gold are favorite Chinese colors and can be ries of the food they ate in Chinatowns, or who had been in the ser-
vice of branch offices in Southeast Asian countries, or who had fre-
quently traveled on business and so were familiar with foreign cui-
sine.” This characteristic is reflected in the age and sex distribution of
28. Its menu includes Vegetable Fried Rice, Shrimp Fried Rice, Chicken Lo Mein, Beef
with Garlic Sauce, Mongolian Beef, General Tao’s Chicken, Shrimp with Broccoli,
the steady customers who are mostly men in their late thirties and
etc. That you are supposed to eat these dishes with soda or coffee is also a com- forties. Another new type of Chinese restaurant is the fusion restau-
mon feature with such restaurants in the United States. I personally enjoyed eating rant. The term “fusion” began to be used regularly in music in the
Beef with Garlic Sauce with a Coke when I was in the United States.
1970s, and was then expanded to art, fashion, architecture, and food.
29. This character means “good fortune.” Hanging it upside down means that one
wishes to be blessed by catching any good fortune that falls. Fusion food can be simply defined as food made from the combina-
82 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2005 Jajangmyeon and Junggukjip 83

tion of ingredients or recipes belonging to different cultures.30 Fusion oriental medicine), hwaiteu ssoseu-ui ssalguksu sae-u twigim (fried
food first appeared in North America in the 1980s and became a prawn & rice noodle with white sauce), and others. Thus, this is a
more or less general phenomenon in the 1990s. This cultural phe- fusion “Chinese” restaurant. The manager of the restaurant said,
nomenon is closely related to globalization, which began in earnest “You have to serve foods whose national identities are clear and add
in Korea in the late 1990s (Yi 2000). We can understand this trend twenty or so percent of fusion food. If you serve them fifty-fifty, then
better by looking at an example of a fusion Chinese restaurant.31 the restaurant becomes unidentifiable. Fusion restaurants began in
Let us take M restaurant as an example. Both externally and earnest only three years ago. Those restaurants that served unidenti-
internally, the restaurant does not look Chinese. The outer walls are fiable foods were all driven out of business.”
made up of large panes of glass covered in green canvas. The name It seems that this restaurant’s thriving business was partly due to
of the restaurant is printed on the canvas in small letters. From the the increasing influence of health discourse in the late 1990s. Some
outside, it looks Western in style. The interior is decorated with red customers said that the food tasted too flat and light because, accord-
cloth, bamboo trees, small Asian (not just Chinese) decorative objects, ing to the manager, they used as little artificial seasonings as possible
and a large aquarium. The interior decor and the tableware is a mix- and tried to make the food less greasy in order to keep it healthier.
ture of Chinese and Japanese styles. The kitchen is partitioned off by She said, however, that most customers preferred this method of
large panes of glass. The most remarkable feature of this restaurant is cooking.32 Wine might also contribute heavily to the restaurant’s suc-
a large wine cellar equipped with a thermostat. To sum it up, the cess. That is partly because people think that drinking wine is good
style of the restaurant is fusion. for their health, and partly because many people think that wine is
There are three menus—an ordinary menu, a dinner course an indispensable part of food culture. They also tend to think that
menu, and a wine menu. On the menus, the names of dishes are knowledge of wine is a yardstick for their social status.33 Considering
written in Korean with English translation in parentheses. Some dish- that the restaurant is located in Cheongdam-dong, a representative
es are well-known, such as ohyang jangnyuk (sliced steamed pork business and residential area for the well-to-do in Seoul, the restau-
with five flavors), haemul nurungji tang (scorched rice soup with rant attracts those who want to identify their high social status
mixed seafood), and mapa dubu (sauteed bean curd with minced through the consumption of wine.
meat in hot sauce). Around twenty percent of all the dishes are not Chinese restaurants and foods are changing to satisfy the diverse
traditional but newly invented fusion dishes, which include dong- needs of customers. The two directions of changes I have discussed
chung hacho tongsangeo jineureomi jjim (steamed shark’s fin with above are “authenticity” and “exoticness.” As Korean society becomes

30. According to this definition, the Koreanized, Americanized and Singaporeanized 32. She talked to me about the ways people’s concerns about food have changed in
Chinese foods mentioned above are all said to be fusion food. However, the trans- Korean society. The most important thing in the 1970s was eating their fill. People
formations undergone by these foods usually took place in the process of adapting began to care about the taste of foods in the 1980s. Quality became a matter of
foreign food to the tastes of local people. The differences we can find among concern in the 1990s. Since the late 1990s, people’s primary concern has turned to
McDonald’s restaurants in Korea, China, Germany and the United States are the health.
results of adaptation, rather than fusion. 33. The proper consumption of wine by and large presupposes the acquisition of cul-
31. Generally speaking, there are two kinds of fusion restaurants. One kind of restau- tural knowledge. For many Korean people, therefore, the consumption of wine
rant serves dishes whose nationalities are mostly unidentifiable. The other deals functions as an important constituent of class identities that they have at present
with a majority of dishes that have a clear identity, while only a minority of them or intend to have in the future (personal communication with Professor Bak Sang-
are fusion. mee).
84 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2005 Jajangmyeon and Junggukjip 85

globalized and modernized, people’s experiences, direct or indirect, the majority of them responded that jajangmyeon is Korean because
are more diversified. Some look for restaurants that serve foods simi- they too had heard that there was no jajangmyeon in China.
lar to what they enjoyed when they were in China. Some want to The other issue I raised is pronunciation. Is it jajangmyeon or jja-
eat foods that are the same as what they had when they were in jangmyeon? I browsed Internet sites to see how people feel about this
Malaysia or Singapore on business, or what they enjoyed when they issue. Most people responded very emotionally. Some argued that
were in New York or Los Angeles as students. Still others want to pronouncing it as jajangmyeon could not express the familiar taste
consume authenticity, exoticness, or modernity in Chinese restau- and feeling of jjajangmyeon. Some went even farther, arguing that as
rants regardless of their own experiences. Whatever needs or desires long as the glottalized sounds existed in Korean language, jja-
people have, it is certain that they cannot be satisfied with the tradi- jangmyeon had to be jjajangmyeon, not jajangmyeon. They even
tional Koreanized Chinese foods and restaurants. This is why new cursed the Korean linguists who framed the new rules of Korean
styles of Chinese restaurants come into being, and still new ones are spelling.
forming. People’s opinions and responses to these issues show how suc-
cessfully Chinese cuisine, as represented by jajangmyeon, has been
localized in Korean society. First, it was cooked, sold, and consumed
Conclusion by Chinese-Koreans. Then, it was mostly cooked and sold by Chi-
nese-Koreans and consumed by Koreans. Lastly, all those processes
Let me return to the issues I raised at the beginning of this paper. came to be dominated by Koreans from the late 1970s. Until the
The first issue is whether Korean people think jajangmyeon, which 1970s, Chinese food was the only foreign food (or food with foreign
represents Koreanized Chinese cuisine, is a Korean food or a Chinese origins) that ordinary Korean people could easily enjoy. It was also
food. Most Korean people would assume that jajangmyeon is Chi- the only food that could be delivered. They consumed exoticness,
nese, because they know it was first made and sold by Chinese-Kore- convenience, and self-respect (see note 16) through Chinese food.
ans and was not a traditional Korean dish. Since the early 1990s, this Even until the 1980s, Chinese food had maintained a dominant posi-
situation has changed as Koreans have begun to visit China. Those tion as the item for eating out (including delivery) in everyday life. It
who visited China were hoping to find jajangmyeon in its original seems that those who were young during that period felt a strong
Chinese form, because they cherished the memories of jajangmyeon emotional attachment to Chinese food.
from their youth. Even one of the Korean broadcasting companies However, since the 1990s, the situation has changed. Chinese
made a documentary program titled, “In Search of the Origin of food now has to compete with pizza, hamburgers, and fried chicken
Jajangmyeon” (Ju 2000, 18). The result of such endeavors was that for the position of children’s favorite food. Even though Chinese food
no such food as jajangmyeon was found in China. This led to the as represented by jajangmyeon still arouses people’s strong affection,
argument that jajangmyeon was already a Korean food. In order to the dominant position of Chinese food and restaurants as a source of
verify how people were thinking about this issue, I searched through exoticness has been losing ground. Competition with Japanese and
Internet portal sites. The dominant opinion was that jajangmyeon Western foods and restaurants grew intense in the 1990s. Recently,
had originated in China and was thus a Chinese food, even if it was chiefly due to globalization, the list of competitors has expanded
so transformed and localized that it was no longer recognizably Chi- greatly, including Vietnamese, Thai, Indian, Italian, French, Italian,
nese. Then, I asked those around me about this issue. Surprisingly, Mexican, and fusion. People consume the various ethnic foods men-
86 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2005 Jajangmyeon and Junggukjip 87

tioned above in order to establish and reinforce their modernized, ryuhak (Kimchi, Food for Koreans: the Cultural Anthropology of Kim-
globalized, or high-class identities. This trend, along with Korea’s chi). Seoul: Gonggan.
establishment of diplomatic relations with the PRC, brought about ____________. 2000. Jungguk, junggugin, jungguk eumsik (China, Chinese, Chi-
nese Food). Seoul: Chaeksesang.
changes to Chinese foods and restaurants. They too have diversified.
Kim, Hui-seon, and Jeong Jin-eun. 2001. “Seoul sinae daehaksaeng-ui oesik
American-, Malaysian-, Singaporean-, and fusion-styles of Chinese
haengdong-e gwanhan josa yeongu” (A Study on the Eating Out Behav-
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____________. 2001. “Contested Terrain of Imagination: Chinese Food in
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GLOSSARY

bok Shanghai(Ch.)
gopbbaegi Sichuan (Ch.)
Guangdong (Ch.) sinseollo
hwagyo sinto buri
oesik saneop syabeu syabeu
Shandong (Ch.)

(Ch.: Chinese)