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CAMBRIDGE LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES

EDITORS
MALCOLM DEAS CLIFFORD T. SMITH
JOHN STREET

26
LAND AND LABOUR
IN
LATIN AMERICA
 THE SERIES
1 SIMON COLLIER. Ideas and Politics of Chilean Independence,
1808-1833
2 MICHAEL P. COSTELOE. Church Wealth in Mexico: A study of the
Juzgado de Capellanias in the Archbishopric of Mexico, 1800—1856
3 PETER CALVERT. The Mexican Revolution, 1910-1914: The
Diplomacy of Anglo-American Conflict
4 RICHARD GRAHAM. Britain and the Onset of Modernization in
Brazil, 1850—1914
5 HERBERT S. KLEIN. Parties and Political Change in Bolivia,
1880-1952
6 LESLIE BETHELL. The Abolition of the Brazilian Slave Trade:
Britain, Brazil and the Slave Trade Question, 1807—1869
7 DAVID BARKIN and TIMOTHY KING. Regional Economic
Development: The River Basin Approach in Mexico
8 CELSO FURTADO. Economic Development of Latin America: Historical
Background and Contemporary Problems (second edition)
9 WILLIAM PAUL McGREEVEY. An Economic History of Colombia,
1845-1930
10 D. A. BRADING. Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico, 1763—1810
11 JAN BAZANT. Alienation of Church Wealth in Mexico: Social and
Economic Aspects of the Liberal Revolution, 1856—1875
12 BRIAN R. HAMNETT. Politics and Trade in Southern Mexico, 1750-
1821
13 J. VALERIE FIFER. Bolivia: Land, Location, and Politics since 1825
14 PETER GERHARD. A Guide to the Historical Geography of New Spain
15 P. J. BAKEWELL. Silver Mining and Society in Colonial Mexico,
Zacatecas 1564—1700
16 KENNETH R. MAXWELL. Conflicts and Conspiracies: Brazil and
Portugal, 1750-1808
17 VERENA MARTINEZ-ALIER. Marriage, Class and Colour in
Nineteenth-Century Cuba: A Study of Racial Attitudes and Sexual Values
in a Slave Society
18 TULIO HALPERIN-DONGHI. Politics, Economics and Society in
Argentina in the Revolutionary Period
19 DAVID ROCK. Politics in Argentina 1890-1930: The Rise and Fall of
Radicalism
20 MARIO GONGORA. Studies in the Colonial History of Spanish America
21 ARNOLD J. BAUER. Chilean Rural Society from the Spanish Conquest
to 1930
22 JAMES LOCKHART and ENRIQUE OTTE. Letters and People of the
Spanish Indies: The Sixteenth Century
23 LESLIE B. ROUT Jr. The History of the African in Spanish America
from 1502 to the Present Day
24 JEAN A. MEYER. TTie Cristero Rebellion: The Mexican People between
Church and State, 1926—1929
25 STEFAN DE VYLDER. Allende's Chile: The Political Economy of the
Rise and Fall of the Unidad Popular
 LAND AND LABOUR IN
LATIN AMERICA
ESSAYS ON
THE DEVELOPMENT OF AGRARIAN CAPITALISM
IN THE NINETEENTH AND TWENTIETH CENTURIES

EDITED BY
KENNETH DUNCAN andlAN RUTLEDGE
with the collaboration of
COLIN HARDING

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

CAMBRIDGE
LONDON • NEW YORK • MELBOURNE
 CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao Paulo, Delhi

Cambridge University Press

The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK

Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York

www. Cambridge. org

Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521212069

© Cambridge University Press 1977

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception

and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.

First published 1977

This digitally printed version 2008

A catalogue recordfor this publication is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data

Main entry under title:
Land and labour in Latin America.
(Cambridge Latin American studies; 26)
Includes index.
1. Haciendas - Latin America - Addresses, essays, lectures.
2. Agricultural laborers - Latin America - Addresses, essays, lectures.
3. Latin America - Rural conditions - Addresses, essays, lectures.
I. Duncan, Kenneth, 1944- II. Rutledge, Ian. III. Harding, Colin. IV. Series.
HD1471.L3L36 338.1'098 76-11076

ISBN 978-0-521-21206-9 hardback

ISBN 978-0-521-09320-0 paperback
 CONTENTS

page
List of tables viii
List of figures xi
List of maps xii
Acknowledgements xiii

1 Introduction: patterns of agrarian capitalism in Latin America i

PART I: T H E T R A N S I T I O N FROM T R A D I T I O N A L
HACIENDA TO CAPITALIST E S T A T E 21

2 Hacienda profits and tenant farming in the Mexican Bajio,

1700-1860
DAVID BRADING 23
3 Landlord, labourer, and tenant in San Luis Potosi, northern
Mexico, 1822-1910
JAN BAZANT 59
4 Land and labour in rural Chile, 1850-1935
ARNOLD BAUER and ANN HAGERMAN JOHNSON 83
5 The development of the Chilean hacienda system, 1850-1973
CRISTOBAL KAY 103
6 Relations of production in Andean haciendas: Peru
JUAN MARTINEZ ALIER 14 1
7 The formation of the coffee estate in nineteenth-century
Costa Rica
CIRO F. S. CARDOSO 165
PART II: T H E D E V E L O P M E N T OF A P L A N T A T I O N
ECONOMY WITH LABOUR R E C R U I T M E N T FROM
H I G H L A N D PEASANT C O M M U N I T I E S 203
8 The integration of the highland peasantry into the sugar cane
economy of northern Argentina, 1930—43
IAN RUTLEDGE 205
vi Contents
9 The social and economic consequences of modernization in the
Peruvian sugar industry, 1870-1930
PETER KLAREN 229
10 The dynamics of Indian peasant society and migration to coastal
plantations in central Peru
HENRI FAVRE 253
11 A Colombian coffee estate: Santa Barbara, Cundinamarca,
1870-1912
MALCOLM DEAS 269

PART III: T H E D E V E L O P M E N T OF
C O M M E R C I A L A G R I C U L T U R E USING E U R O P E A N
IMMIGRANT LABOUR 299
12 The coffee colono of Sao Paulo, Brazil: migration and
mobility, 1880-1930
THOMAS H. HOLLOWAY 301
13 The cereal boom and changes in the social and political
structure of Santa Fe, Argentina, 1870—95
EZEQUIEL GALLO 323

PART IV: T H E T R A N S I T I O N FROM SLAVE

P L A N T A T I O N TO CAPITALIST P L A N T A T I O N 343
14 The consequences of modernization for Brazil's sugar
plantations in the nineteenth century
PETER L. EISENBERG 345
15 From bangue to usina: social aspects of growth and modernization
in the sugar industry of Pernambuco, Brazil, 18 50-1920
JAIME REIS 369
16 The evolution of rural wage labour in the Cauca Valley of
Colombia, 1700-1970
MICHAEL TAUSSIG 397
17 The post-emancipation origins of the relationships between the
estates and the peasantry in Trinidad
BRIAN BLOUET 435

PART V: POSTSCRIPT 453

18 Latin American 'landlords' and 'peasants' and the outer
world during the national period
MAGNUS MORNER 455
 Contents vii
19 Abstracts of other papers 483
Glossary of Spanish and Portuguese terms used in the text 490
Weights and measures 502
Notes on contributors 503
Indexes Subjects 507
Authors 530
 TABLES

1 Hacienda Juchitlan and Los Panales: production and income, page

1752-72 ^ 34
2 Hacienda San Jose de Duarte: inventory, January 1758 39
3 Hacienda San Jose de Duarte: accounts rendered, 1811-18 41
4 Hacienda San Jose de Duarte: maize production and sales,
1811-18 42
5 Hacienda San Jose de Duarte: maize consumption, 1811-18 42
6 Hacienda Sauz de Armenta: inventory, June 1823 49
7 Hacienda Sauz de Armenta: accounts, 1827—39 52
8 Hacienda Sauz de Armenta: maize production and sales,
1827-38 53
9 Hacienda Sauz de Armenta: maize consumption, 1827-38 53
10 Number of haciendas and ranchos in the State of Guanajuato,
1810-1910 54
11 Land distribution in La Ligua, 1854 85
12 Land distribution in San Felipe, 1854 85
13 Land distribution in Caupolican, 1854 86
14 Annual income of rural properties in central Chile, 1854 &7
15 Annual income of rural properties in central Chile, 1874 87
16 Land distribution in La Ligua, 1854 anc* 1923 90
17 Land distribution in San Felipe, 1854, I 9 I 7? a n d X9^5 91
18 Land distribution in Caupolican, 1854 an<^ I 9 I 7 92
19 Land distribution in central Chile, 1917 and 1935 93
20 Composition of the rural labour force in central Chile, 1935 97
21 Estimates of dwarf holdings in central Chile, 1881, 1935, and
1965 99
22 Total average annual exports of Chilean wheat and flour,
1844-5 to 1901-5 109
23 Chile: rates of annual growth of wheat production by region,
1860-1908 109
24 Chile: annual population growth rate by region, 1865-1907 109
25 Distribution of total cultivated land in the hacienda system of
central Chile, according to type of tenements, in 1965 116
 Tables ix
26 Labour structure of the hacienda enterprise in central Chile,
1965 117
27 Average labour cost per day worked by different labour
categories employed by the hacienda enterprise in central Chile,
1965 119
28 Earnings per man-day and per year of tenants and wage
labourers in central Chile, 1965 121
29 Chile: distribution of farms according to size, 1965 and 1972 128
30 Disposal of terrenos baldios in Costa Rica, 1584-1890 172
31 Disposal of terrenos baldios in Costa Rica, by province,
1584-1890 172
32 Monthly wage rates for peones and jornaleros in the Meseta
Central, Costa Rica, 1844 to 1869-70 17 8
33 Costa Rica: population growth, 1801-1904 179
34 Costa Rica: introduction of new coffee-processing machinery in
the nineteenth century 187
35 Costa Rica: coffee exports as a percentage of total exports,
1885-1900 189
36 Salta and Jujuy: area cultivated with sugar cane, by ingenio,
1930 and 1940 212
37 Haciendas in the provinces of Salta and Jujuy controlled by the
Patron Costas family and associates, c. 1930-49 217
38 Peruvian sugar exports, 1877-1940 238
39 Number of workers, hours of labour, and wages in the Peruvian
sugar industry, 1912-36 244
40 Hacienda Santa Barbara: coffee exports, 1886-1907 292
41 Hacienda Santa Barbara: proceeds of sales of coffee in
London, 1886-99. 294
42 Total immigration into Santos, 1886-1935 304
43 Santos immigration and Sao Paulo immigrant hostel movement,
1901-5 to 1916-20 305
44 Sao Paulo: rural properties in the western plateau, by country
of origin of owner, 1905 3*4
45 Sao Paulo: land ownership by country of origin of owner, 1920 315
46 Sao Paulo: coffee ownership in the western plateau, by country
of origin of owner, 1923 317
47 Santa Fe: population by region, 1869 and 1887 329
48 Santa Fe: places of origin of inhabitants, 1887 330
49 Santa Fe: social and occupational structure, 1887 332
50 Santa Fe: social and occupational structure of the wheat- and
wool-producing regions, 1887 335
x Tables
51 Sugar prices and values, 1841-5 to 1906-10 347
52 Brazilian export earnings, 1841-5 to 1906-10 352
53 Pernambuco: sugar production, income, and cost of living,
1872-1920 383
54 Pernambuco: daily wages for skilled workers in bangues, 1876
and 1905 387
 FIGURES

page
an<
1 Central Chile: distribution of rural income, 1854 ^ J ^74 89
2 Costa Rica: rural land transactions, 1782-1850 174
I
3 Costa Rica: coffee exports, 1853—1935 9°
4 Costa Rica: nominal coffee prices in the Meseta Central,
1853-1935 191
5 Northwest Argentina: percentage changes in sugar production,
1930-40 212
6 Salta and Jujuy: permanent and seasonal labour in sugar cane
plantations, 1937 220
7 Trinidad: alienation of Crown lands, 1840-1901 443
 MAPS

1 Latin America: location of study areas 2

2 Mexico 24
3 Mexico: the Bajio in the mid nineteenth century 26
4 Hacienda Otates y Tlachiquera 40
5 Hacienda Sauz de Armenta 48
6 Mexico: San Luis Potosi 61
7 Casco area: Hacienda de San Diego, c. 1910 62
8 Casco area: Hacienda de Bocas, c. 1890 66
9 Central Chile 84
10 Chile: provinces 108
11 Peru: the central Sierra 142
12 Costa Rica, c. 1900 166
13 Provinces of Argentina 206
14 Argentina: provinces of Salta and Jujuy 207
15 Peru: north coast sugar plantation areas, c. 1930 230
16 Peru: northern Huancavelica 254
17 Colombia 270
18 Colombia: Cundinamarca, c. 1890 272
19 Brazil: Sao Paulo, c. 1930 302
20 Argentina: province of Santa Fe, c. 1890 327
21 Northeast Brazil 346
22 Colombia: the southern Rio Cauca Valley 401
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Most of the papers collected in this volume were originally presented at a

Symposium, 'Landlord and Peasant in Latin America and the Caribbean', held
in December 1972 at King's College, Cambridge, under the joint auspices of the
Centre of Latin American Studies, University of Cambridge, and the Institute of
Latin American Studies, University of London, and with financial assistance of
the Joint Council for Latin American Studies of the American Social Science
Research Council.
More than for most books, it is true to say that innumerable people have
helped in one way or another with the preparation of this volume. Our special
thanks are due to the following: Professor Christopher Platt and his successor
as Director of the Centre of Latin American Studies at Cambridge, Dr Brian van
Arkadie; Dr Harold Blakemore of the Institute of Latin American Studies,
London; and Dr Bryce Wood of the Ford Foundation in New York. Hilary
Prior provided most valuable assistance not only in organizing the symposium
but also in the early preparation of the manuscript, a task which was later com-
pleted by Marion Piper. The maps, graphs, and plates were designed and pre-
pared by Ric Bryant, Chris Cromarty, and Alick Newman, whose invaluable
skill, advice and patience has been much appreciated. Malcolm Deas of St
Antony's College, Oxford, and the staff of the Cambridge University Press
have been extremely helpful and understanding at all stages of the preparation
of this book. Finally we would like to thank all those who participated in the
original meeting and those who have subsequently contributed to the volume;
their willingness to exchange ideas and to proffer and accept advice has not
only lightened our editorial load but also made it a rewarding and worthwhile
experience.
K. D. D.
I.R.
C. H. H.
 CHAPTER I

Introduction: patterns of agrarian

capitalism in Latin America

The development of capitalist agriculture has had a wide variety of

effects upon pre-existing agrarian societies in Latin America. The
forms it has assumed have in part been determined by variations in
such factors as climate, ecology, demographic structure and history,
ethnic patterns, and land tenure. The central theme of this volume
is that such variations, whilst important in explaining localized phen-
omena, should essentially be seen as aspects of a basic process of
change from one mode of production to another in the rural sector.
This is not of course a new idea, and indeed a number of writers,
especially in the fields of economic history and social anthropology, have
already dealt with many of the questions of particular relevance to the
theme of this volume. Broadly speaking, their various approaches can
be divided into three different levels of generalization. First, there are
those works principally concerned with identifying the general mode of
production in contemporary Latin American agriculture, in which the
argument has centred around the question of whether the social organiz-
ation of agriculture is essentially feudal or capitalist. Secondly, there is
a more limited amount of theoretical discussion relating to the different
types of agricultural enterprise to be found in Latin America, in which
the principal distinction is drawn between the hacienda and the planta-
tion. Finally, there is a very considerable body of literature dealing with
types of peasantry and rural labour, where discussion concentrates upon
the role-structure of rural economic life.

The mode of production in Latin American agriculture

It has been argued by many development theorists that the countries
of Latin America, and indeed most other developing nations, are in
a stage of transition between a 'traditional' and 'modern' society.
As this transition takes place, a kind of hybrid society is created
which displays the characteristics of 'structural dualism'.1 A society in
transition is therefore a 'dual society' containing two (or more)2 sec-
tors or sub-societies. For example, the French geographer Jacques
 Introduction

LATIN AMERICA
Location of
Study areas
Numbers refer to chapters

Map i

Lambert refers to an important group of countries in which there

exists 'a numerical balance . . . between two parts of the population,
of which one presents the characteristics of developed societies, and
the other those of archaic societies',3 and the American political
scientist C. W. Anderson describes the typical Latin American country
as containing 'specific enclaves of modernity and the prenational and
premodern remainder'.4 Referring specifically to Brazil, Lambert
states that a part of the population 'belongs fully to a developed
national society and state', but the remainder 'still displays the
 Patterns of agrarian capitalism 3
characteristics, almost intact in certain rural areas, of an archaic
culture which had disappeared in Western Europe several centuries
ago'.5
The traditional sector of the dual society is often assumed to be geogra-
phically isolated from the modern (and usually urban) zone, lacking
adequate transport facilities and communications.6 Production is
thought to be organized largely on a household basis, and firms and
formal credit mechanisms hardly exist.7 The economy is predominantly
agricultural, lacking integration into the national market and frequently
oriented towards subsistence activities.8 The stratification system is
portrayed as being extremely rigid and based mainly on ascribed roles
and statuses.9 Above all, the social and economic structure of the tradi-
tional society in Latin America is held to be dominated by the existence
of the archaic latifundio^ the vast, underutilized manorial estate which
is barely integrated into the national market but which provides its owner
with immense social and political power.10
Such is the view of Latin America's agrarian society held by those
writers who either explicitly or implicitly adopt the dualist perspective;
the only significant exception admitted is in references to the 'modern'
plantation agriculture of the coastal zones. It can be seen that particular
emphasis is laid upon the alleged lack of integration into the national
market, and it is often claimed that bringing about this integration would
result in the modernization of the latifundia system. This state of affairs
has been taken by some writers of the dualist school as evidence that
Latin America's rural society is essentially fuedal.11 The view that agri-
culture in Latin America is feudal or semi-feudal is also to be found in
the works of certain marxist writers, although it should be pointed out
that their argument has been based mainly on the apparent persistence
of serfdom within the latifundio system rather than on any belief that
this system is an economically isolated or closed one.12
The idea that rural society in Latin America is feudal has been strongly
criticized by A. G. Frank and others. Frank rejects the view that Latin
American agriculture was in any way outside the capitalist system. He
stresses that the agrarian economy of the region has been deeply involved
in the international market economy since the European Conquest,
and he concludes that Latin America had become thoroughly capitalist
as early as the sixteenth century.13 In his essay on Brazilian agriculture
he shows that the allegedly isolated and feudal northeastern region was
fully incorporated into a market economy, and he underlines the
importance of commercial agriculture in all parts of Brazil.
Clearly, for Frank, production for the market is taken to be the
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Zettel
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